Volume 62: Sima Qian

卷六十二司馬遷傳第三十二

Volume 62: Biography 32—Sima Qian.

昔在顓頊，命南正重司天，火正黎司地。唐、虞之際，紹重、黎之後，使復典之，至於夏、商，故重、黎氏世序天地。其在周，程伯林甫其後也。當宣王時，官失其守而為司馬氏。司馬氏世典周史。惠、襄之間，司馬氏適晉。晉中軍隨會奔魏，而司馬氏入少梁。

In Zhuanxu's day the throne assigned Chong the south rectifier to watch the heavens and Li the fire rectifier to watch the earth. Under Yao and Shun the lines of Chong and Li were restored to that charge, and through Xia and Shang their houses kept the ordering of heaven and earth. In Zhou times their descendant was Cheng Bo Linfu. Under King Xuan the old portfolio lapsed, and the family took the surname Sima. For generations the Simas kept Zhou's archives. Between Kings Hui and Xiang the family moved to Jin. When central commander Shi Hui of Jin fled to Wei, the Simas settled in Shaoliang.

自司馬氏去周適晉，分散，或在衛，或在趙，或在秦。其在衛者，相中山。在趙者，以傳劍論顯，蒯聵其後也。在秦者錯，與張儀爭論，於是惠王使錯將兵伐蜀，遂拔，因而守之。錯孫蘄，事武安君白起。而少梁更名夏陽。蘄與武安君坑趙長平軍，還而與之俱賜死杜郵，葬於華池。蘄孫昌，為秦王鐵官。當始皇之時，蒯聵玄孫卬為武信君將而徇朝歌。諸侯之相王，王卬於殷。漢之伐楚，卬歸漢，以其地為河內郡。昌生毋懌，毋懌為漢市長。毋懌生喜，喜為五大夫，卒，皆葬高門。喜生談，談為太史公。

After the Simas left Zhou for Jin the line split among Wei, Zhao, and Qin. The Wei branch produced a chancellor of Zhongshan. The Zhao line rose on fencing theory; Kuai Kui was of that stock. In Qin, Cuo crossed swords in debate with Zhang Yi; King Hui sent him to conquer Shu, which he held thereafter. Cuo's grandson Qi served Lord Wu'an, Bai Qi. Shaoliang was later renamed Xiayang. Qi helped Bai Qi slaughter the Zhao army at Changping; on the march home both were ordered to commit suicide at Duyou and were buried at Huachi. Qi's grandson Chang ran the royal foundries for the king of Qin. Under the First Emperor, Ang—fourth-generation descendant of Kuai Kui—served Lord Wuxin as a general and reduced Zhaoge. When the lords began proclaiming kings, Ang was enthroned in the Yin region. When Han struck Chu, Ang came over, and his lands were organized as Henei commandery. Chang's son Wu Yi became market commissioner under Han. Wu Yi's son Xi held fifth-rank grandee rank; father and son lie buried at Gaomen. Xi fathered Tan, who became grand scribe.

太史公學天官於唐都，受《易》於楊何，習道論於黃子。太史公仕於建元、元封之間，愍學者不達其意而師悖，乃論六家之要指曰：

The grand scribe studied astronomy under Tang Du, the Changes under Yang He, and Daoist theory under Master Huang. While serving between Jianyuan and Yuanfeng, the grand scribe grieved that students misunderstood the masters and took up confused teachers, and set out the gist of the six schools:

《易大傳》：「天下一致而百慮，同歸而殊塗。」夫陰陽、儒、墨、名、法、道德，此務為治者也。直所從言之異路，有省不省耳。嘗竊觀陰陽之術，大詳而眾忌諱，使人拘而多畏，然其敘四時之大順，不可失也。儒者博而寡要，勞而少功，是以其事難盡從，然其敘君臣、父子之禮，列夫婦、長幼之別，不可易也。墨者儉而難遵，是以其事不可偏循；然其強本節用，不可廢也。法家嚴而少恩，然其正君臣上下之分，不可改也。名家使人儉而善失真，然其正名實，不可不察也。道家使人精神專一，動合無形，澹足萬物。其為術也，因陰陽之大順，采儒、墨之善，撮名、法之要，與時遷徙，應物變化，立俗施事，無所不宜，指約而易操，事少而功多。儒者則不然，以為人主天下之儀表也，君唱臣和，主先臣隨。如此，則主勞而臣佚。至於大道之要，去健羨，黜聰明，釋此而任術。夫神大用則竭，形大勞則敝；神形蚤衰，欲與天地長久，非所聞也。

The Great Commentary says: "The empire shares one end though worries divide it; all roads lead home though routes differ." Yin-Yang, Confucian, Mohist, Sophist, Legalist, and Daoist teachings all aim at governing well. They differ only in how they argue the case—some see clearly, some do not. The Yin-Yang school piles detail and taboos until men shrink in fear, yet its calendar of the seasons must not be ignored. Confucians cast a wide net for thin gain—hard to follow wholesale—yet their map of ruler and subject, father and son, husband and wife, old and young cannot be set aside. Mohism is austere to the point of impracticality—not a program you can follow to the letter; yet their stress on fundamentals and thrift remains indispensable. Legalism is harsh and thin on mercy, yet its fix on hierarchy between throne and subject is not to be tampered with. The Sophists tie men in knots and blur truth, yet their discipline of matching names to things demands attention. Daoism gathers spirit into one, moves with the unseen pattern, and lets the myriad things find sufficiency in stillness. Their method rides the seasons' flow, borrows what is sound in Confucianism and Mohism, distills Legalist and Sophist essentials, moves with the times, answers each change, sets custom and policy with ease—few moves, great effect. Confucians read it differently: the ruler is the world's exemplar—he leads, ministers echo; he steps first, they trail. That leaves the sovereign worn out while his ministers rest easy. The great Dao's heart is to shed force and greed, dim cleverness, drop such burdens, and rule by method. Spirit spent to the limit runs dry; the body driven without rest breaks down; premature decay of body and soul is no path to matching heaven and earth in endurance.

夫陰陽，四時、八位、十二度、二十四節各有孝令，曰「順之者昌，逆之者亡」，未必然也，故曰「使人拘而多畏」。夫春生、夏長、秋收、冬藏，此天道之大經也，弗順，則無以為天下紀綱。故曰「四時之大順，不可失也」。

Yin-Yang heaps seasonal rules, eight stations, twelve divisions, twenty-four solar terms—each with its command that compliance brings fortune and defiance doom—which is not always true; hence "it binds men in fear." Spring sprouting, summer growth, autumn reaping, winter storing—that is heaven's main thread; ignore it and you cannot order the realm. Hence "the seasons' great order must never be neglected."

夫儒者，以六藝為法，六藝經傳以千萬數，累世不能通其學，當年不能究其禮。故曰「博而寡要，勞而少功」。若夫列君臣、父子之禮，序夫婦、長幼之別，雖百家弗能易也。

Confucians take the six arts as law; commentaries run to millions of words—generations cannot master them, nor one life their ritual detail. Hence "wide learning, thin gist; heavy labor, small yield." Yet for ordering ruler and subject, father and son, husband and wife, elder and child, no school can improve on them.

