Volume 196 Biographies 84: Zhang Cong, Gui E, Fang Xianfu, Xia Yan

張璁〈（胡鐸）〉桂萼方獻夫夏言

Zhang Cong (also known as Hu Duo)〉 Gui E, Fang Xianfu, and Xia Yan

張璁，字秉用，永嘉人。舉於鄉，七試不第。將謁選，御史蕭鳴鳳善星術，語之曰：「從此三載成進士，又三載當驟貴。」璁乃歸。正德十六年登第，年四十七矣。

Zhang Cong, whose style was Bingyong, came from Yongjia. After qualifying in the provincial examination, he failed the capital examination seven times running. As he was preparing to go to the capital for selection, Censor Xiao Mingfeng, who was adept at astrology, told him, "Within three years you will pass as a jinshi, and three years after that you will shoot suddenly into high office." Zhang Cong thereupon went home. He finally passed in the sixteenth year of the Zhengde reign, at the age of forty-seven.

世宗初踐阼，議追崇所生父興獻王。廷臣持之，議三上三卻。璁時在部觀政，以是年七月朔上疏曰：「孝子之至，莫大乎尊親。尊親之至，莫大乎以天下養。陛下嗣登大寶，即議追尊聖考以正其號，奉迎聖母以致其養，誠大孝也。廷議執漢定陶、宋濮王故事，謂為人後者為之子，不得顧私親。夫天下豈有無父母之國哉？《記》曰：『禮非天降，非地出，人情而已。』漢哀帝、宋英宗固定陶、濮王子，然成帝、仁宗皆預立為嗣，養之宮中，其為人後之義甚明。故師丹、司馬光之論行於彼一時則可。今武宗無嗣，大臣遵祖訓，以陛下倫序當立而迎立之。遺詔直曰『興獻王長子』，未嘗著為人後之義。則陛下之興，實所以承祖宗之統，與預立為嗣養之宮中者較然不同。議者謂孝廟德澤在人，不可無後。假令聖考尚存，嗣位今日，恐弟亦無後兄之義。且迎養聖母，以母之親也。稱皇叔母，則當以君臣禮見，恐子無臣母之義。《禮》『長子不得為人後』，聖考止生陛下一人，利天下而為人後，恐子無自絕其父母之義。故在陛下謂入繼祖後，而得不廢其尊親則可；謂為人後，以自絕其親則不可。夫統與嗣不同，非必父死子立也。漢文承惠帝後，則以弟繼；宣帝承昭帝後，則以兄孫繼。若必奪此父子之親，建彼父子之號，然後謂之繼統，則古有稱高伯祖、皇伯考者，皆不得謂之統乎？臣竊謂今日之禮，宜別立聖考廟於京師，使得隆尊親之孝，且使母以子貴，尊與父同，則聖考不失其為父，聖母不失其為母矣。」帝方扼廷議，得璁疏大喜，曰：「此論出，吾父子獲全矣。」亟下廷臣議。廷臣大怪駭，交起擊之。禮官毛澄等執如初。會獻王妃至通州，聞尊稱禮未定，止不肯入。帝聞而泣，欲避位歸藩。璁乃著《大禮或問》上之，帝於是連駁禮官疏。廷臣不得已，合議尊孝宗曰「皇考」，興獻王曰「本生父興獻帝」，璁亦除南京刑部主事以去，追崇議且寢。

Soon after the Jiajing Emperor took the throne, the court took up the question of posthumously elevating his birth father, Prince Xingxian. The ministers held firm, and the memorial was sent up three times only to be turned back three times. Cong was then serving in the ministry on probation. On the first day of the seventh month he memorialized the throne: "The height of filial devotion is to honor one's parents. The height of honoring one's parents is to sustain them with the wealth of the realm. Your Majesty has just ascended the throne and at once sought to posthumously honor your holy father with a proper title and to welcome your holy mother so that she might be provided for—this is true filial piety. The court debate clung to the Han case of the Prince of Dingtao and the Song case of the Prince of Pu, arguing that whoever becomes another man's heir is counted as that man's son and may not favor his own blood kin. Is there anywhere under heaven a country without parents? The Record of Rites says, 'Ritual does not descend from heaven or rise from the earth; it is nothing but human feeling.' Emperor Ai of Han and Emperor Yingzong of Song were made heirs to the princes of Dingtao and Pu, but Emperor Cheng and Emperor Renzong had each been designated heir in advance and raised in the palace—the sense in which they became another's son was perfectly clear. The arguments of Shi Dan and Sima Guang could stand for those earlier cases, but no more. Today Emperor Wuzong left no son; the chief ministers followed the ancestral instruction, judged that Your Majesty stood next in the line of succession, and welcomed you to the throne. The testamentary edict simply calls you 'the eldest son of Prince Xingxian' and nowhere records that you were made another man's heir. Your accession, then, truly continues the ancestral succession and is plainly not the same as being named heir in advance and reared in the palace. The debaters say that Emperor Xiaozong's kindness still lives in the hearts of the people and that he must not be left without an heir. Even if your holy father were still alive and you took the throne today, I doubt a younger brother could be said to succeed an elder brother in any proper sense. Moreover, to welcome and provide for your holy mother is to honor the bond of mother and child. If she is styled your imperial aunt, you would have to receive her with the ceremony owed ruler to subject—and what son may treat his mother as a subject? The Rites say that the eldest son may not become another man's heir. Your holy father had only you. To benefit the realm by becoming someone else's heir would be for a son to sever himself from his own parents—can any such principle exist? For Your Majesty to say that you enter the succession after the ancestors yet need not cease honoring your own parents—that may be accepted; but to say that you are another man's heir and thereby cut yourself off from your own kin—that cannot be accepted. Succession to the imperial line and succession as heir are not the same thing; the throne does not always pass from father to son. Emperor Wen of Han succeeded after Emperor Hui, and a younger brother took the line; Emperor Xuan succeeded after Emperor Zhao, and a brother's grandson took the line. If one must erase this father-son bond and erect that father-son title before the succession can be called legitimate, then in antiquity those who were styled 'high great-grandfather' or 'imperial uncle-father'—were none of them true successors? I venture that the rites of today should establish a separate temple to your holy father in the capital, so that you may fulfill the highest filial duty to your parents and your mother may be honored through her son on equal footing with your father—then your holy father would remain your father and your holy mother would remain your mother." The emperor had been stifled by the court debate. When he received Cong's memorial he was overjoyed and said, "With this argument put forward, my father and I are saved intact." He at once sent it down for the ministers to debate. The court ministers were astonished and horrified, and one after another rose to attack him. The ritual officials, led by Mao Cheng, held to their original position. Meanwhile the consort of Prince Xian had reached Tongzhou. Learning that the rites of honorific title were still unsettled, she halted and refused to enter the capital. When the emperor heard this he wept and wished to abdicate and return to his princedom. Cong then wrote Questions on the Great Rites and presented it to the throne, whereupon the emperor began rejecting the ritual officials' memorials one after another. The ministers, having no alternative, jointly agreed to honor Emperor Xiaozong as 'Imperial Father' and Prince Xingxian as 'biological father, Emperor Xingxian.' Cong was appointed registrar in the Nanjing Ministry of Justice and left the capital, and the debate on posthumous elevation was for the moment set aside.

至嘉靖三年正月，帝得桂萼疏心動，復下廷議。汪俊代毛澄為禮部，執如澄。璁乃復上疏曰：「陛下遵兄終弟及之訓，倫序當立。禮官不思陛下實入繼大統之君，而強比與為人後之例，絕獻帝天性之恩，蔑武宗相傳之統，致陛下父子、伯侄、兄弟名實俱紊。寧負天子，不敢忤權臣，此何心也？伏睹聖諭云：『興獻王獨生朕一人，既不得承緒，又不得徽稱，罔極之恩何由得報？』執政窺測上心，有見於推尊之重，故今日爭一帝字，明日爭一皇字。而陛下之心，亦日以不帝不皇為歉。既而加稱為帝，謂陛下心既慰矣，故留一皇字以覘陛下將來未盡之心，遂敢稱孝宗為皇考，稱興獻帝為本生父。父子之名既更，推崇之義安在？乃遽詔告天下，乘陛下不覺，陷以不孝。《禮》曰：『君子不奪人之親，亦不可奪親也。』陛下尊為萬乘，父子之親，人可得而奪之，又可容人之奪之乎？故今日之禮不在皇與不皇，惟在考與不考。若徒爭一皇字，則執政必姑以是塞今日之議，陛下亦姑以是滿今日之心，臣恐天下知禮者，必將非笑無已也。」與桂萼第二疏同上。帝益大喜，立召兩人赴京。命未達，兩人及黃宗明、黃綰復合疏力爭。及獻帝改稱「本生皇考」，閣臣以尊稱既定，請停召命，帝不得已從之。二人已在道，復馳疏曰：「禮官懼臣等面質，故先為此術，求遂其私。若不亟去本生之稱，天下後世終以陛下為孝宗之子，墮禮官欺蔽中矣。」帝益心動，趣召二人。

In the first month of the third year of Jiajing, the emperor read Gui E's memorial, was stirred in heart, and again sent the matter down for court debate. Wang Jun had replaced Mao Cheng as Minister of Rites and held to the same position. Cong memorialized again: "Your Majesty followed the instruction that when an elder brother's line ends, a younger brother may succeed; by the order of succession you were the one to be enthroned. The ritual officials refuse to see that Your Majesty truly entered the great succession. They forcibly apply the precedent of becoming another man's heir, sever the natural bond between you and Emperor Xian, slight the line that Emperor Wuzong transmitted, and throw into confusion every name and relationship between father and son, uncle and nephew, and brothers. They would rather wrong the Son of Heaven than offend powerful ministers—what can they be thinking? I have seen Your Majesty's own words: 'Prince Xingxian had only me as his son. I can neither continue his line nor grant him an honorific title. How am I to repay a parent's boundless grace?' The chief ministers have read Your Majesty's heart and seen how deeply you care about honoring your father. That is why today they dispute one word—'emperor'—and tomorrow another—'imperial.' And in Your Majesty's own heart, each day brings fresh regret that your father is granted neither 'emperor' nor 'imperial.' Then they added the title 'emperor,' thinking Your Majesty would be satisfied. They withheld the word 'imperial' to test how much you still wanted, and dared to call Emperor Xiaozong your Imperial Father while calling Emperor Xingxian merely your biological father. Once the names of father and son are changed, what remains of the act of honoring your parent? They then hastily issued an edict to the whole realm, catching Your Majesty unawares and trapping you in the charge of unfilial conduct. The Rites say, 'A gentleman does not take another man's parent from him, nor may his own parent be taken from him.' Your Majesty is lord of ten thousand chariots. Can the bond between father and son be seized by others—and can you permit others to seize it? The question in today's rites is not whether to use the word 'imperial,' but whether to use the word 'father.' If you merely wrangle over the word 'imperial,' the chief ministers will use it to stall today's debate and Your Majesty will use it to quiet today's heart—but I fear that all who understand ritual under heaven will laugh without end." This was submitted together with Gui E's second memorial. The emperor was still more delighted and immediately ordered both men summoned to the capital. Before the summons could reach them, the two men together with Huang Zongming and Huang Guan submitted another joint memorial arguing their case with all their force. When Prince Xian was retitled 'biological imperial father,' the grand secretaries argued that the honorific was now settled and asked that the summons be canceled. The emperor reluctantly agreed. The two men were already on the road and sent another urgent memorial: 'The ritual officials fear that we will confront them in person, and so they devised this scheme first to get their own way. Unless the word 'biological' is removed at once, all the world in ages to come will take Your Majesty for Emperor Xiaozong's son, and you will remain trapped in the ritual officials' deceit." The emperor's heart was stirred afresh, and he urgently recalled both men.

五月抵都，復條上七事。眾洶洶，欲撲殺之。萼懼，不敢出。璁閱數日始朝。給事御史張翀、鄭本公等連章力攻，帝益不悅，特授二人翰林學士。二人力辭，且請面折廷臣之非。給事御史李學曾、吉棠等言：「璁、萼曲學阿世，聖世所必誅。以傳奉為學士，累聖德不少。」御史段續、陳相又特疏論，並及席書。帝責學曾等對狀，下續、相詔獄。刑部尚書趙鑒亦請置璁、萼於理，語人曰：「得俞旨，便捶殺之。」帝責以朋奸，亦令對狀。璁、萼乃復列欺罔十三事，力折廷臣。及廷臣伏闕哭爭，盡系詔獄予杖。死杖下者十余人，貶竄相繼。由是璁等勢大張。其年九月卒用其議定尊稱。帝益眷倚璁、萼，璁、萼益恃寵仇廷臣，舉朝士大夫鹹切齒此數人矣。

They reached the capital in the fifth month and submitted another memorial setting forth seven points. The crowd was in an uproar and wanted to beat them to death. Gui E was terrified and dared not leave his lodging. Cong waited several days before he would attend court. The supervising secretaries and censors Zhang Chong, Zheng Bengong, and others submitted memorial after memorial attacking them fiercely. The emperor grew still angrier and specially appointed both men Hanlin Academicians. Both men strenuously declined and asked to confront the court ministers face to face and refute their errors. The supervising secretaries and censors Li Xuezeng, Ji Tang, and others wrote: 'Cong and Gui E twist learning to flatter the times. In an age of sage rule they must be put to death. To appoint them academicians by special order does grave harm to Your Majesty's reputation for virtue. Censors Duan Xu and Chen Xiang submitted special memorials as well, implicating Xi Shu in the same charge. The emperor ordered Li Xuezeng and the others to answer for their conduct and sent Xu and Xiang to the imperial prison. Minister of Justice Zhao Jian also asked that Cong and Gui E be brought to trial, telling others, 'Once I have the emperor's approval, I will beat them to death. The emperor rebuked him for factional conspiracy and ordered him to answer for his conduct as well. Cong and Gui E then listed thirteen counts of deception and forcefully refuted the court ministers. When the court ministers prostrated themselves at the palace gate weeping in protest, all were cast into the imperial prison and beaten with the bastinado. More than ten died under the rods, and demotions and banishments followed in succession. From this point Cong and his allies grew vastly more powerful. In the ninth month of that year the court finally adopted their proposal and settled the honorific titles. The emperor leaned on Cong and Gui E ever more heavily, while Cong and Gui E, emboldened by favor, treated the court ministers as enemies. The whole body of officials gnashed their teeth at these few men.

四年冬，《大禮集議》成，進詹事兼翰林學士。後議世廟神道、廟樂、武舞及太后謁廟，帝率倚璁言而決。璁緣飾經文，委曲當帝意，帝益器之。璁急圖柄用，為大學士費宏所抑，遂與萼連章攻宏。帝亦知其情，留宏不即放。五年七月，璁以省墓請。既辭朝，帝復用為兵部右侍郎，兼官如故。給事中杜桐、楊言、趙廷瑞交章力詆，並劾吏部尚書廖紀引用邪人。帝怒，切責之。兩京給事御史解一貫、張錄、方紀達、戴繼先等復交章論不已，皆不聽。尋進璁左侍郎，復與萼攻費宏。明年二月興王邦奇獄，構陷楊廷和等，宏及石缶同日罷。

In the winter of the fourth year the Collected Deliberations on the Great Rites was completed, and he was promoted to Junior Tutor with concurrent appointment as Hanlin Academician. Later, when the court debated the spirit way of the Imperial Ancestral Temple, temple music, martial dance, and the empress dowager's visit to the temple, the emperor generally followed Cong's advice in deciding. Cong dressed up the classical texts in every subtle turn to match the emperor's wishes, and the emperor valued him all the more. Cong was eager to seize real power but was held back by Grand Secretary Fei Hong, so he joined Gui E in a stream of memorials attacking Hong. The emperor understood what was happening and kept Hong in office rather than dismissing him at once. In the seventh month of the fifth year Cong asked leave to visit his family's graves. After he had taken his leave of court, the emperor appointed him Right Vice Minister of War while retaining his other posts. The supervising secretaries Du Tong, Yang Yan, and Zhao Tingrui submitted memorial after memorial denouncing him fiercely and also impeached Minister of Personnel Liao Ji for promoting wicked men. The emperor was furious and rebuked them sharply. The supervising secretaries and censors of both capitals—Xie Yiguan, Zhang Lu, Fang Jida, Dai Jixian, and others—submitted still more memorials in an unending stream, but the emperor would not listen. Before long Cong was promoted to Left Vice Minister and again joined Gui E in attacking Fei Hong. In the second month of the following year the case of Wang Bangqi was raised to frame Yang Tinghe and others. Hong and Shi Fu were dismissed on the same day.

