← Back to 舊唐書

卷一百〇一 列傳第五十一: 李乂 薛登 韋湊 韓思復 張廷珪 王求禮 辛替否

Volume 101 Biographies 51: Li Yi, Xue Deng, Wei Cou, Han Sifu, Zhang Tinggui, Wang Qiuli, Xin Tifou

Chapter 105 of 舊唐書 · Old Book of Tang
← Previous Chapter
Chapter 105
Next Chapter →
1
Li Yi, Xue Deng, Wei Cou, and his nephews Xuxin and Xuzhou
2
Han Sifu, and his great-grandson Ci
3
Zhang Tinggui, Wang Qiuli, and Xin Tifou
4
使 使
Li Yi, whose original name was Shangzhen, came from Fangzi in Zhao Prefecture. As a young man he and his elder brothers Shangyi and Shangzhen were all celebrated for their writing and passed the jinshi examination. During the Jinglong period he rose through successive appointments to Secretariat Drafter. At that time Emperor Zhongzong sent envoys to the Jiangnan region by different routes to buy back living creatures, paying with official goods from each locality. Yi submitted a memorial, saying: "The Jiangnan is a country of rivers and lakes where people live by catching and gathering. Fish and turtles are the common people's livelihood—such is the land, and it has always been so. I humbly reflect that Your Majesty's compassionate care embraces all living things, spreading great virtue across the realm even to the tiniest scaled creatures. Though the private grace of rain and clouds may touch the lowliest creatures; the blessing of sustaining life has not yet reached ordinary people. Why is this? Rivers and lakes teem with life without limit; yet the treasury's resources are quickly depleted by such outlays. If the spending is modest, little can actually be saved; if it is lavish, regular expenditures will fall short. When the choice is between saving creatures and caring for people, is the former truly the better course? Moreover, those who sell living creatures care only for profit—coin arrives daily and nets grow year by year. A single day's bounty yields a hundredfold return. Better to redirect the redemption funds, lighten corvée and taxes on the poor and distressed, revive the state and cherish the people—the blessing would far exceed the other."
5
使 西
Xue Deng, whose original name was Qianguang, came from Yixing in Chang Prefecture. His father Shitong served as Eagle-raising Commandant during the Sui Daye period. During the upheaval at Jiangdu, Shitong joined with his fellow townsman Wenren Sian and others in seizing control of their home commandery to defend against bandits. In Wude 2 he sent envoys to submit to the new regime. Emperor Gaozu praised him, issued an imperial letter of commendation, and appointed him prefect of Dongwu. Soon Fu Gongshi rebelled at Jiangdu and sent his generals Ximen Junyi and others to attack Chang Prefecture. Shitong led troops against them, won a great victory, and Junyi and his men barely escaped alive. After Fu Gongshi was suppressed, Shitong was enfeoffed as Marquis of Linfen for his accumulated achievements. Early in the Zhenguan reign he rose through successive appointments to prefect of Quan Prefecture, where he died.
6
簿
Qianguang was widely read in literature and history. Whenever he discussed events of earlier ages, he cited extensive evidence as though he had seen them with his own eyes. In his youth he enjoyed equal renown and close friendship with Xu Jian and Liu Zixuan. During the Wenming period he entered official service as registrar of Langzhong. During the Tianshou period he served as Left Remonstrator. At that time official appointments were quite indiscriminate, and Qianguang submitted a memorial:
7
I have heard that a state treasures the acquisition of worthy men, and that a minister proves his loyalty by recommending talent. Thus Zipi yielded the state to Guo Qiao, Baoshu recommended Guan Zhong, King Zhao of Yan entrusted his armies to Yue Yi, and Fu Jian entrusted the government to Wang Meng. Zichan endured slander from his countrymen; Yiwu was greedy for Gongjia's wealth; King Zhao bestowed carriage horses to silence slander; Yonggu executed Fan Shi to remove calumny. They stood amid suspicion yet won greater trust; they moved amid slander yet remained unquestioned—because their rulers understood them in silence and entrusted them with deep insight. Consider Zai Wo, deemed foolish by Confucius; Feng Meng, recognized by Emperor Guangwu; Han Xin, overlooked by Xiang Yu; and Mao Sui, not counted among Lord Pingyuan's retainers—these are cases of losing worthy men. When a ruler employs unworthy men, governance goes awry; when he gains worthy assistants, the age flourishes. Yao relied on the Eight Worthies and all affairs were well ordered; Zhou employed the Ten Disordered Ones and the realm was at peace. From this it follows that scholars must be carefully scrutinized and offices must not be awarded indiscriminately. Why is this? Recently most recommendations have been based not on talent but on borrowed reputations and inflated fame, with mutual puffery and promotion. Men aim at petty self-advancement and forget the great duty of minister and subject. This is no way to serve the state, seek worthy men, or fulfill Your Majesty's lofty expectations.
8
退 西西 駿
I venture to observe that how ancient rulers chose scholars was very different from today. They first traced the origins of a man's reputation and character, weighed his standing in his home district, upheld courtesy and deference as self-discipline, and held up integrity and righteousness as proof of trustworthiness. Plain sincerity came first; ornamental composition came last. Thus the people valued the spirit of mutual encouragement and deference, and scholars shunned frivolous behavior. Those who sought office had to cultivate steadfast integrity and abide by the principle that one should find it hard to accept advancement yet easy to withdraw. Public consensus fixed their standing, and prefects could not distort matters of right and wrong. The merit or folly of those recommended reflected directly on the prefect's own honor or shame; when disgraceful conduct came to light, it shamed the people of the district as well. When Li Ling surrendered, Longxi was shamed; when Gan Mu lived in seclusion, Xihe took pride in him. When reputation outweighed profit, the ways of petty men faded; when profit beat out reputation, greed and violence spread. The root of reforming custom lies in rejecting frivolity. Once Jique entered court through courtesy and deference, and the people of Jin learned what ritual meant; Wen Weng cultivated learning through the Confucian schools, and Shu produced many true scholars. King Zhao of Yan loved horses, and fine steeds came to his court; Lord Ye loved dragons, and a real dragon came into his hall. From this it follows that the people below never fail to follow the taste set by those above. Even in the late Warring States, when diplomatic strategists abounded, the Han still sought talent across every field of conduct. Men of propriety diligently cultivated virtue, won esteem in their neighborhoods, and only then received summons from local offices. The Wei dynasty in choosing men especially favored free-spirited unconventionality; After the Jin and Song, they valued only family pedigree. They encouraged the custom of pulling strings for office, betraying the principle of appointing the worthy alone. The Liang prized literary composition when recommending scholars; The Chen, in screening talent, prized poetry above all else. Thus their society prized poetry and wine and did not make self-cultivation its aim. By the Sui dynasty that lingering taste still held. During Kaihuang, Li E argued before Emperor Wen, saying: "The three founders of Wei favored literary composition all the more, neglecting the great Way of rulership and forgetting the people, while cherishing the petty craft of ornamental writing. Essay piled upon essay never rose above descriptions of moonlight and dew; Documents filled desks and chests with nothing but images of wind and clouds. The age took this as a mark of distinction, and the court used it to promote scholars; thus literary composition grew ever more burdensome, and governance ever more chaotic." The Emperor accepted Li E's proposal and issued an edict forbidding ornamental and empty literary language. That same year, Sima Youzhi, prefect of Si Prefecture, was punished because his memorial was uncanonical and insubstantial. Thereupon custom was reformed and invigorated, and good governance spread widely. When Emperor Yang came to the throne, he changed the former law again and established the jinshi and other examination categories. Thereupon the younger generation imitated one another again, clinging to the crude and shallow, rushing to seize the moment, stitching together small compositions called policy essays—not grounding themselves in substance, but prizing emptiness and ornament.
