Volume 119 Biographies 69: Yang Wan, Cui Youfu, Chang Gun

楊綰崔祐甫子植植再從兄俊

Yang Wan; Cui Youfu; Cui's son Zhi; and Chang Gun's second cousin Jun.

楊綰，字公權，華州華陰人也。祖溫玉，則天朝為戶部侍郎、國子祭酒。父侃，開元中醴泉令，皆以儒行稱。綰生聰惠，年四歲，處群從之中，敏識過人。嘗夜宴親賓，各舉坐中物以四聲呼之，諸賓未言，綰應聲指鐵燈樹曰：「燈盞柄曲。」眾鹹異之。及長，好學不倦，博通經史，九流七略，無不該覽，尤工文辭，藻思清贍。而宗尚玄理，沈靜寡欲，常獨處一室，左右經書，凝塵滿席，淡如也。含光晦用，不欲名彰，每屬文，恥於自白，非知己不可得而見。早孤家貧，養母以孝聞，甘旨或闕，憂見於色。親友諷令幹祿，舉進士。調補太子正字。天寶十三年，玄宗禦勤政樓，試博通墳典、洞曉玄經、辭藻宏麗、軍謀出眾等舉人，命有司供食，既暮而罷。取辭藻宏麗外，別試詩賦各一首。制舉試詩賦，自此始也。時登科者三人，綰為之首，超授右拾遺。

Yang Wan, whose style name was Gongquan, came from Huayin in Huazhou. His grandfather Wenyu had served under Empress Wu as Vice Minister of Revenue and Director of the Imperial University. His father Kan had been magistrate of Liquan during the Kaiyuan reign; both men were celebrated for their Confucian integrity. Wan was gifted from childhood; even at four, among his cousins, his quickness of mind stood out. Once, at an evening feast with relatives and guests, each person was to call out something at the table in the four tone categories; before anyone else could speak, Wan instantly pointed to an iron lamp stand and said, "Lamp, cup, handle, bent. Everyone marveled at him. As he grew older, he studied tirelessly and mastered the classics and histories, reading through the Nine Schools and Seven Summaries without exception; he was especially accomplished in belles-lettres, with prose that was lucid and richly furnished. Yet he inclined toward Dark Learning, was quiet and sparing in desire, and often sat alone in a single room while the classics around him gathered dust on the mats—he remained utterly unmoved. He kept his brilliance concealed and shunned renown; whenever he composed, he was reluctant to show his own hand, and only close friends ever saw his writings. He lost his father early and the family was poor, yet he became known for supporting his mother with filial devotion; whenever fine food was scarce, his worry showed plainly on his face. Relatives and friends urged him to pursue an official career and sit for the jinshi examination. He was appointed Rectifier of Texts for the Heir Apparent. In Tianbao 13, Emperor Xuanzong presided at the Qinzheng Tower to test candidates in special categories—thorough mastery of the classics, penetrating knowledge of the Dark Learning texts, magnificent literary style, outstanding military strategy, and the like—and had the ministries supply meals; the examination did not end until evening. Besides the "magnificent literary ornament" category, each candidate was separately required to submit one poem and one fu. From this point onward, poetry and fu became part of the special imperial examination. Three candidates passed that year; Wan placed first and was specially appointed Right Reminder.

天寶末，安祿山反，肅宗即位於靈武。綰自賊中冒難，披榛求食，以赴行在。時朝廷方急賢，及綰至，眾心咸悅，拜起居舍人、知制誥。歷司勛員外郎、職方郎中，掌誥如故。遷中書舍人，兼修國史。故事，舍人年深者謂之「閣老」，公廨雜料，歸閣老者五之四。綰以為品秩同列，給受宜均，悉平分之，甚為時論歸美。再遷禮部侍郎，上疏條奏貢舉之弊曰：

At the close of the Tianbao era, An Lushan rose in rebellion, and Emperor Suzong took the throne at Lingwu. Wan made his way out of rebel-held territory at great risk, cutting through brambles to find food as he pressed on toward the emperor's mobile court. The court was then urgently seeking men of talent; when Wan arrived, everyone rejoiced, and he was appointed Attendant of the Imperial Diary with responsibility for drafting edicts. He served in turn as Vice Director in the Bureau of Merits and as Director in the Bureau of Appointments, while continuing to draft edicts as before. He was promoted to Secretariat Drafter and concurrently charged with compiling the national history. By custom, the senior among the drafters was called "Elder of the Pavilion," and four-fifths of the office's miscellaneous allowances went to that elder. Wan held that since they shared the same rank and stood in the same row, their allowances ought to be equal, and he divided everything evenly—a decision widely praised at the time. After a further promotion to Vice Minister of Rites, he submitted a memorial enumerating the abuses of the civil-service examinations, which read:

國之選士，必藉賢良。蓋取孝友純備，言行敦實，居常育德，動不違仁。體忠信之資，履謙恭之操，藏器則未嘗自伐，虛心而所應必誠。夫如是，故能率己從政，化人鎮俗者也。自叔葉澆詐，茲道浸微，爭尚文辭，互相矜炫。馬卿浮薄，竟不周於任用；趙壹虛誕，終取擯於鄉閭。自時厥後，其道彌盛，不思實行，皆徇空名，敗俗傷教，備載前史，古人比文章於鄭、衛，蓋有由也。

When a state chooses its scholars, it must depend on men of worth and integrity. The aim is to find men whose filial piety and brotherly conduct are whole, whose words and deeds are steadfast, who nurture virtue in ordinary life, and whose actions never stray from humaneness. They should embody loyalty and trustworthiness, practice humility and restraint, keep their talents hidden without self-praise, and respond to others with open-hearted sincerity. Only then can they govern by example and transform the people to steady the customs of the realm. But since the later generations turned shallow and deceitful, this ideal has steadily faded, and men now compete to prize literary display and show off before one another. Sima Xiangru was frivolous and shallow and in the end proved unfit for real service; Zhao Yi was hollow and boastful and was ultimately cast out by his own community. Since then the trend has only grown stronger: men no longer pursue real conduct but chase empty reputation, corrupting custom and damaging moral instruction, as earlier histories record in full. The ancients compared literary art to the licentious music of Zheng and Wei—and they had good reason.

近煬帝始置進士之科，當時猶試策而已。至高宗朝，劉思立為考功員外郎，又奏進士加雜文，明經填帖，從此積弊，浸轉成俗。幼能就學，皆誦當代之詩；長而博文，不越諸家之集。遞相黨與，用致虛聲，《六經》則未嘗開卷，《三史》則皆同掛壁。況復征以孔門之道，責其君子之儒者哉。祖習既深，奔競為務。矜能者曾無愧色，勇進者但欲淩人，以毀讟為常談，以向背為己任。投刺幹謁，驅馳於要津；露才揚己，喧騰於當代。古之賢良方正，豈有如此者乎！朝之公卿，以此待士，家之長老，以此垂訓。欲其返淳樸，懷禮讓，守忠信，識廉隅，何可得也！譬之於水，其流已濁，若不澄本，何當復清。方今聖德禦天，再寧寰宇，四海之內，颙颙向化，皆延頸舉踵，思聖朝之理也。不以此時而理之，則太平之政又乖矣。

Not long ago Emperor Yang of Sui first established the jinshi degree, and at first candidates were examined only on policy essays. Under Emperor Gaozong, Liu Sili, then Vice Director of the Examination Bureau, further proposed adding miscellaneous literary compositions to the jinshi examination and fill-in passages to the mingjing; from that point abuses accumulated until they hardened into custom. As soon as they could study, children memorized the poetry of their own day; and when grown they widened their literary reading without ever venturing beyond contemporary anthologies. They formed cliques one after another to manufacture empty fame; the Six Classics they never opened, and the Three Histories hung untouched on the wall. How then could one summon them with the teaching of Confucius and expect true scholar-gentlemen! Inherited habits run deep, and frantic competition has become their sole pursuit. Men who flaunted talent felt no shame; the pushy sought only to dominate others; slander became everyday conversation, and taking sides their personal mission. They showered visiting cards and pressed for audiences, racing along the avenues of power; and flaunted their talents before the world, making a noisy spectacle of themselves. Could the worthy and upright scholars of antiquity ever have behaved like this! The court's highest ministers treated scholars this way, and family elders handed down the same lesson to their sons. To expect them to return to simplicity, embrace courtesy, uphold loyalty and trustworthiness, and know the boundaries of integrity—how could that be possible! It is like water whose current has already grown muddy: unless the source is purified, how can it ever run clear again? Today sagely virtue governs Heaven, and the realm has been pacified once more; within the four seas all look up in eager hope of transformation, straining necks and rising on tiptoe to await the governance of this sage court. If reform is not undertaken now, the policies of great peace will again go astray.

