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卷一百九十八 列傳第八十六 楊一清 王瓊 彭澤 毛伯溫 翁萬達

Volume 198 Biographies 86: Yang Yiqing, Wang Qiong, Peng Ze, Mao Bowen, Weng Wanda

Chapter 198 of 明史 · History of Ming
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Yang Yiqing, Wang Qiong, Peng Ze, and Mao Bowen (Wang Wensheng and Bao Xiangxian)〉 Weng Wanda
2
西使西
Yang Yiqing, courtesy name Yingning, came from a family originally of Anning in Yunnan. His father Yang Jing had retired as vice-prefect of Huazhou and brought him to settle at Baling. As a boy he showed literary talent and, recommended as a child prodigy, was enrolled as a Hanlin student. Emperor Xianzong directed the Grand Secretariat to select tutors for him. At fourteen he passed the provincial examination, and in 1472 he received his jinshi degree. After his father's death he buried him at Dantu and established his household there. When the mourning period ended, he was appointed a drafting secretary in the Secretariat. After some time he was promoted to assistant surveillance commissioner of Shanxi and, as education intendant, oversaw schools in Shaanxi. Yiqing was plain in appearance but quick-witted, and loved to discourse on matters of statecraft. During eight years in Shaanxi he used his spare time to master frontier affairs in great detail. He was recalled to serve as vice minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and later promoted to minister of the Nanjing court.
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西 西 西 退
In 1502, on Liu Daxia's recommendation, he was promoted to left vice censor-in-chief and placed in charge of Shaanxi's horse administration. The western tribes had long been abundant in horses but depended on Chinese tea to treat their ailments. The Hongwu Emperor had decreed that Sichuan tea be traded for tribal horses to supply the military. In time the system slackened; unscrupulous men smuggled private tea across the border for profit, and tribal horses ceased to arrive regularly. Yiqing enforced the prohibition rigorously, monopolized tea profits for the state, won over the tribes, and tribal horses came in great numbers. When raiders launched a major attack on Huama Chi, the emperor appointed Yiqing grand coordinator of Shaanxi while retaining his charge over horse administration. He had barely assumed his post when the raiders had already withdrawn. He then selected troops for training and built the two garrison towns of Pinglu and Honggu to reinforce Guyuan; constructed riverfront ramparts to shield Jinglu; impeached and dismissed the corrupt and inept regional commander, Marquis of Wu'an Zheng Hong; and trimmed the wasteful spending of the eunuch garrison commissioners, bringing military discipline to order. Shortly after Emperor Wuzong's accession, raiders with tens of thousands of horsemen reached Guyuan, while Regional Commander Cao Xiong's forces were cut off and out of contact. Yiqing led light cavalry from Pingliang in a forced march, joined Xiong's army, took command, and deployed numerous decoys to intimidate the raiders, who then turned toward Longde. That night Yiqing fired cannon, and the echoes rolled through the valleys. The raiders, suspecting a large army had arrived, fled beyond the frontier. Yiqing observed that when Yan-sui, Ningxia, and Gansu faced alarms they failed to support one another for lack of unified command, and petitioned that a senior minister be sent to oversee all three. Liu Daxia recommended that Yiqing be appointed at once to take overall command of military affairs in all three regions.
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He was soon promoted to right censor-in-chief. Yiqing then submitted a proposal for frontier defense, which in summary stated:
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西 綿 西
Among Shaanxi's frontiers, Yan-sui held defensible terrain and Ningxia and Gansu guarded the rivers and mountains, but from Huama Chi to Lingzhou the land was open and extended, and fortifications were thin. Once raiders breached the walls, Guyuan, Qingyang, Pingliang, and Gongchang would all be exposed to attack. In the early Chenghua reign, Ningxia Grand Coordinator Xu Tingzhang built a frontier wall more than two hundred li long. The wall in Yan-sui was repaired very solidly by Yu Zijun. As a result, raiders did not enter the Ordos for more than twenty years. Later frontier defenses grew lax, and walls and ditches fell into ruin day by day. From the late Hongzhi period to the present, raiders have attacked year after year. Censor-in-Chief Shi Lin had proposed establishing garrisons at Huama Chi and Weizhou; Overall Commander Qin Hong had only repaired four or five small forts and cleared ditches for seven hundred li from Jinglu to Huanqing, claiming this would suffice. Within a year or two the raiders penetrated deep again. Qin Hong's repairs had proved inadequate to hold the enemy at bay. Your subject has long served in Shaanxi and is well acquainted with the terrain. The raiders routinely claim tens of thousands of men and move with lightning speed. Before they arrive, mobilizing troops mostly wastes money in futile disruption; once they strike, calling for reinforcements is always too late. If we seek battle, they will not engage; if we wait them out, our troops are worn down in idleness. Your subject believes frontier defense rests on four main measures: repair walls and ditches to strengthen the border; establish new garrisons to strengthen frontier forces; administer Lingzhou and Ningxia to secure those tribes who have submitted; and put Weizhou in order to block external incursions.