吏部郎中彭澤以浮躁被斥，璁言：「昔議禮時，澤勸臣進《大禮或問》，致招眾忌。今諸臣去之，將以次去臣等。」澤乃得留。居三日，復言：「臣與舉朝抗四五年，舉朝攻臣至百十疏。今修《大禮全書》，元惡寒心，群奸側目。故要略方進，讒謗繁興。使《全書》告成，將誣陷益甚。」因引疾求退以要帝，帝優詔慰留。吏部闕尚書，推前尚書喬宇、楊旦；禮部尚書亦缺，推侍郎劉龍、溫仁和。仁和以俸深爭。璁言宇、旦乃楊廷和黨，而仁和亦不宜自薦。帝命大臣休致者，非奉詔不得推舉，宇等遂廢。

Peng Ze, a department director in the Ministry of Personnel, was dismissed for frivolity. Cong said, 'When the rites were debated, Ze urged me to submit Questions on the Great Rites, which drew the hostility of the whole court. Now that they have removed him, they will remove us in turn. Peng Ze was then allowed to remain in office. Three days later he said again, 'I have contended with the whole court for four or five years. The court has attacked me in more than a hundred memorials. Now, as we compile the Complete Book of the Great Rites, the chief villains are chilled at heart and the wicked band watch with sidelong eyes. That is why, as soon as the outline was submitted, slander multiplied. Once the Complete Book is finished, the framing and slander will only grow worse." He then feigned illness and asked to retire in order to pressure the emperor, who responded with a gracious edict urging him to stay. With the Ministry of Personnel lacking a minister, the court recommended the former ministers Qiao Yu and Yang Dan; the Ministry of Rites was also without a minister, and they put forward Vice Ministers Liu Long and Wen Renhe. Renhe objected on grounds of seniority in salary rank. Cong argued that Yu and Dan belonged to Yang Tinghe's faction and that Renhe was likewise unfit to recommend himself. The emperor ruled that retired ministers could not be recommended without an imperial order, and Yu and the others were dropped from consideration.

璁積怒廷臣，日謀報復。會山西巡按馬錄治反賊李福達獄，詞連武定侯郭勛，法司讞如錄擬。璁讒於帝，謂廷臣以議禮故陷勛。帝果疑諸臣朋比，乃命璁署都察院，桂萼署刑部，方獻夫署大理，覆讞，盡反其獄，傾諸異己者。大臣顏頤壽、聶賢以下鹹被搒掠，錄等坐罪遠竄。帝益以為能，獎勞之便殿，賚二品服，三代封誥。京察及言官互糾，已黜御史十三人，璁掌憲，復請考察斥十二人。又奏行憲綱七條，鉗束巡按御史。其年冬，遂拜禮部尚書兼文淵閣大學士入參機務，去釋褐六年耳。

Cong nursed his anger against the court and plotted revenge day after day. At that time Ma Lu, the provincial surveillance commissioner of Shanxi, prosecuted the rebel Li Fuda, and the testimony implicated Guo Xun, Marquis of Wuding; the judicial offices ruled as Ma Lu had proposed. Cong slandered the court to the emperor, claiming the ministers had framed Xun over the rites controversy. The emperor did come to suspect the ministers of banding together. He put Cong in charge of the Censorate, Gui E of the Ministry of Justice, and Fang Xianfu of the Court of Judicial Review; they reheard the cases, overturned every verdict, and brought down all who opposed them. Senior ministers Yan Yishou, Nie Xian, and many others were beaten and tortured; Ma Lu and his associates were convicted and banished to distant posts. The emperor thought still more highly of his ability, rewarded him in the Hall of Private Audience, granted him second-rank robes, and issued ennoblement patents for three generations. During the capital inspection and the round of mutual impeachments among remonstrance officials, thirteen censors had already been dismissed; Cong, now wielding censorial authority, asked for another review and the dismissal of twelve more. He also submitted seven articles of censorial regulations to tighten control over provincial surveillance commissioners. That winter he was appointed Minister of Rites and Grand Secretary of the Wenyuan Pavilion to join in state affairs—only six years after he had first taken office upon passing the examination.

楊一清為首輔，翟鑾亦在閣，帝侍之不如璁。嘗諭璁：「朕有密諭毋泄，朕與卿帖悉親書。」璁因引仁宗賜楊士奇等銀章事，帝賜璁二章，文曰「忠良貞一」，曰「繩愆弼違」，因並及一清等。璁初拜學士，諸翰林恥之，不與並列。璁深恨。及侍讀汪佃講《洪範》不稱旨，帝令補外。璁乃請自講讀以下量才外補，改官及罷黜者二十二人，諸庶吉士皆除部屬及知縣，由是翰苑為空。七年正月，帝視朝，見璁、萼班兵部尚書李承勛下，意嗛之。一清因請加散官，乃手敕加二人太子太保。璁辭以未建青宮，官不當設，乃更加少保兼太子太保。《明倫大典》成，復進少傅兼太子太傅、吏部尚書、謹身殿大學士。一清再相，頗由璁、萼力，傾心下二人。而璁終以壓於一清，不獲盡如意，遂相齟齬。指揮聶能遷劾璁，璁欲置之死。一清擬旨稍輕，璁益恨，斥一清為奸人鄙夫。一清再疏引退，且刺璁隱情。帝手敕慰留，因極言璁自伐其能，恃寵不讓，良可嘆息。璁見帝忽暴其短，頗愧沮。

Yang Yiqing served as chief minister and Zhai Luan was also in the cabinet, but the emperor did not favor them as he did Cong. The emperor once told Cong, "I have secret instructions that must not be disclosed; every letter I send you I shall write with my own hand." Cong then cited the precedent of Emperor Renzong's gift of silver seals to Yang Shiqi and others. The emperor bestowed two seals on Cong, one reading "Loyal, Upright, Steadfast, and One" and the other "Correcting Faults and Aiding Against Wrong," and extended the honor to Yang Yiqing and the others as well. When Cong was first made an academician, the Hanlin scholars were ashamed to stand in rank with him and refused to do so. Cong deeply resented it. When the reader Wang Dian lectured on the Great Plan (Hong Fan) and failed to please the emperor, the emperor ordered him transferred to an outside post. Cong then asked that readers, lecturers, and all below be reassigned outside the capital according to ability; twenty-two were transferred or dismissed, and every Hanlin licentiate was given a post in a ministry or as a county magistrate, leaving the Hanlin Academy empty. In the first month of the seventh year, when the emperor attended court, he saw Cong and Gui E ranked below Li Chengxun, the Minister of War, and was displeased. Yang Yiqing then asked that honorary titles be added, and the emperor personally drafted an edict making both men Grand Guardians of the Heir Apparent. Cong declined on the grounds that no heir had been installed and the office should not exist; they were then given the additional titles of Junior Guardian and Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent. When the Complete Book of Ming Ethics was finished, he was further promoted to Junior Mentor and Grand Mentor of the Heir Apparent, Minister of Personnel, and Grand Secretary of the Jingshen Hall. When Yang Yiqing became chief minister again, it was largely thanks to Cong and Gui E, and he gave himself wholeheartedly to supporting the two men. Yet Cong always felt overshadowed by Yang Yiqing and could not have everything his way, and the two men soon fell out. Commander Nie Nengqian impeached Cong, and Cong wanted him executed. Yang Yiqing drafted a comparatively lenient rescript, and Cong hated him all the more, denouncing him as a treacherous vulgarian. Yang Yiqing submitted another memorial asking to retire and also exposed Cong's hidden motives. The emperor hand-drafted a reply urging him to stay, but also spoke at length of how Cong vaunted his own ability, relied on imperial favor, and refused to yield—a state of affairs truly to be lamented. When Cong saw the emperor suddenly expose his faults, he was deeply ashamed and discouraged.

八年秋，給事中孫應奎劾一清、萼並及璁，其同官王準復劾璁私參將陳璠，宜斥。璁乞休者再，詞多陰詆一清，帝乃褒諭璁。而給事中陸粲復劾其擅作威福，報復恩怨。帝大感悟，立罷璁。頃之，其黨霍韜力攻一清，微為璁白。璁行抵天津，帝命行人賫手敕召還。一清遂罷去，璁為首輔。

In the autumn of the eighth year, Supervising Secretary Sun Yingkui impeached Yang Yiqing and Gui E and also implicated Zhang Cong; his colleague Wang Zhun then impeached Cong for privately investigating General Chen Fan and said he should be dismissed. Cong twice asked to retire, his language often covertly maligning Yang Yiqing; the emperor responded with edicts praising and reassuring him. But Supervising Secretary Lu Can then impeached him for arrogating power and settling old scores. The emperor was deeply moved and immediately dismissed Cong. Before long his ally Huo Tao launched a fierce attack on Yang Yiqing, subtly speaking up for Cong. Cong had reached Tianjin when the emperor ordered an emissary to bring a hand-drafted edict recalling him. Yang Yiqing was dismissed and withdrew, and Cong became chief minister.

帝自排廷議定「大禮」，遂以制作禮樂自任。而夏言始用事，乃議皇后親蠶，議勾龍、棄配社稷，議分祭天地，議罷太宗配祀，議朝日、夕月別建東、西二郊，議祀高禖，議文廟設主更從祀諸儒，議祧德祖正太祖南向，議祈谷，議大禘，議帝社帝稷，奏必下璁議。顧帝取獨斷，璁言亦不盡入。其諫罷太宗配天，三四往復，卒弗能止也。

Having overridden court deliberation to settle the Grand Rites, the emperor then took upon himself the task of creating ritual and music. Xia Yan then began to wield power and proposed, among other things, that the empress perform sericulture in person; that Gou Long and Qi be paired with the altars of soil and grain; that Heaven and Earth be worshipped separately; that Emperor Taizong's companion sacrifice be abolished; that separate eastern and western suburban altars be built for the morning sun and evening moon; that Gao Mei be worshipped; that main tablets be set in the Confucian temple and the associated sacrifices of various scholars revised; that the Virtuous Ancestor be moved aside and the founding Emperor placed facing south; and reforms to the prayer for good harvests, the grand border sacrifice, and the imperial altars of soil and grain—every memorial had to be sent down to Cong for deliberation. But the emperor wished to decide matters himself, and Cong's views were not always accepted. His repeated memorials against removing Emperor Taizong from companion sacrifice to Heaven went back and forth three or four times, but in the end he could not stop it.

十年二月，璁以名嫌禦諱請更。乃賜名孚敬，字茂恭，禦書四大字賜焉。夏言恃帝眷，數以事訐孚敬。孕敬銜之，未有以發。納彭澤言構陷行人司正薛侃，因侃以害言。廷鞫事露，旨斥其忮罔。御史譚纘、端廷赦、唐愈賢交章劾之。帝諭法司令致仕，孚敬乃大慚去。未幾，遣行人賫敕召之。明年三月還朝，言已擢禮部尚書，益用事。李時、翟鑾在閣，方獻夫繼入，孚敬亦不能專恣如曩時矣。八月，彗星見東井，帝心疑大臣擅政，孚敬因求罷。都給事中魏良弼詆孚敬奸，孚敬言：「良弼以濫舉京營官奪俸，由臣擬旨，挾私報復。」給事中秦鰲劾孚敬強辨飾奸，言官論列輒文致其罪，擬旨不密，引以自歸，明示中外，若天子權在其掌握。帝是鰲言，令孚敬自陳狀，許之致仕。李時請給廩隸、敕書，不許。再請，乃得馳傳歸。十二年正月，帝復思之，遣鴻臚賫敕召。四月還朝。六月，彗星復見畢昴間，乞避位，不許。明年進少師兼太子太師、華蓋殿大學士。

In the second month of the tenth year, Cong asked to change his name because it violated the imperial taboo. He was granted the name Fu Jing and the style Maogong, and the emperor wrote four large characters with his own hand and bestowed them. Xia Yan, relying on the emperor's favor, repeatedly attacked Fu Jing over one matter after another. Fu Jing nursed a grudge but had no opening to strike back. He took Peng Ze's advice and framed Xue Kan, registrar of the Personnel Relay Office, intending through Kan to bring down Xia Yan. When the case was tried at court the plot came to light, and an imperial edict rebuked his jealousy and deceit. Censors Tan Zuan, Duan Tingshe, and Tang Yuxian submitted successive memorials impeaching him. The emperor instructed the Ministry of Justice to order his retirement, and Fu Jing withdrew in deep shame. Before long an emissary was sent with an imperial summons to recall him. The following March he returned to court; Xia Yan had already been promoted to Minister of Rites and was wielding power ever more openly. Li Shi and Zhai Luan were in the cabinet, Fang Xianfu had since joined them, and Fu Jing could no longer wield unchecked power as he once had. In the eighth month a comet appeared in the Eastern Well; the emperor began to suspect that his ministers were monopolizing power, and Fu Jing asked to be dismissed. Chief Supervising Secretary Wei Liangbi denounced Fu Jing as treacherous. Fu Jing replied, "Liangbi lost his salary for indiscriminately recommending capital-camp officers—because I drafted the rescript. He is settling a private score." Supervising Secretary Qin Ao impeached Fu Jing for obstinately arguing to cover his misdeeds, for framing charges whenever remonstrance officials spoke out, and for drafting rescripts indiscreetly and then citing himself to take responsibility—as if to show the whole empire that the Son of Heaven's authority lay in his hands. The emperor agreed with Qin Ao and ordered Fu Jing to explain himself, then permitted him to retire. Li Shi asked that stipend attendants and an imperial letter of commission be granted; the request was denied. When he asked again, he was finally allowed to return home by imperial relay. In the first month of the twelfth year the emperor missed him again and sent an official of the Directorate of Ceremonies with an imperial summons. In the fourth month he returned to court. In the sixth month a comet appeared again between Bi and Mao; he asked to step aside, but the request was denied. The following year he was promoted to Junior Preceptor and Grand Preceptor of the Heir Apparent and made Grand Secretary of the Huagai Hall.

初，潞州陳卿亂，孚敬主用兵，賊竟滅。大同再亂，亦主用兵，薦劉源清為總督，師久無功。其後亂定，代王請大臣安輯。夏言遂力詆用兵之謬，請如王言，語多侵孚敬。孚敬怒，持王疏不行。帝諭令與言交好，而遣黃綰之大同，相機行事。孚敬以議不用，稱疾乞休，疏三上。已而子死，請益力。帝報曰：「卿無疾，疑朕耳。」孚敬復上奏，不引咎，且歷詆同議禮之萼、獻夫、韜、綰等。帝詰責之，乃復起視事。帝於文華殿後建九五齋、恭默室為齋居所，命輔臣賦詩。孚敬及時各為四首以上。已，數召見便殿，從容議政。

Earlier, when Chen Qing rebelled at Luzhou, Fu Jing advocated the use of force, and the rebels were eventually destroyed. When Datong rebelled again, he again favored military action and recommended Liu Yuanqing as grand coordinator, but the campaign dragged on without success. After the rebellion was put down, the Prince of Dai asked that a senior minister be sent to pacify and settle the region. Xia Yan then fiercely denounced the folly of military action and asked that the prince's request be granted, his language often directed against Fu Jing. Fu Jing was enraged and withheld the prince's memorial without acting on it. The emperor told them to make peace with Xia Yan and sent Huang Wan to Datong to act as circumstances required. Fu Jing, finding his proposal rejected, pleaded illness and asked to retire, submitting three memorials. When his son died soon after, he pressed his request all the more urgently. The emperor replied, "You are not ill—you doubt me, that is all." Fu Jing submitted another memorial, accepting no blame and going so far as to denounce in turn Gui E, Fang Xianfu, Huo Tao, Huang Wan, and the others who had debated the rites alongside him. The emperor rebuked him sharply, and he then returned to office. The emperor built the Hall of Nine-Five and the Hall of Reverent Silence behind the Wenhua Hall as places for fasting and ordered the chief ministers to compose poems. Fu Jing and Li Shi each composed four poems or more. After that he was repeatedly summoned to the Hall of Private Audience to discuss state affairs at ease.