凡國之大柄，莫先擇士。自古哲後，皆側席待賢；今之取人，令投牒自舉，非經國之體也。望請依古制，縣令察孝廉，審知其鄉閭有孝友信義廉恥之行，加以經業，才堪策試者，以孝廉為名，薦之於州。刺史當以禮待之，試其所通之學，其通者送名於省。自縣至省，不得令舉人輒自陳牒。比來有到狀保辯識牒等，一切並停。其所習經，取《左傳》、《公羊》、《谷梁》、《禮記》、《周禮》、《儀禮》、《尚書》、《毛詩》、《周易》，任通一經，務取深義奧旨，通諸家之義。試日，差諸司有儒學者對問，每經問義十條，問畢對策三道。其策皆問古今理體及當時要務，取堪行用者。其經義並策全通為上第，望付吏部便與官；其經義通八、策通二為中第，與出身；下第罷歸。其明經比試帖經，殊非古義，皆誦帖括，冀圖僥幸。並近有道舉，亦非理國之體，望請與明經、進士並停。其國子監舉人，亦請準此。如有行業不著，所由妄相推薦，請量加貶黜。所冀數年之間，人倫一變，既歸實學，當識大猷。居家者必修德業，從政者皆知廉恥，浮競自止，敦龐自勸，教人之本，實在茲焉。事若施行，即別立條例。

Among all the great levers of state, none comes before choosing the right scholars. From antiquity wise rulers have all sat with empty seats awaiting the worthy; yet today recruitment requires candidates to submit their own petitions and nominate themselves—this is not the proper way to govern a state. I beg that the ancient system be restored: let county magistrates examine candidates for filial conduct and integrity, verify that in their communities they practice filial piety, brotherliness, faith, righteousness, and a sense of shame, and that they also possess classical learning and talent fit for policy examination—then name them as Filial and Incorrupt and recommend them to the prefecture. Prefects should receive them with proper ceremony, test the learning they have mastered, and send the names of those who pass to the provincial authorities. From county to province, candidates must not be permitted to submit petitions on their own behalf. Recent practices such as arrival-of-petition forms, guarantor-and-defense documents, and acquaintance attestations should all be abolished. The classics to be studied should be the Zuo Commentary, Gongyang, Guliang, Book of Rites, Rites of Zhou, Ceremonial Rites, Documents, Mao Odes, and Changes; candidates need master only one, but they must grasp its deepest meaning and understand the doctrines of the various commentarial schools. On examination day, assign Confucian scholars from the ministries to question them orally: ten questions on the meaning of the chosen classic, followed by three policy essays. The policy essays should address the governing principles of past and present and the urgent affairs of the day, and only answers fit for practical use should pass. Those who fully pass both the classic examination and the policy essays should rank in the highest grade and be referred at once to the Ministry of Personnel for appointment; those who pass eight of the classic questions and two policy essays should rank in the middle grade and receive initial qualification; those in the lowest grade should be dismissed and sent home. The mingjing examination, which tests fill-in passages from the classics, is wholly unlike the ancient meaning of the degree; candidates merely memorize passage summaries in hopes of a lucky pass. The recent "Possessor of the Way" category is likewise not a proper way to govern the state; I beg that it be abolished along with the mingjing and jinshi examinations. Candidates from the Imperial University should be held to the same standard. If a candidate's conduct and achievement are not evident and the responsible officials recklessly recommend him, I ask that the officials involved be demoted in proportion. Within a few years, I hope, human relations will be wholly transformed; once men return to real learning, they will grasp the great principles of governance. Those at home will cultivate virtue and learning; those in office will know integrity and shame; empty competition will cease of itself, and honest abundance will grow by itself—the root of educating the people lies here. If these proposals are adopted, detailed regulations should be drawn up separately.

詔左右丞、諸司侍郎、御史大夫、中丞、給、舍同議奏聞。給事中李廣、給事中李棲筠、尚書左丞賈至、京兆尹兼御史大夫嚴武所奏議狀與綰同。尚書左丞至議曰：

An edict ordered the Left and Right Vice Directors, vice ministers of the ministries, the Censor-in-Chief, vice censors, reviewing censors, and drafting censors to deliberate jointly and report their conclusions. The memorials submitted by Reviewing Censor Li Guang, Reviewing Censor Li Qiyun, Left Vice Director Jia Zhi, and Metropolitan Governor and concurrent Censor-in-Chief Yan Wu all agreed with Wan's position. Left Vice Director Jia Zhi offered a separate opinion, saying:

謹按夏之政尚忠，殷之政尚敬，周之政尚文，然則文與忠敬，皆統人之行也。且夫謚號述行，美極人文，人文興則忠敬存焉。是故前代以文取士，本文行也，由辭以觀行，則及辭也。宣父稱顏子不遷怒，不貳過，謂之好學。至乎修《春秋》，則遊、夏之徒不能措一辭，不亦明乎！間者禮部取人，有乖斯義。《易》曰：「觀乎人文以化成天下。」《關雎》之義曰：「先王以是經夫婦，成孝敬，厚人倫，美教化，移風俗，蓋王政之所由廢興也。」故延陵聽《詩》，知諸侯之存亡。今試學者以帖字為精通，不窮旨義，豈能知遷怒貳過之道乎？考文者以聲病為是非，唯擇浮艷，豈能知移風易俗化天下之事乎？是以上失其源而下襲其流，波蕩不知所止，先王之道，莫能行也。夫先王之道消，則小人之道長；小人之道長，則亂臣賊子生焉。臣弒其君，子弒其父，非一朝一夕之故，其所由來者漸矣。漸者何？謂忠信之淩頹，恥尚之失所，末學之馳騁，儒道之不舉，四者皆取士之失也。

I respectfully observe that the Xia prized loyalty, the Shang prized reverence, and the Zhou prized culture—yet culture, loyalty, and reverence alike govern human conduct. Posthumous titles describe a person's conduct; culture is the highest expression of humanity, and when culture flourishes, loyalty and reverence are preserved within it. That is why earlier dynasties selected scholars through literary accomplishment: the root was conduct, and by judging conduct through language one arrived at language itself. Confucius praised Yan Hui for not venting anger on others and not repeating the same fault, and called this true love of learning. When it came to compiling the Spring and Autumn Annals, even the disciples of Ziyou and Zixia could not add a single word—is that not proof enough! Recently, however, the Ministry of Rites in recruiting scholars has departed from this principle. The Book of Changes says, "Observe human culture in order to transform and perfect the world. The commentary on "Guanju" says, "The former kings used this to regulate the relations between husband and wife, to complete filial reverence, to strengthen human bonds, to beautify moral instruction, and to transform customs—this is where royal government rises and falls." That is why when Ji Zha of Yanling listened to the Odes, he could tell which feudal lords would survive and which would perish. Today candidates are tested on fill-in passages and judged proficient without probing meaning—how could they understand the way of not venting anger on others or repeating the same fault? Examiners of literature judge by tonal rules alone and choose only flashy ornament—how could they understand the work of transforming customs and civilizing the realm? Thus the source is lost above and the current is copied below; the waves surge on with no end in sight, and the Way of the former kings can no longer be practiced. When the Way of the former kings fades, the way of petty men grows stronger; and when the way of petty men grows strong, rebellious ministers and unfilial sons arise. When ministers murder their rulers and sons murder their fathers, it is not the work of a single day; such catastrophes arise by degrees. What is this gradual process? It means the collapse of loyalty and trustworthiness, the loss of proper standards of shame and honor, the unchecked spread of shallow learning, and the failure to uphold Confucian teaching—all four are failures in how scholars are chosen.

夫一國之事，系一人之本謂之風。贊揚其風，系卿大夫也，卿大夫何嘗不出於士乎？今取士試之小道，而不以遠者大者，使幹祿之徒，趨馳末術，是誘導之差也。夫以蝸蚓之餌雜垂滄海，而望吞舟之魚，不亦難乎！所以食垂餌者皆小魚，就科目者皆小藝。四人之業，士最關於風化。近代趨仕，靡然向風，致使祿山一呼而四海震蕩，思明再亂而十年不復。向使禮讓之道弘，仁義之道著，則忠臣孝子比屋可封，逆節不得而萌也，人心不得而搖也。

The affairs of a state depend on the moral root of a single person—this is called "wind." To spread and uphold that wind depends on ministers and grandees—and have ministers and grandees ever come from anywhere but the ranks of scholars? Today scholars are tested on petty skills rather than on the great and far-reaching principles, so that office-seekers race after minor arts—this is a failure of guidance. To cast bait fit only for snails and earthworms into the open sea and expect to catch leviathans—is that not hopeless! Only small fish take such bait, and only petty skills pass the examinations. Among the four classes of society, scholars are most closely tied to moral transformation. In recent times men rushed into office and all bent to the prevailing fashion, with the result that when Lushan raised a single cry the realm shook, and when Siming rebelled again the land did not recover for ten years. Had the ways of courtesy and yielding been broadly upheld and the ways of benevolence and righteousness made manifest, loyal ministers and filial sons would have filled every household, rebellious conduct could never have taken root, and the people's hearts would not have wavered.

且夏有天下四百載，禹之道喪而殷始興焉；殷有天下六百祀，湯之法棄而周始興焉；周有天下八百年，文、武之政廢而秦始並焉。觀三代之選士任賢，皆考實行，故能風化淳一，運祚長遠。秦坑儒士，二代而亡。漢興，雜三代之政，弘四科之舉，西京始振經術之學，東都終持名節之行。至有近戚竊位，強臣擅權，弱主孤立，母後專政，而社稷不隕，終彼四百，豈非興學行道、扇化於鄉里哉？厥後文章道弊，尚於浮侈，取士術異，茍濟一時。自魏至隋，僅四百載，三光分景，九州阻域，竊號僭位，德義不修，是以子孫速顛，享國鹹促。國家革魏、晉、梁、隋之弊，承夏、殷、周、漢之業，四隩既宅，九州攸同，覆燾亭育，合德天地。安有舍皇王舉士之道，蹤亂代取人之術？此公卿大夫之辱也。楊綰所奏，實為正論。

Xia held the realm for four hundred years, and when Yu's Way was lost the Yin rose; Yin held it for six hundred reign-years, and when Tang's laws were abandoned the Zhou rose; Zhou held it for eight hundred years, and when the government of Wen and Wu was abandoned Qin first united the realm. When we look at how the Three Dynasties chose and employed scholars, they all tested real conduct; that is why moral transformation remained pure and their dynasties endured. Qin buried the scholars alive, and the dynasty fell in the second generation. When Han arose, it blended the policies of the Three Dynasties and expanded the four categories of recommendation; in the Western Capital classical learning was revived, and in the Eastern Capital men upheld reputation and integrity to the end. Even when imperial relatives usurped office, powerful ministers seized authority, weak rulers stood isolated, and empress dowagers dominated the government, the dynasty did not fall and endured four hundred years—was this not because learning was promoted, the Way was practiced, and moral influence was spread through every community? Afterward the literary tradition decayed, frivolous extravagance was prized, and recruitment methods changed to serve only immediate needs. From Wei to Sui, barely four hundred years passed while the realm was torn apart and the nine provinces divided; rulers seized titles without merit and neglected virtue—so their lines fell quickly and their reigns were short. Our dynasty has reformed the abuses of Wei, Jin, Liang, and Sui and inherited the achievements of Xia, Yin, Zhou, and Han; the four quarters are settled, the nine provinces united, sheltering and nurturing all under Heaven in harmony with earth. How could we abandon the sage-kings' way of raising scholars and follow the recruitment methods of chaotic ages? This would be a disgrace to every minister and grandee. Yang Wan's memorial is sound doctrine.