墨者亦上堯、舜，言其德行，曰「堂高三尺，土階三等，茅茨不剪，采椽不斫；飯土簋，歠土刑，糲梁之食，藜藿之羹；夏日葛衣，冬日鹿裘。」其送死，桐棺三寸，舉音不盡其哀。教喪禮，必以此為萬民率。故天下法若此，則尊卑無別也。夫世異時移，事業不必同，故曰「儉而難遵」也。要曰「強本節用」，則人給家足之道也。此墨子之所長，雖百家不能廢也。

Mohists too revere Yao and Shun, citing their ways: "halls three feet high, three earthen steps, unshorn thatch, unplaned rafters; meals from clay bowls, drink from clay cups, coarse grain, wild-greens soup; ramie in summer, deerskin in winter." For the dead they prescribe a three-inch paulownia coffin and mourning that stops short of full wail. They would make this the universal standard for burial rites. Were the realm to follow that rule, high and low could not be told apart. Times change and institutions with them—hence "austere and hard to live by." Yet "fortify the root and curb spending" is the road to plenty for every household. That is Mozi's strength, and no rival school may discard it.

法家不別親疏，不殊貴賤，一斷於法，則親親尊尊之恩絕矣，可以行一時之計，而不可長用也，故曰「嚴而少恩」。若尊主卑臣，明分職不得相逾越，雖百家不能改也。

Legalists cut kin and rank alike under one code, severing the bonds of family and deference—useful for a short fix, not for the long haul—hence "harsh and thin in mercy." Yet for exalting the ruler, humbling ministers, and fixing duties so none oversteps, no school offers a better frame.

名家苛察繳繞，使人不得反其意，剸決於名，時失人情，故曰「使人儉而善失真」。若夫控名責實，參伍不失，此不可不察也。

Sophists tie argument in knots until meaning is lost and feeling is bruised—hence "constricting and prone to falsify reality." Yet holding names to facts and cross-checking evidence is something no ruler can ignore.

道家無為，又曰無不為，其實易行，其辭難知。其術以虛無為本，以因循為用。無成勢，無常形，故能究萬物之情。不為物先後，故能為萬物主。有法無法，因時為業；有度無度，因物興捨。故曰「聖人不巧，時變是守」。虛者，道之常也；因者，君之綱也。群臣並至，使各自明也。其實中其聲者謂之端，實不中其聲者謂之款。款言不聽，奸乃不生，賢不肖自分，白黑乃形。在所欲用耳，何事不成！乃合大道，混混冥冥。光耀天下，復反無名。凡人所生者神也，所托者形也。神大用則竭，形大勞則敝，形神離則死。死者不可復生，離者不可復合，故聖人重之。

Daoism teaches nonaction yet claims nothing is left undone; the practice is simple, the words obscure. It roots in emptiness and works through yielding. Without fixed stance or shape, it can sound every thing's nature. It neither leads nor trails events, and so commands them all. Sometimes rule, sometimes leave off—each age sets the task; sometimes measure, sometimes not—things themselves tell you when to build or drop. Hence "the sage wields no cleverness; he only keeps pace with change." Emptiness is the constant of the Way; yielding is the ruler's guideline. When ministers all come forward, each must prove his own case. Fact that fits the claim is straight; fact that fails the claim is false. Reject empty speech and intrigue dies; worth and worthlessness sort themselves; truth and falsehood show plain. Use men as they deserve—what then will not succeed? Thus it joins the great Dao, dark and boundless. Its light fills the realm, then sinks back into the nameless. Men are born of spirit and housed in body. Overwork the spirit and it fails; overwork the body and it breaks; part body from spirit and you die. The dead do not return, nor severed spirit and flesh rejoin—hence the sage guards both.

由此觀之，神者生之本，形者生之俱。不先定其神形，而曰「我有以治天下」，何由哉？

From this we see: spirit is the root of life, the body its instrument. Without first ordering your own spirit and body, how can you claim to govern the realm?

太史公既掌天官，不治民。有子曰遷。

The grand scribe held the astronomy portfolio and did not administer commoners. He had a son, Qian.

遷生龍門，耕牧河山之陽。年十歲則誦古文。二十而南遊江、淮，上會稽，探禹穴，窺九疑，浮沅、湘。北涉汶、泗，講業齊魯之都，觀夫子遺風，鄉射鄒嶧；厄困蕃、薛、彭城，過梁、楚以歸。於是遷仕為郎中，奉使西征巴、蜀以南，略邛、莋、昆明，還報命。

Qian was born at Longmen and worked the south bank fields and pastures of the Yellow River. At ten he was already chanting archaic texts. At twenty he toured the Yangzi and Huai, climbed Kuaiji, sought Yu's cave, gazed toward Jiuyi, and sailed the Yuan and Xiang. He crossed north to Wen and Si, studied in the capitals of Qi and Lu, caught the lingering tone of the Master, and witnessed the village archery rites at Zou and Yi; he fell on hard times in Fan, Xue, and Pengcheng, then came home by way of Liang and Chu. He then entered service as a gentleman of the palace and was sent west of Ba and Shu to reconnoiter Qiong, Zuo, and Kunming before reporting back.

是歲，天子始建漢家之封，而太史公留滯周南，不得與從事，發憤且卒。而子遷適反，見父於河、洛之間。太史公執遷手而泣曰：「予先，周室之太史也。自上世嘗顯功名虞、夏，典天官事。後世中衰，絕於予乎？汝復為太史，則續吾祖矣。今天子接千歲之統，封泰山，而予不得從行，是命也夫！命也夫！予死，爾必為太史；為太史，毋忘吾所欲論著矣。且夫孝，始於事親，中於事君，終於立身；揚名於後世，以顯父母，此孝之大也。夫天下稱周公，言其能論歌文、武之德，宣周、召之風，達大王、王季思慮，爰及公劉，以尊後稷也。幽、厲之後，王道缺，禮樂衰，孔子修舊起廢，論《詩》、《書》，作《春秋》，則學者至今則之。自獲麟以來四百有餘歲，而諸侯相兼，史記放絕。今漢興，海內一統，明主賢君，忠臣義士，予為太史而不論載，廢天下之文，予甚懼焉，爾其念哉！」遷俯首流涕曰：「小子不敏，請悉論先人所次舊聞，不敢闕。」卒三歲，而遷為太史令，紬史記石室金鐀之書。五年而當太初元年，十一月甲子朔旦冬至，天歷始改，建於明堂，諸神受記。