9
祿 使
The Tang has received the mandate and, though it has gradually reformed former abuses; Your Majesty rules the realm and seeks to discern talent for shared governance. To lay a firm foundation and elevate the realm lies solely in honoring the worthy. Today's examination candidates depart from the facts. District evaluations are decided by the pens of petty men, and conduct assessments lack the judgment of elders. Examination rankings are fought over noisily at prefectural offices, and pleading for favor gives way to outright prostration. Sometimes no sooner were the regulations promulgated than examination envoys were sent out to search and review candidates, rushing to the gates of prefectural offices and passing in and out of princes' mansions. They submit memorials and present poems, hoping only for the crumbs of a patron's favor; from head to foot they abase themselves, hoping to receive the grace of being lifted up. Thus by custom those called examination candidates are all termed seekers of recommendation. Seeking is a term for self-advancement, not language for others recognizing one's merit. Examine their conduct and measure their talent, and a man's character becomes plain. When self-interest runs strong, the principle of utmost fairness is violated; when greed for office shows itself, the spirit of integrity grows thin. From this one knows that though a prefectural appointment is lofty, it is nothing like Shudu's repeated and earnest declinations; though the Yellow Gate is already exalted, there is none of Qin Jia's solemn and earnest language. Even if they cannot restrain themselves and recommend the worthy, they are unwilling to wait for the third summons. How can this compare with the white colt, bright and unsullied by worldly dust, or with abundant silken gifts and honor transcending the common world—how vast is the distance between them! Thus upright men are ashamed to promote themselves and offer their words; ordinary men discard those who keep their distance and take those who attach themselves. Thus the selection office's appointments resound noisily in the examination hall; prefectural tribute candidates dispute at the palace gates. Slander and dispute gather in confusion and gradually become custom. Those who compete for glory necessarily compete for profit as well; the modest and deferential are free from the taint of bribery. Unless one is of the highest wisdom, how can one remain unmoved; for ordinary men, conduct follows custom. If prudent and sincere men are honored, then officeholders will exalt virtue to cultivate their reputation; if the gate of rushing competition is opened, those who seek office will all bow and scrape in flattery. When there is flattery and attachment, the common people suffer; when one keeps oneself pure, the multitude receive the blessing. Thus the gradual transformation of custom proceeds entirely from this. Now when one inquires into village gossip, everything comes down solely to the village head. Even if reputation falls short of propriety and guilt hangs in the penal code—even if one falsely registers to steal qualifications, or trades on merit to seize rank—as long as improper bribes are paid, one has not offended the village. How can this compare with Guo Tai's measured judgment, Mao Rong's great standing, Pei Xia's discerning promotion, and Xia Shao's lofty fame, when one speaks of who is better and who worse!
10
便便 使 使 使
Take those whose talent suits governing the state—they are made to take only the written examination; for those whose martial skill can subdue enemies, only bending the bow is tested. If their writing excels in clarity and originality, they are placed in the top rank; if literary thought is slightly diminished, they are sent home at once. To select men in this way would surely depart from the facts. Why is this so? Yue Guang borrowed Pan Yue's brush; Xie Lingyun's words were loftier than Xu Muyi's; the Marquis of Pingjin's writing was inferior to Sima Xiangru's; Cao Zhi's brush was finer than Xun Yu's. If written examinations were supreme, then Pan, Xie, Cao, and Ma would necessarily rank above Sun and Yue; If they were made to assist in planning strategy, then Pan Anren and Xie Lingyun would also be of no real benefit. From this perspective, one cannot apply a single standard in selection. As for martial skill, though Zhao Yun was brave, he relied on Zhuge Liang's direction; though Zhou Bo was heroic, he lacked Chen Ping's stratagems. If Fan Kuai held Xiao He's office, he would surely miss the moment for command and control; if Xiao He entered the army beneath the commander's tent, he would also have no power to save his lord. Fighting generals excel at breaking the enemy vanguard; plotting generals are careful in anticipating affairs. Thus Wen Yuan piled rice into a map and knew that Wei Xiao's realm could be taken; Chen Tang counted on his fingers and recognized that the Wusun would resolve the matter themselves. When the eight-difficulties stratagem was devised, Emperor Gaozu felt remorse toward Li Yiji; when the nine-refusals stratagem was exhausted, Gongshu Ban abandoned his plan to attack Song. Plotting generals do not excel at bow and horse; fine ministers need not rely on written examinations. How is this comparable to Yuan Chang's self-recommendation, falsely polishing his rhetoric, or Cao Zhi's submitted memorial, vainly flying with ornate prose—weighing whether they pass muster!
11
穿
I humbly hope Your Majesty will issue enlightened regulations and promulgate strict standards. One worthy man in a thousand miles is still no small number; opportunistic rushing forward must be held back by firm barriers. Cut off empty and ornamental language; gather practical and effective policies; do not accept baseless talk; seek words of sincere admonition. For civil talent, test them by performance in office; for military talent, have them defend and guard; at first observe words and examine conduct, and in the end match names to reality—then naturally the crowd of opportunists and inflated impostors will have nowhere to hide their empty mediocrity. Therefore Yan Ying said: "Raise them by their words, examine them by their deeds; few in speech but abundant in action, clumsy in letters but skilled in affairs. This is the way of selecting men and obtaining the worthy. There are those whose martial skill is transcendent or whose literary edge stands out, who have special uses for particular skills but lack great talent for governing the state—they may serve as claws and fangs in the army's vanguard, or as models in composing rhapsodies and prose. They may be tested with cloud-scaling compositions, trained in pierced-target archery, receive the throne's command to compose the "Sweet Springs" rhapsody, or take orders from the central army and be sent against the enemy—when each is assigned according to talent, there will be no worry of the wrong man in the wrong seat. Your subject respectfully notes: When Wu Qi faced battle, attendants brought him swords. Master Wu said: "Beating the drum and waving the mace, facing difficulty and resolving doubts—this is a general's business. The business of a single sword is not a general's business. Your subject notes: When Zhuge Liang faced war, he did not personally wear military dress; he stationed the Shu army on the south bank of the Wei River, and Sima Yi held his sword yet in the end did not dare confront him. Is this a matter of bow and arrow! Your subject notes: When Yang Dedec recited Sima Xiangru's writing, Emperor Wu said: "I regret that I cannot be contemporary with this man. When Xiangru arrived, he ended as Warden of the Wen Garden—the reason he was not placed in ministerial rank was that such a position was not what he was suited for.
12
退 祿 祿
Your subject notes: Under Han law, one who recommends others is responsible for them for life. Yang Xiong was implicated because of Tian Yi, held accountable for reckless recommendation; when Cheng Xi served as Chancellor of Wei, he was rewarded for obtaining the worthy. When reward and punishment orders are enforced, the heart that seeks favors through petitions is cut off; when the principle of yielding and deferring is established, the path of greedy competition disappears. Naturally the court will have no men contending for salaries, and the selection office will have modest and deferential men. I further ask that a generous time limit be set, allowing inquiry and selection to proceed; those who prove capable should be given probationary appointment to observe their ability; verify them by their conduct in office to distinguish right from wrong. If they prove unworthy, dismiss them as Wang Dan was dismissed; if worthy men are found, add rewards as Zhai Huang received—then naturally seeing the worthy one will not conceal them, and holding salary will not be monopolized. Xun Yu promoted Zhong Yao and Guo Jia; Liu Wei recommended Li Ying and Zhu Mu—the precedent is not far to seek. When those who perform capably receive reward for recommending the worthy, and reckless recommenders suffer punishment for deceit, then naturally when recommendations bring forth worthy conduct, the way of the superior man will flourish.
13
祿 殿 祿 祿
Soon he was transferred to Secretary for Waterways; through successive promotions he rose to Director within the Gates and Acting Prefect of Chang Prefecture. When the rebel Zhu Daimu raised turmoil in Xuan Prefecture and the common people fled in panic, Qian'guang strictly prepared defenses and restored order, and the whole jurisdiction became calm. He was transferred to Vice Director of the Ministry of Justice, given the Silver Seal and Blue-Girdle Grand Master of the Palace, and promoted again to Left Assistant Director of the Department of State Affairs. In the Jingyun era he was promoted and appointed Censor-in-Chief. At that time the monk Huifan relied on Princess Taiping's power to seize the shops of common people by force, and prefectures and counties could not address it. When Qian'guang was about to impeach him, some urged him to drop the matter. Qian'guang said: "The censorate exists to resolve grievances and clear wrongs—what is there to evade? Impeached in the morning and dismissed by evening—that would be acceptable. Thereupon he joined with Murong Ting of the Palace Attendants in submitting an impeachment, but was instead framed by Princess Taiping and sent out as Prefect of Qi Prefecture. After Huifan was executed, he was moved to Preceptor of the Heir Apparent, transferred to Minister of Justice, and given the Gold Seal and Purple-Girdle Grand Master of the Palace and membership in the Zhaowen Academy. At the beginning of the Kaiyuan era he served as Eastern Capital Regent, and was again transferred to Preceptor of the Heir Apparent. Because he shared the given name with the Heir Apparent, he submitted a memorial requesting to use his style name; by special edict he was granted the name Deng. Soon because his illegitimate son Yue, a Thousand-Bull Cadet, was impeached by the censorate, he was dismissed and sent back to his fields. Because his family was poor, the court specially granted him retirement salary. He died in the seventh year [of Kaiyuan], at age seventy-three, and was posthumously awarded the title of Prefect of Jin Prefecture. He compiled the Records of the Four Seasons in twenty scrolls.