然自典午覆敗，中原版蕩，戎狄亂華，衣冠遷徙，南北分裂，人多僑處。聖朝一平區宇，尚復因循，版圖則張，閭井未設，士居鄉士，百無一二，累緣官族，所在耕築，地望系之數百年之外，而身皆東西南北之人焉。今欲依古制鄉舉裏選，猶恐取士之未盡也，請兼廣學校，以弘訓誘。今京有太學，州縣有小學，兵革一動，生徒流離，儒臣師氏，祿廩無向。貢士不稱行實，胄子何嘗講習，獨禮部每歲擢甲乙之第，謂弘獎擢，不其謬歟？祗足長浮薄之風，啟僥幸之路矣。其國子博士等，望加員數，厚其祿秩，選通儒碩生，間居其職。十道大郡，量置太學館，令博士出外，兼領郡官，召置生徒。依乎故事，保桑梓者鄉里舉焉，在流寓者庠序推焉。朝而行之，夕見其利。如此則青青不復興刺，擾擾由其歸本矣。人倫之始，王化之先，不是過也。

Yet ever since the Jin dynasty collapsed, the heartland was thrown into chaos, barbarians overran China, the gentry fled, the realm split north and south, and countless families lived as displaced strangers. Our dynasty has pacified the empire, yet we still follow old habits: territory has grown, but local communities are not rebuilt; hardly one scholar in a hundred still lives in his home district. Official families have settled and built wherever they were posted, so ancestral prestige belongs to places centuries past while the men themselves are strangers from every quarter. Even if we now restore the ancient practice of village recommendation and district selection, I fear that method alone will not suffice; I ask that we also expand the schools to spread teaching and moral guidance. The capital has the Imperial University and the prefectures have local schools, but whenever war breaks out students are scattered and scholar-teachers have nowhere to turn for salary or provisions. Tribute candidates are not judged on real conduct, and the sons of officials scarcely study at all; only the Ministry of Rites each year ranks them in grades A and B and calls that broad encouragement and advancement—is that not absurd? That only feeds frivolity and opens the door to opportunism. For the erudites of the Directorate of Education and the like, I ask that their numbers be increased, their salaries and ranks raised, and accomplished Confucian scholars chosen to fill these posts in turn. In the major commanderies of the ten circuits, grand academy halls should be established as appropriate; erudites should be sent out to hold concurrent commandery posts and enroll students. By established precedent, those who remain in their home districts would be recommended locally, and those living elsewhere would be nominated by the schools. Put this in motion in the morning and its benefits would appear by evening. Then the young would no longer turn to satirical verse, and the restless would return to their proper foundations. Nothing goes before this as the foundation of human relations and the starting point of royal civilizing influence.

李暠等議與綰協，文多不載。宰臣等奏以舉人舊業已成，難於速改，其今歲舉人，望且許應舊舉，來歲奉詔，仍敕禮部即具條例奏聞。代宗以廢進士科問翰林學士，對曰：「進士行來已久，遽廢之，恐失人業。」乃詔孝廉與舊舉兼行。綰又奏歲貢孝悌力田及童子科等，其孝悌力田，宜有實狀，童子越眾，不在常科，同之歲貢，恐長僥幸之路。詔停之。再遷吏部侍郎，歷典舉選，精核人物，以公平稱。

Li Gao and others submitted memorials in agreement with Yang Wan, but most of the text is not preserved here. The chief ministers replied that candidates had already prepared under the old system and could not be switched quickly; they asked that this year's candidates be allowed to sit the existing examination, and that next year, once the edict took effect, the Ministry of Rites should draft detailed regulations and submit them. When Emperor Daizong consulted the Hanlin academicians about abolishing the jinshi degree, they answered: "The jinshi examination has been in place for a long time. To abolish it abruptly would deprive many men of their livelihood. An edict was therefore issued ordering the new filial-and-incorrupt selection and the old examination to run side by side. Yang Wan also memorialized against the annual tribute categories for filial sons, dutiful brothers, strong farmers, and child prodigies. Filial and field categories, he said, should require verified merit; child prodigies were exceptional cases outside the regular curriculum, and treating them like routine annual tribute would only encourage opportunism. An edict suspended those categories. He was promoted again to Vice Minister of Personnel, where he oversaw recruitment and selection, examined candidates with great care, and won a reputation for fairness.

時元載秉政，公卿多附之，綰孤立中道，清貞自守，未嘗私謁。載以綰雅望素高，外示尊重，心實疏忌。會魚朝恩死，載以朝恩嘗判國子監事，塵汙太學，宜得名儒，以清其秩，乃奏為國子祭酒，實欲以散地處之。載貪冒日甚，天下清議，亦歸於綰，上深知之，以載久在樞衡，未即罷遣。仍遷綰為太常卿，充禮儀使，以郊廟禮久廢，藉綰振起之也，亦以觀其效用。是年三月，載伏誅，上乃拜綰中書侍郎、同中書門下平章事、集賢殿崇文館大學士，兼修國史。綰久積公輔之望，及詔出，朝野相賀。綰累表懇讓，上屬意稍重，綰不敢辭。

At that time Yuan Zai dominated the government and most high officials courted him, but Yang Wan stood apart on the middle path, kept himself pure and upright, and never paid him a private visit. Because Yang Wan's moral prestige had long been high, Yuan Zai showed him respect in public while inwardly keeping his distance and resenting him. When Yu Cha'en died, Yuan Zai argued that because Yu had once headed the Directorate of Education and had defiled the Imperial University, a renowned scholar should be appointed to restore the office's dignity. He therefore recommended Yang Wan as Chancellor of the Directorate, but in fact meant to sideline him in a nominal post. As Yuan Zai's greed grew worse by the day, public moral judgment increasingly favored Yang Wan. The emperor understood this well, but because Yuan Zai had long held power at the center, he did not remove him at once. Yang Wan was then made Minister of Rites and Commissioner of Ceremonies. Suburban and temple rites had long fallen into neglect, and the emperor hoped Wan would revive them while testing what he could accomplish. In the third month of that year Yuan Zai was executed, and the emperor appointed Yang Wan Vice Director of the Secretariat, chief minister, Grand Academician of the Hall of Assembled Worthies and Palace of Cultured Texts, and concurrently head of the national history project. Yang Wan had long been expected to reach the highest office, and when the edict was issued the court and the public alike rejoiced. Yang Wan repeatedly submitted earnest requests to decline the post, but the emperor's expectations were firm, and he did not dare refuse.

綰素以德行著聞，質性貞廉，車服儉樸，居廟堂未數月，人心自化。御史中丞崔寬，劍南西川節度使寧之弟，家富於財，有別墅在皇城之南，池館臺榭，當時第一，寬即日潛遣毀拆。中書令郭子儀在邠州行營，聞綰拜相，座內音樂減散五分之四。京兆尹黎幹以承恩，每出入騶馭百余，亦即三日減損車騎，唯留十騎而已。其余望風變奢從儉者，不可勝數，其鎮俗移風若此。

Yang Wan had long been famed for virtue and integrity; his nature was upright and frugal in carriage and dress. Within a few months in high office the hearts of the people changed of their own accord. Censor-in-chief Cui Kuan, brother of the Jiannan West military governor Cui Ning, came from a wealthy family and owned a villa south of the Imperial City whose pools, halls, and pavilions were unrivaled at the time; that very day he secretly had it torn down. Secretariat Director Guo Ziyi was at his field headquarters in Binzhou; when he heard that Yang Wan had become chief minister, he cut the musicians at his table by four-fifths. Jingzhao Intendant Li Gan, who enjoyed imperial favor, had been accustomed to travel with more than a hundred mounted attendants; within three days he too reduced his escort to only ten riders. Countless others followed the example and turned from extravagance to thrift; such was his power to steady custom and shift the moral climate.