That year the emperor first performed the Han feng rite on Mount Tai; the grand scribe, stuck south of the Zhou heartland, could not attend, nursed his grief, and neared death. His son Qian returned just then and met his father between the Yellow and Luo. The grand scribe took Qian's hand in tears: "Our forebears were grand scribes of Zhou. Since remote ages they won name under Yu and Xia in charge of heaven's offices. Later lines faded—must the thread break with me? If you take the grand scribe's post, you continue our ancestors' work. The emperor now inherits a millennial mandate and performs feng on Tai, yet I cannot go—such is fate! Fate indeed! When I die, you must become grand scribe; and never forget the work I meant to write. Filial duty begins in serving parents, rises through serving the ruler, and ends in establishing your own character; to win a name for later ages and bring honor to your parents is the crown of filial piety. The world praises the Duke of Zhou for hymning the virtue of Wen and Wu, spreading the airs of Zhou and Shao, tracing the intent of Great King and Wang Ji back through Gong Liu to glorify Hou Ji. After Kings You and Li the royal way cracked and ritual music faded; Confucius restored the broken canon, taught the Odes and Documents, and wrote the Spring and Autumn—still the scholar's polestar. More than four hundred years have passed since the unicorn hunt, ages of annexation among the lords, and the annals lie in ruins. Han now rules a single realm—clear-sighted sovereigns, loyal ministers, gallant men—yet if I, grand scribe, leave them unwritten I would silence the age itself; I dread that—remember!" Qian bowed in tears: "I am dull, yet I will set down everything my father ordered from tradition—nothing shall be left out." Three years later Qian was appointed grand scribe director and began combing the archives locked in stone vaults and metal chests. Five years on came Taichu 1: the winter solstice dawned on a jiazi new moon in the eleventh month, the calendar was reformed, orders went out from the Bright Hall, and the gods received their rosters.

太史公曰：「先人有言「『自周公卒五百歲而有孔子，孔子至於今五百歲，有能紹而明之，正《易傳》，繼《春秋》，本《詩》、《書》、《禮》、《樂》之際。』意在斯乎！意在斯乎！小子何敢攘焉！」

The grand scribe said: "Our forebears held that five centuries after the Duke of Zhou came Confucius, and five centuries after Confucius someone must carry the torch—rectifying the Changes commentary, continuing the Spring and Autumn, grounding it in the Odes, Documents, Rites, and Music." The mandate lies here! Is not the burden here? How dare a junior like me claim that task!"

上大夫壺遂曰：「昔孔子為何作《春秋》哉？」太史公曰：「余聞之董生：『周道廢，孔子為魯司寇，諸侯害之，大夫壅之。孔子知時之不用，道之不行也，是非二百四十二年之中，以為天下儀表，貶諸侯，討大夫，以達王事而已矣。』子曰：『我欲載之空言，不如見之於行事之深切著明也。』《春秋》上明三王之道，下辨人事之經紀，別嫌疑，明是非，定猶與，善善惡惡，賢賢賤不肖，存亡國，繼絕世，補弊起廢，王道之大者也。《易》，著天地、陰陽、四時、五行，故長於變；《禮》，綱紀人倫，故長於行；《書》，記先王之事，故長於政；《詩》，記山川、溪谷、禽獸、草木、牝牡、雌雄，故長於風；《樂》，樂所以立，故長於和；《春秋》，辯是非，故長於治人。是故《禮》以節人，《樂》以發和，《書》以道事，《詩》以達意，《易》以道化，《春秋》以道義。撥亂世反之正，莫近於《春秋》。《春秋》文成數萬，其指數千。萬物之散聚皆在《春秋》。《春秋》之中，弒君三十六，亡國五十二，諸侯奔走不得保社稷者不可勝數。察其所以，皆失其本已。故《易》曰『差以豪氂，謬以千里』。故『臣弒君，子弒父，非一朝一夕之故，其漸久矣』。有國者不可以不知《春秋》，前有讒而不見，後有賊而不知。為人臣者不可以不知《春秋》，守經事而不知其宜，遭變事而不知其權。為人君父者而不通於《春秋》之義者，必蒙首惡之名。為人臣子不通於《春秋》之義者，必陷篡弒誅死之罪。其實皆為善為之，而不知其義，被之空言不敢辭。夫不通禮義之指，至於君不君，臣不臣，父不父，子不子。夫君不君則犯，臣不臣則誅，父不父則無道，子不子則不孝：此四行者，天下之大過也。以天下大過予之，受而不敢辭。故《春秋》者，禮義之大宗也。夫禮禁未然之前，法施已然之後；法之所為用者易見，而禮之所為禁者難知。」

Hu Sui asked: "Why did Confucius write the Spring and Autumn?" The grand scribe answered: "Dong Zhongshu told me: 'When the Zhou way collapsed, Confucius took office in Lu; the lords feared him, ministers hemmed him in.'" Knowing his age would not use him, he read two hundred forty-two years of history as a mirror for the realm—cutting down arrogant lords and ministers to reveal the kingly thread.'" As the Master put it, he would rather show the point in deeds than preach it in hollow words." The Spring and Autumn lights the way of the ancient kings above and sorts human affairs below—sorting doubt from certainty, right from wrong, praising good and condemning evil, exalting worth and shaming baseness, saving doomed states and broken lines, healing what was broken: that is the kingly way in full. The Changes maps heaven, earth, yin and yang, seasons, and phases—so it masters transformation; The Rites bind human relations—so it governs conduct; The Documents records the deeds of past kings—so it serves statecraft; The Odes paints landscape and creature, male and female—so it catches the folk airs; The Music shows what harmony rests on—so it cultivates concord; The Spring and Autumn judges right and wrong—so it teaches how to rule men. Thus the Rites curb conduct, the Music releases harmony, the Documents narrate policy, the Odes voice feeling, the Changes speak of change, and the Spring and Autumn speaks of moral duty. Nothing brings a crooked age back to the straight like the Spring and Autumn. The text runs to tens of thousands of characters, its meanings to thousands. Every rise and fall of things lies folded in the Spring and Autumn. It records thirty-six regicides, fifty-two fallen states, and countless lords who fled and lost their altars. Trace each disaster and you find the root neglected. Hence the Changes: "A hair's-width error opens a thousand li of wrong." Hence "regicide and parricide do not spring up overnight—they creep in over long years." No ruler can afford to ignore the Spring and Autumn: without it he misses slander in front and treachery behind. No minister can ignore it: in calm times he will misjudge what is right, in crisis he will miss the proper expedient. A father-ruler who does not grasp its lessons wears the brand of arch-villain. Sons and subjects who miss its point invite charges of usurpation, murder, and capital crime. They often meant well but missed the principle, then could not escape the verdict of history. Without ritual and duty, lords cease to rule, ministers to serve, fathers to guide, sons to obey. A false lord is attacked, a false minister killed, a false father is lawless, a false son unfilial—these are the worst crimes under heaven. The Spring and Autumn pins those great faults on them, and they cannot shrug the name off. Thus the Spring and Autumn is the great charter of ritual and right. Ritual checks evil before the fact; law punishes after the fact; law's work is plain to the eye, ritual's prevention is subtle."