14
Wei Cou was a native of Wannian in Jingzhao. His great-grandfather Zan was Right Assistant Director of the Department of State Affairs under the Sui. His grandfather Shuxie was Prefect of Pu Prefecture. His father Xuan was Chief Administrator of the Garrison Headquarters at Gui Prefecture. Cou, in the second year of Yongchun, left his commoner's dress and was appointed Military Aide in Wu Prefecture; through successive promotions he became Legal Administrator in the Yangzhou headquarters. A former magistrate of Renshou, Meng Shensuang, was overbearing and unrestrained, repeatedly breaking the law and associating with powerful kin; none of the officials before or after dared to investigate. Cou informed Chief Administrator Zhang Qian and asked to eliminate him when an opportunity arose. When Shensuang was implicated and brought for interrogation, Cou showed him no leniency; Shensuang falsely claimed there was a secret edict, and though the investigation proved this empty, Cou still had him beaten to death. Near and far praised and submitted. Cou, in the Jinglong era, was promoted in succession to Assistant Master of Palace Construction and Vice Minister of Public Works. Once he offended Zong Chuke on official business and was sent out as Prefect of Bei Prefecture.
15
祿
When Emperor Ruizong took the throne, Cou was appointed Vice Director of the Court for State Ceremonial and given the Silver Seal and Blue-Girdle Grand Master of the Palace. In the second year of Jingyun he was transferred to Vice Director of the Palace Treasury and also served concurrently as Herald. At that time Prince Jiemin was being reburied, and an edict of favor added a posthumous title; the crimes of Li Duozuo and others were cleared, their offices and titles restored, and the court still deliberated on further posthumous honors. Cou submitted a memorial saying:
16
使
I have heard that when a ruler issues commands and orders, he must take the Way of Heaven as his model, so that the three bonds are put in order and all ten ranks are thus settled—this is so that good is made clear for the good and evil is made manifest for the evil. For the good, rank and reward are displayed to encourage them; for the evil, punishments are established to chastise them. What reward and punishment cannot reach is judged by conduct and given a posthumous title for praise or blame—this is to admonish those yet to come. All these are great principles of utmost fairness, not matters in which private feeling may be indulged. Thus Jizi and Weizi were employed, while Guan and Cai were executed. Posthumous titles are when ministers judge their ruler and sons judge their father—and when one says "Spirit" or "Cruel," one dare not let private feeling disrupt great principles; how then can anything else be allowed to miss the mean!
17
使
Your subject has observed that Prince Jiemin, together with Li Duozuo and others, led the Northern Army's forbidden troops, ascending to violate the imperial residence—smashing gates and breaking barriers, bursting through the forbidden precinct and entering; weapons pointed at the imperial canopy, horsemen surged within the Purple Forbidden Palace. Emperor Xiaohé moved to the Xuanwu Gate and personally issued an edict of grace, explaining loyalty and rebellion—yet the Heir Apparent sat his saddle at ease and urged his forces on without stopping. Soon his followers regretted their error and turned rebellion into loyalty—some turned their troops to punish the rebels, others submitted written confessions and restrained themselves. Li Duozuo and others were executed at the place of punishment, and only then did the Heir Apparent set about fleeing. If the wicked had aided one another and Heaven had offered no sign, if the rebels had lacked men to turn their blades, if attendants had failed in the guard of halberds at the palace steps—what disaster would have ensued is beyond words! At that time your subject held the office of Assistant Master of Palace Construction and was granted status as an Inner Attendant Herald. The next day Emperor Xiaohé summoned the attendant officials and, with tears streaming down, said: "I almost failed to see you again! How extreme the peril and terror were! Yet now the holy dynasty clears their crimes, buries them with ceremony, and gives the posthumous title Jiemin ("Constant and Lamented")—in your subject's foolish understanding, this is privately perplexing.
18
滿
The rites between minister and ruler reach the utmost in solemn reverence; thus one must quicken one's pace when passing the ruler's place, and even to touch the grass where the ruler's horse passed is punishable by death. When Emperor Cheng of Han was Heir Apparent, he dared not travel on the imperial carriage road. When the Zhou royal house was in decline, Qin troops passed through the northern gate of Zhou; the attendants doffed their helmets and descended, yet Wangsun Man still reproached them for not rolling up armor and binding their weapons, ridiculed their lack of propriety, and knew they would inevitably be defeated. From this perspective, for the Heir Apparent to raise troops within the palace and ride his horse before the Emperor—this already transgresses ritual to an extreme; how much more so what actually followed! Yet he may be praised with a posthumous title—this your subject cannot comprehend. Is it because he beheaded Wu Sansi and his son that he is to be commended? To raise arms against rebels and restore peace to lord and father might be commendable—but to do so because one wished to seize the throne for oneself is to compete in rebellion. Can such a man be honored with a posthumous title? This, too, your subject cannot comprehend. Are we to commend him because he deposed the Wei clan? When the Wei clan's rebellion was manifest and all righteous bonds severed, even executing them would have been justified. At that moment the Wei clan's treason was not yet plain, no righteous bond had been broken, and to the Heir Apparent she was still his mother—what possible justification could there be for deposing one's own mother! Moreover, she was deposed not by Emperor Zhongzong's order but by force—coercing the father and deposing the mother is itself a grave rebellion. Can he be honored with a posthumous title? This, too, your subject cannot comprehend. If a ruler fails to rule as he should, how can a minister refuse to serve as a minister must? If a father fails to father as he should, how can a son refuse to be a son must? Even if a ruler and father behaved as Jie and Zhou did, ministers and sons still have no warrant to depose or kill him. How much more so when the late Emperor's achievements touched heaven and earth, his virtue embraced all living beings, his temple title is Zhongzong, and his posthumous name is Emperor Xiaohé—and a son who defied his command is to be honored with a posthumous title? This, too, your subject cannot comprehend.
19
使
In antiquity, Duke Xian of Jin, swayed by Li Ji's slanders, was about to execute his Heir Apparent Shensheng. Prince Chong'er said to him, "Why not declare your intentions to the Duke? The Heir Apparent replied, "I cannot. If my father is content with Li Ji, then for me to speak would only wound his heart." Chong'er asked, "Then why not flee?" Shensheng answered, "I cannot. My father would believe I meant to kill him—and is there any kingdom under Heaven without a father? How could I flee!" He sent word to Hu Tu, saying, "Shensheng does not cling to his life. Yet my lord is old, the heir is young, and the realm faces many troubles. If you, sir, would go forth and counsel my lord, Shensheng will gratefully accept death." He bowed twice and touched his forehead to the earth, then hanged himself. Conduct such as this merited a posthumous title no higher than Gong ("Respectful"). The present Heir Apparent's conduct was the very reverse—can he be given the posthumous title Jiemin? This, too, your subject cannot comprehend.
20
使
In the last years of Emperor Wu of Han, Jiang Chong quarreled with the Heir Apparent and feared that once the Emperor died, the Heir Apparent would have him executed. When the witchcraft affair broke out, Chong was assigned to investigate it. Exploiting the occasion for treachery, he dug for witchcraft dolls in the Heir Apparent's palace and planted paulownia wood to incriminate him. Emperor Wu was then at his summer retreat in Ganquan Palace, leaving only the Empress and Heir Apparent in the capital. Unable to prove his innocence, the Heir Apparent followed the advice of his Junior Tutor Shi De, forged an imperial warrant to execute Chong, and after defeat fled into hiding. He did not raise an army and march on the palace, nor did he plot rebellion against his father—yet he died at Lake, was buried without honor, and received no posthumous title. Under Emperor Zhao, a man appeared at the northern gate claiming to be the Wei Heir Apparent. An edict commanded the chief ministers to identify him, but none who came dared speak. Juan Buyi, Commandant of Jingzhao, arrived last and ordered his attendants to seize and bind the man. Someone urged, "We cannot yet know whether this is true—let us hold him for now. Buyi replied, "What do you fear from the Wei Heir Apparent? Long ago Kuai Kui fled into exile and Zhe refused to receive him—the Spring and Autumn Annals commends this. The Wei Heir Apparent wronged the late Emperor, fled instead of accepting death, and now presents himself of his own accord—he is a criminal." The man was sent to the imperial prisons. The Emperor heard and praised him, saying, "Ministers and high officials should be men learned in the classics and clear on great principles. Only later, when the Heir Apparent's grandson ascended the throne as Emperor Xiao Xuan, did the Heir Apparent receive proper burial—and his posthumous title was Li ("Unruly"). Compared with Prince Jiemin's conduct today, can the two even be mentioned in the same breath? To Your Majesty he was, moreover, like a son—and yet he is to receive the posthumous title Jiemin? This, too, your subject cannot comprehend.
21
使
In antiquity Ding Gong, a minister of Xiang Yu, once held Emperor Gaozu of Han at his mercy. Gaozu said to him, "Two worthy men—surely they would not destroy each other! Ding Gong then stayed his hand. When Gaozu overthrew the house of Xiang, he executed Ding Gong before the army, declaring, "The man who made King Xiang lose the empire was Ding Gong. To kill him was the highest justice, impartial and public—Gaozu would not reward private kindness, so as to warn all who would serve their lords thereafter. Prince Jiemin's rebellion, moreover, was not undertaken to protect Your Majesty—can he be honored with a posthumous title? This, too, your subject cannot comprehend.