十四年春得疾，帝遣中官賜尊牢，而與時言，頗及其執拗，且不惜人才以叢怨狀。又遣中官賜藥餌，手敕言：「古有剪須療大臣疾者，朕今以己所服者賜卿。」孚敬幸得溫諭，遂屢疏乞骸骨。命行人禦醫護歸，有司給廩隸如制。明年五月，帝復遣錦衣官賫手敕視疾，趣其還。行至金華，疾大作，乃歸。十八年二月卒。帝在承天，聞之傷悼不已。

In the spring of the fourteenth year he fell ill; the emperor sent eunuchs with fine foods, and in speaking with Li Shi remarked on his stubbornness and his habit of alienating talent and gathering resentment. The emperor also sent eunuchs with medicine and wrote by hand, "In antiquity there were emperors who cut their own beard to cure a minister's illness; today I give you the medicine I myself take." Encouraged by this warm reassurance, Fu Jing repeatedly memorialized asking to retire on grounds of age. An emissary and an imperial physician were ordered to escort him home, and local officials were to provide stipend attendants as regulations required. In the fifth month of the following year the emperor again sent a brocade-clad guard with a hand-drafted edict to inquire after his health and urge his return. When he reached Jinhua his illness grew severe, and he turned back home. In the second month of the eighteenth year he died. The emperor was at Chengtian; when he heard the news he grieved without end.

孚敬剛明果敢，不避嫌怨。既遇主，亦時進讜言。帝欲坐張延齡反，族其家。孚敬諍曰：「延齡，守財虜耳，何能反？」數詰問，對如初。及秋盡當論，孚敬上疏謂：「昭聖皇太后春秋高，卒聞延齡死，萬一不食，有他故，何以慰敬皇帝在天之靈？」帝恚，責孚敬：「自古強臣令主非一，若今愛死囚令主矣。當悔不從廷和事敬皇帝耶？」帝故為重語愒止孚敬，而孚敬意不已。以故終昭聖皇太后世，延齡得長系。他若清勛戚莊田，罷天下鎮守內臣，先後殆盡，皆其力也。持身特廉，痛惡贓吏，一時苞苴路絕。而性狠愎，報復相尋，不護善類。欲力破人臣私黨，而己先為黨魁。「大禮」大獄，叢詬沒世。顧帝始終眷禮，廷臣卒莫與二，嘗稱少師羅山而不名。其卒也，禮官請謚。帝取危身奉上之義，特謚文忠，贈太師。

Fu Jing was forceful, clear-minded, and resolute, and he did not shrink from suspicion or resentment. Once he had found his sovereign, he also sometimes offered forthright counsel. The emperor wished to convict Zhang Yanling of treason and exterminate his entire family. Fu Jing remonstrated, "Yanling is nothing but a miser hoarding his wealth—how could he rebel?" The emperor questioned him again and again, but he answered as before. When autumn came and sentences were due, Fu Jing submitted a memorial saying, "Empress Dowager Zhaosheng is advanced in years; if she suddenly learned of Yanling's death and, for any reason, refused to eat, how could we comfort the spirit of the Respectful Emperor in Heaven?" The emperor was furious and rebuked Fu Jing: "Since antiquity there have been many strong ministers and weak sovereigns—but now you would make your sovereign weak out of love for a condemned prisoner. Do you not regret failing to follow Yang Tinghe in honoring the Respectful Emperor?" The emperor deliberately spoke harshly to check Fu Jing, but Fu Jing's resolve did not waver. For that reason Yanling remained in long imprisonment throughout the empress dowager's lifetime. Other reforms, such as clearing the manorial estates of imperial consorts' families and abolishing stationed eunuchs throughout the empire, were nearly all accomplished through his efforts. He lived with exceptional integrity, loathed corrupt officials, and for a time the channels of bribery were closed entirely. Yet his temperament was harsh and unyielding; he pursued vendettas without cease and showed no mercy to the worthy. He sought to smash the private factions of the court, yet he himself became a faction leader first. The Great Rites controversy and the great trials that followed brought calumny that clung to him for life. Yet the emperor never ceased to favor and honor him; in the end no court minister could rank with him, and he was often addressed as Junior Preceptor Luoshan without his personal name being spoken. When he died, the ritual officials petitioned for a posthumous title. The emperor chose the sense of risking one's life in service to the throne, and specially granted him the posthumous title Wenzhong and the rank of Grand Preceptor.

時有胡鐸者，字時振，余姚人。弘治末進士。正德中，官福建提學副使。嘉靖初，遷湖廣參政，累官南京太仆卿。鐸與璁同舉於鄉。「大禮」議起，鐸意亦主考獻王，與璁合。璁要之同署，鐸曰：「主上天性固不可違，天下人情亦不可拂。考獻王不已則宗，宗不已則入廟，入廟則當有祧。以藩封虛號之帝，而奪君臨治世之宗，義固不可也。入廟則有位，將位於武宗上乎，武宗下乎？生為之臣，死不得躋於君。然魯嘗躋僖公矣，恐異日不乏夏父之徒也。」璁議遂上。旋被召。鐸方服闋赴京，璁又要同疏，鐸復書謝之，且與辨繼統之義。「大禮」既定，鐸又貽書勸召還議禮諸人，養和平之福，璁不能從。鐸與王守仁同鄉，不宗其學；與璁同以考獻王為是，不與同進。然其辨繼統，謂國統絕而立君寓立賢之意，蓋大謬雲。

At that time there was Hu Duo, styled Shizhen, a native of Yuyao. He passed the metropolitan examination in the closing years of Hongzhi. Under the Zhengde Emperor he served as assistant provincial education commissioner in Fujian. In the early Jiajing years he was transferred to Huguang as administrative commissioner and eventually rose to minister of the Nanjing Court of the Imperial Stud. Duo and Cong had passed the provincial examination in the same year. When the Great Rites debate began, Duo likewise held that Prince Xian should be honored as imperial father, and he agreed with Cong. Cong pressed him to sign a joint memorial. Duo replied, "The sovereign's own nature cannot be defied, and the feelings of the empire cannot be brushed aside. If honoring Prince Xian as father does not settle the question, then he must be enthroned as an ancestor; if enthronement does not settle it, he enters the ancestral temple; and once he enters the temple, someone must be displaced from the line. To elevate a prince bearing only a fief title and hollow honorific, and thereby displace the ancestral sovereign who actually ruled the realm—this cannot be justified. Once he enters the temple he must take a seat—will that seat be above Emperor Wuzong or below him? A man who served him as subject in life cannot in death be ranked beside his sovereign. Yet Lu once raised Duke Xi above his rightful place—I fear that in time to come there will be no shortage of men like Xia Fu." Cong's memorial was submitted all the same. He was soon summoned to court. Duo had just finished mourning and was on his way to the capital when Cong again pressed him to submit a joint memorial. Duo wrote back to decline and argued with him over the meaning of dynastic succession. After the Great Rites were settled, Duo wrote again urging Cong to recall the officials who had debated ritual and enjoy the blessings of peace; Cong would not listen. Duo was a fellow townsman of Wang Shouren, yet did not follow his school of thought; and though he agreed with Cong that Prince Xian should be honored as imperial father, he would not rise with him. Yet in arguing over succession he claimed that when the dynastic line was broken and a new sovereign was raised, the intent was to install the worthy—a grave mistake indeed.

桂萼，字子實，安仁人。正德六年進士。除丹徒知縣。性剛使氣，屢忤上官，調青田不赴。用薦起知武康，復忤上官下吏。

Gui E, styled Zishi, was a native of Anren. He passed the metropolitan examination in the sixth year of Zhengde. He was appointed magistrate of Dantu. He was stiff-necked and quick-tempered, repeatedly clashed with his superiors, was transferred to Qingtian, and refused the appointment. Recommended back into service, he was made magistrate of Wukang; he again offended his superior and was handed over to the courts for punishment.

嘉靖初，由成安知縣遷南京刑部主事。世宗欲尊崇所生，廷臣力持，已稱興獻王為帝，妃為興國太后，頒詔天下二歲矣，萼與張璁同官，乃以二年十一月上疏曰：「臣聞帝王事父孝，故事天明；事母孝，故事地察。未聞廢父子之倫，而能事天地主百神者也。今禮官失考典章，遏絕陛下純孝之心，納陛下於與為人後之非，而滅武宗之統，奪獻帝之宗，且使興國太后壓於慈壽太后，禮莫之盡，三綱頓廢，非常之變也。乃自張璁、霍韜獻議，論者指為幹進，逆箝人口，致達禮者不敢駁議。切念陛下侍興國太后，慨興獻帝弗祀，已三年矣，拊心出涕，不知其幾。願速發明詔，稱孝宗曰『皇伯考』，興獻帝『皇考』，別立廟大內，正興國太后之禮，定稱聖母，庶協事天事地之道。至朝臣所執不過宋《濮議》耳。按宋範純仁告英宗曰『陛下昨受仁宗詔，親許為之子，至於封爵，悉用皇子故事，與入繼之主不同』，則宋臣之論，亦自有別。今陛下奉祖訓入繼大統，未嘗受孝宗詔為之子也，則陛下非為人後，而為入繼之主也明甚。考興獻帝，母興國太后，又何疑？臣聞非天子不議禮；天下有道，禮樂自天子出。臣久欲以請，乃者復得席書、方獻夫二疏。伏望奮然裁斷，將臣與二臣疏並付禮官，令臣等面質。」帝大喜，明年正月手批議行。

In the early Jiajing years he was promoted from magistrate of Cheng'an to registrar in the Nanjing Ministry of Justice. The Jiajing Emperor wished to honor his birth parents, but the court ministers resisted. For two years already Prince Xingxian had been styled emperor and his consort Empress Dowager Xingguo, and edicts had gone out to the realm. Gui E and Zhang Cong held the same office; in the eleventh month of Jiajing 2 he submitted a memorial saying, "I have heard that when emperors and kings serve their fathers with filial piety, their affairs are as clear as Heaven; when they serve their mothers with filial piety, their affairs are as plain as Earth. I have never heard of anyone who overturns the bond between father and son yet can still serve Heaven and Earth and preside over the hundred spirits. Now the ritual officials have ignored the canonical regulations, have stifled Your Majesty's pure filial devotion, have cast Your Majesty into the error of becoming another man's heir, have erased Emperor Wuzong's line, have robbed Emperor Xian of his ancestral place, and have even subordinated Empress Dowager Xingguo to Empress Dowager Cishou—rites left unfulfilled, the Three Bonds suddenly overturned. This is no ordinary change. Ever since Zhang Cong and Huo Tao offered their proposals, critics have called it naked careerism; dissent has been forcibly silenced, so that those who truly understand ritual dare not answer. I think constantly of how Your Majesty waits on Empress Dowager Xingguo and grieves that Prince Xingxian goes without sacrifice—three years now, with breast beaten and tears shed beyond counting. I pray that Your Majesty will swiftly issue a clear edict: call Emperor Xiaozong 'Imperial Uncle Father,' call Prince Xingxian 'Imperial Father,' establish a separate temple within the Inner Palaces, set right the rites for Empress Dowager Xingguo, and fix her title as Holy Mother—so that the way of serving Heaven and Earth may at last be whole. As for what the court ministers cling to, it is nothing more than the Song dynasty's Prefectural Rites Debate. The record shows Fan Chunren telling Emperor Yingzong, 'Your Majesty yesterday received Emperor Renzong's edict and was personally acknowledged as his son; enfeoffment and titles all followed the precedent for an imperial son—quite unlike a sovereign who entered by succession.' Even the Song ministers' argument had its distinctions. Your Majesty, following ancestral instruction, entered to succeed to the Great Lineage without ever receiving Emperor Xiaozong's edict to become his son. It is therefore abundantly clear that Your Majesty is not another man's heir but a sovereign who entered by succession. To honor Prince Xingxian as imperial father and Empress Dowager Xingguo as imperial mother—what room for doubt remains? I have heard that none but the Son of Heaven may deliberate on ritual; when the realm is well governed, ritual and music issue from the Son of Heaven. I have long wished to raise this matter; only recently I also obtained the two memorials of Xi Shu and Fang Xianfu. I humbly pray that Your Majesty will decide resolutely, hand my memorial and those of the two ministers to the ritual officials together, and command us to confront them in person." The emperor was greatly pleased; in the first month of the following year he personally annotated the memorial and ordered it carried out.

三月，萼復上疏曰：「自古帝王相傳，統為重，嗣為輕。故高皇帝法前王，著兄終弟及之訓。陛下承祖宗大統，正遵高皇帝制。執政乃無故任己私，背祖訓，其為不道，尚可言哉。臣聞道路人言，執政窺伺陛下至情不已，則加一皇字而已。夫陛下之孝其親，不在於皇不皇，惟在於考不考。使考獻帝之心可奪，雖加千百字徽稱，何益於孝？陛下遂終其身為無父人矣。逆倫悖義如此，猶可使與斯議哉！」與璁疏並上。帝益大喜，召赴京。

In the third month, Gui E submitted another memorial saying, "Since antiquity, when emperors and kings passed on rule, the dynastic line mattered most and the bond of succession mattered least. That is why the Founding Emperor followed the ancient kings and established the rule that when an elder brother's reign ends, the younger brother may succeed. Your Majesty inherits the great lineage of the ancestors precisely as the Founding Emperor ordained. The chief ministers for no reason indulge their private ends and violate ancestral instruction—conduct so unprincipled that it scarcely bears mention. I hear people on the road say the chief ministers keep probing Your Majesty's deepest feelings, and if you will not yield they will merely add the word 'imperial.' Your Majesty's filial devotion to your parent does not turn on whether the title says 'imperial,' but on whether it says 'father.' If the heart to honor Prince Xian as father can be wrested away, then though one pile on a thousand honorific words, what good is that for filial piety? Your Majesty will spend your whole life as a man without a father. Men who violate human bonds and betray righteousness like this—can they still be allowed to take part in this debate!" His memorial went up together with Cong's. The emperor was still more delighted and summoned him to the capital.

初，議禮諸臣無力詆執政者，至萼遂斥為不道，且欲不使議。其言恣肆無忌，朝士尤疾之。召命下，眾益駭愕，群起排擊，帝不為動。萼復偕璁論列不已，遂召為翰林學士，卒用其言。萼自是受知特深。

At first the ritual debaters had lacked the force to denounce the chief ministers; Gui E went further, calling them unprincipled and even seeking to bar them from the debate. His language was reckless and unrestrained, and court gentlemen especially loathed him. When the summons went out, the court was all the more alarmed; officials rose together to attack him, but the emperor would not be swayed. Gui E again joined Cong in pressing their case without cease; he was summoned as Hanlin academician, and in the end the court adopted their view. From that point Gui E enjoyed exceptional imperial favor.

四年春，給事中柯維熊言：「陛下親君子而君子不容，如林俊、孫交、彭澤之去是也。遠小人而小人尚在，如張璁、桂萼之用是也。且今伏闕諸臣多死徙，而御史王懋、郭楠又謫譴，竊以為罰過重矣。」萼、璁遂求去，優詔慰留。尋進詹事兼翰林學士。議世廟神道及太后謁廟禮，復排廷議，希合帝指。帝益以為賢，兩人氣益盛。而閣臣抑之，不令與諸翰林等。兩人乃連章攻費宏並石缶，齮之去。給事中陳洸犯重辟，萼與尚書趙鑒攘臂爭，為南京給事中所劾，不問。嘗陳時政，請預蠲六年田租，更登極初宿弊，寬登聞鼓禁約，復塞上開中制，懲奸徒阻絕養濟院，聽窮民耕城垣陾地，停外吏赴部考滿，申聖敬，廣聖孝，凡數事。多議行。

In the spring of the fourth year, supervising secretary Ke Weixiong said, "Your Majesty draws near to gentlemen, yet gentlemen cannot stay—witness the departures of Lin Jun, Sun Jiao, and Peng Ze. You keep petty men at a distance, yet petty men remain in office—witness the employment of Zhang Cong and Gui E. Moreover, many ministers who knelt at the palace gate have been sentenced to death or exile, and censors Wang Mao and Guo Nan have also been demoted and punished. I venture to think the penalties are too harsh." Gui E and Cong then asked to resign; gracious edicts comforted them and kept them at court. He was soon promoted to tutor of the heir apparent while retaining his Hanlin academician title. On the spirit way of the Imperial Ancestral Temple and the empress dowager's temple visit, he again swept aside court opinion to match the emperor's wishes. The emperor thought him all the more worthy, and the two men's arrogance swelled. But the grand secretaries held them down, refusing to let them rank with the other Hanlin academicians. The two men then sent successive memorials attacking Fei Hong and Shi Fu, hounding them from office. Supervising secretary Chen Guang faced a capital charge; Gui E and Minister Zhao Jian argued over him with sleeves rolled up; Nanjing supervising secretaries impeached them, but no action was taken. He once memorialized on current affairs, asking to remit six years of field tax in advance, reform abuses left over from the accession, relax restrictions on the petition drum, restore frontier salt-voucher recruitment, punish men who obstructed relief institutions, let the poor farm waste ground within the city walls, stop outside officials from coming to the ministries for tenure review, and promote reverence and filial devotion toward the sages—among several other proposals. Many of these were debated and adopted.