壺遂曰：「孔子之時，上無明君，下不得任用，故作《春秋》，垂空文以斷禮義，當一王之法。今夫子上遇明天子，下得守職，萬事既具，咸各序其宜，夫子所論，欲以何明？」太史公曰：「唯唯，否否，不然。余聞之先人曰：『虙戲至純厚，作《易》八卦。堯、舜之盛，《尚書》載之，禮樂作焉。湯、武之降，詩人歌之。《春秋》采善貶惡，推三代之德，褒周室，非獨刺譏而已也。』漢興已來，至明天子，獲符瑞，封禪，改正朔，易服色，受命於穆清，澤流罔極，海外殊俗，重譯款塞，請來獻見者，不可勝道。臣下百官，力誦聖德，猶不能宣盡其意。且士賢能矣，而不用，有國者恥也；主上明聖，德不布聞，有司之過也。且余掌其官，廢明聖盛德不載，滅功臣、賢大夫之業不述，墮先人所言，罪莫大焉。余所謂述故事，整齊其世傳，非所謂作也，而君比之《春秋》，謬矣。」

Hu Sui said: "Confucius had no worthy ruler above and no office below, so he wrote the Spring and Autumn—pure text that would stand as kingly law for ritual and right." You serve a brilliant sovereign and hold a steady post; every office runs as it should—what, then, do you mean to illuminate?" The grand scribe said: "Yes and no—not quite." My father used to say that Fuxi, in utter simplicity, first drew the eight trigrams of the Changes. The glory of Yao and Shun fills the Documents, and ritual and music grew from that age. The poets sang the rise and turn of Tang and Wu. The Spring and Autumn praises good, blames evil, carries the three dynasties' virtue forward, and honors Zhou—it is more than satire alone. Since Han rose down to our enlightened sovereign—omens gathered, feng and shan performed, calendar and vestments reformed, the mandate received in silent heaven, grace flooding without end, foreign peoples thronging the frontier with tribute beyond counting— the hundred officials strain to hymn his holiness yet cannot exhaust it. To leave a worthy man unused shames the throne; if a sage ruler's virtue goes unreported, the officials have failed. I hold this office: if I let sage brilliance go unwritten, let the deeds of heroes and good ministers fade, I betray my father's charge—there is no greater crime. I only arrange old stories and set chronicles in order—I am not "making" a classic as Confucius did; to liken my work to the Spring and Autumn is mistaken."

於是論次其文。十年而遭李陵之禍，幽於累紲。乃喟然而歎曰：「是余之罪夫！身虧不用矣。」退而深惟曰：「夫《詩》、《書》隱約者，欲遂其志之思也。」卒述陶唐以來，至於麟止，自黃帝始。《五帝本紀》第一，《夏本紀》第二，《殷本紀》第三，《周本紀》第四，《秦本紀》第五，《始皇本紀》第六，《項羽本紀》第七，《高祖本紀》第八，《呂後本紀》第九，《孝文本紀》第十，《孝景本紀》第十一，《今上本紀》第十二。《三代世表》第一，《十二諸侯年表》第二，《六國年表》第三，《秦楚之際月表》第四，《漢諸侯年表》第五，《高祖功臣年表》第六，《惠景間功臣年表》第七，《建元以來侯者年表》第八，《王子侯者年表》第九，《漢興以來將相名臣年表》第十。《禮書》第一，《樂書》第二，《律書》第三，《歷書》第四，《天官書》第五，《封禪書》第六，《河渠書》第七，《平准書》第八。《吳太伯世家》第一，《齊太公世家》第二，《魯周公世家》第三，《燕召公世家》第四，《管蔡世家》第五，《陳杞世家》第六，《衛康叔世家》第七，《宋微子世家》第八，《晉世家》第九，《楚世家》第十，《越世家》第十一，《鄭世家》第十二，《趙世家》第十三，《魏世家》第十四，《韓世家》第十五，《田完世家》第十六，《孔子世家》第十七，《陳涉世家》第十八，《外戚世家》第十九，《楚元王世家》第二十，《荊燕王世家》第二十一，《齊悼惠王世家》第二十二，《蕭相國世家》第二十三，《曹相國世家》第二十四，《留侯世家》第二十五，《陳丞相世家》第二十六，《絳侯世家》第二十七，《梁孝王世家》第二十八，《五宗世家》第二十九，《三王世家》第三十。《伯夷列傳》經一，《管晏列傳》第二，《老子韓非列傳》第三，《司與穰苴列傳》第四，《孫子吳起列傳》第五，《伍子胥列傳》第六，《仲尼弟子列傳》第七，《商君列傳》第八，《蘇秦列傳》第九，《張儀列傳》第十，《樗裡甘茂列傳》第十一，《穰侯列傳》第十二，《白起王翦列傳》第十三，《孟子荀卿列傳》第十四，《平原虞卿列傳》第十五，《孟嘗君列傳》第十六，《魏公子列傳》第十七，《春申君列傳》第十八，《范睢蔡澤列傳》第十九，《樂毅列傳》第二十，《廉頗藺相如列傳》第二十一，《田單列傳》第二十二，《魯仲連列傳》第二十三，《屈原賈生列傳》第二十四，《呂不韋列傳》第二十五，《刺客列傳》第二十六，《李斯列傳》第二十七，《蒙恬列傳》第二十八，《張耳陳餘列傳》第二十九，《魏豹彭越列傳》第三十，《黥布列傳》第三十一，《淮陰侯韓信列傳》第三十二，《韓王信盧綰列傳》第三十三，《田儋列傳》第三十四，《樊酈滕灌列傳》第三十五，《張丞相倉列傳》第三十六，《酈生陸賈列傳》第三十七，《傅靳崩阜成侯列傳》第三十八，《劉敬叔孫通列傳》第三十九，《季布欒布列傳》第四十，《爰盎朝錯列傳》第四十一，《張釋之馮唐列傳》第四十二，《萬石張叔列傳》第四十三，《田叔列傳》第四十四，《扁鵲倉公列傳》第四十五，《吳王濞列傳》第四十六，《魏其武安列傳》第四十七，《韓長孺列傳》第四十八，《李將軍列傳》第四十九，《衛將軍驃騎列傳》第五十，《平津主父列傳》第五十一，《匈奴列傳》第五十二，《南越列傳》第五十三，《閩越列傳》第五十四，《朝鮮列傳》第五十五，《西南夷列傳》第五十六，《司馬相如列傳》第五十七，《淮南衡山列傳》第五十八，《循吏列傳》第五十九，《汲鄭列傳》第六十，《儒林列傳》第六十一，《酷吏列傳》第六十二，《大宛列傳》第六十三，《遊俠列傳》第六十四，《佞幸列傳》第六十五，《滑稽列傳》第六十六，《日者列傳》第六十七，《龜策列傳》第六十八，《貨殖列傳》第六十九。