22
使 使
Your Majesty is Heaven-endowed with sagely wisdom and appoints the worthy and enlightened—for one as foolish as your subject, how dare I presume to remonstrate? Yet even Yao and Shun, sage rulers though they were, and the Eight Worthies and Five Ministers, fine assistants though they were, still listened widely to the talk of common woodcutters—for in a thousand plans the wise may err once, and in a thousand plans the foolish may succeed once. Hence the saying: "Even a madman's words—the sage chooses from among them. Drawing on this principle, your subject ventures to speak and asks to debate before Your Majesty, face to face, with those who set the posthumous title. If I am wrong, I will gladly accept the charge of slandering sage governance and submit to death in the cauldron. I further ask that the right principle be made clear to all under Heaven, so that fools like us may have our confusion melt away like ice, and no further dissent remain. If the posthumous title is unfitting, how can it stand in this sage dynasty and pass into the historical record, giving rebel ministers and wicked sons of later ages a precedent and an excuse—opening the gate to rebellion rather than showing the law for generations to come! I humbly beg that the posthumous title be revised to accord with the ritual canon. As for Li Duozuo and the others, I ask that their crimes be pardoned but not declared "cleared"—if this accords with the hearts of all under Heaven, all will be perfect indeed.
23
When the memorial was submitted, Emperor Ruizong summoned Cou and said, "What you say is true. Matters have already gone this far—how can they be altered? Cou replied, "The Heir Apparent's conduct was truly rebellious and cannot be praised. I ask that his deeds be named plainly and the posthumous title reduced to a single character. Duozuo and the others took up arms against their ruler—not that they were without guilt, but one may say only that they were pardoned, not that their crimes were cleared." The Emperor agreed with him. Those then in power, finding the edict already issued hard to revise, withheld only the posthumous offices for Duozuo and others.
24
祿
The next spring, construction began on the Jin Xian and Yuzhen monasteries, at a cost of hundreds of millions in labor. Cou remonstrated: "Your Majesty halted work on the two monasteries last summer to protect the harvest; now, in the very heart of the farming season, you wish to begin again. Though the princess's own funds are used and nothing drawn from the treasury, earth-and-wood construction still hires labor at high wages; farmers of the capital region, tempted by immediate profit, abandon their fields for hire, forsaking the root to chase the branch. I have heard that when one man fails to plough, someone under Heaven goes hungry—I fear this cannot be allowed. The Emperor made no reply. Cou submitted again: "These days the warm breath of spring spreads abroad and the ten thousand things breed and grow; amid earth and timber countless insects live. Construction at such a season destroys countless lives—I fear this is not the intent of a benevolent and sage ruler. Emperor Ruizong was inclined to accept his advice and ordered further deliberation outside the court. Chief Minister Cui Xian and Palace Attendant Cen Xi told Cou, "For you to speak thus is a bold and difficult thing. Cou replied, "Enjoying a generous stipend, I would not refuse even death—how much more in an enlightened age, when I know I shall not die." Soon after he was appointed prefect of Shaan; before long he was transferred to prefect of Ru. In the second year of Kaiyuan, summer, an edict ordered a stele raised at Jing Mausoleum and laborers and artisans conscripted. Cou argued that imperial tombs had never had steles since antiquity, and that in a time of drought and famine construction was impermissible; he submitted an urgent memorial of strong remonstrance, and the work was halted. Before long he was transferred to prefect of Qi.
25
In the fourth year he was appointed Master of Palace Construction at court. At that time an edict restored the Xiaojing Temple under the title Yizong; Cou submitted a memorial:
26
I have heard that a king establishes rites to set the pattern of governance, and that such patterns arise from taking antiquity as one's teacher. The way of learning from antiquity requires rectifying names—name and reality must match. In the ancestral temple lies the greatest of rites—how can it be neglected! In ritual, ancestors of merit are called zu, ancestors of virtue are called zong—and the temples of zu and zong stand for a hundred generations undestroyed. Thus in the Yin dynasty Tai Jia was Taizong, Tai Wu Zhongzong, and Wu Ding Gaozong; in Zhou, King Wen and King Wu were honored as zong; in Han, Emperor Wen was Taizong and Emperor Wu Shizong. Thereafter, those called zong in every age had governed the realm within the four seas, their virtue and grace worthy of veneration, ranked in the zhao and mu sequence, destined to endure undestroyed. The meaning of the title zong—is it not weighty indeed! I humbly consider that Emperor Xiaojing never ascended beyond the Eastern Palace—he never ruled facing south; though his virtue as heir apparent was supreme, his moral influence did not reach across the seas. To establish a temple and call him zong may not accord with ritual. Moreover, a separate temple outside the zhao-mu sequence—consult the sacrificial canon: on what grounds call him zong? Yet the temple title Yizong would be spoken for ten thousand generations—in your subject's humble view, this cannot be right. Your Majesty follows the canonical rites to establish great governance; what the officials proposed has led to this lapse, falling short of perfection—how can one not regret it! I beg for further deliberation, so that all may accord with ritual.
27
An edict then ordered the Court of Imperial Sacrifices to deliberate, and the title Yizong was withdrawn.
28
使
Cou submitted memorial after memorial on the strengths and failings of current policy, and many of his proposals were adopted. He was again appointed Intendant of Henan and cumulatively enfeoffed as Duke of Pengcheng. For an official matter he was demoted to prefect of Hang, then transferred to prefect of Fen. In the tenth year he was appointed Intendant of Taiyuan and concurrently Commissioner for Finance, Supply, and Agricultural Colonies. That year he died in office at the age of sixty-five. He was posthumously made Area Commander of You; his posthumous title was Wen ("Refined"). His son Jiansu has his own biography. Xuxin was Cou's nephew.
29
西 使
Xuxin's father Wei had studied Confucian learning from youth, gained wide knowledge of literature and history, and passed the jinshi examination. Rising from Grand Councilor in the Court of Judicial Review to Department Director in the Ministry of Revenue, he excelled at adjudication. At the time, Assistant Director Song Zhiwen was renowned for poetry, and the Ministry was said to boast two outstanding talents. He ended his career as Left Assistant to the Heir Apparent. Xuxin entered service through the Filial and Incorrupt recommendation and governed with strict integrity, rising to Grand Councilor in the Court of Judicial Review and then Palace Censor. During the Shenlong era, when he investigated a major case, Grand Counselor Dou Huaizhen and Palace Attendant Liu Youqiu wanted leniency, but Xuxin firmly upheld the law with an unshakable resolve. During Jinglong, Qiang and Hu peoples of the Western Regions rebelled. When they were all captured, an edict was issued ordering their execution. Xuxin memorialized the throne, arguing that only the ringleaders should be punished, thus sparing more than a thousand lives. Xuxin was known for filial devotion. When his father died, his grief exceeded the proper measure of mourning—his beard and temples turned completely white—and the court held him in deep esteem. He was subsequently appointed Censor-in-Chief, Left and Right Assistant Director, Vice Minister of War, and Chief Administrator of Jing, Yang, and Lu with concurrent duties as Investigation Commissioner. Wherever he served, officials were brought to order and his authority was fully enforced; within and beyond the court, he was regarded as the standard. He served as Minister of Revenue and Regent of the Eastern Capital before dying at sixty-seven.
30
使
His youngest brother Xuzhou also entered through the Filial and Incorrupt recommendation. Rising from censor to department director in the Ministries of Revenue, Personnel Affairs, and the Left Secretariat, he served as Chief Administrator of Jingzhou and as Prefect of Hong and Wei, concurrently as Investigation Commissioner, and earned a reputation for able governance. He was recalled to the capital as Vice Minister of Justice and ended his career as Chief Justice. The household lived by strict propriety, with fathers, sons, and brothers serving in succession as court officials. They were known in their time as the "Family of Court Officials."
31
Han Sifu was a native of Chang'an in Jingzhao. His grandfather Lun served as General of the Left Guard during Zhenguan and was enfeoffed as Baron of Changshan County. Sifu inherited his grandfather's title while still young. He first served as Revenue Section Officer in Bian Prefecture, where he governed with leniency and never ordered beatings. While still in office he entered mourning for a parent. The family was poor, so he sold firewood to see out the mourning period. Yao Chong, then Vice Minister of War and a chief policymaker, admired this deeply and had him appointed Doctor of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices.