六年三月，進禮部右侍郎，兼官如故。時方京察，南京言官拾遺及萼。萼上言：「故輔楊廷和廣植私黨，蔽聖聰者六年，今次第斥逐，然遺奸在言路。昔憲宗初年，命科道拾遺後，互相糾劾，言路遂清，請舉行如制。」章下吏部，侍郎孟春等言：「憲宗無此詔。萼被論報復，無以厭眾心。」萼言：「詔出憲宗文集。春欲媚言官，宜並按問。」章下部再議，春等言成化中科道有超擢巡撫不稱者，憲宗命互劾，去者七人，非考察拾遺比。帝終然萼言，趣令速舉。給事御史爭之，並奪俸。春等乃以御史儲良才等四人名上。帝獨黜良才，而特旨斥給事中鄭自璧、孟奇。且令部院再核，復黜給事中余經等四人、南京給事中顧溱等數人，乃已。

In the third month of the sixth year he was promoted to vice minister of rites while keeping his other posts. At that time the capital evaluation was under way, and Nanjing remonstrating officials singled out Gui E in their review of omissions. Gui E submitted a memorial saying, "Former grand secretary Yang Tinghe planted a private faction far and wide and blocked the sovereign's hearing for six years. Those men are now being driven out one after another, yet their accomplices remain in the remonstrating offices. In the early Chenghua reign, after the censorate and remonstrating offices completed their review, they were ordered to impeach one another, and the path of remonstrance was cleared. I ask that this precedent be followed." The memorial went to the Ministry of Personnel. Vice Minister Meng Chun and others replied, "Emperor Chenghua issued no such edict. Gui E is retaliating against censure; this cannot satisfy public opinion." Gui E replied, "The edict appears in Emperor Chenghua's collected works. Chun is trying to flatter the remonstrating officials; both sides should be investigated." The memorial was sent back for further debate. Chun and others argued that in the Chenghua reign some censorate and remonstrating officials had been abruptly promoted as grand coordinators and proved unfit; Emperor Chenghua ordered mutual impeachment and seven men left office—quite unlike a capital evaluation review. The emperor ultimately sided with Gui E and urgently ordered the procedure carried out at once. Supervising secretaries and censors protested, and all had their salaries forfeited. Chun and the others then submitted the names of four men, including censor Chu Liangcai. The emperor dismissed Liangcai alone, and by special edict expelled supervising secretaries Zheng Zibi and Meng Qi. He then ordered the ministries and directorates to review the matter again, dismissing four more supervising secretaries including Yu Jing and several Nanjing supervising secretaries including Gu Qin—only then did the affair end.

其年九月改吏部左侍郎。是月拜禮部尚書，兼翰林學士。故事，尚書無兼學士者，自萼始。甫逾月，遷吏部尚書，賜銀章二，曰「忠誠靜慎」，曰「繩愆匡違」，令密封言事與輔臣埒。七年正月，手敕加太子太保。《明倫大典》成，加少保兼太子太傅。

That year, in the ninth month, he was transferred to left vice minister of personnel. That same month he was appointed minister of rites while retaining his Hanlin academician title. By precedent no minister had also held the Hanlin academician title; Gui E was the first. Barely a month later he was made minister of personnel. He received two silver seals inscribed "Loyal, Sincere, Calm, and Careful" and "Correct Faults and Rectify Transgressions," and was authorized to submit sealed memorials on state affairs on equal footing with the grand secretaries. In the first month of the seventh year an autograph rescript added the rank of Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent. When the Minglun Dadian was completed, he was further made Junior Guardian and Grand Tutor of the Heir Apparent.

萼既得誌，日以報怨為事。陳九疇、李福達、陳洸之獄，先後株連彭澤、馬錄、葉應驄等甚眾，或被陷至謫戍。廷臣莫不畏其兇威。獨疏薦建言獄罪鄧繼曾、季本等，因事貶謫黃國用、劉秉鑒等，諸人得量移。世亦稍以此賢萼。然王守仁之起也，萼實薦之。已，銜其不附己，力齮龁。及守仁卒，極言醜詆，奪其世封，諸恤典皆不予。八年二月命以本官兼武英殿大學士入參機務。初，萼、璁赴召，廷臣欲仿先朝馬順故事，於左順門捶殺之，走武定侯郭勛家以免。勛遂與深相結，亦蒙帝眷典禁兵。久之，勛奸狀大露，璁、霍韜力庇勛。萼知帝已惡之，獨疏其兇暴貪狡數事，勛遂獲罪。楊一清為首輔持重，萼、璁好紛更，且惡其壓己，遂不相能。

Once Gui E had gained his ambition, he devoted himself daily to settling scores. The cases of Chen Jiuchi, Li Fuda, and Chen Guang successively implicated a great many, including Peng Ze, Ma Lu, and Ye Yingcong; some were framed and sent into exile. No court minister did not fear his brutal power. He alone memorialized recommending men convicted in the memorial cases, such as Deng Jiceng and Ji Ben, and those demoted on other grounds, such as Huang Guoyong and Liu Bingjian—these men were allowed to be transferred to milder posts. The world also came to regard Gui E as somewhat worthy for this. Yet when Wang Shouren rose to office, it was Gui E who had recommended him. Later, resenting that Wang Shouren would not align with him, he worked tirelessly to slander and undermine him. After Shouren's death, he vilified him at length, stripped his hereditary enfeoffment, and denied him all customary posthumous honors. In the second month of the eighth year he was ordered to retain his original post while also serving as grand secretary of the Hall of Military Glory and participating in state affairs. When Gui E and Zhang Cong first answered the imperial summons, court ministers wanted to follow the precedent of Ma Shun and have them beaten to death at the Left Meridian Gate. The two fled to the home of Marquis of Wuding Guo Xun to save their lives. Guo Xun then formed a close alliance with them and also won the emperor's favor, commanding the imperial guard. In time, Guo Xun's corruption became widely exposed. Zhang Cong and Huo Tao worked hard to shield him. Knowing the emperor already hated Guo Xun, Gui E alone memorialized about his violence, greed, and cunning. Guo Xun was then punished. Yang Yiqing, as chief grand secretary, was steady and cautious. Gui E and Zhang Cong favored constant changes and resented his restraint on them, so the three could not work together.

給事中孫應奎請鑒別三臣賢否，詆萼最力。帝已疑萼，令滌宿愆，全君臣終始之義。萼乃大懼，疏辨，且稱疾乞休。帝報曰：「卿行事須勉徇公議，庶不負前日忠。」萼益懼。給事中王準因劾萼舉私人李夢鶴為禦醫。詔下吏部，言夢鶴由考選，無私。帝終以為疑，命太醫院更考。言官知帝意已移，給事中陸粲極論其罪，並言夢鶴與萼家人吳從周、序班桂林居間行賄事。奏入，帝大悟，立奪萼官，以尚書致仕。璁亦罷政。帝復列二人罪狀詔廷臣，略言：「其自用自恣，負君負國，所為事端昭然眾見，而萼尤甚。法當置刑典，特寬貸之。」遂下夢鶴等法司，皆首服。無何，霍韜兩疏訟萼，言一清與法司構成萼贓罪。一清遂去位，刑部尚書周倫調南京，郎中、員外皆奪職，命法司會錦衣鎮撫官再讞。乃言夢鶴等假托行私，與萼無與。詔削夢鶴、林籍，從周論罪，萼復散官。是時璁已召還。史館儒士蔡圻知帝必復萼，疏頌萼功，請召之。帝乃賜敕，令撫按官趣上道。萼未至，國子生錢潮等復請趣萼。帝怒曰：「大臣進退，幺麽敢與聞耶？」並圻下吏。明年四月還朝，盡復所奪官，仍參機務。

Supervising Secretary Sun Yingkui asked that the three ministers be judged on their merits, denouncing Gui E most vehemently. The emperor already harbored doubts about Gui E and told him to redeem past faults and uphold the bond between sovereign and minister to the end. Gui E was greatly alarmed. He submitted a memorial in his defense and also pleaded illness, asking to retire. The emperor replied, "In your conduct you must strive to heed public opinion, so that you do not betray the loyalty you once showed. Gui E grew only more alarmed. Supervising Secretary Wang Zhun then impeached Gui E for recommending his protégé Li Menghe as imperial physician. An edict was sent to the Ministry of Personnel stating that Menghe had been selected through examination and that there had been no favoritism. The emperor remained suspicious and ordered the Imperial Medical Academy to re-examine the case. Seeing that the emperor's mind had turned, censorial officials pressed the case. Supervising Secretary Lu Can denounced Gui E's crimes at length and also reported that Menghe, together with Gui E's household retainer Wu Congzhou and clerk Guilin, had acted as intermediaries in bribery. When the memorial arrived, the emperor saw clearly and immediately stripped Gui E of office, allowing him to retire with the rank of minister. Zhang Cong was removed from office as well. The emperor again listed their offenses in an edict to the court, stating in essence: "They acted arbitrarily and without restraint, betraying their sovereign and their country. The trouble they caused was plain for all to see, and Gui E was the worst of the two. By law they deserved punishment, but I have specially granted them clemency. Menghe and the others were then handed over to the judicial authorities, and all promptly confessed. Before long, Huo Tao submitted two memorials in Gui E's defense, claiming that Yang Yiqing and the judicial officials had fabricated the bribery charges against him. Yang Yiqing was forced from office. Minister of Punishments Zhou Lun was transferred to Nanjing, and the section directors and vice directors were all dismissed. The emperor ordered the judicial offices, together with investigating officers of the Embroidered Uniform Guard, to retry the case. The retrial found that Menghe and the others had acted privately on their own account and that Gui E had no part in it. An edict struck Menghe and Lin from office, punished Wu Congzhou as the law required, and restored Gui E to a nominal post. By this time Zhang Cong had already been recalled. Cai Qi, a scholar in the historiography office, knowing the emperor would surely restore Gui E, memorialized praising his merits and asking that he be recalled. The emperor issued an imperial missive ordering the provincial surveillance and grand coordination officials to hasten Gui E's return to court. Before Gui E had arrived, National University students including Qian Chao again petitioned urging his swift recall. The emperor angrily said, "The rise and fall of great ministers—how dare insignificant fellows presume to interfere? Cai Qi was also handed over to the judicial authorities. The following April he returned to court. All offices that had been stripped from him were restored, and he again took part in state affairs.

萼初銳意功名，勇任事，不恤物議，驟被摧抑，氣為之懾，不敢復放恣。居位數月，屢引疾，帝輒優旨慰留。十年正月得請歸，卒於家。贈太傅，謚文襄。

At first Gui E had been fiercely ambitious, bold in action, and indifferent to public criticism. After being abruptly brought down, his spirit was broken and he no longer dared to act as freely as before. During his months in office he repeatedly cited illness, but the emperor each time sent gracious edicts urging him to stay. In the first month of the tenth year he obtained leave to retire and died at home. He was posthumously granted the title Grand Tutor and the posthumous name Wenxiang.

萼所論奏，《帝王心學論》、《皇極論》、《易·復卦》、《禮·月令》及進《禹貢圖》、《輿地圖說》，皆有裨君德時政。性猜狠，好排異己，以故不為物論所容。始與璁相得歡甚，比同居政府，遂至相失。

Among Gui E's memorials and writings—"On the Sovereign's Inner Learning," "On the Grand Ultimate," treatises on the Fu hexagram and the Monthly Ordinances, and submissions such as the Yugong Map and an account of the realm's geography—all were of benefit to the emperor's moral cultivation and to governance. Suspicious and harsh by nature, he loved to drive out those who differed from him, and for that reason public opinion never accepted him. At first he and Zhang Cong were on excellent terms, but once they served together in the chief council, they fell out.

方獻夫，字叔賢，南海人。生而孤。弱冠舉弘治十八年進士，改庶吉士。乞歸養母，遂丁母憂。正德中，授禮部主事，調吏部，進員外郎。與主事王守仁論學，悅之，遂請為弟子。尋謝病歸，讀書西樵山中者十年。

Fang Xianfu, courtesy name Shuxian, was a native of Nanhai. He lost his father in infancy. In his early twenties he passed the jinshi examination in the eighteenth year of Hongzhi and was appointed a Hanlin bachelor. He asked to return home to care for his mother and soon afterward entered mourning upon her death. During the Zhengde reign he was appointed a principal secretary in the Ministry of Rites, transferred to the Ministry of Personnel, and promoted to vice director. He discussed learning with Wang Shouren, then a principal secretary, took a liking to him, and asked to become his disciple. He soon resigned on grounds of illness and spent ten years studying in the mountains at Xiqiao.

嘉靖改元，夏還朝，道聞「大禮」議未定，草疏曰：

At the opening of the Jiajing reign, he returned to court in the summer. On the way he learned that the Great Ritual Controversy had not been settled and drafted a memorial that read:

先王制禮，本緣人情。君子論事，當究名實。竊見近日禮官所議，有未合乎人情，未當乎名實者，一則守《禮經》之言，一則循宋儒之說也。臣獨以為不然。按《禮經·喪服》傳曰「何如而可以為人後？支子可也」。又曰「為人後者孰後？後大宗也」。「大宗者，尊之統也」。「不可以絕，故族人以支子後大宗也。適子不得後大宗」。為是禮者，蓋謂有支子而後可以為人後，未有絕人之後以為人後者也。今興獻帝止生陛下一人，別無支庶，乃使絕其後而後孝宗，豈人情哉！且為人後者，父嘗立之為子，子嘗事之為父，故卒而服其服。今孝宗嘗有武宗矣，未嘗以陛下為子。陛下於孝宗未嘗服三年之服，是實未嘗後孝宗也，而強稱之為考，豈名實哉！為是議者，未見其合於《禮經》之言也。

The former kings devised ritual fundamentally from human nature. When a gentleman discusses affairs, he should examine names and realities together. I observe that the recent deliberations of the ritual officials contain points that fail both human feeling and the correspondence of name and reality: one side clings to the letter of the Classic of Rites, the other follows the Song Confucians. I alone hold otherwise. The Commentary on Mourning Dress in the Classic of Rites asks: "Under what conditions may one become another's heir? A collateral son may do so." It further asks: "Whom does one succeed when one becomes another's heir? One succeeds the great lineage." "The great lineage is the line of honor." "It must not be extinguished, and so the clan appoints a collateral son to succeed the great lineage. The eldest legitimate son may not succeed the great lineage in someone else's place." The makers of this rite meant that one may become another's heir only when a collateral son exists—not that another's line should be extinguished to create an heir. Prince Xingxian bore Your Majesty alone and had no other sons. To cut off his line so that you might succeed Emperor Xiaozong—where is the human feeling in that? Moreover, when one becomes another's heir, the father has formally established one as his son and the son has served him as a father; on his death one wears mourning accordingly. Emperor Xiaozong already had Emperor Wuzong and never established Your Majesty as his son. Your Majesty never wore three years' mourning for Emperor Xiaozong. You never truly succeeded him as heir, yet are forced to call him your father—how does that match name and reality? Those who advance this position have not shown that it accords with the Classic of Rites at all.