He then set his manuscript in order. Ten years in came the Li Ling affair and prison chains. He sighed, "My own fault! My body is ruined—useless now." Brooding alone he said, "The Odes and Documents speak in veiled words because their authors meant to voice what they could not say outright." He carried the narrative from the Yellow Thearch through Yao's line down to the capture of the unicorn. Twelve basic annals: from the Five Thearchs through Xia, Yin, Zhou, Qin, the First Emperor, Xiang Yu, Gaozu, Empress Lü, Emperors Wen and Jing, to the reigning emperor. Ten tables: royal genealogy, the twelve lords, the six states, the Qin-Chu interlude month by month, Han feudatories, Gaozu's ministers, the Hui-Jing ministers, marquises since Jianyuan, princely marquises, and Han's generals and ministers. Eight treatises: rites, music, pitch and law, calendrics, astronomy, the feng and shan rites, hydraulics, and state finance. The thirty hereditary houses open with Wu Taibo and the eastern houses of Qi, Lu, Yan, Guan and Cai, Chen and Qi, Wei, Song, Jin, Chu, Yue, and Zheng, continue through the Warring States lines of Zhao, Wei, Han, and Tian Wan, add Confucius and Chen She, then turn to Han with the affinal houses, the kings of Chu, Jing, and Yan, Prince Dao Hui of Qi, founding ministers Xiao He and Cao Shen, strategists Zhang Liang and Chen Ping, the line of Marquis Jiang, Prince Xiao of Liang, the Five Clans, and the Three Kings—each scroll a lineage of power from Zhou feudalism into the Han empire. The sixty-nine biographies (the manuscript garbles two titles) run from Bo Yi and Shu Qi through Guan Zhong and Yan Ying, Laozi and Han Fei, Sima Rangju, Sun Wu and Wu Qi, Wu Zixu, Confucius's disciples, Lord Shang, Su Qin and Zhang Yi, Chulizi and Gan Mao, the Marquis of Rang, Bai Qi and Wang Jian, Mencius and Xun Qing, the lords Pingyuan, Mengchang, Xinling, and Chunshen, Fan Ju and Cai Ze, Yue Yi, Lian Po and Lin Xiangru, Tian Dan, Lu Zhonglian, Qu Yuan and Jia Yi, Lü Buwei, the assassins, Li Si and Meng Tian, Zhang Er and Chen Yu, Wei Bao and Peng Yue, Qing Bu, Han Xin and his peers, Tian Dan of Qi, Fan Kuai's circle, Zhang Cang, Li Yiji and Lu Jia, Fu Kuan, Liu Jing and Shu Sun Tong, Ji Bu, Yuan Ang, Zhang Shizhi, Wan Shi, Tian Shu, the physicians, Prince Liu Pi, Dou Ying and Tian Fen, Han Anguo, Li Guang, Wei Qing and Huo Qubing, Gongsun Hong, the frontier chapters on Xiongnu, Nanyue, Minyue, Korea, and the southwestern tribes, Sima Xiangru, Huainan, good and harsh officials, Confucian scholars, Dayuan, wandering knights, favorites, jesters, diviners, turtle divination, and merchants—an atlas of character across ages.

惟漢繼五帝末流，接三代絕業。周道既廢，秦撥去古文，焚滅《詩》、《書》，故明堂、石室、金鐀、玉版圖籍散亂。漢興，蕭何次律令，韓信申軍法，張蒼為章程，叔孫通定禮儀，則文學彬彬稍進，《詩》、《書》往往間出。自曹參薦蓋公言黃、老，而賈誼、韓錯明申、朝，公孫弘以儒顯，百年之間，天下遺文古事靡不畢集。太史公仍父子相繼籑其職，曰：「於戲！余維先人嘗掌斯事，顯於唐、虞；至於周，復典之。故司馬氏世主天宮，至於余乎，欽念哉！」網羅天下放失舊聞，王跡所興，原始察終，見盛觀衰，論考之行事，略三代，錄秦、漢，上記軒轅，下至於茲，著十二本紀；既科條之矣，並時異世，年差不明，作十表；禮樂損益，律歷改易，兵權、山川、鬼神，天人之際，承敝通變，作八書；二十八宿環北辰，三十輻共一轂，運行無窮，輔弼股肱之臣配焉，忠信行道以奉主上，作三十世家；扶義俶儻，不令己失時，立功名於天下，作七十列傳：凡百三十篇，五十二萬六千五百字，為《太史公書》。序略，以拾遺補闕，成一家言，協《六經》異傳，齊百家雜語，臧之名山，副在京師，以俟後聖君子。第七十，遷之自敘云爾。而十篇缺，有錄無書。

Han alone carries the tail of the Five Thearchs and picks up the broken thread of the three dynasties. Zhou's order was gone; Qin purged old texts and burned the classics, so palace archives in stone vaults and metal coffers fell into chaos. Under Han, Xiao He codified law, Han Xin the military codes, Zhang Cang the bureaucratic rules, Shu Sun Tong court ritual—learning revived and fragments of the Odes and Documents resurfaced. Cao Shen's patronage of Huang-Lao, Jia Yi and Chao Cuo's Legalism, Gongsun Hong's Confucian rise—within a century every scrap of old text and story was being gathered. The grand scribe, father and son in this same office, declared: "Alas! My ancestors held this charge under Yao and Shun; in Zhou they held it again. So the Simas have watched heaven's offices for generations—down to me. Remember!" He gathered lost lore, traced where kingship rose and fell from the Yellow Thearch through three ages, Qin, and Han to the present, and set it down in twelve basic annals; then, because parallel ages were hard to align by year alone, he added ten tables; for ritual, music, law, calendar, war, rivers, spirits, and heaven's relation to man—eight treatises on change through decay and renewal; like spokes round the hub he paired loyal ministers who bore the throne on their backs—thirty hereditary houses; and for men who seized the hour and won fame in the world—seventy biographies: one hundred thirty chapters, 526,500 characters, the book called the Grand Scribe's Documents. Prefaces fill gaps, forge a single voice, reconcile variant traditions of the six classics and hundred schools, lodge a copy on a sacred peak and another in the capital, and wait for a later sage. The seventieth scroll is Qian's own epilogue. Ten chapters survive only as titles—the text was lost.

遷既被刑之後，為中書令，尊寵任職。故人益州刺史任安予遷書，責以古賢臣之義。遷報之曰：

After castration Qian became palace secretary, favored at court. His old friend Ren An, governor of Yi province, wrote urging him to live up to the old standard of loyal ministers. Qian answered:

少卿足下：曩者辱賜書，教以慎於接物，推賢進士為務。意氣勤勤懇懇，若望僕不相師用，而流俗人之言。僕非敢如是也。雖罷駑，亦嘗側聞長者遺風矣。顧自以為身殘處穢，動而見尤，欲益反損，是以抑鬱而無誰語。諺曰：「誰為為之，孰令聽之？」蓋鍾子期死，伯牙終身不復鼓琴。何則？士為知已用，女為說己容。若僕大質已虧缺，雖材懷隨、行，行若由、夷，終不可以為榮，適足以發笑而自點耳。

Sir Shaoqing: you did me honor with your letter, urging care in dealing with men and making the promotion of worth my duty. You pressed your case as though I refused your counsel and heeded only the gossip of the crowd. I would not dare that. Though I am only a broken nag, I have caught whispers of how the old gentlemen behaved. But I am a mutilated man in a foul station: every move draws blame, every try to help backfires, so I choke in silence with no one to hear me. The proverb asks, "Who would speak for me—and who would listen?" When Zhong Ziqi died, Bo Ya never touched his strings again. Why? A man gives his strength to the friend who knows him; a woman paints herself for the eye that loves her. My substance is ruined: even with gifts like the Sui pearl and He's jade in talent, and the purity of Xu You and Bo Yi in conduct, I could not wear them as honor—only as a joke and a stain.