32
便 輿
During Jinglong he was promoted to Supervisor of the Palace Secretariat. At the time Left Regular Palace Attendant Yan Sansi was implicated in the affair of Prince Qiao Zhongfu and sent to a special prison. The responsible officials reported: "Sansi had once served as Prefect of Ru and was on familiar terms with Zhongfu. Summoned to the capital, he never disclosed Zhongfu's plot, reporting only that 'there is a military aura in the Eastern Capital. On these facts he should be found guilty of concealing rebellion; we request strangulation." Sifu submitted a counter-memorial: "Debate in capital cases and defer execution—this is the enlightened rule laid down by successive sage emperors; when the law admits doubt, lean toward leniency—this is a nation's enduring principle. Yan Sansi served in the previous reign when the Wei clan dominated the inner court, wielding favor within the palace and plotting against the dynasty itself. Sansi saw the danger early and went to the chancellor's office to reveal what he knew, declaring that His Majesty would surely ascend the throne. Though he had associated with Zhongfu, he had done so in order to trap the Wei clan. And for failing to report this when he had an audience, he is to be punished by death—as if that alone were enough to condemn him. Moreover, when the edict summoning Sansi arrived, he set out at once. If he had harbored treasonous intent, would he have obeyed so readily? To loosen the net on one side truly accords with mercy and the sparing of life; in the three-sided hunt, those who come forward may yet be spared. When punishment is at stake, the matter should be examined in full clarity. I ask that the case be referred to the Ministry of Justice for deliberation by the full assembly of officials, with their recommendation submitted for imperial decision, in keeping with cautious judgment in capital cases." At the time most who joined the deliberation favored pardoning Sansi, but the responsible officials still pressed their earlier recommendation for execution. Sifu countered again: "I have heard that executions in the marketplace and ennoblements at court require unanimous deliberation before they are carried out without dispute. Reviewing the deliberations of the various offices on Yan Sansi, only one in ten supports conviction; the offense warrants only the lighter penalty. The emperor's gates stand nine layers deep, and the road to the throne stretches a thousand li. Therefore the emperor lends his ears to all under heaven, and nothing escapes hearing; and lends his eyes to all under heaven, and nothing escapes sight. Many opinions have now reached the throne, and the choice among them should be made with care. If the majority view is set aside for the minority, I must confess fear. When public opinion and official report diverge, the voices below never reach the throne. Even if one wishes to follow the majority, how can that be done? All the offices of the capital, in this age of peace, divide their duties among officials who are either men of merit or men of kinship. The kin are the princes of the domains—Your Majesty's own beloved sons. The worthy are the enfeoffed lords and founding ministers—Your Majesty's most celebrated officials. When they see impropriety toward the sovereign, would they all simply echo one another without dissent? Memorials on this case are abundant, and the law itself calls for the lighter penalty." The emperor accepted his memorial and ultimately spared Sansi from death, sentencing him instead to exile in Jing Prefecture. Sifu was soon made Drafting Secretariat Attendant and repeatedly submitted memorials on matters of policy, many of which the emperor accepted.
33
使 西使 使 使 祿
In the early Kaiyuan period he served as Remonstrance and Consultation Grand Master. When locusts swarmed across Shandong, Yao Chong, then Director of the Secretariat, memorialized dispatching envoys throughout Henan, Hebei, and the other circuits to kill the locusts and bury them. Sifu held that locust swarms were a heaven-sent calamity, to be averted through cultivation of virtue—not something human effort could simply destroy. He memorialized the throne: "I have heard that locusts in Henan and Hebei have grown fiercer by the day; wherever they pass, crops are destroyed entirely. They are now spreading west of the river toward Luoyang. Official envoys come and go but dare not speak openly, and several Shandong prefectures are gripped by fear. Moreover, when heaven-sent calamity spreads widely, no amount of burying can put an end to it. I hope Your Majesty will repent, examine your own conduct, and send envoys to comfort the people; cut back nonessential tasks, summon the most upright officials, and unite court and country in shared purpose—offering this sincerity in answer to heaven's signs of blessing or disaster. I humbly ask that all the locust-suppression envoys already sent be recalled. The Book of Documents says: "August Heaven is impartial—it assists only those who possess virtue; and the people's hearts are impartial—they embrace only those who show benevolence. One cannot fail to win the people's hearts." The emperor agreed strongly and handed Sifu's memorial to Yao Chong. Chong then had Sifu sent to Shandong to inspect locust damage firsthand and, upon his return, report the facts fully to the throne. Chong also sent Supervising Censor Liu Zhao to conduct a follow-up review. Seeking to please Chong, Liu Zhao beat the people and falsified the earlier reports before submitting his findings. As a result, several Henan prefectures were denied tax relief after all. Sifu was thus forced out by Chong, first as Prefect of De and then as Prefect of Jiang. He was recalled as Vice Minister of the Palace Secretariat, given the additional title Silver-Gleaming Minister of the Imperial Household, and succeeded Pei Huan as Censor-in-Chief. Sifu was by nature tranquil and fond of philosophical discourse—given to kindness and the cultivation of the Way—not suited to the disciplinary role of censor-in-chief. Before long he was made Mentor of the Heir Apparent. He died in the thirteenth year of Kaiyuan, at over seventy.
34
His son Chaozong served as Intendant of the Capital District in the early Tianbao era.
35
殿 滿 使 使 使
His great-grandson Ci, courtesy name Xiangzhi, showed literary talent from youth and prized simplicity and restraint in character. He passed the jinshi examination and was repeatedly recruited to serve in the provinces. From an assistant post in Xiang Prefecture he was summoned to the capital as Palace Censor and later promoted to Assistant Director in the Ministry of Justice. He requested appointment as Prefect of Li. When his term ended, Chancellor Niu Sengru, then stationed at Ezhou, recruited him as an assistant. He was then summoned as Department Director in the Ministry of Justice, became Vice Intendant of the Capital District, and was promoted to Supervisor of the Palace Secretariat. He was sent out as Surveillance Commissioner of Gui Prefecture. Gui administered more than twenty prefectures, with three hundred posts from prefectural staff down to district magistrates. Only one in ten was filled through the Ministry of Personnel; the rest were filled by assessing the ability of known incorrupt officials. When Ci arrived in Gui, clerks presented several hundred men who habitually held local posts. One clerk stepped forward with the register and said: "The roster is full—we request that vacancies be filled." Ci warned them: "Officials who are currently in office and performing competently will not be removed from their jurisdictions; those who have committed offenses will be dealt with according to law. Vacancies will be filled only after the old registers are examined and the qualified candidates selected." When an imperial envoy for spring clothing arrived, he demanded bribes from the postal officials. Three powerful local families paid him generously to secure district magistracies for their candidates—and Ci appeared to agree to every request. After the envoy departed, he punished them for corrupt interference with the law, each receiving a flogging on the back. From then on the local power brokers kept their heads down, and incorrupt officials were appointed who brought relief to the people. Soon an edict established a Five-Circuit Supervisory Commissioner, whose expenses could consume an entire circuit's tax revenue—yet still fail to satisfy their appetite. Ci managed the post with exceptional frugality, turning his methods into permanent practice; men of judgment regarded this as a notable achievement. He died in office in the second year of Kaicheng and was posthumously made Vice Minister of Public Works.
36
Zhang Tinggui was a native of Jiyuan in Henan; his family had migrated there from Chang Prefecture. Tinggui won renown early for his literary talent; he was generous in spirit and held firm ideals. At twenty he took the imperial special examination. During the Chang'an era he rose to Supervising Censor. Empress Wu levied a tax on all monks and nuns in the realm, intending to erect a great Buddha image at Baima Slope. Tinggui memorialized the throne in remonstrance:
37
滿
Buddha means awakened awareness: enlightenment arises from the mind itself and cannot be grasped through outward forms. The sutra says: "He who would see me in form or seek me in sound walks the evil path and cannot perceive the Tathagata. The fruit of true suchness is not to be sought outside oneself. Your Majesty has long shown sincere faith, taken refuge in the Dharma, made great vows, and endowed temples and icons throughout the realm. This is charity that clings to outward form—not the rarest and highest teaching. Why do I say so? The sutra says: "If one filled three thousand great thousand-worlds with the seven treasures as an offering, or gave one's life as many times as there are sands in the Ganges, the merit would be immense. Yet if one upholds even a four-line verse from this sutra and expounds it to others, the merit surpasses all of that. As the scripture teaches, if Your Majesty pour out the wealth of the empire, exhaust the labor of countless men, strip the mountains for timber to build pagodas, and pour all refined gold into images—even at such enormous cost and toil—the merit gained would not exceed that of one solitary layman in a chan cell.