又按程頤《濮議》謂「英宗既以仁宗為父，不當以濮王為親」。此非宋儒之說不善，實今日之事不同。蓋仁宗嘗育英宗於宮中，是實為父子。孝宗未嘗育陛下於宮中，其不同者一。孝宗有武宗為子矣，仁宗未嘗有子也，其不同者二。濮王別有子可以不絕，興獻帝無別子也，其不同者三。豈得以濮王之事比今日之事哉？為是議者，未見其善述宋儒之說也。

Cheng Yi's essay on the Puyi Controversy holds that "since Emperor Yingzong already had Emperor Renzong as father, he ought not to treat Prince Pu as his own father." This is not because the Song Confucians were wrong, but because today's circumstances differ. Emperor Renzong had raised Emperor Yingzong in the palace—they were in fact father and son. Emperor Xiaozong never raised Your Majesty in the palace—that is the first difference. Emperor Xiaozong already had Emperor Wuzong as his son, whereas Emperor Renzong had never had a son—that is the second difference. Prince Pu had other sons, so his line need not be extinguished; Prince Xingxian had no other sons—that is the third difference. How then can the case of Prince Pu be applied to today's situation? Those who advance this position have not shown that they properly understand the Song Confucians either.

若謂孝宗不可無後，故必欲陛下為子，此尤不達於大道者也。推孝宗之心，所以必欲有後者，在不絕祖宗之祀，不失天下社稷之重而已，豈必拘拘父子之稱，而後為有後哉。孝宗有武宗，武宗有陛下，是不絕祖宗之祀，不失天下社稷之重矣，是實為有後也。且武宗君天下十有六年。不忍孝宗之無後，獨忍武宗之無後乎？此尤不通之說也。夫興獻帝當父也，而不得父。孝宗不當父也，而強稱為父。武宗當繼也，而不得繼。是一舉而三失焉，臣未見其可也。

To say that Emperor Xiaozong must have an heir and that therefore Your Majesty must become his son shows an especially poor grasp of the larger principle. If we consider Emperor Xiaozong's intent, the reason an heir is needed is simply to preserve the ancestral sacrifices and the weight of the realm—not to insist on the formal title of father and son before one may be called an heir. Emperor Xiaozong had Emperor Wuzong, and Emperor Wuzong has Your Majesty. The ancestral sacrifices continue and the weight of the realm is preserved—there is in truth an heir. Moreover, Emperor Wuzong ruled the realm for sixteen years. If one cannot bear that Emperor Xiaozong should lack an heir, can one alone bear that Emperor Wuzong should lack one? This argument is especially incoherent. Prince Xingxian ought to be treated as your father, yet is denied that status. Emperor Xiaozong ought not to be your father, yet is forced into that title. Emperor Wuzong ought to be succeeded in his line, yet is not. In a single stroke three things are lost—I do not see how this can be right.

且天下未嘗有無父之國也。瞽瞍殺人，舜竊負而逃。今使陛下舍其父而有天下，陛下何以為心哉！臣知陛下純孝之心，寧不有天下，決不忍不父其父也。說者又謂興獻帝不當稱帝，此尤不達於大道者也。孟子曰「孝子之至，莫大乎尊親」。周公追王太王王季，子思以為達孝。豈有子為天子，父不得稱帝者乎？今日之事，臣嘗為之說曰：陛下之繼二宗，當繼統而不繼嗣。興獻之異群廟，在稱帝而不稱宗。夫帝王之體，與士庶不同。繼統者，天下之公，三王之道也。繼嗣者，一人之私，後世之事也。興獻之得稱帝者，以陛下為天子也。不得稱宗者，以實未嘗在位也。伏乞宣示朝臣，復稱孝宗曰『皇伯』，興獻帝曰『皇考』，別立廟祀之。夫然後合於人情，當乎名實，非唯得先王制禮之意，抑亦遂陛下純孝之心矣。

Moreover, there has never been a realm in which the ruler had no father. When his father the Blind Man killed a man, Shun secretly carried him on his back and fled. If Your Majesty were made to abandon your own father yet still possess the realm, what could you hold in your heart! I know Your Majesty's heart is wholly filial: you would rather forgo the realm than fail to honor your own father as father. Some say Prince Xingxian ought not to be granted the title of emperor—this too shows a poor grasp of the larger principle. Mencius said, "Of filial devotion, nothing is greater than honoring one's parent." The Duke of Zhou posthumously ennobled his forebears as kings, and Zisi regarded this as the height of filial piety. How could a son be emperor while his father may not be called emperor? On this matter I have proposed that in succeeding the two lineages, Your Majesty should succeed to the imperial throne rather than to an adoptive lineage. The reason Prince Xingxian should be set apart in the temple complex is that he should be titled emperor, not imperial ancestor. The status of an emperor differs from that of common people. Succeeding to the imperial line is a public affair of the realm—the way of the Three Sage Kings. Succeeding as someone's adopted heir is a private, personal matter—a concern of later ages. Prince Xingxian may be called emperor because Your Majesty is emperor. He may not be called imperial ancestor because he never actually reigned. I humbly beg that Your Majesty announce to the court that Emperor Xiaozong be again styled "Imperial Uncle," Prince Xingxian "Imperial Father," and that a separate temple be established for his worship. Only then would the arrangement accord with human feeling and match title to fact—not only honoring the intent of the former kings in establishing ritual, but fulfilling Your Majesty's wholehearted filial devotion as well.

疏具，見廷臣方抵排異議，懼不敢上，為桂萼所見，與席書疏並表上之。帝大喜，立下廷議。廷臣遂目獻夫為奸邪，至不與往還。獻夫乃杜門乞假，既不得請，則進《大禮》上下二論，其說益詳。時已召張璁、桂萼於南京，至即用為翰林學士，而用獻夫為侍講學士。攻者四起，獻夫亦力辭。帝卒用諸人議定「大禮」，由是荷帝眷與璁、萼埒。四年冬進少詹事。獻夫終不自安，謝病歸。

When the memorial was finished, Xianfu saw court ministers denouncing rival proposals and feared to submit it. Gui E discovered it and, together with Xi Shu's memorial, presented both to the throne. The emperor was delighted and at once ordered the matter debated at court. Court ministers thereafter labeled Xianfu a villain and would not even exchange courtesies with him. Xianfu shut himself indoors and asked for leave. When his request was denied, he submitted his upper and lower treatises on the Grand Rites, setting out his views in ever greater detail. Zhang Cong and Gui E had already been summoned from Nanjing; on their arrival they were immediately made Hanlin academicians, while Xianfu was appointed lecturer-compiler academician. Attacks came from every quarter, and Xianfu vigorously refused the appointment. The emperor finally adopted their proposals to settle the Grand Rites. From then on Xianfu enjoyed imperial favor equal to Cong and Gui E. In the winter of the fourth year he was promoted to junior guardian of the heir apparent. Xianfu never felt secure in office and resigned on grounds of illness.

六年召修《明倫大典》。獻夫與霍韜同里，以議禮相親善，又同赴召，乃合疏言：「自古力主為後之議者，宋莫甚於司馬光，漢莫甚於王莽。主《濮議》者，光為首，呂誨、範純仁、呂大防附之，而光之說惑人最甚。主哀帝議者，莽為首，師丹、甄邯、劉歆附之，而莽之說流毒最深。宋儒祖述王莽之說以惑萬世，誤後學。臣等謹按《漢書》、《魏志》、《宋史》，略采王莽、師丹、甄邯之奏，與其事始末，及魏明帝之詔，濮園之議，論正以附其後。乞付纂修官，參互考訂，俾天下臣子知為後之議實起於莽，宋儒之論實出於莽，下洗群疑，上彰聖孝。」詔語下其書於史館。還朝未幾，命署大理寺事，與璁、萼覆讞李福達獄。萼等議馬錄重辟，獻夫力爭得減死。其年九月拜禮部右侍郎，仍兼學士，直經筵日講。尋代萼為吏部左侍郎，復代為禮部尚書。《明倫大典》成，加太子太保。

In the sixth year he was summoned to compile the Comprehensive Mirror of Bright Ethics. Xianfu and Huo Tao were natives of the same district and had grown close through the rites debate. Summoned to court together, they jointly memorialized: "Since antiquity, none who forcefully upheld the argument for adoption exceeded Sima Guang in the Song or Wang Mang in the Han. In the Puyi Debate, Guang led the way; Lu Hui, Fan Chunren, and Lu Dafang followed him, and his doctrine misled people more than any other. In Emperor Ai's deliberation, Mang led the way; Shi Dan, Zhen Han, and Liu Xin followed him, and his doctrine spread the deepest harm. Song Confucians inherited Wang Mang's doctrine and passed it down to mislead generations of scholars. We respectfully consult the Book of Han, Records of Wei, and History of Song, excerpting the memorials of Wang Mang, Shi Dan, and Zhen Han, recounting the course of events, and adding Emperor Ming of Wei's edict and the Puyi Garden debate, with a corrective discussion appended. We beg that compilation officials be assigned to collate and verify this material, so that officials throughout the realm may know that the adoption argument truly began with Mang and that Song Confucian doctrine truly derives from him—dispelling public doubts below and honoring Your Majesty's filial devotion above." The emperor ordered the memorial transmitted to the historiography institute. Shortly after returning to court, he was placed in charge of the Court of Judicial Review and, together with Cong and Gui E, reheard the Li Fuda case. Gui E and others argued that Ma Lu deserved the death penalty, but Xianfu fought hard and secured a commuted sentence. That September he was appointed vice minister of rites on the right, retaining his academician title and lecturing daily at the Classic Lectern. Soon he replaced Gui E as left vice minister of personnel, and then succeeded him as minister of rites. When the Comprehensive Mirror of Bright Ethics was completed, he was made grand guardian of the heir apparent.

獻夫視璁、萼性寬平，遇事亦間有執持，不盡與附會。萼反陳洸獄，請盡逮問官葉應驄等，以獻夫言多免逮。思恩、田州比歲亂，獻夫請專任王守仁，而罷鎮守中官鄭潤、總兵官朱騏，帝乃召潤、騏還。思、田既平，守仁議築城建邑，萼痛詆之。獻夫歷陳其功狀，築城得毋止。璁、萼與楊一清構，獻夫因災異進和衷之說，且請收召謫戍削籍余寬、馬明衡輩，而倍取進士之數。帝優詔答之，寬等卒不用。獻夫以尼僧、道姑傷風化，請勒令改嫁，帝從之。又因霍韜言，盡汰僧道無牒、毀寺觀私創者。帝欲殺陳後喪，獻夫引禮固爭。尋復代萼為吏部尚書。萼、璁罷政，詔吏部核兩人私黨。獻夫言：「陸粲等所劾百十人，誣者不少。昔攻璁、萼者，以為黨而去之。今附璁、萼者，又以為黨而去之。縉紳之禍何時已。」乃奏留黃綰等二十三人，而黜儲良才等十二人。良才者，初為御史，以考察黜。上疏詆楊廷和，指吏部侍郎孟春等為奸黨，萼因請復其職。至是斥去，時論快之。安昌伯錢維圻卒，庶兄維垣請嗣爵。獻夫言外戚之封不當世及，歷引漢、唐、宋事為證。帝善其言，下廷議，外戚遂永絕世封。

Xianfu found Cong and Gui E more moderate in temperament; on matters of policy he sometimes held his own ground rather than simply following their lead. Gui E reopened the Chen Guang case and sought the arrest of all investigating officials including Ye Yingcong; Xianfu's intervention spared many from detention. Si'en and Tianzhou had been in turmoil for years. Xianfu urged that Wang Shouren be given sole command and that the resident eunuch Zheng Run and regional commander Zhu Qi be removed. The emperor recalled both men. Once Si'en and Tianzhou were pacified, Shouren proposed building walled towns. Gui E bitterly attacked the plan. Xianfu repeatedly cited Shouren's achievements, and the fortification project was allowed to proceed. Cong and Gui E were at odds with Yang Yiqing. Citing omens and anomalies, Xianfu urged compromise and called for the recall of dismissed officials such as Yu Kuan and Ma Mingheng, while proposing to double the quota of jinshi degrees. The emperor responded with a gracious edict, but Yu Kuan and the others were never restored. Holding that Buddhist nuns and Daoist priestesses corrupted public morals, Xianfu asked that they be compelled to marry. The emperor agreed. At Huo Tao's urging, he also purged unlicensed monks and priests and demolished illicit temples and monasteries. When the emperor wished to execute the deposed Empress Chen during her mourning period, Xianfu cited ritual law and forcefully objected. Soon he again succeeded Gui E as minister of personnel. After Gui E and Cong were removed from power, the emperor ordered the Ministry of Personnel to investigate their personal factions. Xianfu said: "Of the more than a hundred men impeached by Lu Can and others, many were falsely accused. Those who attacked Cong and Gui E were branded factionalists and driven out. Now those who sided with Cong and Gui E are likewise branded factionalists and removed. When will this cycle of ruin for officials ever end?" He memorialized to retain Huang Guan and twenty-two others while dismissing Chu Liangcai and eleven others. Liangcai had originally served as a censor and was dismissed in a merit review. He had submitted a memorial denouncing Yang Tinghe and branding vice minister Meng Chun and others a treacherous clique; Gui E had moved to restore him to office. Now that he was dismissed, public opinion was relieved. When the Earl of Anchang Qian Weiqi died, his elder half-brother Wei Yuan sought to inherit the title. Xianfu argued that titles for maternal relatives should not pass from generation to generation, citing precedents from Han, Tang, and Song. The emperor approved and ordered the matter debated at court; hereditary enfeoffment for maternal kin was abolished for good.

璁、萼既召還，羽林指揮劉永昌劾都督桂勇，語侵萼及兵部尚書李承勛。又劾御史廖自顯，自顯坐逮。已，又訐兵部郎中盧襄等。獻夫請按治永昌，毋令奸人以蜚語中善類。帝不從。獻夫遂求退，帝亦不允。給事中孫應奎劾獻夫私其親故大理少卿洗光、太常卿彭澤。帝不聽。都給事中夏言亦劾獻夫壞選法，徙張璁所惡浙江參政黃卿於陜西，而用璁所愛黨以平代，邪回之彭澤逾等躐遷太常，及他所私昵，皆有跡，疑獻夫交通賄賂。疏入，帝令卿等還故官。獻夫及璁疏辨，因引退。帝重違二人意，復令卿等如前擬。

After Cong and Gui E were recalled to office, imperial guard commander Liu Yongchang impeached regional commander Gui Yong, his language implicating Gui E and minister of war Li Chengxun. He also impeached censor Liao Zixian, who was arrested. He then accused Lu Xiang and others of the war ministry as well. Xianfu urged prosecution of Yongchang, arguing that malcontents must not be allowed to destroy decent officials with baseless rumor. The emperor refused. Xianfu then asked to resign, but the emperor would not allow it. Supervising secretary Sun Yingkui accused Xianfu of favoring his associates, vice minister of the Court of Judicial Review Xi Guang and chief of court ceremonies Peng Ze. The emperor paid no heed. Chief supervising secretary Xia Yan also accused Xianfu of corrupting appointments—transferring Huang Qing, the Zhejiang vice commissioner whom Zhang Cong disliked, to Shaanxi and replacing him with Cong's favorite Dang Yiping; promoting the unscrupulous Peng Ze over more qualified candidates to chief of court ceremonies; and showing favoritism throughout that suggested bribery. When the memorial was received, the emperor ordered Huang Qing and the others restored to their former posts. Xianfu and Cong submitted rebuttals and offered their resignations. Reluctant to override them, the emperor restored Huang Qing and the others to the posts Xianfu had originally assigned.