綰有宿痼疾，居職旬日，中風，優詔令就中書省攝養，每引見延英殿，特許扶入。時厘革舊弊，唯綰是瞻，恩遇莫二。綰累抗疏辭位，頻詔敦勉不許。及綰疾亟，上日發中使就第存問，尚書禦醫，旦夕在側，上聞其有間，喜見容色。數日而薨，中使在門，馳奏於上，代宗震悼久之，輟朝三日。詔曰：

Yang Wan suffered from a long-standing illness. After only ten days in office he was stricken with apoplexy. A gracious edict allowed him to recuperate at the Secretariat, and whenever he was summoned to the Yanying Hall he was specially permitted to be helped in. At that time, as old abuses were being reformed, all eyes turned to Yang Wan alone, and no one else enjoyed such singular favor. Yang Wan repeatedly submitted forthright memorials asking to resign, but repeated edicts warmly urged him to stay and would not allow it. When Yang Wan's illness grew critical, the emperor sent palace envoys to his home every day to inquire after him, and imperial physicians from the Department of State Affairs attended him morning and night. Whenever the emperor heard that he had improved even slightly, joy showed on his face. Within a few days he died. The envoy at the gate galloped to report to the throne. Emperor Daizong was shaken by grief for a long time and suspended court for three days. An edict read:

王者之於大臣也，存則寄其腹心，均於肢體，參於軍國之重，敘以陰陽之和；歿則誄其事功，加之命數，告於宗廟之祭，襚以紱冕之章，則九原可歸，百辟知勸。故朝議大夫、守中書侍郎、同中書門下平章事、集賢殿崇文館大學士、監修國史、上柱國、賜紫金魚袋楊綰，性合元和，身齊律度，道匡雅俗，器重宗彜。寬柔敬恭，協於九德；文行忠信，弘於四教。內無耳目之役，以孝悌傳於家；外無車服之容，以貞實形於代。西掖專宥密之地，南宮領選舉之源。以儒術首於國庠，以禮度掌於高廟，簡廉其質，條職同休。頃以任非其才，毒流於政，爰登清凈之輔，庶諧至理之期。道風既穆於朝班，儉德已行於海內。雖賢人之業，冀於可久；而夫子之命，末如之何。方有憑依，遽此淪謝，屏予之嘆，震悼良深。所懷莫從，長想何及。況歷官有素絲之節，居家無匹帛之余，故飾以華袞，增其法賻，備膺典策，載賁朝經。可贈司徒。

Toward his great ministers a king, while they live, entrusts them with his innermost counsel, treats them as his own limbs, shares with them the weight of army and state, and harmonizes them with the balance of yin and yang; and when they die records their achievements, bestows posthumous honors, announces them at the ancestral temple, and robes them with court insignia, so that the departed may rest in peace and the hundred officials may take heart. Accordingly Yang Wan, Court Discussion Grand Master, acting Vice Director of the Secretariat, chief minister, Grand Academician of the Hall of Assembled Worthies and Palace of Cultured Texts, supervisor of the national history, Upper Pillar of State, bearer of the purple-gold fish tally—was a man whose nature accorded with cosmic harmony, whose conduct matched proper measure, whose Way corrected refined society, and whose weight was felt in the great ritual vessels of the state. Gentle, yielding, reverent, and respectful, in harmony with the nine virtues; cultured in conduct, loyal and trustworthy, embodying the four teachings of the sage. Within his household he sought no servants of pleasure, but passed down filial piety and brotherly duty; without he made no display of carriage or dress, but showed forth integrity and substance to his generation. In the western secretariat he held the place of intimate counsel; in the southern offices he directed the source of recruitment. He put Confucian learning first in the national academy and governed ritual measure in the high temple; simplicity and integrity were his substance, and every office under him shared his repose. Recently, because unworthy men had been placed in power and corruption had spread through government, he was raised to the pure office of chief counselor in the hope that perfect governance might at last be achieved. The moral influence of the Way had already brought solemnity to the court, and the virtue of thrift had already spread throughout the realm. Though the work of a worthy man might have been expected to endure, Heaven's decree, like that of the Master himself, could not be gainsaid. Just as I had found one on whom to rely, he suddenly fell away; left bereft, I sigh in grief, shaken and deeply mournful. The hopes I cherished have no one left to fulfill them; how can long remembrance ever catch up? Moreover, in office he observed the integrity of plain silk, and at home he left not a spare bolt of cloth; therefore let him be arrayed in splendid funeral robes, granted the statutory burial gifts, and honored with full canonical rites according to court precedent. He is posthumously appointed Grand Preceptor.

又詔文武百僚臨於其第，遣內常侍吳承倩會吊，贈絹千匹、布三百端。上深惜之，顧謂朝臣曰：「天不使朕致太平，何奪我楊綰之速也！俯及大斂，與卿等悲悼同之。」宰輔賻贈恩遇哀榮之盛，近年未有其比。太常初謚曰：「文貞」。詔曰：「褒德勸善，《春秋》之舊章；考行易名，禮經之通典。垂範作則，存乎格言。朝議大夫、中書侍郎、同中書門下平章事、集賢殿崇文館大學士、修國史、上柱國、賜紫金魚袋、贈司徒楊綰，履道居貞，含和毓德，行為人紀，文合典謨。清而晦名，無自伐之善；約以師儉，有不矜之謙。方冊直書，秩宗相禮，辭稱良史，學茂醇儒。委在樞衡，掌茲密命，彌契沃心之道，累陳造膝之誠。將以布天下五行之和，同君臣一德之運，遽軫藏舟之嘆，未展濟川之才。素業久而彌彰，清風歿而可尚。自古飾終之義，皆錫以美名。謚法曰：『忠信愛人曰文，平易不懈曰簡。』宜謚曰文簡。」比部郎中蘇端，性疏狂，嫉其賢，乃肆毀黷，異同其議。上怒，貶端為廣州員外司馬。

Another edict ordered all civil and military officials to attend his mourning at his residence and sent the Inner Regular Attendant Wu Chengqian to preside over the rites, with gifts of a thousand bolts of silk and three hundred lengths of cloth. The emperor mourned him deeply and, turning to the officials, said: "Heaven will not let me bring the realm to peace—why must it take Yang Wan from me so soon! Now that the grand encoffining is at hand, I share your grief and mourning. The funeral gifts, favor, and honors of mourning accorded a chief minister had not been matched in recent years. The Court of Imperial Sacrifices first proposed the posthumous name Cultured and Upright. An edict said: "To praise virtue and encourage goodness is an ancient rule of the Spring and Autumn Annals; to examine conduct and bestow a posthumous name is a universal norm of the ritual classics. To hand down a model and establish a standard is preserved in the established sayings. Yang Wan, Court Discussion Grand Master, Vice Director of the Secretariat, chief minister, Grand Academician of the Hall of Assembled Worthies and Palace of Cultured Texts, reviser of the national history, Upper Pillar of State, bearer of the purple-gold fish tally, posthumously Grand Preceptor—trod the Way and dwelt in integrity, embodied harmony and nurtured virtue, was a model of human conduct, and wrote in accord with the great canonical texts. Pure yet retiring from fame, never boasting of his own merit; restrained in emulation of thrift, humble without pretension. In the historical registers he wrote with direct honesty; in ritual offices he assisted ceremonies; his prose was praised as that of a fine historian; his learning marked him as a mature Confucian scholar. Entrusted at the center of power, he held the most confidential commissions; ever more he matched the Way of winning the sovereign's heart and repeatedly offered counsel face to face with utmost sincerity. He was about to spread the harmony of the five elements throughout the realm and unite ruler and ministers in one moral purpose, when suddenly came grief like that for the boat hidden in the river—his talent to save the state had not yet been displayed. His plain integrity grew clearer with time, and his pure moral influence remains admirable even in death. Since antiquity the rites of honoring the dead have always granted a fine posthumous name. The law of posthumous names says: 'Loyal, faithful, and loving toward others is called Wen; level, easy, and untiring is called Jian. The appropriate posthumous name is therefore Cultured and Simple. Su Duan, a section director in the Ministry of Revenue, was by nature reckless and coarse and, jealous of Yang Wan's worth, wildly slandered him and disputed the proposed name. The emperor was enraged and demoted Su Duan to supernumerary adjutant in Guangzhou.

綰儉薄自樂，未嘗留意家產，口不問生計，累任清要，無宅一區，所得俸祿，隨月分給親故。清識過人，至如往哲微言，《五經》奧義，先儒未悟者，綰一覽究其精理。雅尚玄言，宗釋道二教，嘗著《王開先生傳》以見意，文多不載。凡所知友，皆一時名流。或造之者，清談終日，未嘗及名利。或有客欲以世務幹者，見綰言必玄遠，不敢發辭，內愧而退。大歷中，德望日崇，天下雅正之士爭趨其門，至有數千里來者。以清德坐鎮雅俗，時比之楊震、邴吉、山濤、謝安之儔也。

Yang Wan delighted in plain living and never concerned himself with family property; he never even spoke of livelihood. Though he held one prestigious office after another, he owned not a single house, and each month he distributed his salary among relatives and friends. His clarity of understanding surpassed others. Even the subtle words of past sages and the profound meanings of the Five Classics that earlier Confucians had failed to grasp, Yang Wan could penetrate with a single reading. He elegantly favored arcane discourse and honored both Buddhist and Daoist teachings. He once wrote a Biography of Master Wang Kai to express his views, but most of the text is not preserved here. All his friends were leading figures of the day. When visitors came, they would converse in pure discourse all day and never touch on fame or profit. If a guest wished to raise worldly business with him, he would find Yang Wan's words always lofty and remote, dare not speak his request, and withdraw inwardly ashamed. During the Dali reign his moral prestige grew daily, and refined scholars throughout the realm vied to seek him out, some traveling thousands of li. By the weight of his pure virtue he steadied refined society, and men of the time compared him to Yang Zhen, Bing Ji, Shan Tao, Xie An, and their like.