38
西
When bodhisattvas cultivate merit, they must not grow attached to it; the methods of conditioned action are unworthy of exaltation. Moreover, these building projects entail immense earthworks and timber: hillsides are quarried and foundations raised on steep terraces; caves are sealed off while timber is cut and hauled through every passage—and in the crush, countless insects and ants are ground underfoot, in numbers beyond reckoning. Can this be what the Buddha meant by the summer retreat—compassion for every living creature and unwillingness to destroy a single life? Spirits cannot be pressed into service—only human beings bear the work. The craftsmen are overwhelmingly poor and wretched, driven from dawn to dusk until sinews ache and bones are worn out. They subsist on meager fare, cook before daylight and eat by starlight, and from hunger and thirst sickness and fever multiply. Is this what the Buddha meant by traveling on foot—compassion for beasts of burden and unwillingness to waste their strength? Construction funds are extracted even from monks and nuns, who may beg for alms—yet many remain in want. Prefectures and counties press for levy with urgent haste; families find nowhere to turn, and some sell their possessions to meet the demand. Resentment fills the roads, and concord has not returned. Can this accord with the Buddha's teaching of rejoicing in others' merit—with pity for the simple and no wish to strip them of their livelihood? Moreover the northern marches remain unsettled, military supplies must be furnished daily, the realm is drained empty, and the whole empire labors under exhaustion. I implore Your Majesty to reflect carefully: consider how the bodhisattva's path benefits all living beings. Charity in that spirit would yield merit as vast as the heavens in every direction—as boundless as space itself. Why then insist on clinging to outward forms, carving up the people's substance to glorify matters that can wait? Speaking as a matter of state, the priority should be securing the frontier, filling the treasury, and conserving manpower; Speaking as a matter of Buddhist doctrine, the priority should be relieving suffering, transcending all outward distinctions, and upholding the ideal of non-action. I pray Your Majesty will consider my humble counsel, heed the Buddha's true meaning, value principle above all, and judge the argument rather than the arguer. This would be a great fortune indeed.
39
殿 西使
Wu Zetian took his counsel and immediately halted the construction. She then received him at Changsheng Hall and praised and consoled him warmly. In the closing years of the Jinglong reign he was appointed Secretariat Drafter, then twice promoted to military governor of Hong Prefecture, concurrently serving as regional inspector of Jiangnan West Circuit.
40
At the opening of the Kaiyuan reign he was recalled to the capital as Vice Minister of Rites. A prolonged drought had gripped the land; the Guanzhong region faced famine. The throne issued an edict calling for candid remonstrance and counsel to improve governance. Zhang Tinggui submitted a memorial, saying:
41
I have read that in antiquity, rulers who triumphed through adversity and sages forged in crisis all shared one truth: when danger sharpens the will and necessity deepens reflection, one can rise from the lowest station and turn misfortune into blessing. I observe that at the end of the Jinglong era Emperor Zhongzong met a violent end; during the Xiantian coup, treacherous factions plotted—the empire hung by a thread, and the dynasty itself stood on the brink of collapse. Your Majesty's martial brilliance surpasses any age, and your sincerity moved heaven itself. You swept away the miasma of chaos, and the realm is once again bright and clear. Thereafter you ascended in harmony with Heaven's intent, turned your mind to the common people, governed with the precision of the celestial sphere, and received the sacred mandate of rule. Every land the sun and moon shine upon, every region where civilization had not yet reached—all have bathed in your generous grace and been wrapped in your benevolent rule. Not even ten emperors like Yao and nine like Shun together would suffice for praise. The clear-eyed Lord on High looks down upon the earth; surely He will grant great blessings to answer so magnificent a reign.
42
滿 退 使
Yet in recent years the seasons have fallen out of harmony, the harvests have failed, and famine has strangled the people—nowhere more severely than in the Guanzhong heartland. Some have wood for fuel yet cannot cook a meal; others lack even coarse grain and cannot go on living, fearing only that death will come next. Those who have met this prosperous age only to suffer such affliction—I believe Heaven's intent may be to warn Your Majesty. In the prime of life, with sacred talent in your person, you rose from princely quarters to the throne in a single stroke. Perhaps Heaven wishes to test whether you will neglect the duty of nourishing the people, indulge ambition alone, look down on the models of Yao and Shun, and emulate the hubris of Emperor Wu. Therefore Heaven has sent visible signs of warning and repeated admonishments, wishing the sovereign to grow more vigilant day by day—to find no rest even in prosperity, to preserve great harmony, and to secure the foundation of the state. How deeply Heaven has watched over Your Majesty! How could you fail to heed these warnings with reverence and awe? I earnestly urge Your Majesty to restrain your passions and curb your ambitions, clarify your mind and steel your resolve, study the classics of Fu Xi and Shen Nong, and embrace the path of plain simplicity. Promote upright men of talent, dismiss sycophants, keep the harem at a distance, cut back the imperial stables, ban cuju games from the palace grounds, and forsake the pleasure of hunting in the fields. Leave fallow the barren fields on distant borders, withdraw the armies stationed in far garrisons, show compassion to widows and orphans, and lighten corvée and taxation. Discard ingenious frivolities and luxurious baubles, renounce treasures such as the jade disk of He and the pearls of Sui—give your heart no object of desire, and it will not be distracted. Then naturally the four seas will be calm, the realm will be cleared of turmoil, farmers will delight in their work, and surplus grain will fill the furrows. Then the harmonious breath will rise to Heaven—and even such marvels as five planets in alignment or the sun and moon conjoined would not be worth mentioning; Auspicious omens may descend to earth—even a phoenix nesting in the palace or a qilin appearing in the suburbs would scarcely be remarkable. Should anyone deem Heaven's clear warning unworthy of fear, the Lord on High will be roused to anger—wind and rain will fall into disorder, famine will worsen daily, and there will be no way to save the people below. Should anyone deem the people's impoverishment unworthy of pity, the farmers will lose all heart, the multitudes will scatter in rebellion, misery will reach its limit—and there will be no one left to serve the throne. These are the very matters on which safety and ruin depend, the wellspring of blessing and disaster—yet how has the court failed to perceive them! Moreover, Your Majesty has only just received the mandate and inaugurated a new reign; ministers and officials, Chinese and barbarian peoples alike—all listen with rapt attention, watch with renewed eyes, and crane their necks in anticipation, hoping to witness something worthy. The whole realm looks to you with expectation. How can you idle away established norms and betray these hopes!
43
祿
He was promoted again to Vice Minister of the Yellow Gate. When Censor Jiang Ting was judged to have supervised a flogging too leniently, the throne ordered him beaten in the court hall. Tinggui submitted a memorial: "Censors serve as the eyes and ears of justice—a position of honorable repute. If guilty, let him be executed or exiled—but not flogged. A gentleman may be killed, but he cannot be humiliated." Though the order had already been carried out, public opinion sided with Tinggui. Shortly afterward he was convicted of leaking palace secrets and demoted to prefect of Mian; he later served in succession as prefect of Su, Song, and Wei. He was recalled to the capital as Director of the Palace Workshops, granted the additional title Grand Master of the Golden Seal and Purple Girdle, and enfeoffed as Baron of Fanyang. After four further promotions he became Grand Mentor of the Heir Apparent; he then retired on account of age and illness. He died in the twenty-second year of the reign, aged over seventy; he was posthumously appointed Minister of Works and given the posthumous title Zhenmu, "Upright and Solemn." Tinggui had long been close to Li Yong, prefect of Chen, and repeatedly recommended him in memorials. For every stele inscription Li Yong composed, he would ask Tinggui to write it in clerical script. Tinggui excelled at regular and clerical script and was held in high esteem by his contemporaries.
44
詿 詿 詿
Wang Qiuli was a native of Changshe in Xu Prefecture. Under Empress Wu he served as Left Reminder and was later promoted to Investigating Censor. He was loyal and outspoken by nature; in every sealed memorial of impeachment he held nothing back and feared no one. When the Khitan leader Li Jinzhong rebelled, his general Sun Wanrong overran several prefectures in Hebei. Wang Wuzong of Henei took command of the punitive force but, timid and irresolute, dared not advance. After the rebels had looted the region and withdrawn, Wuzong drew up a list of several hundred households in Cang and Ying whom he claimed had been misled by the enemy, and requested that they be executed. Qiuli detained him and impeached him, saying: "These people were misled. They had no capable officials to guide them, their walls were not strong, and when the enemy drove them on they submitted only to save themselves—how could they have harbored treason from the start? Wuzong commanded an army of hundreds of thousands, yet when he heard the enemy was coming he fled behind city walls—a crime deserving death. Now you would shift the blame onto those who were misled—is this the conduct of a loyal minister? I ask that Wuzong be executed to answer to the people of Hebei." Wuzong was terrified, and Wu Zetian ultimately issued an edict pardoning the accused.
45
祿 使
When the Khitan captured Youzhou and supply lines failed, Left Chancellor Dou Lu Qinwang proposed suspending two months' salary for capital officials to support the army. Qiuli told him: "Your own salary is generous—yours could be spared. The empire is wealthy enough to meet every military and state need—why must you lean on the meager pay of impoverished officials? Is this how a chancellor is supposed to act?" Qinwang flushed with anger and rebuffed him, then memorialized: "Both Qin and Han levied special taxes to support their armies. Qiuli fails to grasp the larger picture and recklessly picks quarrels." Qiuli replied: "Qin Shi Huang and Emperor Wu taxed the empire hollow to fund their frontier wars—would you have our sage dynasty imitate them? I wonder whether Chancellor Qinwang's proposal is the larger picture after all!" The proposal was dropped.