書辭宜答，會東從上來，又迫賤事，相見日淺，卒卒無須臾之間得竭指意。今少卿抱不測之罪，涉旬月，迫季冬，僕又薄從上上雍，恐卒然不可諱。是僕終已不得舒憤懣以曉左右，則長逝者魂魄私恨無窮。請略陳固陋。闕然不報，幸勿過。

I owed you a reply, but I was trailing the emperor east, then swamped with petty duties; our meetings were brief and I never had a moment to lay out my mind. Now you face a capital charge; months have passed and deep winter nears; I am to follow the sovereign to Yong—any day the worst may happen. If I never unburden my heart to you, your spirit in death would nurse endless regret. Let me state my crude thoughts. Forgive my long silence.

僕聞之：修身者，智之府也；愛施者，仁之端也；取予者，義之符也；恥辱者，勇之決也；立名者，行之極也：士有此五者，然後可以托於世，列於君子之林矣。故禍莫憯於欲利，悲莫痛於傷心，行莫醜於辱先，而詬莫大於官刑。刑余之人，無所比數，非一也，所從來遠矣！昔衛靈公與雍渠載，孔子適陳；商鞅因景監見，趙良寒心；同子參乘，爰絲變色：自古而恥之。夫中材之人，事關於宦豎，莫不傷氣，況慷慨之士乎！如今朝雖乏人，奈何令刀鋸之餘薦天下豪雋哉！僕賴先人緒業，得待罪輦轂下，二十餘年矣。所以自惟：上之，不能納忠效信，有奇策材力之譽，自結明主；次之，又不能拾遺補闕，招賢進能，顯巖穴之士；外之，不能備行伍，攻城野戰，有斬將搴旗之功；下之，不能累日積勞，取尊官厚祿，以為宗族交遊光寵。四者無一遂，苟合取容，無所短長之效，可見於此矣。鄉者，僕亦嘗廁下大夫之列，陪外廷末議。不以此時引維綱，盡思慮，今已虧形為掃除之隸，在闒茸之中，乃欲卬首信眉，論列是非，不亦輕朝廷，羞當世之士邪！嗟乎！嗟乎！如僕，尚何言哉！尚何言哉！

I have heard that self-cultivation is the storehouse of wisdom; that charity is the sprout of benevolence; Giving and taking mark where duty lies; shame and honor test a man's courage; and making a name is the crown of conduct. With these five, a gentleman may stand in the world and walk among the virtuous. No curse bites like greed for gain, no sorrow cuts like a broken heart, no disgrace stains like dishonoring forebears, and no insult cuts like the castrator's knife. Men who have known the knife are counted with no one—the shame is ancient. Duke Ling of Wei shared his carriage with the eunuch Yong Qu, and Confucius left for Chen; Shang Yang entered court through the eunuch Jing Jian, and Zhao Liang shuddered; when the eunuch Zhao Tong rode as guard, Yuan Ang blanched—such things have been shameful since antiquity. Even middling men lose heart when eunuchs are involved—what of a proud spirit? The court may lack men, but how can the leavings of the executioner's block recommend heroes to the throne? By my father's legacy I have served at the capital over twenty years. I have asked myself: I never won the ruler's ear with loyal counsel or a name for strategy and strength; nor mended policy gaps, raised hidden talent from reclusion; nor stood in the ranks to storm walls and win the glory of striking generals and snatching flags; nor toiled year on year for high rank and fat pay to bring honor to kin and friends. I failed on every count, clung to office by mere conformity, and proved neither use nor harm—here is the record. Once I stood among the lower grandees at the outer court. I did not then speak the truth with all my mind; now, maimed and fit only to sweep, I would raise my head and argue right and wrong—would that not insult the court and shame every gentleman of our day? Alas! Alas again! For one like me, what is left to say? What more can I say?

且事本末未易明也。僕少負不羈之才，長無鄉曲之譽，主上幸以先人之故，使得奉薄技，出入周衛之中。僕以為戴盆何以望天，故絕賓客之知，忘室家之業，日夜思竭其不肖之材力，務壹心營職，以求親媚於主上。而事乃有大謬不然者。夫僕與李陵俱居門下，素非相善也，趣捨異路，未嘗銜杯酒接殷勤之歡。然僕觀其為人自奇士，事親孝，與士信，臨財廉，取予義，分別有讓，恭儉下人，常思奮不顧身以徇國家之急。其素所畜積也，僕以為有國士之風。夫人臣出萬死不顧一生之計，趙公家之難，斯已奇矣。今舉事壹不當，而全軀保妻子之臣隨而媒孽其短，僕誠私心痛之！且李陵提步卒不滿五千，深踐戎馬之地，足歷王庭，垂餌虎口，橫挑強胡，卬億萬之師，與單于連戰十餘日，所殺過當。虜救死扶傷不給，旃裘之君長咸震怖，乃悉征左右賢王，舉引弓之民，一國共攻而圍之。轉鬥千里，矢盡道窮，救兵不至，士卒死傷如積。然李陵一呼勞軍，士無不起，躬流涕，沫血飲泣，張空，冒白刃，北首爭死敵。陵未沒時，使有來報，漢公卿王侯皆奉觴上壽。後數日，陵敗書聞，主上為之食不甘味，聽朝不怡。大臣憂懼，不知所出。僕竊不自料其卑賤，見主上慘淒怛悼，誠欲效其款款之愚。以為李陵素與士大夫絕甘分少，能得人之死力，雖古名將不過也。身雖陷敗，彼觀其意，且欲得其當而報漢。事已無可奈何，其所摧敗，攻亦足以暴於天下。僕懷欲陳之，而未有路，適會召問，即以此指推言陵功，欲以廣主上之意，塞睚眥之辭。未能盡明，明主不深曉，以為僕沮貳師，而為李陵遊說，遂下於理。拳拳之忠，終不能自列。因為誣上，卒從吏議。家貧，財賂不足以自贖，交遊莫救，左右親近不為一言。身非木石，獨與法吏為伍，深幽囹圄之中，誰可告訴者！此正少卿所親見，僕行事豈不然邪？李陵既生降，頹其家聲，而僕又茸以蠶室，重為天下觀笑。悲夫！悲夫！