頃之，給事中薛甲言：「劉永昌以武夫劾冢宰，張瀾以軍余劾勛臣，下淩上替，不知所止，願存廉遠堂高之義，俾小人不得肆攻訐。」章下吏部。獻夫等請從甲言，敕都察院嚴禁吏民，毋得訁壽張亂政，並飭兩京給事御史及天下撫按官論事，先大體毋責小疵。當是時，帝方欲廣耳目，周知百僚情偽，得獻夫議不懌，報罷。於是給事中饒秀劾甲阿附：「自劉永昌後，言官未聞議大臣，獨夏言、孫應奎、趙漢議及璁、獻夫耳。漢已蒙詰譴，言、應奎所奏皆用人行政之失，甲乃指為毛舉細故，而頌大臣不已。貪縱如郭勛，亦不欲人言。必使大臣橫行，群臣緘口。萬一有逆人廁其間，奈何！」奏入，帝心善其言。下吏部再議。甲具疏自明，帝惡其不俟部奏，命削二官出之外。部謂甲已處分，不復更議。帝責令置對，停獻夫俸一月，郎官倍之。獻夫不自得，兩疏引疾。帝即報允，然猶虛位以俟。

Soon supervising secretary Xue Jia memorialized: "When a military man like Liu Yongchang impeaches the chief minister, and a common soldier like Zhang Lan impeaches a meritorious noble, inferiors presume upon superiors with no end in sight. I urge that we preserve the dignity due high office, so that petty men may not assail their betters at will." The memorial was referred to the Ministry of Personnel. Xianfu and others urged adoption of Xue Jia's proposal, instructing the censorate to forbid officials and commoners from fabricating charges and directing memorialists in both capitals and throughout the provinces to address major issues rather than nitpick minor faults. The emperor was then eager to broaden his sources of information and learn officials' true character. Displeased with Xianfu's proposal, he rejected it. Supervising secretary Rao Xiu then accused Xue Jia of sycophancy: "Since the Liu Yongchang affair, no censor has impeached a senior minister—except Xia Yan, Sun Yingkui, and Zhao Han, who targeted Cong and Xianfu. Zhao Han has already been rebuked. Xia Yan and Sun Yingkui addressed real failures in appointments and governance, yet Xue Jia dismissed these as petty cavils while endlessly praising senior ministers. Even someone as greedy and dissolute as Guo Xun would prefer silence. This would let senior ministers run riot while everyone else falls silent. If a corrupt man should slip in among them, what then?" The emperor read the memorial and approved of it. The matter was referred back to the Ministry of Personnel. Xue Jia submitted a clarification, but the emperor, angered that he had not waited for the ministry's report, stripped him of two ranks and banished him from the capital. The ministry held that Xue Jia had already been punished and declined to reopen the matter. The emperor ordered a formal hearing, suspended Xianfu's salary for a month, and doubled the penalty for the ministry clerks. Distressed, Xianfu twice memorialized citing illness. The emperor granted his request at once but left the post vacant against his return.

十年秋有詔召還。獻夫疏辭，舉梁材、汪鋐、王廷相自代。帝手詔褒答，遣行人蔡叆趣之。叆及門，獻夫潛入西樵，以疾辭。既而使命再至，雲將別用，乃就道。明年五月至京，命以故官兼武英殿大學士入閣輔政。初，賜獻夫銀章曰「忠誠直諒」，令有事密封奏聞。獻夫歸，上之朝，至是復賜如故。吏部尚書王瓊卒，命獻夫掌之。獻夫家居，引體自尊，監司謁見，輒稱疾不報。家人姻黨橫於郡中，鄉人屢訐告，僉事龔大稔聽之。獻夫還朝，囑大稔。會大稔坐事落職，疑獻夫為之，遂上疏列其不法數事，詞連霍韜。獻夫疏辨，帝方眷獻夫，大稔遂被逮削籍。十月彗見東井。御史馮恩詆獻夫兇奸肆巧辨，播弄威福，將不利於國家，故獻夫掌吏部而彗見。帝怒，下之獄。獻夫亦引疾乞休，優詔不允。

In the autumn of the tenth year an edict recalled him to court. Xianfu declined in a memorial, recommending Liang Cai, Wang Qian, and Wang Tingxiang as his replacements. The emperor replied with a handwritten edict of praise and sent courier Cai Ai to hasten his return. When Cai Ai arrived at his door, Xianfu slipped away to Mount Xiqiao and pleaded illness. When the summons came a second time and word spread that another man would be appointed in his stead, he finally set out. He reached the capital the following May and was appointed grand secretary of the Hall of Martial Brilliance, retaining his former rank to serve in the cabinet. Earlier the emperor had given Xianfu a silver seal inscribed "Loyal, Sincere, Straightforward, and Trustworthy," authorizing him to submit sealed memorials directly to the throne. On retiring home he had returned the seal to court; it was now bestowed on him again unchanged. When minister of personnel Wang Qiong died, Xianfu was placed in charge of the ministry. While at home Xianfu carried himself with great pride; when provincial officials came to call, he invariably pleaded illness and refused to receive them. His family and relatives lorded it over the county; locals repeatedly brought accusations, and vice commissioner Gong Danian heard the cases. When Xianfu returned to court he spoke to Gong Danian. Gong Danian was later dismissed for an offense and, suspecting Xianfu's hand in it, memorialized listing Xianfu's misconduct and implicating Huo Tao as well. Xianfu rebutted the charges. The emperor was favoring Xianfu at the time, and Gong Danian was arrested and expelled from office. In the tenth month a comet appeared in the Eastern Well constellation. Censor Feng En denounced Xianfu as vicious and treacherous, skilled at manipulation and abusing power to the nation's harm—and declared that the comet had appeared because Xianfu now controlled the Ministry of Personnel. The emperor was furious and had him imprisoned. Xianfu also asked to retire on grounds of illness, but a gracious edict refused.

獻夫飾恬退名，連被劾，中恧。雖執大政，氣厭厭不振。獨帝欲殺張延齡，常力爭。而其時桂萼已前卒。張璁最寵，罷相者屢矣。霍韜、黃宗明言事一不當，輒下之吏。獻夫見帝恩威不測，居職二歲，三疏引疾。帝優詔許之，令乘傳，予道里費。家居十年卒。先已加柱國、少保，乃贈太保，謚文襄。

Xianfu cultivated a reputation for modest retirement, but repeated impeachments left him mortified. Though he held great power, his spirits were low and his energy gone. He did vigorously oppose the emperor whenever the latter wished to execute Zhang Yanling. By then Gui E had already died. Zhang Cong remained the emperor's favorite, though he had been dismissed as chief minister more than once. Huo Tao and Huang Zongming were handed over to the courts whenever a single memorial displeased the emperor. Seeing the emperor's moods turn unpredictable, Xianfu held office two years and three times memorialized to retire on grounds of illness. The emperor granted his request with a gracious edict, ordered post horses for his journey, and gave him travel expenses. He lived at home for ten years, then died. He had already been granted the titles Pillar of State and Junior Guardian; after his death he was posthumously granted Grand Guardian and given the posthumous name Wenxiang.

獻夫緣議禮驟貴。與璁、萼共事，持論頗平恕，故人不甚惡之。

Xianfu rose swiftly to power through his role in the Rites Controversy. Serving alongside Zhang Cong and Gui E, he took positions that were fairly moderate, so people did not dislike him as intensely.

夏言，字公謹，貴溪人。父鼎，臨清知州。言舉正德十二年進士，授行人，擢兵科給事中。性警敏，善屬文。及居言路，謇諤自負。世宗嗣位，疏言：「正德以來，壅蔽已極。今陛下維新庶政，請日視朝後，禦文華殿閱章疏，召閣臣面決。或事關大利害，則下廷臣集議。不宜謀及褻近，徑發中旨。聖意所予奪，亦必下內閣議而後行，絕壅蔽矯詐之弊。」帝嘉納之。奉詔偕御史鄭本公、主事汪文盛核親軍及京衛冗員，汰三千二百人，復條九事以上。輦下為肅清。

Xia Yan, whose style was Gongjin, was a native of Guixi. His father Xia Ding served as prefect of Linqing. Yan passed the jinshi examination in the twelfth year of Zhengde (1517), was appointed an imperial courier, and was then promoted to supervising secretary in the Bureau of War. Quick-witted by nature, he was an accomplished writer. Once he took up his post as a censor, he prided himself on being forthright and unyielding in remonstrance. When Emperor Shizong ascended the throne, Xia Yan memorialized: "Since the Zhengde era, the blocking of information and court deliberation has reached an extreme. Your Majesty has begun to reform the government; I ask that after the daily audience you proceed to the Wenhua Hall to review memorials personally and summon the grand secretaries to decide matters face to face. When matters involve major interests, they should be referred to the court for collective deliberation. Affairs should not be decided through private consultation with those close at hand, nor by issuing edicts directly from the inner palace. Even when the emperor wishes to grant or withhold approval, policy should still pass through the Grand Secretariat for deliberation before taking effect, so as to eliminate the evils of concealment and manipulation. The emperor commended and adopted his proposal. By imperial order, he joined Censor Zheng Bengong and Principal Clerk Wang Wensheng in auditing redundant personnel in the imperial guard and capital garrisons, cutting three thousand two hundred men, and submitted nine further recommendations. The capital was thus cleared of excess.

嘉靖初，偕御史樊繼祖等出按莊田，悉奪還民產。劾中官趙霦、建昌侯張延齡，疏凡七上。請改後宮負郭莊田為親蠶廠、公桑園，一切禁戚裏求請及河南、山東奸人獻民田王府者。救被逮永平知府郭九臯。莊奉夫人弟邢福海、肅奉夫人弟顧福，傳旨授錦衣世千戶，言力爭不可。諸疏率諤諤，為人傳誦。屢遷兵科都給事中。勘青羊山平賊功罪，論奉悉當。副使牛鸞獲賊中交通名籍，言請毀之以安眾心。孝宗朝，令吏、兵二部每季具兩京大臣及在外文武方面官履歷進禦，正德後漸廢，以言請復之。

In the early Jiajing reign, he joined Censor Fan Jizu and others in investigating crown estate lands and returned all illegally seized property to the people. He impeached the eunuch Zhao Yan and Zhang Yanling, Marquis of Jianchang, submitting seven memorials in all. He asked that suburban estates near the rear palace be converted into imperial silkworm-rearing grounds and public mulberry gardens, and called for a complete ban on requests from imperial in-laws and on Henan and Shandong scoundrels who offered commoners' lands to princely households. He intervened on behalf of Guo Jiugao, prefect of Yongping, who had been arrested. When imperial orders were transmitted to appoint Xing Fuhai, younger brother of Lady Zhuang Feng, and Gu Fu, younger brother of Lady Su Feng, as hereditary chiliarchs of the Embroidered Uniform Guard, Yan fought the appointments vigorously. His memorials were invariably sharp and outspoken and were widely circulated and admired. He was repeatedly promoted, eventually reaching chief supervising secretary of the Bureau of War. In investigating the merits and demerits of the campaign against bandits at Qingyang Mountain, his assessments in memorials were all deemed fair. When Vice Commissioner Niu Luan seized among the bandits registers of those who had colluded with them, Yan asked that they be destroyed to reassure the public. In Emperor Xiaozong's reign, the Ministries of Personnel and War had been required each quarter to submit résumés of senior officials in both capitals and regional commanders for the emperor's review; this practice had lapsed after the Zhengde era, and Yan petitioned to restore it.

七年，調吏科。當是時，帝銳意禮文事。以天地合祀非禮，欲分建二郊，並日月而四。大學士張孚敬不敢決，帝卜之太祖亦不吉，議且寢。會言上疏請帝親耕南郊，後親蠶北郊，為天下倡。帝以南北郊之說，與分建二郊合，令孚敬諭旨，言乃請分祀天地。廷臣持不可，孚敬亦難之，詹事霍韜詆尤力。帝大怒，下韜獄。降璽書獎言，賜四品服俸，卒從其請。又贊成二郊配饗議，語詳《禮志》。言自是大蒙帝眷。郊壇工興，即命言監之。延綏饑，言薦僉都御史李如圭為巡撫。吏部推代如圭者，帝不用，再推及言。御史熊爵謂言出如圭為己地，至比之張糸采。帝切責爵，令言毋辨。而言不平，訐爵且辭新命，帝乃止。

In the seventh year (1528) he was transferred to the Bureau of Personnel. At this time the emperor was deeply devoted to ritual reform. Believing the combined worship of Heaven and Earth to be improper, he wished to build separate suburban altars for each and, together with the sun and moon, establish four distinct rites. Grand Secretary Zhang Fujing would not commit himself; when the emperor consulted the oracle of Taizu, the response was unfavorable too, and the proposal was set aside for the time being. Xia Yan then submitted a memorial urging the emperor to plow the southern suburban altar himself and the empress to perform sericulture at the northern suburban altar, setting an example for the realm. The emperor saw that Xia Yan's proposal for southern and northern suburban rites aligned with his plan to build two separate altars; he had Fujing relay his intent, and Yan thereupon petitioned for separate worship of Heaven and Earth. Court ministers objected, Fujing was reluctant as well, and Junior Tutor Huo Tao spoke against it with particular vehemence. The emperor was furious and had Huo Tao thrown into prison. The emperor sent down an imperial letter commending Xia Yan, granted him fourth-rank robes and salary, and ultimately adopted his proposal. He also endorsed the proposal on distributing accompanying offerings at the separate suburban sacrifices; particulars are given in the Treatise on Rites. From this point Xia Yan enjoyed the emperor's warmest favor. When construction of the suburban altars began, the emperor immediately put Xia Yan in charge of supervising it. When famine struck Yansui, Xia Yan recommended Left Censor-in-Chief Li Rugui as grand coordinator. The Ministry of Personnel proposed a successor to Li Rugui, but the emperor rejected the nomination; on the second round of recommendations, Xia Yan's own name came up. Censor Xiong Jue claimed that Xia Yan had pushed Li Rugui out to clear a path for himself, even comparing him to the corrupt official Zhang Cai. The emperor sharply rebuked Xiong Jue and told Xia Yan not to respond. Xia Yan, still dissatisfied, attacked Xiong Jue in turn and declined the new appointment, whereupon the emperor withdrew it.

孚敬頤指百僚，無敢與抗者。言自以受帝知，獨不為下。孚敬乃大害言寵，言亦怨孚敬驟用彭澤為太常卿不右己，兩人遂有隙。言抗疏劾孚敬及吏部尚書方獻夫。孚敬、獻夫皆疏辨求去。帝顧諸人厚，為兩解之。言既顯，與孚敬、獻夫、韜為難，益以強直厚自結。帝欲輯郊禮為成書，擢言侍讀學士，充纂修官，直經筵日講，仍兼吏科都給事中。言又贊帝更定文廟祀典及大禘禮，帝益喜。十年三月遂擢少詹事，兼翰林學士，掌院事，直講如故。言眉目疏朗，美須髯，音吐弘暢，不操鄉音。每進講，帝必目屬，欲大用之。孚敬忌彌甚，遂與彭澤構薛侃獄，下言法司。已，帝覺孚敬曲，乃罷孚敬而釋言。八月，四郊工成，進言禮部左侍郎，仍掌院事。逾月，代李時為本部尚書。去諫官未浹歲拜六卿，前此未有也。

Zhang Fujing commanded the bureaucracy imperiously, and no one dared stand up to him. But Xia Yan, confident of the emperor's confidence in him, alone refused to defer. Fujing deeply resented Xia Yan's standing with the emperor; Yan in turn resented Fujing's sudden appointment of Peng Ze as Grand Master of Ceremonies without supporting him—and friction opened between them. Xia Yan submitted a bold memorial impeaching Zhang Fujing and Minister of Personnel Fang Xianfu. Both Fujing and Xianfu submitted memorials in their own defense asking to withdraw from office. The emperor, who held both men in high regard, mediated between them. Now that Xia Yan had risen to prominence and stood at odds with Fujing, Xianfu, and Huo Tao, he leaned all the more on his reputation for uncompromising rectitude to strengthen his alliances. When the emperor wished to compile the suburban rites into a definitive work, he promoted Xia Yan to Reader-in-Waiting, appointed him compiler, assigned him to the daily lectures at the Classics Colloquium, while retaining his concurrent post as chief supervising secretary of the Bureau of Personnel. Xia Yan also endorsed the emperor's revisions to the Confucian temple sacrificial canon and the great di rite, which pleased the emperor still more. In the third month of the tenth year (1531) he was promoted to Junior Tutor and concurrent Hanlin Academician, placed in charge of the Hanlin Academy while continuing his lectures as before. Xia Yan had clear, handsome features and a fine beard; when he spoke his voice was rich and clear, without a trace of his native accent. Whenever he lectured, the emperor's eyes never left him—the emperor was clearly preparing to promote him to great heights. Fujing's jealousy deepened; he conspired with Peng Ze to embroil Xia Yan in the Xue Kan affair and had him handed over to the judicial authorities. Before long the emperor realized Fujing had acted wrongly; he dismissed Fujing and released Xia Yan. In the eighth month, when the four suburban altars were completed, Xia Yan was promoted to Left Vice Minister of Rites while retaining charge of the Hanlin Academy. A month later he replaced Li Shi as Minister of Rites. To rise from censor to one of the Six Ministers in less than a year was unprecedented.