崔祐甫，字貽孫。祖晊，懷州長史。父沔，黃門侍郎，謚曰孝公。家以清儉禮法，為士流之則。祐甫舉進士，歷壽安尉。安祿山陷洛陽，士庶奔迸，祐甫獨崎危於矢石之間，潛入私廟，負木主以竄。歷起居舍人、司勛吏部員外郎，累拜御史中丞、永平軍行軍司馬，尋知本軍京師留後。性剛直，無所容受，遇事不回。累遷中書舍人。時中書侍郎闕，祐甫省事，數為宰相常袞所侵，祐甫不從；袞怒之，奏令分知吏部選，每有擬官，袞多駁下，言數相侵。時硃泚上言，隴州將趙貴家貓鼠同乳，不相為害，以為禎祥。詔遣中使以示於朝，袞率百僚慶賀，祐甫獨否。中官詰其故，答曰：「此物之失常也，可吊不可賀。」中使征其狀，祐甫上奏言：

Cui Youfu, courtesy name Yisun. His grandfather Cui Zhi served as chief administrator of Huaizhou. His father Cui Mian was Vice Director of the Palace Secretariat and was posthumously titled Duke of Filial Piety. The family was known for purity, thrift, and ritual propriety and served as a model for the scholar-official class. Youfu passed the jinshi examination and served as magistrate of Shou'an. When An Lushan captured Luoyang and gentry and commoners fled in panic, Youfu alone braved the danger of arrows and stones, slipped into the family temple, carried the ancestral tablet on his back, and escaped. He served as Recorder, supernumerary director in the Ministries of Merit and Personnel, and was successively appointed censor-in-chief and marching adjutant of the Yongping Army, soon becoming acting commander of its capital garrison. He was stern and upright by nature, intolerant of compromise, and would not yield when confronted with difficult matters. He was promoted successively to secretarial aide of the Central Secretariat. The vice directorship of the Central Secretariat was then vacant, and Youfu handled its routine business; the chief minister Chang Gun often overrode him, but Youfu refused to go along. Gun, enraged, had them both assigned to oversee Ministry of Personnel selections; whenever Youfu proposed an appointment, Gun usually struck it down, and their exchanges grew increasingly hostile. Zhu Ci then reported that at Longzhou commander Zhao Gui's home a cat and rats had nursed together without harming one another, which was taken as a propitious sign. The emperor ordered a palace envoy to present the marvel at court; Gun led the officials in celebration, but Youfu alone demurred. When the envoy asked why, he answered, "These creatures have lost their proper nature; this calls for mourning, not celebration." The envoy demanded a written explanation, and Youfu submitted a memorial stating:

臣聞天生萬物，剛柔有性，聖人因之，垂訓作則。《禮記郊特牲》曰：「迎貓，為其食田鼠也。」然則貓之食鼠，載在禮典，以其除害利人，雖微必錄。今此貓對鼠不食，仁則仁矣，無乃失於性乎！鼠之為物，晝伏夜動，詩人賦之曰：「相鼠有體，人而無禮。」又曰：「碩鼠碩鼠，無食我黍。」其序曰：「貪而畏人，若大鼠也。」臣旋觀之，雖雲動物，異於麋鹿麝兔，彼皆以時殺獲，為國之用。貓受人養育，職既不修，亦何異於法吏不勤觸邪，疆吏不勤扞敵？又按禮部式具列三瑞，無貓不食鼠之目，以茲稱慶，臣所未詳。伏以國家化洽理平，天符洊至，紛綸雜沓，史不絕書。今茲貓鼠，不可濫廁。若以劉向《五行傳》論之，恐須申命憲司，察聽貪吏，誡諸邊候，無失僥巡。貓能致功，鼠不為害。

I have heard that Heaven engenders the myriad creatures, each with its own hard or soft nature, and that the sages took this as their basis for instruction and established norms. The Record of Rites, "Country Sacrifice," states: "The cat is welcomed because it eats the field mice." Thus the cat's eating of mice is recorded in the ritual canon because it removes pests and benefits the people; though a small matter, it is duly noted. Yet this cat will not eat mice set before it; benevolent it may be, but has it not forsaken its nature! The rat hides by day and stirs by night; the poets wrote of it: "Look at the rat—it has a body, yet man is without propriety." And again: "Great rat, great rat, do not eat our millet." The preface explains: "Greedy yet fearful of others—like a great rat." Upon reflection, though these too are living creatures, they differ from elk, musk deer, and hares, which are hunted in season for the state's use. A cat reared by men yet neglecting its duty—how does this differ from judicial officers who fail to expose wrongdoing, or frontier officers who fail to repel the enemy? Moreover, the Ministry of Rites regulations list the three auspicious omens in full, with no category for a cat that refuses to eat mice; to celebrate on this account is beyond my understanding. The state is at peace and well governed; heavenly signs arrive in succession, numerous and varied, and the histories record them without cease. This cat-and-mouse affair must not be recklessly admitted among them. If one applies Liu Xiang's Treatise on the Five Phases, the court should charge the censorate to investigate corrupt officials and warn the frontier posts not to neglect their patrols. Let cats perform their work and rats do no harm.

代宗深嘉之。袞益惡祐甫。

Emperor Daizong greatly commended him. Chang Gun came to hate Youfu all the more.

代宗初崩，發哀於西宮，袞以獨受任遇，哀逾等禮。例，晨夕臨者，皆十五舉音，而袞輒哀慟涕泗，或中墀返哭，顧慕若不能去，同列者皆不悅。及袞與禮司議群臣喪服，曰：「案《禮》，為君斬衰三年。漢文權制，猶三十六日。國家太宗崩，遺詔亦三十六日，而群臣延之，既葬而除，約四月也。高宗崩，服絕輕重，如漢故事，武太后崩亦然。及玄宗、肅宗崩，始變天子喪為二十七日，且當時遺詔雖曰：『天下吏人三日釋服』在朝群臣實服二十七日而除，則朝臣宜如皇帝之制。」祐甫執曰：「伏準遺詔，無朝臣庶人之別，但言『天下人吏，敕到後出臨，三日皆釋服』，則朝野中外，何非天下？凡百執事，誰非吏職？則皇帝宜二十七日而群臣當三日也。」袞曰：「案賀循註義，吏者謂官長所署，則今胥吏耳，非公卿百僚之例。」祐甫曰：「《左傳》云：『委之三吏。』則三公也。史稱循吏、良吏者，豈胥徒歟？」袞曰：「禮非天降地出，人情而已。且公卿大臣，榮受殊寵，故宜異數。今與黔首同制，信宿而除之，於爾安乎？」祐甫曰：「若遺詔何？詔旨可改，孰不可？」袞堅諍不服，而聲色甚厲，不為禮節。又袞方哭於鉤陳之前，而袞從吏或扶之，祐甫指示於眾曰：「臣哭於君前，有扶禮乎？」袞聞之，不堪其怒。乃上言祐甫率情變禮，輕議國典，請謫為潮州刺史。內議太重，改為河南少尹。

When Daizong first died, mourning was conducted at the Western Palace; Gun, having enjoyed unique favor, exceeded the proper degree of mourning. By precedent those attending morning and evening raised the mourning cry fifteen times, but Gun would wail with tears streaming, sometimes turning back to weep in the courtyard as if unable to leave; his colleagues were all displeased. When Gun discussed mourning dress with the ritual officials, he said, "According to the Rites, mourning for one's lord requires hemmed sackcloth for three years. Emperor Wen of Han, by expedient regulation, still observed thirty-six days. When Taizong died, his testamentary edict likewise specified thirty-six days, but the courtiers extended mourning until after the burial—about four months. When Gaozong died, mourning was abbreviated as in Han precedent; the same held when Empress Wu died. When Xuanzong and Suzong died, imperial mourning was first set at twenty-seven days; though the testamentary edict said that all officers and clerks under Heaven should doff mourning in three days, the courtiers in attendance actually observed twenty-seven days—so courtiers should follow the emperor's regulation." Youfu insisted, "According to the testamentary edict there is no distinction between courtier and commoner; it states only that all people and officers under Heaven shall attend mourning when the edict arrives and doff mourning in three days—what part of court and countryside, within or without, is not under Heaven? Of all who hold office, who is not an officer? Thus the emperor should observe twenty-seven days while the courtiers observe three." Gun replied, "According to He Xun's commentary, 'officer' means those appointed by a department head—that is, today's clerks and runners, not the great ministers and officials." Youfu said, "The Zuo Commentary states, 'Entrust it to the three officers. —meaning the Three Dukes. When histories speak of conscientious and worthy officers, do they mean mere clerks and runners?" Gun said, "Rites do not fall from Heaven or rise from the earth—they reflect human feeling alone. Moreover, great ministers have received exceptional honor and should be treated differently. To share the common people's regulation and doff mourning after a day or two—is that acceptable to you?" Youfu said, "What of the testamentary edict? If an edict's intent may be altered, what may not be?" Gun stubbornly remonstrated and would not yield, his voice harsh and his manner devoid of ritual propriety. Moreover, as Gun was weeping before the Hooked Array gate, his attendants supported him; Youfu pointed this out to the assembly and said, "When a subject weeps before his lord, is there ritual precedent for being supported?" When Gun heard this, he could not contain his rage. He memorialized that Youfu followed his feelings and altered ritual, lightly disputing the state's canonical law, and requested his demotion to prefect of Chaozhou. Court deliberation held the penalty too severe; it was changed to vice governor of Henan.