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使 西使
The Ordos of today was the Zhou domain of Shuofang, the Han commandery of Dingxiang, and the site of Helian Bobo's capital at Tongwan. In Tang times Zhang Renyuan built the three surrender cities and established eighteen hundred beacon towers, and the Turks dared not cross the mountains to pasture their herds. Those who undertook great enterprises in antiquity always labored first and enjoyed ease afterward. The surrender cities held strategic terrain on three sides and shielded a thousand li of frontier. At the dynasty's founding, abandoning the surrender cities to guard Dongsheng already sacrificed one flank's strategic advantage. Later Dongsheng was abandoned in turn for Yan-sui, leaving a single flank to block an attack front of more than a thousand li and turning the fertile Ordos into the raiders' stronghold. The deep mountains and great rivers give the enemy the advantage, while Ningxia's outer defenses face south to guard the river instead. This is why frontier troubles follow one upon another without end. We should truly restore the garrison at Dongsheng, use the river as our bulwark, link east to Datong and west to Ningxia, and recover the thousand-li square of the Ordos for farming and grazing, with garrison colonies of millions of mu and savings on grain transport from the interior—this would be the best policy. If that cannot be done, we should at least strengthen frontier defenses now so that when the enemy comes we are prepared—still better than having no plan at all.
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便 西 使
He then itemized specific measures: along the three hundred li from Shilao Chi to Hengcheng in Yan-sui's Anbian sector, nine hundred beacon platforms, nine hundred heated watch towers, and four thousand five hundred garrison troops should be established; along the one hundred sixty-three li from Shilao Chi to Dingbian camp, walls should be built for one hundred thirty-one li of level ground and beacon platforms cut into thirty-two li of steep cliffs, linking with Ningxia's eastern route; Huama Chi lacks natural defenses and must rely on auxiliary troops when the enemy strikes—a garrison should be established there; the Xingwu defense battalion lacks sufficient troops and should recruit more; from Huanqing west to Ningzhou, an additional military intendant should be appointed; north of Hengcheng, thirty-six beacons on the south bank of the Yellow River should be restored. The emperor approved his proposal. Several hundred thousand taels were released from the treasury for Yiqing to build the wall. But Liu Jin resented Yiqing's refusal to join his faction, and Yiqing cited illness and retired. Of what was actually completed, only forty li in the most critical sectors. Jin falsely accused Yiqing of embezzling frontier funds and had him imprisoned in the Embroidered Uniform Guard jail. Grand Secretaries Li Dongyang and Wang Ao intervened strenuously and secured his release. He still retired home and was fined six hundred piculs of grain in all.
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西
The Prince of Anhua, Zhu Zhifan, rebelled. An edict recalled Yiqing to take overall command; with Regional Commander Shen Ying he marched west to suppress the rebellion, while the eunuch Zhang Yong supervised the army. Before they arrived, Yiqing's former subordinate Qiu Yi had already captured the prince. Yiqing rode swiftly to the garrison and proclaimed the emperor's benevolent intentions. Zhang Yong soon arrived as well; Yiqing befriended him and they became quite close. Knowing that Yong and Jin were at odds, he seized a moment, gripped his arm, and said, "Thanks to your efforts the rebellion has been put down. But that was easy to remove. What of the state's internal affliction? Yong said, "What do you mean?" Yiqing drew closer and traced the character for Jin on his palm. Yong hesitated. "That family is at the emperor's side morning and night, with branches and roots everywhere, and eyes and ears throughout the court. Yiqing said fervently, "The emperor trusts you as well. He did not entrust the campaign to anyone else but to you—his intent is clear. Now that you have won, report your victory and request a private audience on military affairs. There expose Jin's crimes, lay bare the realm's grievances, and warn that trouble may erupt at the very center of power. The emperor is resolute; he will surely heed you and execute Jin. Once Jin is dead, you will wield even greater power, correct all past abuses, and win the hearts of the empire. Lü Qiang, Zhang Chengye, and you—only three such men in a thousand years. Yong said, "But if it fails, what then?" Yiqing said, "Words from you will surely succeed. If he does not believe you, bow your head, beat the ground, and weep before him; beg for death and lay bare your heart to prove you speak truth—the emperor will surely be moved. Once you have permission, act at once without the slightest delay. At this Yong rose abruptly and cried, "Alas! Why should this old servant begrudge his remaining years rather than repay his lord!" In the end he followed Yiqing's plan and had Jin executed. Yong was grateful to Yiqing for this, supported him at court, and Yiqing was recalled and appointed minister of revenue. For his merit he was made Junior Guardian of the Heir Apparent and rewarded with gold and silks. He was soon transferred to the Ministry of Personnel.