時士大夫猶惡孚敬，恃言抗之。言既以開敏結帝知，又折節下土。御史喻希禮、石金請宥「大禮」大獄得罪諸臣。帝大怒，令言劾。言謂希禮、金無他腸，請帝寬恕。帝責言對狀，逮二人詔獄，遠竄之，言引罪乃已。以是大得公卿間聲。帝制作禮樂，多言為尚書時所議，閣臣李時、翟鑾取充位。帝每作詩，輒賜言，悉酬和勒石以進，帝益喜。奏對應制，倚待立辦。數召見，諮政事，善窺帝旨，有所傅會。賜銀章一，俾密封言事，文曰「學博才優」。先後賜繡蟒飛魚麒麟服、玉帶、兼金、上尊、珍饌、時物無虛月。孚敬、獻夫復相繼入輔。知帝眷言厚，亦不敢與較。已而皆謝事。議禮諸人獨霍韜在，仇言不置。十五年以順天府尹劉淑相事，韜、言相攻訐。韜卒不勝，事詳《韜傳》中。言由是氣遂驕。郎中張元孝、李遂與小忤，即奏謫之。皇子生，帝賜言甚渥。初加太子太保，進少傅兼太子太傅。閏十二月遂兼武英殿大學士入參機務。扈蹕謁陵，還至沙河，言庖中火，延郭勛、李時帳，帝付言疏六亦焚。言當獨引罪，與勛等合謝，被譙責焉。時李時為首輔，政多自言出。顧鼎臣入，恃先達且年長，頗欲有所可否。言意不悅，鼎臣遂不敢與爭。其冬，時卒，言為首輔。十八年，以祗薦皇天上帝冊表，加少師、特進光祿大夫、上柱國。明世人臣無加上柱國者，言所自擬也。

At the time the scholar-official class still loathed Fujing and looked to Xia Yan to stand against him. Xia Yan had won the emperor's trust through his keen intelligence, yet he also humbled himself to treat lesser officials with courtesy. Censors Yu Xili and Shi Jin petitioned to pardon the officials condemned in the Great Rites Controversy. The emperor was furious and ordered Xia Yan to impeach them. Xia Yan argued that Yu and Shi meant no harm and asked the emperor to show them mercy. The emperor summoned Xia Yan to answer for himself in person, had both men thrown into the imperial prison and exiled to remote posts; only when Xia Yan pleaded guilty did the emperor relent. In this way he won great acclaim among his peers in the bureaucracy. Many of the emperor's ritual and musical reforms had been drafted when Xia Yan was minister; grand secretaries Li Shi and Zhai Luan were effectively figureheads. Whenever the emperor wrote poetry he sent it to Xia Yan, who would compose matching verses, have them carved in stone, and present them—much to the emperor's delight. When called upon to compose on imperial demand during audiences, he could produce finished work on the spot. The emperor frequently summoned him to discuss affairs of state; skilled at reading the emperor's mind, Xia Yan sometimes shaped his responses to align with imperial preferences. The emperor granted him a silver seal with which to submit sealed memorials; the inscription read, "Learned and Broad in Knowledge, Superior in Talent." Over time the emperor showered him with embroidered python robes, flying-fish and qilin insignia, jade belts, gold, fine wine, delicacies, and seasonal gifts—hardly a month passed without some new bestowal. Zhang Fujing and Fang Xianfu returned in succession to serve as grand secretaries. Aware that the emperor's favor for Xia Yan ran deep, they did not dare challenge him. Before long both men left office. Of those who had championed the Rites Controversy, only Huo Tao remained, and he nursed an implacable grudge against Xia Yan. In the fifteenth year (1536), a dispute over Shuntian Prefect Liu Shuxiang led Huo Tao and Xia Yan to exchange bitter attacks. Huo Tao ultimately lost; the full account appears in his biography. From this point Xia Yan's arrogance only grew. When Bureau Directors Zhang Yuanxiao and Li Sui crossed him in small matters, he immediately had them demoted by memorial. When a prince was born, the emperor showered Xia Yan with extravagant gifts. He was first granted the title Junior Guardian of the Heir Apparent, then promoted to Junior Mentor and Mentor of the Heir Apparent. In the intercalary twelfth month he entered the Grand Secretariat as Grand Secretary of the Wuying Hall to participate in state deliberations. While accompanying the emperor on a tomb visit, on the return journey at Shahe a fire broke out in Xia Yan's kitchen and spread to the tents of Guo Xun and Li Shi; six memorials the emperor had entrusted to Yan were destroyed as well. Xia Yan should have taken sole responsibility, but instead he joined Guo Xun and the others in a collective apology—and was sternly rebuked for it. Li Shi was chief grand secretary in name, but most policy decisions came from Xia Yan. When Gu Dingchen joined the Grand Secretariat, counting on his seniority and greater age, he tried to weigh in on decisions. Xia Yan took offense, and Gu Dingchen never dared disagree again. That winter Li Shi died, and Xia Yan became chief grand secretary. In the eighteenth year (1539), for his service in presenting the memorial registers to Heaven, he was granted the titles Junior Preceptor, Specially Promoted Grand Master of Splendid Happiness, and Superior Pillar of State. No subject in the Ming had ever been granted Superior Pillar of State—Xia Yan had evidently proposed the title for himself.

武定侯郭勛得幸，害言寵。而禮部尚書嚴嵩亦心妒言。言與嵩扈蹕承天，帝謁顯陵畢，嵩再請表賀，言乞俟還京。帝報罷，意大不懌。嵩知帝指，固以請，帝乃曰：「禮樂自天子出可也。」令表賀，帝自是不悅言。帝幸大峪山，言進居守敕稍遲，帝責讓。言懼請罪。帝大怒曰：「言自卑官，因孚敬議郊禮進，乃怠慢不恭，進密疏不用賜章，其悉還累所降手敕。」言益懼，疏謝。請免追銀章、手敕，為子孫百世榮，詞甚哀。帝怒不解，疑言毀損，令禮部追取。削少師勛階，以少保尚書大學士致仕。言乃以手敕四百余，並銀章上之。居數日，怒解，命止行。復以少傅、太子太傅入直，言疏謝。帝悅，諭令勵初忠，秉公持正，免眾怨。言心知所雲眾怨者，郭勛輩也，再疏謝。謂自處不敢後他人，一誌孤立，為眾所忌。帝復不悅，詰責之。惶恐謝，乃已。未幾，雷震奉天殿。召言及鼎臣不時至。帝復詰讓，令禮部劾之。言等請罪，帝復讓言傲慢，並責鼎臣。已，乃還所追銀章、禦書。陜西奏捷，復少師、太子太師，進吏部尚書，華蓋殿。江淮賊平，璽書獎勵，賜金幣，兼支大學士俸。

Guo Xun, Marquis of Wuding, had won the emperor's favor and resented Xia Yan's privileged standing. Minister of Rites Yan Song likewise harbored jealousy toward Xia Yan. When Xia Yan and Yan Song accompanied the emperor to Chengtian, and after the emperor had paid homage at Xian Mausoleum, Yan Song again urged a congratulatory memorial—but Xia Yan asked to wait until they returned to the capital. The emperor rejected the proposal, and was deeply displeased. Yan Song sensed the emperor's wish and pressed the matter again; the emperor finally said, "It is fitting that ritual and music proceed from the Son of Heaven alone. The congratulatory memorial was issued—and from that moment the emperor's displeasure with Xia Yan never lifted. When the emperor visited Mount Dayu, Xia Yan was slow in submitting the edict appointing a regent during the imperial absence, and the emperor rebuked him sharply. Xia Yan was frightened and submitted a memorial asking to be punished. The emperor flew into a rage and said, "Xia Yan rose from a humble post only because he took Fu Jing's side in the suburban rites debate—yet now he is negligent and insolent. He submitted a confidential memorial and refused to use the seal I granted him. Let him return every hand-written edict I have ever bestowed upon him. Xia Yan grew only more alarmed and submitted a memorial of apology. He begged to be spared the humiliation of having his silver seal and imperial hand edicts retrieved—treasures that would honor his descendants for a hundred generations—and his language was deeply anguished. The emperor's wrath did not ease; suspecting Xia Yan of having defamed him, he ordered the Ministry of Rites to reclaim the items. Xia Yan was stripped of his Junior Preceptor title and noble rank, and retired as Junior Guardian, Minister, and Grand Secretary. Xia Yan thereupon surrendered more than four hundred hand edicts along with his silver seal. After a few days the emperor's anger cooled and he ordered the punitive measures stopped. Xia Yan was restored as Junior Mentor and Mentor of the Heir Apparent and returned to imperial duty; he submitted a memorial of thanks. The emperor was pleased and enjoined him to renew his early loyalty, hold to fairness and integrity, and avoid arousing widespread resentment. Xia Yan knew perfectly well that the "popular resentment" the emperor meant was that of Guo Xun and his allies; he submitted another apology. He said that in his own conduct he had never held himself back, that his single-minded integrity had left him isolated, and that this was why others resented him. The emperor was displeased again and sharply rebuked him. Xia Yan apologized in terror, and the matter was dropped. Before long, lightning struck the Hall of Imperial Supplication. When summoned, neither Xia Yan nor Gu Dingchen arrived promptly. The emperor rebuked them again and ordered the Ministry of Rites to impeach them. Xia Yan and the others asked to be punished; the emperor again accused Xia Yan of arrogance and blamed Gu Dingchen as well. When all was over, the emperor returned the silver seal and imperial writings that had been reclaimed. When Shaanxi reported a military victory, Xia Yan was restored as Junior Preceptor and Grand Mentor of the Heir Apparent, promoted to Minister of Personnel, and given a post at the Huagai Hall. When bandits in the Jiang-Huai region were suppressed, the emperor issued an edict of commendation, granted gold and coins, and continued paying his grand secretary salary in addition to his other emoluments.

鼎臣已歿，翟鑾再入，恂恂若屬吏然，不敢少齟齬。而霍韜入掌詹事府數修怨。以郭勛與言有隙，結令助己，三人日相構。既而韜死，言、勛交惡自若。九廟災，言方以疾在告，乞罷，不允。昭聖太后崩，詔問太子服制，言報疏有訛字。帝切責言，言謝罪且乞還家治疾。帝益怒，令以少保、尚書、大學士致仕。言始聞帝怒己，上御邊十四策，冀以解。帝曰：「言既蘊忠謀，何堅自愛，負朕眷倚，姑不問。」初，言撰青詞及他文，最當帝意。言罷，獨翟鑾在，非帝所急也。及將出都，詣西苑齋宮叩首謝。帝聞而憐之，特賜酒饌，俾還私第治疾，俟後命。會郭勛以言官重劾，亦引疾在告。京山侯崔元新有寵，直內苑，忌勛。帝從容問元：「言、勛皆朕股肱，相妒何也？」元不對。帝問言歸何時，曰：「俟聖誕後，始敢請。」又問勛何疾，曰：「勛無疾，言歸即出耳。」帝頷之。言官知帝眷言惡勛，因共劾勛。勛辨語悖謾，帝怒，削勛同事王廷相籍。給事中高時者，言所厚也，盡發勛貪縱不法十數事。遂下勛獄，復言少傅、太子太師、禮部尚書、武英殿大學士，疾愈入直。言雖在告，閣事多取裁。治勛獄，悉其指授。二十一年春，一品九年滿，遣中使賜銀幣、寶鈔、羊酒、內饌。盡復其官階，璽書獎美，賜宴禮部。尚書、侍郎、都御史陪侍。當是時，帝雖優禮言，然恩眷不及初矣。

Gu Dingchen was now dead; when Zhai Luan rejoined the Grand Secretariat he was deferential as a junior clerk and never dared contradict Xia Yan in the slightest. But Huo Tao, who had taken charge of the Household of the Heir Apparent, nursed a running grievance against him. Guo Xun and Xia Yan were at odds; Huo Tao allied with Guo Xun to enlist his help, and the three schemed against Xia Yan day after day. After Huo Tao died, Xia Yan and Guo Xun remained as bitterly hostile as ever. When fire destroyed the Nine Temples, Xia Yan was on sick leave; he asked to resign, but the request was denied. When Empress Dowager Zhaosheng died, the court sought guidance on the heir apparent's mourning dress; Xia Yan's reply memorial contained a mistaken character. The emperor sharply rebuked Xia Yan; Xia Yan apologized and asked to go home to recover from illness. The emperor grew angrier still and ordered Xia Yan to retire as Junior Guardian, Minister, and Grand Secretary. When Xia Yan first learned of the emperor's wrath, he submitted fourteen strategies for frontier defense, hoping to regain favor. The emperor said, "Xia Yan harbors loyal counsel—why then does he insist on such self-regard and betray My trust? For the present I will not pursue the matter. From the outset Xia Yan's ritual prayers and other compositions had pleased the emperor more than anyone else's. With Xia Yan removed, only Zhai Luan remained in the Grand Secretariat—and the emperor had never much valued him. As he was about to leave the capital, he went to the fasting palace in the Western Park and kowtowed in farewell. When the emperor heard of this he took pity on him, specially granted wine and food, and sent him home to convalesce pending further orders. Around the same time, censorial officials launched a major attack on Guo Xun, who likewise took sick leave. Cui Yuan, Marquis of Jingshan, had recently won the emperor's favor; stationed in the inner court, he bore a grudge against Guo Xun. The emperor casually asked Cui Yuan, "Xia Yan and Guo Xun are both My trusted ministers—why are they so jealous of each other? Cui Yuan said nothing. When asked when Xia Yan would return, Cui Yuan said, "He will wait until after Your Majesty's birthday before daring to petition for recall. Asked what illness afflicted Guo Xun, he said, "Guo Xun is not ill at all—he will resume office as soon as Xia Yan returns." The emperor nodded in understanding. The censors, sensing that the emperor favored Xia Yan and disliked Guo Xun, joined in impeaching Guo Xun. Guo Xun's defense was insolent and defiant; the emperor was enraged and stripped his ally Wang Tingxiang of his official standing. Supervising Secretary Gao Shi, whom Xia Yan had long favored, laid out more than a dozen charges of Guo Xun's corruption, indulgence, and unlawful conduct. Guo Xun was thrown into prison; Xia Yan was restored as Junior Mentor, Grand Mentor of the Heir Apparent, Minister of Rites, and Grand Secretary of the Wuying Hall, resuming duty once his illness had cleared. Though still nominally on sick leave, Xia Yan decided most grand secretariat affairs. The prosecution of Guo Xun's case proceeded entirely under his direction. In the spring of the twenty-first year (1542), with nine years completed at first rank, the emperor dispatched a palace envoy bearing silver, coins, paper money, sheep, wine, and imperial fare. All his ranks and titles were fully restored; an imperial edict praised him, and a banquet was held for him at the Ministry of Rites. Ministers, vice ministers, and the censor-in-chief attended as hosts. By then, though the emperor still treated Xia Yan with outward honor, his favor no longer matched what it had been at the start.