初，肅宗時天下事殷，而宰相不減三四員，更直掌事。若休沐各在第，有詔旨出入，非大事不欲歷抵諸第，許令直事者一人假署同列之名以進，遂為故事。是時，中書令郭子儀、檢校司空平章事硃泚，名是宰臣，當署制敕，至於密勿之議，則莫得聞。時德宗踐祚未旬日，居不言之際，袞循舊事，代署二人之名進。貶祐甫敕出，子儀及泚皆表明祐甫不當貶謫，上曰：「向言可謫，今言非罪，何也？」二人皆奏實未嘗有可謫之言，德宗大駭，謂袞誣罔。是日，百僚苴绖序立於月華門，立貶袞為河南少尹，以祐甫為門下侍郎、平章事，兩換其職。祐甫出至昭應縣，征還。尋轉中書侍郎，修國史，仍平章事。

Earlier, during Suzong's reign affairs were pressing, yet the court kept three or four chief ministers, who took turns handling business. On rest days each minister remained at his residence; for routine edicts the court did not wish to visit every home, so the minister on duty was permitted to sign a colleague's name and submit documents—thus the precedent arose. At that time Guo Ziyi as director of the Central Secretariat and Zhu Ci as acting minister of works and grand councilor were nominally chief ministers who should sign edicts, yet they were never privy to confidential deliberations. Dezong had been on the throne less than ten days and was still in the period of silent mourning; Gun followed the old practice and signed the two men's names on submissions. When the edict demoting Youfu was issued, Guo Ziyi and Zhu Ci both declared that Youfu should not be demoted; the emperor said, "Before you said he deserved demotion; now you say he is guiltless—why?" Both reported that in truth there had never been grounds for demotion; Dezong was greatly alarmed and concluded that Gun had deceived him. That day the officials in hemp mourning stood in order at the Moon Splendor Gate; Gun was demoted to vice governor of Henan and Youfu appointed vice director of the Chancellery and grand councilor—the two exchanged posts. Youfu had gone as far as Zhaoying County when he was summoned back. He was soon made vice director of the Central Secretariat, charged with revising the national history, and retained his grand councilor title.

上初即位，庶務皆委宰司。自至德、乾元中，天下多戰伐，啟奏填委，故官賞紊雜。及永泰之後，四方既定，而元載秉政，公道隘塞，官由賄成。中書主書卓英倩、李待榮輩用事，勢傾朝列，天下官爵，大者出元載，小者自倩、榮。四方賫貨賄求官者，道路相屬，靡不稱遂而去，於是綱紀大壞。及元載敗，楊綰尋卒，常袞當國，杜絕其門，四方奏請，莫有過者，雖權勢與匹夫等。非以辭賦登科者，莫得進用。雖賄賂稍絕，然無所甄異，故賢愚同滯。及祐甫代袞，薦延推舉，無復疑滯，日除十數人，作相未逾年，凡除吏幾八百員，多稱允當。上嘗謂曰：「有人謗卿所除擬官，多涉親故，何也？」祐甫奏曰：「臣頻奉聖旨，令臣進擬庶官，進擬必須諳其才行。臣若與其相識，方可粗諳，若素不知聞，何由知其言行？獲謗之由，實在於此。」上以為然。

When the emperor first took the throne, all routine affairs were entrusted to the chief ministers. From the Zhide and Qianyuan eras onward the realm saw constant warfare, memorials piled up, and offices and rewards fell into disorder. After the Yongtai era the four quarters were settled, but Yuan Zai held power, public principle was choked off, and offices were bought with bribes. Chief clerks of the Central Secretariat Zhuo Yingqian, Li Dairong, and their faction held sway, dominating the court; great appointments came from Yuan Zai, lesser ones from Yingqian and Dairong. Men bearing gifts and bribes from every quarter filled the roads seeking office, and nearly all departed satisfied; discipline collapsed utterly. When Yuan Zai fell and Yang Wan soon died, Chang Gun took charge; he shut the door to bribery, and no petition from the four quarters passed—men of power were treated no differently from commoners. Only those who had passed the literary composition examinations could be advanced. Though bribery was largely cut off, he made no distinction between the worthy and the unworthy, and talent and mediocrity alike languished. When Youfu replaced Gun, he recommended and promoted without delay, appointing ten or more men a day; in less than a year as chief minister he appointed nearly eight hundred officials, most judged fitting. The emperor once said to him, "Some criticize your nominations, saying you favor kin and old friends—why is that?" Youfu replied, "I have repeatedly received Your Majesty's command to nominate officials; to nominate one must know his conduct and ability. If I know a man, I may judge him roughly; if I have never heard of him, how can I know his words and deeds? The reason for the slander lies precisely in this." The emperor agreed.

神策軍使王駕鶴掌禁兵十余年，權傾中外，德宗初登極，將令白琇珪代之，懼其生變。祐甫召駕鶴與語，留連之，琇珪已赴軍視事矣。時李正己畏懼德宗威德，乃表獻錢三十萬貫。上欲納其奏，慮正己未可誠信，以計逗留止之，未有其辭，延問宰相。祐甫對曰：「正己奸詐，誠如聖慮。臣請因使往淄青，便令宣尉將士，因正己所獻錢錫賫諸軍人，且使深荷聖德，又令外籓知朝廷不重財貨。」上悅，從之，正己大慚，而心畏服焉。祐甫謀猷啟沃，多所弘益，天下以為可復貞觀、開元之太平也。

Shence Army commissioner Wang Ji'ahe had commanded the palace troops for more than ten years, his power dominating court and countryside; when Dezong first ascended the throne he planned to replace him with Bai Xiugui and feared a mutiny. Youfu summoned Ji'ahe to converse and detained him with prolonged talk; meanwhile Xiugui had already gone to the army and assumed command. Li Zhengji, awed by Dezong's authority, memorialized offering three hundred thousand strings of cash. The emperor wished to accept the gift yet feared Zhengji was not trustworthy; he sought a way to decline but had no ready formula, and deferred to his chief ministers. Youfu replied, "Zhengji is treacherous, exactly as Your Majesty suspects. I ask that when an envoy goes to Ziqing he announce comfort to the troops and distribute Zhengji's gift among the soldiers, so they deeply feel the emperor's grace and the frontier lords learn that the court does not prize wealth." The emperor was pleased and agreed; Zhengji was deeply shamed and inwardly submitted in awe. Youfu's counsel enlightened and benefited the ruler in many ways; the realm believed the peace of Zhenguan and Kaiyuan could be restored.

植字公修，祐甫弟廬江令嬰甫子。植既為相，上言出繼伯父胤，推恩不及於父，詔贈嬰甫吏部侍郎。植潛心經史，尤精《易象》。累歷清要，為給事中，時稱舉職。時皇甫镈以宰相判度支，請減內外官俸祿，植封還敕書，極諫而止。镈復奏諸州府鹽院兩稅、榷酒、鹽利、匹段等加估定數，及近年天下所納鹽酒利擡估者一切征收，詔皆可之。植抗疏論奏，令宰臣召植宣旨嘉諭之，物議罪镈而美植。尋除御史中丞，入閣彈事，頗振綱紀。

Zhi, style name Gongxiu, was the son of Youfu's younger brother Yingfu, magistrate of Lujiang. Once Zhi became chief minister, he memorialized that having been adopted by his paternal uncle Yin, posthumous honors had not reached his birth father; the emperor ordered Yingfu posthumously enfeoffed as vice director of the Ministry of Personnel. Zhi devoted himself to the classics and histories and was especially versed in the Images of the Changes. He rose through prestigious posts, served as supervising censor, and was praised for fulfilling his duties. Huangfu Bo, serving as chief minister while overseeing the treasury, proposed cutting officials' salaries; Zhi sealed and returned the edict, remonstrating until the plan was abandoned. Bo again memorialized fixed surcharge amounts on the two taxes, wine monopolies, salt profits, and cloth levies at prefectural salt offices, and that all recent salt-and-wine profits paid at inflated rates be collected in full; the edicts approved everything. Zhi submitted a forceful memorial in opposition; the chief ministers were ordered to summon him and convey the emperor's praise; public opinion condemned Bo and praised Zhi. He was soon appointed censor-in-chief; entering the hall to impeach offenders, he considerably revived discipline.

長慶初，拜中書侍郎、同中書門下平章事。穆宗嘗謂侍臣曰：「國家貞觀中，文皇帝躬行帝道，治致昇平。及神龍、景龍之間，繼有內難，玄宗平定，興復不易，而聲明最盛，歷年長久，何道而然？」植對曰：「前代創業之君，多起自人間，知百姓疾苦。初承丕業，皆能厲精思理。太宗文皇帝特稟上聖之資，同符堯、舜之道，是以貞觀一朝，四海寧晏。有房玄齡、杜如晦、魏徵、王珪之屬為輔佐股肱，君明臣忠，事無不理，聖賢相遇，固宜如此。玄宗守文繼體，嘗經天後朝艱危，開元初得姚崇、宋璟，委之為政。此二人者，天生俊傑，動必推公，夙夜孜孜，致君於道。璟嘗手寫《尚書·無逸》一篇，為圖以獻。玄宗置之內殿，出入觀省，鹹記在心，每嘆古人至言，後代莫及，故任賢戒欲，心歸沖漠。開元之末，因《無逸圖》朽壞，始以山水圖代之。自後既無座右箴規，又信奸臣用事，天寶之世，稍倦於勤，王道於斯缺矣。建中初，德宗皇帝嘗問先臣祐甫開元、天寶治亂之殊，先臣具陳本末。臣在童丱，即聞其說，信知古人以韋、弦作戒，其益弘多。陛下既虛心理道，亦望以《無逸》為元龜，則天下幸甚。」穆宗善其對。