46
調
When snow fell in the third month, Vice Minister Su Weidao and others took it for a good omen and drafted a congratulatory memorial. Qiuli stopped them: "It is the chancellor's duty to harmonize yin and yang—yet snow falls in late spring. That is a calamity, not an omen. If snow in the third month counts as an auspicious snow, then thunder in the twelfth month must count as an auspicious thunder." The entire court laughed at the affair, and it became a standing joke. Qiuli remained so upright and unyielding that he never rose high in rank and died without advancement.
47
Xin Tifou was a native of Jingzhao. During the Jinglong reign he served as Left Reminder. At that time Emperor Zhongzong established official staffs for the princesses, and the appointments to Princess Anle's household were especially numerous and indiscriminate. After the death of her consort Wu Chongxun, she abandoned the old residence and built a new mansion, with extravagance beyond all measure. Buddhist construction was also flourishing at the time, exhausting the people and draining the treasury empty. Tifou submitted a memorial of remonstrance, saying:
48
使
I have heard that in antiquity, when offices were established, not every post was filled; even below the rank of Nine Ministers, many positions existed but appointees were left vacant. When one man was rewarded, the three chief ministers would deliberate; when one man was appointed, every department would be consulted. Those who enjoyed favor feared the burden of power; men of honor shunned the gates of influence and would not enter them. Thus rewards were not lavish and offices were not overfilled; officials maintained their integrity and households their honor; the court had surplus revenue and the people had surplus grain. Subjects were loyal and rulers respectful; the throne could rest at ease without sudden peril, govern with folded hands without fear of upheaval. There have always been policies that startle the eye and trouble the mind—measures that break with ancient precedent and impose themselves on the present age. Yet Your Majesty now bestows rewards a hundred times over and multiplies offices tenfold—gold and silver cannot keep pace with the seals, silk cannot keep pace with the grants. What shame is there in useless ministers? What modesty in powerless men of talent! As for appointments to government posts, selection is scarcely exercised at all, so that wealthy merchants and magnates fill the ranks of officialdom, while performers and shamans hold lucrative posts on fertile lands.
49
使 婿
I recall the ancients' saying: "Blessing has its roots, and disaster its beginnings." The princess is Your Majesty's beloved daughter: you chose a husband for her, appointed officials to serve her, poured out the treasury in gifts, gave her a splendid mansion to live in and broad ponds for her pleasure. By any measure this is the utmost favor and the utmost tenderness. Yet these measures accord with neither ancient principle nor the people's hearts. I fear that love may turn to hatred and blessing to disaster. Why? To exhaust the people's labor is to earn their resentment; to squander the people's wealth is to earn their resentment; to seize the people's homes is to earn their resentment. To cherish a few favorites while earning threefold resentment throughout the realm is to leave frontier soldiers unwilling to fight their hardest and court officials unwilling to serve their fullest. When the people are alienated, what can Your Majesty rely upon but those few you favor? When the Prince of Lu was rewarded no more lavishly than other imperial sons-in-law and treated with the same ceremony as court ministers, he enjoyed the blessings of the present without the disasters of the past. People see only the disaster, not the source from which it springs. The source of disaster is favor lavished beyond what is due even to ministers and sons. On the fifth day of the seventh month last year, the warning was already plain. Yet nothing has changed: you still trifle and delay, abandoning one mansion only to build another, forgetting past disasters while ignoring those still to come. I venture to say, Your Majesty, that you bear them hatred, not love.
50
使 竿 耀 穿 殿 西
I have heard that a ruler takes the people as his foundation; when that foundation is firm, the realm is secure. When the realm is secure, Your Majesty's marriage and the bond between mother and son can long endure. I beg you to consult your chief ministers openly and devise a plan for lasting stability, so that treacherous officials and corrupt princes may not lie in wait. I have heard that what seems slight must still be guarded against, and what seems distant must still be weighed in advance. Today the frontiers are in peril and the granaries stand empty; soldiers who take up arms in defense go unrewarded, and men who shed their blood on the battlefield go unsupplied. Yet you are building monasteries on a grand scale and erecting vast mansions—stripping mountains bare of timber that still cannot supply your beams and pillars, hauling earth until roads are choked and still not enough to raise your walls. You boast of surpassing the ancients and outshining the present, violating statute and exceeding precedent; the hundred officials dare not speak, and hearts ache throughout the realm. Buddhism takes purity as its foundation and compassion as its principle; one should embody the Way to aid the world, not profit oneself at others' expense, and set aside the self to preserve the whole, not adorn one's person to the detriment of the faith. To dig into mountains and excavate ponds during the working seasons is to destroy life; to drain the treasury is to harm the people; to raise vast halls and endless corridors is to glorify oneself. To destroy life is not compassion; to harm the people is not to aid the world; to glorify oneself is not purity—can this be the mind of the Great Sage? I believe this is neither true religion nor the Buddha's will; it runs counter to the times and against the people's wishes. Since Śākyamuni went west and Buddhism spread eastward, the faith did not reach China before the Zhou, and the White Horse only arrived after the Han. Dynasty after dynasty has seen this pattern: the more lavish the display, the emptier the treasury; the heavier the forced labor, the greater the disaster. One overturned cart after another has taken the same road, and no ruler has changed course—Jin ministers were mocked for flattering Buddhism, Liang emperors brought ruin by offering their bodies to the faith. If building temples were truly the principle of good government, and caring for the people were insufficient to rule the realm, then everything before the Yin and Zhou would have been benighted chaos, and everything from the Han and Wei onward would have been sage rule; the eras before Yin and Zhou would have been brief, and those from Han and Wei onward would have been enduring. I have heard that Xia ruled as Son of Heaven for more than twenty generations before Yin succeeded it; Yin ruled for more than twenty generations before Zhou succeeded it; Zhou ruled for more than thirty generations before Qin succeeded it—and from the Han onward the succession is known in detail. Why is this? States guided by the Way endure; those without it perish quickly—surely long reigns are not won by squandering gold and jade on pagodas and temples!
51
穿 祿 使
I have read in the sutras: 'When a bodhisattva's mind clings to phenomena even as he gives alms, it is like a man entering darkness—he sees nothing.' It also says: 'All conditioned things are like dreams, illusions, bubbles, and shadows, like dew and like lightning.' I believe that cutting the cost of ornamentation to relieve the poor is to act with the Tathāgata's virtue; to stop the torment of excavation and preserve even the smallest creatures is to act with the Tathāgata's benevolence; to halt construction spending and supply the frontiers is to achieve what Tang and Wu achieved; to redirect unneeded stipends toward rewarding honest officials is to govern as Tang and Yu governed. Your Majesty treats the urgent as leisurely and the leisurely as urgent, cherishes what lies ahead while neglecting what is at hand, abandons the real for the empty, and esteems the pursuits of common men above the Son of Heaven's true work—I grieve to see it. Today everyone who pays bribes and trades on influence is ordained a monk; everyone who evades corvée through fraud is ordained a monk; only the poor and the honest remain unordained. What standard will this set? From whom will you draw labor? I believe that to leave home is to renounce the world of dust, leave behind factions, and harbor no private attachments. Yet today they amass wealth and pursue trade—this is not renouncing the world; they favor relatives and cultivate cronies—this is not leaving factions behind; they keep wives and raise children—this is not freedom from private attachment. This invites men to ruin the Way rather than spreading the Way to embrace men. I observe that the palaces and towers of the capital and Luoyang, even without further embellishment, already verge on excess. Your Majesty has even spoken of filling in ponds, surrendering parklands, and using the proceeds to aid the destitute. Monasteries throughout the realm are beyond number; a single temple rivals one of Your Majesty's palaces in grandeur! Their cost surpasses it! If the realm's wealth were divided into ten parts, seven or eight would belong to Buddhism—what remains for Your Majesty! What will the common people live on! Even if yin and yang were your fuel and the ten thousand things your ore, even if you conscripted men who need no food and workers who need no clothing, it would still not suffice. How much less when wealth must come from what heaven and earth provide, ripened by wind and rain! I have heard that when a state lacks nine years' reserves, it is no true state at all. When I reckon the granaries, estimate the treasuries, and tally the stipends of officials and the costs of every affair, I fear we cannot finish the year—let alone accumulate nine years' supply! When turmoil returns and frost and hail strike again, monks cannot take up arms, and temples cannot stave off famine—I grieve to think of it!
52
The memorial was submitted and rejected. More than a year later, Princess Anle was put to death.