慈慶、慈寧兩宮宴駕，勛嘗請改其一居太子。言不可，合帝意。至是帝猝問太子當何居，言忘前語，念興作費煩，對如勛指。帝不悅。又疑言官劾勛出言意。及建大享殿，命中官高忠監視，言不進敕稿。入直西苑諸臣，帝皆令乘馬，又賜香葉束發巾，用皮帛為履。言謂非人臣法服，不受，又獨乘腰輿。帝積數憾欲去言，而嚴嵩因得間之。嵩與言同鄉，稱先達，事言甚謹。言入閣援嵩自代，以門客畜之，嵩心恨甚。言既失帝意，嵩日以柔佞寵。言懼斥，呼嵩與謀。嵩則已潛造陶仲文第，謀齮言代其位。言知甚慍，諷言官屢劾嵩。帝方憐嵩不聽也，兩人遂大郤。六月，嵩燕見，頓首雨泣，訴言見淩狀。帝使悉陳言罪，嵩因振暴其短。帝大怒，手敕禮部，歷數言罪，且曰：「郭勛已下獄，猶千羅百織。言官為朝廷耳目，專聽言主使。朕不早朝，言亦不入閣。軍國重事，取裁私家。王言要密，視等戲玩。言官不一言，徒欺謗君上，致神鬼怒，雨甚傷禾。」言大懼，請罪。居十余日，獻帝諱辰，猶召入拜，候直西苑。言因謝恩乞骸骨，語極哀。疏留八日，會七月朔日食既，下手詔曰：「日食過分，正坐下慢上之咎，其落言職閑住。」帝又自引三失，布告天下。御史喬佑、給事中沈良才等皆具疏論言，且請罪。帝大怒，貶黜十三人。高時以劾勛故，獨謫遠邊。於是嚴嵩遂代言入閣。

After the empresses dowager of Ciqing and Cining Palaces died, Guo Xun had once proposed converting one of their halls for the heir apparent's residence. Xia Yan had opposed the idea, which accorded with the emperor's wishes. When the emperor suddenly asked where the heir apparent should lodge, Xia Yan forgot his earlier position; thinking of the expense of new construction, he answered as Guo Xun had proposed. The emperor was displeased. He also suspected that the censors' attack on Guo Xun had originated with Xia Yan. When the Great Sacrificial Hall was under construction, the emperor put the eunuch Gao Zhong in charge of supervision—but Xia Yan failed to submit the draft edict. For grand secretaries on duty in the Western Park, the emperor ordered them all to ride horses and granted them caps bound with fragrant leaves for their topknots and shoes made of leather and silk. Xia Yan declared this was no proper dress for a subject-minister and refused the gifts; he alone continued to ride in a sedan chair. The emperor's accumulated resentments toward Xia Yan had ripened into a desire to dismiss him—and Yan Song seized the opening. Yan Song was Xia Yan's fellow townsman; calling himself Xia Yan's senior, he had served him with elaborate deference. When Xia Yan entered the Grand Secretariat he had brought Yan Song in as his protégé and treated him like a household retainer—an indignity Yan Song deeply resented. As Xia Yan lost the emperor's favor, Yan Song daily won advancement through smooth ingratiation. Fearing dismissal, Xia Yan summoned Yan Song to counsel with him. But Yan Song had already been secretly visiting Tao Zhongwen's residence, plotting to bring Xia Yan down and take his place. When Xia Yan learned of this he was furious and prompted censorial officials to impeach Yan Song repeatedly. The emperor was then inclined to protect Yan Song and paid no heed; the two men became bitter enemies. In the sixth month Yan Song was granted an informal audience; he kowtowed and wept as though in a downpour, complaining of how Xia Yan had humiliated him. The emperor told him to lay out all of Xia Yan's offenses; Yan Song seized the moment to expose every fault. The emperor was incensed. In a hand edict to the Ministry of Rites he listed Xia Yan's crimes and declared, "Guo Xun is already in prison, yet Xia Yan still weaves charge upon charge against him. The censors are the court's eyes and ears—yet they take their orders only from Xia Yan. I no longer hold morning audience, and Xia Yan no longer attends the Grand Secretariat. Weighty matters of war and state he decides in his own home. Imperial words meant to be secret he treats as trifles. The censors say not a word, while he slanders his sovereign—and the spirits are enraged: the rains have ravaged the crops. Xia Yan was terrified and begged to be punished. More than ten days later, on the taboo day of Emperor Xian of Han, Xia Yan was still summoned to pay respects and wait on duty in the Western Park. Xia Yan took the occasion to thank the emperor for past grace and plead to retire; his language was heartbreakingly abject. His memorial lingered for eight days. On the first day of the seventh month a total eclipse occurred; the emperor issued a hand edict: "The eclipse exceeded its limits—the fault lies in disrespect toward the throne. Xia Yan is dismissed from office and ordered to remain idle. The emperor also publicly acknowledged three failures of his own and announced them throughout the realm. Censor Qiao You, Supervising Secretary Shen Liangcai, and others submitted memorials discussing Xia Yan's case and asked to be punished themselves for speaking out. The emperor was furious and demoted thirteen of them. Gao Shi alone was exiled to the remote frontier because he had impeached Guo Xun. Yan Song thereupon took Xia Yan's place in the Grand Secretariat.

言久貴用事，家富厚，服用豪侈，多通問遺。久之不召，監司府縣吏亦稍慢易之，悒悒不樂。遇元旦、聖壽必上表賀，稱「草土臣」。帝亦漸憐之，復尚書、大學士。至二十四年，帝微覺嵩貪恣，復思言，遣官賫敕召還，盡復少師諸官階，亦加嵩少師，若與言並者。言至，直陵嵩出其上。凡所批答，略不顧嵩，嵩噤不敢吐一語。所引用私人，言斥逐之，亦不敢救，銜次骨。海內士大夫方怨嵩貪忮，謂言能壓嵩制其命，深以為快。而言以廢棄久，務張權。文選郎高簡之戍，唐龍、許成名、崔桐、王用賓、黃佐之罷，王杲、王暐、孫繼魯之獄，皆言主之。貴州巡撫王學益、山東巡撫何鰲為言官論劾，輒擬旨逮訊。龍故與嵩善，暐事牽世蕃，其他所譴逐不盡當，朝士仄目。最後御史陳其學以鹽法事劾崔元及錦衣都督陸炳，言擬旨令陳狀，皆造言請死，炳長跪乃得解。二人與嵩比而構言，言未之悟也。帝數使小內豎詣言所，言負氣岸，奴視之；嵩必延坐，親納金錢袖中。以故日譽嵩而短言。言進青詞往往失帝旨，嵩聞益精治其事。

Having long held high power, Xia Yan's household was rich; his dress and furnishings were lavish, and he exchanged many gifts with others. As time passed without recall, circuit officials and local magistrates grew somewhat disrespectful; he brooded in unhappiness. On New Year's Day and the emperor's birthday he unfailingly submitted congratulatory memorials, styling himself a "servant of grass and soil"—a mourner in exile. The emperor gradually took pity on him and restored his titles of Minister and Grand Secretary. By the twenty-fourth year (1545) the emperor had begun to perceive Yan Song's greed and overbearing conduct and turned his thoughts again to Xia Yan. He dispatched an official bearing an edict to recall him, fully restored all of Xia Yan's titles including Junior Preceptor—and granted Yan Song the Junior Preceptor title as well, as though putting the two on equal footing. When Xia Yan returned, he openly ranked himself above Yan Song. In every draft reply he barely acknowledged Yan Song, who dared not utter a single word. Xia Yan drove out every protégé Yan Song had installed; Yan Song did not dare intervene and nursed a grudge to his marrow. Scholars throughout the empire, who resented Yan Song's greed and vindictiveness, rejoiced that Xia Yan could crush him and hold his career in his hand. But Xia Yan, having been out of power so long, was now bent on expanding his authority. The exile of Bureau Director Gao Jian, the dismissals of Tang Long, Xu Chengmou, Cui Tong, Wang Yongbin, and Huang Zuo, and the imprisonments of Wang Gao, Wang Wei, and Sun Jilu—all were Xia Yan's doing. When censors impeached Grand Coordinators Wang Xueyi of Guizhou and He Ao of Shandong, Xia Yan routinely drafted rescripts ordering their arrest and interrogation. Tang Long had been Yan Song's ally; Wang Wei's case implicated Yan Song's son Shifan; other punishments Xia Yan meted out were equally unwarranted—and court officials looked on with disapproval. Finally, when Censor Chen Qixue impeached Cui Yuan and Brocade Guard Commander Lu Bing on a salt-monopoly matter, Xia Yan drafted a rescript ordering Chen to formalize his charges—charges that were fabricated and called for death sentences; Lu Bing had to kneel for a long time before the matter was dropped. The two men were allied with Yan Song and were plotting against Xia Yan—but Xia Yan failed to see it. The Emperor often sent junior palace eunuchs to Xia Yan's residence. Xia Yan was proud and overbearing, and treated them like menials. Yan Song always invited them to sit and personally tucked money into his sleeve. For this reason they daily praised Yan Song and disparaged Xia Yan. When Xia Yan presented his azure prose for ritual use, he often missed the Emperor's meaning. Yan Song heard of this and applied himself to the craft with ever greater care.

未幾，河套議起。言故慷慨以經濟自許，思建立不世功。因陜西總督曾銑請復河套，贊決之。嵩與元、炳媒孽其間，竟以此敗。江都人蘇綱者，言繼妻父也，雅與銑善。銑方請復河套，綱亟稱於言。言倚銑可辦，密疏薦之，謂群臣無如銑忠者。帝令言擬旨，優獎之者再。銑喜，益銳意出師。帝忽降旨詰責，語甚厲。嵩揣知帝意，遂力言河套不可復，語侵言。言始大懼，謝罪，且言「嵩未嘗異議，今乃盡諉於臣」。帝責言「強君脅眾」，嵩復騰疏攻言，言亦力辨。而帝已入嵩譖，怒不可解。二十七年正月盡奪言官階，以尚書致仕，猶無意殺之也。會有蜚語聞禁中，謂言去時怨謗。嵩復代仇鸞草奏訐言納銑金，交關為奸利，事連蘇綱，遂下銑、綱詔獄。嵩與元、炳謀，坐銑交結近侍律斬，綱戍邊，遣官校逮言。言抵通州，聞銑所坐，大驚墮車曰：「噫！吾死矣。」再疏訟冤，言：「鸞方就逮，上降諭不兩日，鸞何以知上語，又何知嵩疏而附麗若此？蓋嵩與崔元輩詐為之以傾臣。嵩靜言庸違似共工，謙恭下士似王莽，奸巧弄權、父子專政似司馬懿。在內諸臣受其牢籠，知有嵩不知有陛下。在外諸臣受其箝制，亦知有嵩不知有陛下。臣生死系嵩掌握，惟歸命聖慈，曲賜保全。」帝不省。獄成，刑部尚書喻茂堅、左都御史屠僑等當言死，援議貴議能條以上。帝不從，切責茂堅等，奪其俸，猶及言前不戴香冠事。其年十月竟棄言市。妻蘇流廣西，從子主事克承、從孫尚寶丞朝慶，削籍為民。言死時年六十有七。

Before long, the debate over recovering the Ordos arose. Xia Yan had always been ambitious and held himself out as a statesman, intending to win undying distinction. When Grand Coordinator Zeng Xian of Shaanxi memorialized for recovering the Ordos, Xia Yan endorsed the proposal. Yan Song, together with Cui Yuan and Lu Bing, sowed trouble in the midst of it, and in the end Xia Yan was ruined because of it. A man named Su Gang, from Jiangdu, was the father of Xia Yan's second wife and had long been on friendly terms with Zeng Xian. While Zeng Xian was pressing his plan to recover the Ordos, Su Gang repeatedly spoke well of him to Xia Yan. Xia Yan counted on Zeng Xian to see the campaign through and secretly memorialized in his favor, declaring that no minister was more loyal. The Emperor had Xia Yan draft the rescripts and twice issued him warm commendation. Zeng Xian was elated and pressed all the harder to take the field. The Emperor suddenly issued an edict of stern rebuke in the harshest terms. Yan Song read the Emperor's mind and forcefully argued that the Ordos could not be recovered, his words aimed openly at Xia Yan. Xia Yan was at last deeply alarmed. He apologized and added, "Yan Song never once objected—yet now he lays the entire blame on me." The Emperor rebuked Xia Yan for "forcing the ruler's hand and browbeating the court." Yan Song followed with another memorial attacking him, and Xia Yan rebutted with equal force. But the Emperor had already taken Yan Song's accusations to heart, and his rage could not be softened. In the first month of the twenty-seventh year of the reign, Xia Yan was stripped of all office and permitted to retire as Minister—yet the Emperor still had no wish to kill him. Rumors then reached the inner palace that Xia Yan, on leaving office, had spoken with resentment and slander. Yan Song then had Qiu Luan draft a memorial accusing Xia Yan of taking bribes from Zeng Xian and trading favors for profit. The case implicated Su Gang, and Zeng Xian and Su Gang were clapped into the imperial prison. Yan Song plotted with Cui Yuan and Lu Bing. Zeng Xian was sentenced to decapitation under the statute on collusion with palace intimates; Su Gang was exiled to the frontier; and officers were sent to seize Xia Yan. When Xia Yan reached Tongzhou and learned what crime Zeng Xian had been charged with, he was so shaken that he fell from his carriage. "Alas!" he cried. I am a dead man. He memorialized again to clear his name: "Qiu Luan had only just been placed under arrest. The Emperor's edict is less than two days old—how could Luan already know the Emperor's words? How could he know of Yan Song's memorial and align himself with it in this way? Clearly Yan Song and men like Cui Yuan fabricated this to bring me down. Yan Song's smooth words and treacherous deeds recall Gong Gong; his show of humility toward scholars recalls Wang Mang; his cunning grasp of power and the rule he and his son share recall Sima Yi. The ministers within the palace are caught in his net—they know Yan Song, but not Your Majesty. The ministers beyond the palace are held under his thumb—they too know Yan Song, but not Your Majesty. My life and death rest in Yan Song's hands. I throw myself on Your Majesty's mercy and beg for gracious protection." The Emperor paid no heed. When the trial concluded, Minister of Justice Yu Maojian, Left Censor-in-Chief Tu Qiao, and others recommended death for Xia Yan, citing the statutes granting leniency to men of rank and ability. The Emperor refused. He sharply rebuked Yu Maojian and the others, docked their salaries, and even revived the old charge that Xia Yan had once failed to wear the incense crown. That October Xia Yan was at last executed in the public square. His wife, Lady Su, was banished to Guangxi. His nephew Ke Cheng, a department director, and his grand-nephew Chao Qing, an assistant in the Court of Imperial Studs, were struck from the rolls and reduced to common status. Xia Yan was sixty-seven when he died.

言豪邁有俊才，縱橫辨博，人莫能屈。既受特眷，揣帝意不欲臣下黨比，遂日與諸議禮貴人抗。帝以為不黨，遇益厚，然卒為嚴嵩所擠。言死，嵩禍及天下，久乃多惜言者。而言所推轂徐階，後卒能去嵩為名相。隆慶初，其家上書白冤狀，詔復其官，賜祭葬，謚文湣。言始無子。妾有身，妻忌而嫁之，生一子。言死，妻逆之歸，貌甚類言。且得官矣，忽病死。言竟無後。

Xia Yan was bold and brilliantly gifted. He was a master debater, and none could best him. Once he had won the Emperor's special favor, he read the ruler's wish that ministers not band together in factions, and so day after day he opposed the grandees of the Rites Controversy. The Emperor took him for a man above faction and treated him all the more warmly—yet in the end Yan Song squeezed him out. After Xia Yan's death, Yan Song's misrule afflicted the realm, and only then did many come to mourn Xia Yan's passing. Xu Jie, whom Xia Yan had championed, went on to remove Yan Song and become one of the dynasty's great ministers. Early in the Longqing reign, his family submitted a memorial pleading his innocence. An edict restored his office, granted him the honors of burial sacrifice, and conferred the posthumous title Wenmin ("Literary and Sorrowful"). Xia Yan at first had no son. When a concubine became pregnant, his wife, out of jealousy, married the girl off. The concubine bore a son. After Xia Yan died, his wife brought the boy back. He looked very much like Xia Yan. He had even obtained an official post when he suddenly died of illness. In the end Xia Yan left no heir.

贊曰：璁、萼、獻夫議尊興獻帝，本人子至情，故其說易入。原其初議未嘗不準情禮之中，乃至遭時得君，動引議禮自固，務快恩仇。於是知其建議之心，非有惓惓忠愛之實，欲引其君於當道也。言所奏定典禮，亦多可采。而誌驕氣溢，卒為嵩所擠。究觀諸人立身本末與所言是非，固兩不相掩雲。

The appraiser writes: In arguing that the Xingxian Emperor should receive imperial honors, Zhang Cong, Gui E, and Fang Xianfu spoke from a son's deepest feelings—and so their case was easily received. Their opening arguments were not without grounding in both human feeling and ritual propriety. Yet once fortune and imperial favor fell to them, they constantly invoked the Rites Controversy to fortify their power, bent above all on settling scores. From this one sees that their motive in advancing these proposals was not earnest devotion and love, nor a wish to guide their sovereign onto the right path. Much of what Xia Yan proposed regarding canonical rites was likewise worth adopting. Yet ambition and arrogance filled his memoirs, and in the end Yan Song forced him out. When one weighs these men's character from first to last against the merit of their words, the two simply do not align.

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