At the beginning of the Changqing era he was appointed vice director of the Central Secretariat and grand councilor of the Chancellery. Emperor Muzong once said to his attendants, "In the Zhenguan era the Literary Emperor personally practiced the imperial Way and brought the realm to peace. Through the Shenlong and Jinglong periods inner troubles followed one upon another; Xuanzong pacified them and restored the dynasty at great cost, yet his fame was greatest and his reign longest—by what means was this achieved?" Zhi replied, "Founding rulers of former ages mostly rose from among the people and knew the people's hardships. When first inheriting the great enterprise, all could steel their spirit and devote themselves to governance. Taizong the Literary Emperor was endowed with supreme sagely talent and matched the Way of Yao and Shun; thus in the Zhenguan era the four seas knew peace. Fang Xuanling, Du Ruhui, Wei Zheng, Wang Gui, and their like served as his chief ministers; lord and ministers were clear and loyal, and nothing went ungoverned—when sage and worthy meet, it is fitting that it should be so. Xuanzong inherited the established order, having passed through the perils of Empress Wu's reign; at the beginning of Kaiyuan he obtained Yao Chong and Song Jing and entrusted them with governance. These two were heaven-born talents who in every action upheld public principle, toiling day and night to bring their lord onto the Way. Song Jing once copied out the "No Dissipation" chapter of the Documents in his own hand and presented it as a scroll. Xuanzong placed it in the inner hall and studied it on entering and leaving until he had it by heart; he often sighed that the ancients' supreme words later ages could not match, and thus entrusted the worthy, guarded against desire, and turned his heart to quietude. At the end of the Kaiyuan era, when the No Dissipation scroll had rotted away, he first replaced it with a landscape painting. From then on he had no admonition at his right hand, trusted treacherous ministers, and in the Tianbao era gradually wearied of diligence—the kingly Way was at an end. At the beginning of the Jianzhong era, Emperor Dezong once asked my late father Youfu how Kaiyuan and Tianbao differed in order and disorder, and my father set forth the whole story in full. I heard this account as a child and came to understand truly how the ancients took the bowstring and whetstone as warnings—their benefit is immeasurably great. Your Majesty already opens your mind to the Way; I also hope you will take the "No Dissipation" chapter as your great oracle—then the realm would be exceedingly fortunate." Emperor Muzong approved his reply.

他日，復謂宰臣曰：「前史稱漢文帝惜十家之產而罷露臺。又雲身衣弋綈，履革舄，集上書囊以為殿帷，何太儉也！信有此乎？」植對曰：「良史所記，必非妄言。漢興，承亡秦殘酷之後，項氏戰爭之余，海內雕弊，生人力竭。漢文仁明之主，起自代邸，知稼穡之艱難，是以即位之後，躬行儉約。繼以景帝，猶遵此風。由是海內黔首，鹹樂其生，家給戶足。迨至武帝，公私殷富，用能出師征伐，威行四方，錢至貫朽，谷至紅腐。上務侈靡，資用復竭，末年稅及舟車六畜，人不聊生，戶口減半，乃下哀痛之詔，封丞相為富人侯。皆漢史明征，用為事實。且耕蠶之勸，出自人力，用既無度，何由以至富強！據武帝嗣位之初，物力阜殷，前代無比，固當因文帝儉約之致也。」上曰：「卿言甚善，患行之為難耳。」

On another day he again said to the chief ministers, "Former histories record that Emperor Wen of Han, cherishing the livelihood of ten households, abolished the open-air terrace. They also say he wore coarse silk, leather sandals, and gathered memorial pouches to make hall hangings—how excessively frugal! Can this truly be so?" Zhi replied, "What good historians record cannot be empty talk. When Han arose, it inherited the ruin of cruel Qin and the aftermath of the wars with the house of Xiang; the realm was devastated and the people's strength was spent. Wen of Han was a benevolent and clear-sighted ruler who had risen from the princedom of Dai and knew the hardships of farming; after taking the throne he personally practiced thrift. Emperor Jing succeeded him and still upheld this spirit. Thereafter the common people throughout the realm rejoiced in their lives, and households were well provided. By the time of Emperor Wu, public and private wealth were abundant; he could dispatch armies abroad and extend his might to the four quarters—cash lay in strings rotted through, grain in stores gone red with decay. The sovereign pursued extravagance until resources were again exhausted; in his late years taxes reached boats, carts, and livestock; the people could barely survive and registered households were halved; he then issued a grief-stricken edict and enfeoffed his chief minister as Marquis Rich Man. All of this is clearly attested in the Han histories and may be taken as fact. Moreover, the encouragement of farming and sericulture depends on human labor; when expenditure knows no limit, how can wealth and strength be achieved! At the beginning of Wu's reign material goods were abundant beyond any former age—this was surely the fruit of Wendi's frugal rule." The emperor said, "Your words are excellent; the trouble is that putting them into practice is difficult."

憲宗皇帝削平群盜，河朔三鎮復入提封。長慶初，幽州節度使劉總表以幽、薊七州上獻，請朝廷命帥。總仍懼部將構亂，乃籍其豪銳者先送京師。時硃克融在籍中。植與同列杜元潁素不知兵，且無遠慮。克融等在京羈旅窮餓，日詣中書乞官，殊不介意。及張弘靖赴鎮，令克融等從還。不數月，克融囚弘靖，害賓佐，結王廷湊，國家復失河朔，職植兄弟之由。乃罷知政事，守刑部尚書，出為華州刺史。大和三年正月卒，年五十八。植雖器量謹厚，而無開物成務之才，及喪師異方，天下尤其失策。

Emperor Xianzong suppressed the rebel hosts, and the three Hebei circuits again came under imperial control. At the beginning of the Changqing era, Youzhou military commissioner Liu Zong memorialized offering You, Ji, and seven prefectures to the throne and asked the court to appoint a commander. Zong still feared his subordinates would plot rebellion, so he registered his fiercest troops and sent them to the capital first. Zhu Kerong was among those registered. Zhi and his colleague Du Yuanying knew nothing of warfare by nature and lacked foresight. Kerong and the others, stranded in the capital, grew destitute and starving; day after day they went to the Central Secretariat begging for appointments, yet no one paid them any heed. When Zhang Hongjing went to take up his command, he had Kerong and the others follow him back. Within a few months Kerong imprisoned Hongjing, killed his staff, and allied with Wang Tingcou; the state again lost Hebei—and it was through the fault of Zhi and his brothers. He was then removed from managing state affairs, retained as Minister of Justice, and sent out as governor of Huazhou. He died in the first month of the third year of Dahe, aged fifty-eight. Although Zhi was cautious and solid in character, he lacked the talent to open affairs and accomplish great tasks; when troops were lost abroad, the realm especially blamed his misjudgment.

倰，字德長。祖濤，大理卿孝公沔之弟也。濤生儀甫，終大理丞，即俊之父。以門廕由太廟齋郎調授太平、東陽二主簿。李衡廉察湖南、江西，辟為賓佐，坐事沈廢。久之，復以選授宣州錄事參軍。觀察使崔衍奇其才，奏加章服，倰辭而不受。李巽鎮江西，奏為副使，得監察裏行，又從巽領使，為河陰院鹽鐵留後。入為侍御史，尋改膳部員外，充轉運判官。入為膳部郎中，充荊襄十道兩稅使，賜金紫。遷蘇州刺史，理行為第一。轉潭州刺史、湖南都團練觀察使。湖南舊法，豐年貿易不出境，鄰部災荒不相恤。倰至，謂屬吏曰：「此非人情也，無宜閉糶，重困於民也。」自是商賈通流。入為戶部侍郎、判度支。

Jun, styled Dechang. His grandfather Tao was the younger brother of Xiao Gong Mian, director of the Court of Judicial Review. Tao's son Yifu ended his career as aide in the Court of Judicial Review; he was the father of Jun. Through hereditary privilege he rose from temple fast officer to chief clerk of Taiping and Dongyang. Li Heng, investigating commissioner of Hunan and Jiangxi, recruited him as a staff adviser; he was later demoted and dismissed for an offense. After a long interval he was again appointed, through regular selection, recording secretary of Xuanzhou. Observation commissioner Cui Yan admired his talent and memorialized to grant him regalia; Jun declined and would not accept. When Li Xun governed Jiangxi he memorialized Jun as deputy commissioner; Jun received an acting surveillance censor post, later followed Xun as chief envoy, and became acting commander of the Heyin salt-and-iron depot. He entered the capital as attendant censor, soon became supernumerary director in the Ministry of Provisions, and served as transport commissioner-assessor. He was appointed director in the Ministry of Provisions, served as commissioner for the two-tax levies of the ten Jing-Xiang circuits, and was granted gold-and-purple regalia. He was transferred to governor of Suzhou, where his governance ranked first. He was promoted to governor of Tanzhou and overall training-and-observation commissioner of Hunan. By Hunan's old law, in years of plenty trade did not cross the border, and neighboring circuits did not aid one another in famine. When Jun arrived he told his subordinates, "This is contrary to human feeling; grain sales must not be shut off to doubly afflict the people." From then on merchants and traders moved freely. He entered the capital as vice minister of the Ministry of Revenue and acting director of the Treasury.