53
I have long believed that in antiquity, rulers who spent at the wrong time and rewarded office without merit brought ruin upon their houses and realms—yet to hear of disaster is not like living through it, and to hear tell is not like seeing with one's own eyes. I ask leave to speak of the successes and failures of Tang governance that Your Majesty has witnessed firsthand. If Your Majesty will examine these matters carefully, listen closely, and follow what is good, the work of an enduring reign may be achieved—why fear that the people will not prosper or that fortune will not last!
54
使
I respectfully recall Emperor Taizong, the Civil and Military Sage, Your Majesty's ancestor, who quelled chaos, restored order, founded the dynasty, grasped the essence of true governance, and established simple, effective methods. He trimmed the bureaucracy and purged corrupt officials; throughout the realm no office was filled without cause and no coin of public wealth was wasted. Rewards followed merit; offices went to the worthy; nothing he undertook failed, and no foe he sent armies against failed to submit. He did not erect countless temples, yet blessings came unbidden; he did not ordain vast numbers of monks and nuns, yet calamity faded away. His Way accorded with Heaven and Earth; his virtue reached the spirits. Heaven and Earth favored him and the spirits protected him; yin and yang kept their balance, and wind and rain came in season. The four classes of people prospered in their trades, the five grains ripened in abundance, and spoiled grain and worn cloth littered the streets. From every corner of the realm tribute and taxes flowed to the capital; Barbarians near and far came to pay homage at the throne. Since the age of emperors, none has been so truly sage; his reign was long and enduring. Why does Your Majesty not take him as your model?
55
祿 使 忿調
Emperor Zhongzong, the Filial and Harmonious, Your Majesty's elder brother, inherited their forefathers' legacy yet forgot their example; he heeded no counsel of the worthy but indulged his children as he pleased. He handed out offices and titles without discrimination; thousands ate stipends for no work; He enfeoffed the undeserving; more than a hundred households received fiefs without merit. He never stopped building temples, squandering hundreds of millions in public funds; he never ceased ordaining clergy, exempting tens of thousands from tax and corvée. State expenditures multiplied while revenues shrank. The granaries held no surplus for the year; the treasuries no reserve even for a season. Those he hated were driven out—and those driven out were mostly the loyal and good; those he favored were rewarded—and those rewarded were mostly slanderers and villains. Factions of flatterers chattered endlessly, undermining one another. They sought not to serve the court but to keep their posts through faction and patronage. They seized the people's food to nourish the wicked; they stripped the people's clothing to gild their temples in earth and wood. Man's resentment and the spirits' wrath followed; kin turned against him and the people deserted him; floods and droughts came, and plague returned again and again. Opinion divided near and far; public and private resources were alike exhausted. Within five or six years disaster struck again and again; his reign was brief, and he met his end at the hands of a wicked woman. Temples could not save him; monks could not protect his wife and children; he became a mockery for ages and a laughingstock among the barbarians. This Your Majesty has seen with your own eyes—why not cast it off and change course?
56
Follow Taizong's way of governing, and the hundred officials will be ruled by principle, the people will know no fear—Mount Tai's security can be achieved at once; Follow Zhongzong's way, and ten thousand people will resent, the hundred affairs will know no peace—and the danger of a tower of eggs can be achieved at once. Since summer, unending rains have ruined the grain in the fields and rotted the wheat on the threshing floors. Since autumn, severe drought has struck; crops failed to ripen, frost and pests destroyed what remained, and grass and leaves withered brown. The people groan in distress, uncertain whether relief will come; yet monasteries and temples rise day after day, and provisional inspectors and examiners overflow the offices of the terraces. I know Your Majesty loves your two daughters and is building two monasteries for them—firing tiles, hauling timber, loading earth and filling pits; rumor in the streets puts the cost at more than a million strings of cash. Your Majesty is sage and knows all things; Your Majesty is enlightened and sees all things. Knowing this, do you know how many years' grain the granaries hold, how many years' silk the treasuries hold? Do you know whether the people can survive? Can supplies reach the three frontiers? Today, to send one soldier to the frontier or one guardsman to defend the realm, most go without food or clothing and all endure hunger and cold. There is nothing left for rewards; armies fail in battle—and none of it is unconnected to this. Yet you would spend a million strings of cash on useless monasteries and earn the resentment of all under Heaven! To defy the will of ten thousand people! I respectfully observe that Your Majesty follows in Empress Wei's disgraceful path yet has not abandoned Empress Wei's corrupt rule. You can abandon Taizong's foundation of good governance, yet cannot abandon Zhongzong's ruinous ways; You can abandon Taizong's far-sighted designs, yet cannot abandon Zhongzong's shortsighted schemes. How then, Your Majesty, can you carry on your ancestors' legacy and look upon all the realm?
57
使
When Your Majesty was crown prince, in the days of Empress Wei and Consort Wei, you lived in fear of ruin and often gnashed your teeth at the villains. Now you are exalted as emperor and possess the whole realm, yet you have not changed the ways of those villains. I fear others will gnash their teeth at you again. How then can Your Majesty denounce such villains and punish them? I have seen Your Majesty's clear edict that from this day forward all should follow the precedents of the Zhenguan era. In the Zhenguan era, was there ever anything like today's temple-building and monastery construction, the swelling of monks, nuns, and Daoist priests, the multiplication of useless offices, and the pursuit of nonessential tasks that throw government into disorder? I believe that to discard those words without keeping that pledge, to admire what was good yet not turn from what was evil—how can Your Majesty then set an example for all under Heaven? In the past, when Emperor Zhongzong showed pity to the rebellious prince, he was led astray by schemers. Zong Jinqing urged the construction of mansions, and Zhao Lüwen urged the building of gardens and pavilions, ruining the homes of hundreds of families and seizing the lands of hundreds more. Workers still hacked and hewed without pause, loyal troops clashed in turmoil, and in the end the prince could neither stroll in his pavilion nor dwell in his mansion. To heed the counsel of wicked flatterers and bring bloodshed among kin—Your Majesty saw this with your own eyes. This monastery-building, I am certain, is not Your Majesty's or the princess's true intent. Surely men like Zhao Lüwen will urge it on, hoping to lead kin astray. This must be examined with the utmost care.
58
使
I have heard that those who leave the world to cultivate the Way take no part in worldly affairs, but devote themselves to purifying body and mind, holding emptiness and stillness as the highest good and nonaction as the deepest wisdom. They rely on the two scrolls of the Laozi, revere a single image of the Heavenly Lord, and seek neither gain nor ambition, doing no harm to anyone. Why must there be jade towers and jade pavilions, precious images and jeweled shrines, driving the people to ruin, before one can call it the Way! The existing monasteries are more than enough for devotion. Build nothing and undertake no new works, lest the realm be driven to exhaustion. If this policy continues for three years and the state is not enriched, the people are not secure, the court is not set right, and Your Majesty is not content, then I ask to lay down my life at court as a lesson to all who would speak truth to power. I respectfully urge Your Majesty to grant an extraordinary act of grace and temporarily halt construction of the two monasteries until a year of plenty. If the funds for the two monasteries were used to have the princess relieve the poor and replenish the treasury, her merit and blessing would know no end. Otherwise, I fear the people's resentment will be no less than in the previous reign. In the previous reign, wise and simple alike saw ruin coming. Though people had mouths, they dared not speak; before a word was voiced, calamity was already at hand. Wei Yuejiang was executed at Danjiao, and Yan Qinrong was put to death in the Purple Court. These men did not spare themselves but offered loyal counsel to their sovereign. Once they were dead, the court itself stood in peril. The previous reign put them to death, yet Your Majesty has honored them—proof that Your Majesty knows men who speak plainly serve the state. What I speak plainly today is the same plain truth offered in former times. I ask only that Your Majesty weigh it carefully.
59
殿
When the memorial was submitted, Emperor Ruizong commended his forthright integrity. He was soon promoted to Palace Attendant Investigating Censor of the Right Censorate. During the Kaiyuan reign he rose through several posts to become Chief Administrator of the Princedom of Ying. He died early in the Tianbao reign, at more than eighty years of age.
60
The historian writes: To delight in hearing one's virtues praised and to loathe hearing one's faults named is the common disposition of rulers; to prefer flattery that wins favor over blunt counsel that invites disaster is the common disposition of subjects. To be able to reverse these tendencies—what could be better! Li, Xue, and the other five ministers spoke loyal and candid words, remedied the court's failings, and held back nothing even when giving offense. Unashamed before the ancients, they were worthy ministers of Tang.
61
使
Eulogy: In serving one's sovereign, a subject may be crooked or upright. In employing his subjects, a ruler who heeds remonstrance becomes sage. Li and Xue offered loyal counsel and saved lives. Wei and Han spoke blunt truths and healed the nation's ills. The memorials of Xin and Wang spoke to the ruler's face and made him sit up and listen. Master Zhang's upright words truly strengthened the governance of the age.
← Previous Chapter
Back to Chapters
Next Chapter →