Besides, the whole story is hard to explain to the crowd. I was proud and unbridled in youth, unknown in my home town; the emperor, for my father's sake, let me offer my poor talents within the palace guard. I thought, "You cannot look at the sky with a tub on your head," so I dropped friends and family, night and day poured my poor strength into one office, hoping to win the ruler's favor. Then everything went horribly wrong. Li Ling and I served in the same corps but were never close—different paths, never a convivial drink together. Yet I saw him as a true knight: filial, trustworthy, honest with money, fair in dealings, modest, humble, ready to spend himself for the state. That was the man he had long been—I thought him worthy of the title "champion of the realm." A subject who risks annihilation for the state's peril is rare enough. One misstep, and men who care only for their own skins brew slander against him—it breaks my heart. Li Ling took fewer than five thousand foot deep into nomad country, dangled bait in the tiger's maw, defied a host of millions, and fought the chanyu day after day, killing more than his numbers would suggest. The enemy could not even tend their wounded; felt-clad chiefs panicked and called every wise king and bowman in the realm to ring Han's tiny force. They fought a thousand li until arrows were gone and the road ended; no help came, and the dead piled high. Yet when Li Ling rallied them, every man rose weeping, wiping blood and tears, drawing empty crossbows, rushing bare blades toward the north to die on the enemy. While news still favored him, every noble in Han raised a cup to toast victory. Days later, when defeat was known, the emperor lost his appetite and could not face court with ease. Ministers cowered, at a loss for counsel. I forgot my low station, saw the emperor's grief, and meant only to offer my clumsy loyalty. I said Li Ling always denied himself to share with his men and could call forth their last breath—no ancient general did more. Though beaten, I believed he still sought the right moment to repay Han. The worst had happened, yet the damage he had done the enemy was enough to show the world. I had no opening until the summons; then I praised Li Ling's deeds to lift the emperor's mood and silence petty slander. I spoke unclearly; the emperor thought I maligned Ershi and pleaded for Li Ling, and handed me to the law. My earnest loyalty never got a hearing. I was judged to have deceived the emperor and was sentenced as the officials advised. I was too poor to buy off the sentence; friends dared not help, and those nearest me never spoke. I am flesh, not wood or stone, yet I rot alone with jailers in the dark—whom can I tell? You saw it yourself, Sir—was it not exactly so? Li Ling's live surrender shamed his line; I was then sealed in the silkworm chamber—twice over a laughingstock to the world. How bitter! How bitter indeed!

事未易一二為俗人言也。僕之先人，非有剖符丹書之功，文史、星曆，近乎卜祝之間，固主上所戲弄，倡優畜之，流俗之所輕也。假令僕伏法受誅，若九牛亡一毛，與螻蟻何異！而世又不與能死節者比，特以為智窮罪極，不能自免，卒就死耳。何也？素所自樹立使然。人固有一死，死有重於泰山，或輕於鴻毛，用之所趨異也。太上不辱先，其次不辱身，其次不辱理色，其次不辱辭令，其次詘體受辱，其次易服受辱，其次關木索被箠楚受辱，其次剔毛髮嬰金鐵受辱，其次毀肌膚斷支體受辱，最下腐刑，極矣。傳曰「刑不上大夫」，此言士節不可不厲也。猛虎處深山，百獸震恐，及其在阱檻之中，搖尾而求食，積威約之漸也。故士有畫地為牢勢不入，削木為吏議不對，定計於鮮也。今交手足，受木索，暴肌膚，受榜箠，幽於圜牆之中，當此之時，見獄吏則頭槍地，視徒隸則心惕息。何者？積威約之勢也。及已至此，言不辱者，所謂強顏耳，曷足貴乎！且西伯，伯也，拘牖裡；李斯，相也，具五刑；淮陰，王也，受械於陳；彭越、張敖，南鄉稱孤，繫獄具罪；絳侯誅諸呂，權傾五伯，囚於請室；魏其，大將也，衣赭，關三木；季布為硃家鉗奴；灌夫受辱居室；此人皆身至王侯將相，聲聞鄰國，及罪至罔加，不能引決自財。在塵埃之中，古今一體，安在其不辱也！由此言之，勇怯，勢也；強弱，形也。審矣，曷足怪乎！且人不能蚤自財繩墨之外，已稍陵夷至於鞭箠之間，乃欲引節，斯不亦遠乎！古人所以重施刑於大夫者，殆為此也。夫人情莫不貪生惡死，念親戚，顧妻子，至激於義理者不然，乃有不得已也。今僕不幸，蚤失二親，無兄弟之親，獨身孤立，少卿視僕於妻子何如哉？且勇者不必死節，怯夫慕義，何處不勉焉！僕雖怯耎欲苟活，亦頗識去就之分矣，何至自湛溺累紲之辱哉！且夫臧獲婢妾猶能引決，況若僕之不得已乎！所以隱忍苟活，函糞土之中而不辭者，恨私心有所不盡，鄙沒世而文采不表於後也。

The full story cannot be told in a line or two to the vulgar. My forebears won no iron-clad honors; they kept archives and stars—little better than court diviners—pets of the throne, kept like actors, despised by the crowd. Had I died under the law, I would have been one hair from nine oxen—no more than an ant. Yet the world would not call me a martyr—only a fool cornered by crime who could not escape death. Why? Because of the station I had chosen. All men die once; death may weigh more than Mount Tai or less than a feather—depending on what it serves. The noblest shame is none to ancestors; then none to oneself; then none in face or bearing; then none in speech; then comes bent body, changed dress, fetters and flogging, shaved head and iron collar, mutilation—and lowest of all castration, the end of shame. The classic says "the lash does not touch grandees"—meaning a gentleman's honor must be guarded. A tiger in the hills terrifies every beast; caged, it wags its tail for scraps—awe wears it down by degrees. Hence a gentleman would not step into a ring drawn as a jail nor answer a wooden judge—he ends his life while honor is still fresh. Now bound hand and foot, stripped and flogged in the round cell, a man kowtows to the turnkey and trembles at convict guards. Why? Because crushing fear has done its work. At that point to claim you are unshamed is only brazen face—what honor is left? The Earl of the West was a lord, yet sat in chains at Youli; Li Si was chancellor, yet suffered the five mutilations; The king of Huaiyin wore fetters in Chen; Peng Yue and Zhang Ao had faced south as kings, then landed in jail condemned; Marquis Jiang, who purged the Lü clan and overshadowed the Five Hegemons, was locked in the plea cell; Dou Ying the general wore convict russet and the triple stocks; Ji Bu sold himself collared to the Zhu house; Guan Fu was shamed under house arrest; These were kings, generals, and ministers whose names crossed borders—yet when the law closed they could not choose an honorable death. In the dust, past and present are the same—where is the shameless man? So courage and fear are matters of circumstance; strength and weakness follow the situation. Clear enough—why wonder? If a man does not cut his throat before the law takes him, but slides step by step to the flogging post, then talks of honor—is that not far too late? That is why the ancients hesitated to punish high ministers. Every man clings to life and loves kin—except when duty leaves no choice. I lost parents young, have no brothers, stand alone—what tie have I to wife and child, Sir? The brave need not die for honor; even a coward who loves right can find courage somewhere. I am a coward who clings to life, yet I know the line between honor and disgrace—why would I willingly wallow in chains and shame? Even a slave girl can choose death—need I speak of a man driven as I was? I swallowed shame and lived in filth because my work was unfinished—I could not die leaving my writing unknown.