時倰再從弟植為宰相，倰性剛褊，恃其權寵，與奪任情。時朝廷以王承元歸國，命田弘正移帥鎮州。弘正之行，以魏卒二千為帳下，又以常山之人久隔朝化，人情易為變擾，累表請留魏卒為綱紀，其糧賜請度支歲給。穆宗下宰臣議，倰固言魏、鎮各有鎮兵，朝廷無例支給，恐為事例，不可聽從。弘正不獲已，遣魏卒還籓，不數日而鎮州亂，弘正遇害。穆宗失德，倰黨方盛，人不敢糾其罪。罷領度支，檢校禮部尚書，出為鳳翔節度等使。不期歲，召為河南尹，時年七十，抗疏致仕，詔以戶部尚書歸第。明年暴卒，輟朝一日，贈太子少保，謚曰肅。倰居官清嚴，所至必理，然性介急，待僚屬不以禮節，恃己之廉，見贓汙者如仇焉。

At the time Jun's second cousin once removed, Zhi, was chief minister; Jun was stern and narrow by nature, and relying on his power and favor granted and withheld offices at whim. The court, because Wang Chengyuan had returned to allegiance, ordered Tian Hongzheng to transfer his command to Zhenzhou. On departing, Hongzheng took two thousand Wei troops as his personal guard; because the people of Changshan had long been cut off from court influence and were easily stirred to unrest, he repeatedly memorialized asking to retain the Wei troops as a stabilizing force, with their rations supplied yearly by the Treasury. Muzong referred the matter to the chief ministers for deliberation; Jun firmly argued that Wei and Zhen each had their own garrison troops, the court had no precedent for supplying them, and to approve would set a dangerous precedent—it must not be granted. Unable to obtain his request, Hongzheng sent the Wei troops back to their circuit; within days Zhenzhou rebelled and Hongzheng was killed. Muzong had lost his moral authority; Jun's faction was at its height, and no one dared impeach him for the crime. He was removed from directing the Treasury, made acting Minister of Rites, and sent out as military commissioner of Fengxiang. Before a year had passed he was summoned as metropolitan governor of Henan; he was then seventy, submitted a forthright memorial to retire, and was ordered home as Minister of Revenue. The next year he died suddenly; the court halted audiences for one day, posthumously granted him Junior Guardian of the Heir Apparent, and gave him the posthumous title Solemn. Jun was clear and stern in office and brought order wherever he served, yet he was upright and impatient by nature, treated his subordinates without courtesy, relied on his own integrity, and regarded the corrupt as enemies.

子巖，登進士第，辟襄陽掌書記、監察御史，方雅有父風。

His son Yan passed the presented-scholar examination, served as Xiangyang secretarial aide and surveillance censor, and in upright integrity showed his father's manner.

元載之得罪，令袞與劉晏、李涵等鞫之，獄竟，拜袞門下侍郎、同平章事，太清、太微宮使，崇文、弘文館大學士，與楊綰同掌樞務。代宗尤信重綰。綰弘通多可，袞頗務苛細，求清儉之稱，與綰之道不同。先是，百官俸料寡薄，綰與袞奏請加之。時韓滉判度支，袞與滉各騁私懷，所加俸料，厚薄由己。時少列各定月俸為三十五千，滉怒司業張參，唯止給三十千；袞惡少詹事趙期，遂給二十五千。太子洗馬，實司經局長官，文學為之貳。袞有親戚任文學者給十二千，而給洗馬十千。其輕重任情，不通時政，多如此類。

When Yuan Zai was condemned, Gun was ordered with Liu Yan, Li Han, and others to interrogate him; when the case ended, Gun was appointed vice director of the Chancellery, co-equal chief minister, commissioner of the Palaces of Supreme Clarity and Supreme Subtlety, grand academician of the Chongwen and Hongwen Institutes, and shared management of state affairs with Yang Wan. Emperor Daizong especially trusted and valued Wan. Wan was broad-minded and accommodating; Gun pursued harsh minutiae and sought a reputation for purity and thrift—their ways differed. Earlier the officials' salaries had been meager; Wan and Gun memorialized to increase them. At the time Han Huang directed the Treasury; Gun and Huang each pursued private ends, and the increases they granted depended on their own whim. The junior ranks had each been allotted a monthly salary of thirty-five thousand cash; Huang, angry at Vice Rector Zhang Can, gave him only thirty thousand; Gun hated Junior Mentor of the Heir Zhao Qi and gave him only twenty-five thousand. The Heir Apparent's stud groom was in fact chief of the Classics Bureau, with the literary instructor as his deputy. Gun gave twelve thousand to a kinsman serving as literary instructor but only ten thousand to the stud groom. Such arbitrary favoritism, heedless of proper policy, was typical of many of his acts.

無幾，楊綰卒，袞獨當政。故事，每日出內廚食以賜宰相，饌可食十數人，袞特請罷之，迄今便為故事。又將故讓堂封，同列以為不可而止。議者以為厚祿重賜，所以優賢崇國政也，不能，當辭位，不宜辭祿食。政事堂有後門，蓋宰相時到中書舍人院，咨訪政事，以自廣也，袞又塞絕其門，以示尊大，不相往來。既懲元載為政時公道梗澀，賄賂朋黨大行，不以財勢者無因入仕。袞一切杜絕之。中外百司奏請，皆執不與，權與匹夫等，尤排擯非文辭登科第者。雖窒賣官之路，政事大致壅滯。

Before long Yang Wan died, and Gun held power alone. By precedent the inner kitchen sent food daily to the chief ministers—enough for a dozen men; Gun specially requested that this be abolished, and from then until now it has remained the practice. He also intended to decline the Hall enfeoffment stipend, but his colleagues thought this unacceptable and dissuaded him. Critics held that generous salaries and gifts honor the worthy and exalt state policy; if one cannot perform one's duties, one should resign office—not decline one's salary and perquisites. The Hall of Government Affairs had a rear door through which chief ministers would visit the secretarial aides' courtyard to consult on affairs and broaden their counsel; Gun blocked this door to display his loftiness and would not interact with them. Having already punished the abuses of Yuan Zai's rule—when public principle was obstructed, bribery and faction ran rampant, and those without wealth and power had no path to office— Gun cut off all of it entirely. Memorials from offices within and without the court he held and would not grant; his authority equaled that of a common man, and he especially excluded those who had not risen through the literary examinations. Although he blocked the sale of offices, government affairs for the most part were choked and stagnant.

代宗既素重楊綰，欲以政事委之。綰尋卒，袞與綰誌尚素異，嫉而怒之。有司議謚綰為文貞，袞微諷比部郎中蘇端令駁之，毀綰過甚，端坐黜官。時既無中書侍郎，舍人崔祐甫領省事，袞以為同中書門下平章事兼得總中書省，遂管綜中書胥吏、省事去就及其案牘，祐甫不能平之，累至忿競。遂令祐甫分知吏部選事，所擬官又多駁下。時袞散官尚朝議，又無封爵，郭子儀因入朝奏之，遂特加銀青光祿大夫，封河內郡公。及代宗崩，與祐甫爭論喪服輕重，代相署奏。初換祐甫河南少尹，再貶為潮州刺史。楊炎入相，素與袞善，建中元年，遷福建觀察使。四年正月卒，時年五十五。久之。贈左僕射。有文集六十卷。

Emperor Daizong had long valued Wan and wished to entrust government affairs to him. Wan soon died; Gun had long differed from Wan in aims and temperament and envied and resented him. The relevant offices proposed the posthumous title Literary Upright for Wan; Gun subtly prompted Bureau of Revenue director Su Duan to lodge a rebuttal, slandering Wan excessively, and for this Gun was demoted. The vice directorship of the Central Secretariat was then vacant, and Aide Cui Youfu oversaw its routine business; Gun held that as co-equal chief minister he also controlled the Central Secretariat overall, and therefore took charge of its clerks, routine business, and dossiers—Youfu could not accept this, and their disputes repeatedly turned to open anger. He then ordered Youfu to share oversight of Ministry of Personnel selections, and most appointments Youfu proposed were struck down. Gun's nominal rank was still Court Councillor and he held no enfeoffment; Guo Ziyi, on entering court, memorialized on this, and Gun was specially advanced to Silver-Gleam Grand Master of Glorious Happiness and enfeoffed as Duke of Henei. When Daizong died, he disputed with Youfu over the severity of mourning garments, each in turn signing memorials for the other. Youfu was first transferred to junior metropolitan governor of Henan, then demoted again to governor of Chaozhou. When Yang Yan became chief minister—he had long been on good terms with Gun—Gun was transferred in the first year of Jianzhong to observation commissioner of Fujian. He died in the first month of the fourth year, aged fifty-five. After a long interval, he was posthumously granted Left Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs. He left collected writings in sixty scrolls.

史臣曰：善人為邦百年，即可勝殘去殺，楊綰入相數日，遽致移風易俗。周、召、伊、傅，蕭、張、房、杜，歷代為相之顯者，蔑聞斯道也。嘗讀諸集，賞善多溢美，書罪多溢惡；如楊綰拜相之麻，贈官之制，改謚之詔，則當時秉筆者無愧色矣。昔趙文子薦士七十，古為美談；崔祐甫除吏八百，人無間言。開物成務之才，滅私徇公之道可知也。噫！公權余旬日而薨，貽孫未期年而逝，邃古已來，理世少而亂世多，其義在茲矣。常袞之輩，不足云爾。

The historiographer remarks: The saying runs that a good man's governing a state for a hundred years can overcome cruelty and end killing; Yang Wan entered as chief minister for only a few days and swiftly changed the manners of the age. The Duke of Zhou, the Duke of Shao, Yi Yin, Fu Yue, Xiao He, Zhang Liang, Fang Xuanling, Du Ruhui—the illustrious chief ministers of successive ages—never heard of such a thing. Having read the various collected works, I find that praise of the good often overflows with excess, and records of crimes often overflow with malice; but in the edict appointing Yang Wan chief minister, the regulation granting him posthumous office, and the edict altering his posthumous title, the men who held the brush at the time had no cause for shame. Formerly Zhao Wenzi recommended seventy scholars—a celebrated tale of antiquity; Cui Youfu appointed eight hundred officials, and no one found fault. Their talent to open affairs and accomplish great tasks, and their Way of extinguishing private interest for the public good, may be known from this. Alas! Gongquan died within a little more than ten days; Yisun passed away before a year had passed; from remote antiquity until now well-ordered ages have been few and chaotic ages many—the meaning lies herein. Men of Chang Gun's sort are not worth mentioning.

贊曰：公權儒道，貽孫相才。命乎不永，時哉可哀。

The encomium reads: Gongquan embodied the Confucian Way; Yisun possessed chief-minister talent. Their fates were not enduring; how lamentable were the times.

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