古者富貴而名摩滅，不可勝記，唯俶儻非常之人稱焉。蓋西伯拘而演《周易》；仲尼厄而作《春秋》；屈原放逐，乃賦《離騷》；左丘失明，厥有《國語》，孫子臏腳，《兵法》修列；不韋遷蜀，世傳《呂覽》；韓非囚秦，《說難》、《孤憤》。《詩》三百篇，大氐賢聖發憤之所為作也。此人皆意有所鬱結，不得通其道，故述往事，思來者。及如左丘無目，孫子斷足，終不可用，退論書策以舒其憤，思垂空文以自見。僕竊不遜，近自托於無能之辭，網羅天下放失舊聞，考之行事，稽其成敗興壞之理，凡百三十篇，亦欲以究天人之際，通古今之變，成一家之言。草創未就，適會此禍，惜其不成，是以就極刑而無慍色。僕誠已著此書，藏之名山，傳之其人，通邑大都，則僕償前辱之責，雖萬被戮，豈有悔哉！然此可為智者道，難為俗人言也。

Countless rich men of old are forgotten—only the singular are remembered. The Earl of the West was jailed and wrote the Changes; Confucius in peril wrote the Spring and Autumn; Qu Yuan in exile gave us the Li sao; Zuo Qiu blind gave us the Discourses of the States; Sun Bin maimed, the Art of War was set in order; Lü Buwei banished to Shu left the Lüshi chunqiu; Han Fei, a prisoner in Qin, wrote "Difficulties of Persuasion" and "Solitary Indignation." The three hundred odes are mostly the work of sages pouring out rage. Each had a knot in the heart and no outlet—so they told the past to reach the future. Blind Zuo Qiu and footless Sun Bin, cast aside, wrote to vent their rage and leave a voice on the page. I have dared to stitch lost lore into a hundred thirty chapters, testing deeds for why states rise and fall, to trace heaven and man, link past to present, and speak in one voice. The draft was unfinished when this blow fell; I went to the worst punishment without a flicker of resentment, for fear the book would die with me. If I finish this book, lodge it on a sacred peak, pass it to the right hands, and let it reach the great cities, I will have paid my debt for past shame—then let me die ten thousand deaths without regret. That is for the wise alone; the vulgar will never understand.

且負下未易居，下流多謗議。僕以口語遇遭此禍，重為鄉黨戮笑，污辱先人，亦何面目復上父母之丘墓乎？雖累百世，垢彌甚耳！是以腸一日而九迴，居則忽忽若有所亡，出則不知所如往。每念斯恥，汗未嘗不發背沾衣也。身直為閨閣之臣，寧得自引深臧於巖穴邪！故且從俗浮湛，與時俯仰，以通其狂惑。今少卿乃教以推賢進士，無乃與僕之私指謬乎？今雖欲自雕瑑，曼辭以自解，無益，於俗不信，只取辱耳。要之死日，然後是非乃定。書不能盡意，故略陳固陋。

A fallen man cannot live at ease; the world downstream heaps gossip on him. A few words brought this ruin; my neighbors point and laugh; I have shamed my ancestors—how dare I climb my parents' hill again? The stain will grow darker for a hundred generations. My bowels twist nine times a day; at home I am lost in a fog; abroad I wander without aim. Whenever I remember that shame, sweat runs down my spine and soaks my robe. I am only a chamber servant now—how can I withdraw deep into the hills? So I drift with the crowd, bob with the times, to ease this madness in my breast. Now you urge me to recommend talent—is that not the opposite of what I intend? Even if I polished fine phrases to clear myself, the crowd would not believe—only more shame. Only when I am dead will judgment settle. Ink cannot say it all; I have set out my rough thoughts as best I could.

遷既死後，其書稍出。宣帝時，遷外孫平通侯楊惲祖述其書，遂宣佈焉。王莽時，求封遷後，為史通子。

After Sima Qian died, his work slowly reached the world. Under Emperor Xuan, his grandson Yang Yun published and spread the text. Wang Mang sought out Qian's heirs and enfeoffed them as "Master of Historical Communication."

贊曰：自古書契之作而有史官，其載籍愽矣。至孔氏籑之，上繼唐堯，下訖秦繆。唐虞以前雖有遺文，其語不經，故言黃帝、顓頊之事未可明也。及孔子因魯史記而作《春秋》，而左丘明論輯其本事是以為之傳，又籑異同為《國語》。又有世本，錄黃帝以來至春秋時帝王公侯卿大夫祖世所出。春秋之後，七國並爭，秦兼諸侯，有《戰國策》。漢興伐秦定天下，有《楚漢春秋》。故司馬遷據《左氏》、《國語》，采《世本》、《戰國策》，述《楚漢春秋》，接其後事，訖于大漢。其言秦漢，詳矣。至於采經摭傳，分散數家之事，甚多疏略，或有抵梧。亦其涉獵者廣博，貫穿經傳，馳騁古今，上下數千載間，斯以勤矣。又其是非頗繆於聖人，論大道則先黃老而後六經，序遊俠則退處士而進姦雄，述貨殖則崇埶利而羞賤貧，此其所蔽也。然自劉向、楊雄博極羣書，皆稱遷有良史之材，服其善序事理，辨而不華，質而不俚，其文直，其事核，不虛美，不隱惡，故謂之實錄。烏呼！以遷之博物洽聞，而不能以知自全，旣陷極刑，幽而發憤，書亦信矣。迹其所以自傷悼，小雅巷伯之倫。夫唯大雅「旣明且哲，能保其身」，難矣哉！

The summation reads: Since writing began there have been historians, and their archives run deep. Confucius edited them from Yao of Tang down to Duke Mu of Qin. Before Yao and Shun, fragments survive but are not canonical—so tales of the Yellow Thearch and Zhuanxu cannot be trusted as history. Confucius wrote the Spring and Autumn from Lu's annals; Zuo Qiuming wrote its commentary and wove variant traditions into the Discourses of the States. The Shiben recorded royal and noble lines from the Yellow Thearch through the Spring and Autumn age. After the Spring and Autumn came the warring kingdoms, and the Intrigues of the Warring States records Qin's swallowing of the lords. When Han rose against Qin, the Chu-Han Spring and Autumn chronicled the conquest. Sima Qian drew on Zuo, the Discourses, the Shiben, the Intrigues, and the Chu-Han Spring and Autumn, then carried the story down to his own Han. His account of Qin and Han is full and precise. In weaving classics and traditions from many schools he often skims or leaves gaps, and sometimes contradicts himself. Yet his reading was vast, he threaded classics and commentary across thousands of years—an immense labor. His judgments sometimes stray from the sages: he ranks Huang-Lao above the six classics, favors adventurers over true recluses, and glorifies wealth while slighting the poor—those are his blind spots. Yet Liu Xiang and Yang Xiong, who read everything, called him a born historian: clear in narrative, plain but not crude, straight in prose and tight in fact, neither flattering nor concealing—hence the title "true record." Alas! So learned a man could not save himself with wit; cast down to the mutilating stroke, he wrote from the dark in rage—and the book rings true. The tone of his self-lament belongs with the "Alley Steward" in the Lesser Odes. Only the Greater Odes' "clear-sighted and wise enough to save his own skin"—that is rare indeed!

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