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調 西宿 殿
Yiqing was the most thoroughly versed in current affairs of his day, yet his temperament was broad and magnanimous. He delighted in worthy scholar-officials and shared glory with them. All who had been framed by Liu Jin were in general restored to office. If he learned of talent in the morning, he would recommend it by evening; his protégés were found throughout the empire. Twice he commanded in the Guanzhong region, and from junior officers to great generals enfeoffed as marquises, he raised them in an unbroken stream. Whatever gifts or gratuities came to him he passed on at once. When great bandit armies ravaged the central plains, Yiqing memorialized asking that generals be appointed and troops mobilized. He submitted several such memorials in succession, and all were approved. When the bandits were pacified, he was made Junior Guardian and Guardian of the Heir Apparent, with hereditary enrollment of one hundred Embroidered Uniform Guard households. He was again recommended for the Grand Secretariat but was passed over. Minister Jin Gui was appointed instead, while Yiqing was promoted to Junior Tutor and Tutor of the Heir Apparent. Supervising Secretary Wang Ang criticized abuses in the selection system and accused Yiqing of building a private faction; the emperor demoted Ang on Yiqing's behalf. Yiqing interceded for him again, and the emperor responded with a gracious edict. When fire struck the Qianqing Palace, the emperor issued an edict calling for forthright counsel. Yiqing memorialized that imperial audiences began too late, sacrifices were performed too slowly, Buddhist temples had been built in the western inner palace, frontier troops were quartered within the forbidden city, imperial shops in the capital region were causing harm, and Jiangnan weaving commissions were causing disruption. He then cited illness and asked to retire, but the emperor comforted him and kept him at court. When Grand Secretary Yang Tinghe left office to mourn, Yiqing was ordered to serve concurrently as Grand Secretary of the Wuying Hall and join in deliberations on state affairs.
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使 使
Zhang Yong soon fell from favor and was dismissed, while the emperor's adopted son Qian Ning came to power. Ning had formerly been on good terms with Yiqing, but those who sowed discord between them bred resentment. When omens and disasters occurred, Yiqing submitted a self-impeachment laying out current abuses, including the words, "reckless talk deludes the emperor's ear, a common man shakes the course of state, the forbidden court is filled with men in armor, and the capital lacks any protective barrier"—a cutting rebuke of the emperor's favorites, which the emperor did not heed. Ning and Jiang Bin and their faction heard this and were furious. They had actors perform before the emperor with slanderous lines aimed at Yiqing. An official dismissed in the regular evaluation was instigated to set Military Student Zhu Dazhou to accuse Yiqing of secret misconduct, with Ning as the hidden patron behind the attack. Supervising secretaries and censors Zhou Jin, Chen Shi, and others submitted successive memorials accusing Dazhou of false charges and demanding that the instigator be investigated; the emperor would not listen. Yiqing then pressed hard to retire, and was granted an edict of praise and consolation, with carriers and grain allowance according to regulation. On the southern campaign the emperor visited Yiqing's residence, feasted with him for two days and nights, and composed and exchanged more than ten poems. Yiqing gently dissuaded him, and the emperor abandoned his planned tour of Jiangsu and Zhejiang.
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殿 殿 殿
When Zhang Cong and others forced Fei Hong from office, Censor Ji Tang petitioned to recall Yiqing to the Grand Secretariat. Supervising Secretary Zhang Qiao, Censor Hou Zhi, and others protested. The emperor demoted Hou Zhi and summoned Yiqing as minister of personnel and Grand Secretary of the Wuying Hall. After his audience he was made Junior Preceptor while retaining the concurrent post of Tutor of the Heir Apparent—an unprecedented arrangement. Before long, when the Veritable Record of the Xian Emperor was completed, he was made Grand Preceptor of the Heir Apparent and Grand Secretary of the Jinshen Hall. Yiqing declined on the ground that he had not taken part in the compilation, but the emperor would not allow it. When Wang Xian reported victory, credit was given to Yiqing, who was granted special advancement as Left Pillar of the State and Grand Secretary of the Huagai Hall. With Fei Hong already gone, Yiqing became chief minister. The emperor bestowed two silver seals inscribed "aged in virtue and loyal and upright" and "correcting faults and rectifying transgressions," authorizing him to submit sealed memorials on state affairs. After Zhang Cong argued for Zhang Yong's former merit, Yong was restored to command of the regimented camps. Supervising Secretary Lu Can petitioned to extend the frontier wall, citing Yiqing's earlier proposal, and Yiqing strongly pressed the measure. The emperor released treasury funds and ordered Vice Minister Wang Tingxiang to oversee the work, but in time the project was abandoned. When the Great Canon of Bright Relations was completed, he was granted salary of the first rank.
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At the outset of the Great Rites controversy, Yiqing was at home. Reading Zhang Cong's memorial, he wrote to his disciple Qiao Yu, "Zhang's argument is such that even if a sage were to rise again, he could not overturn it." He also urged Xi Shu to hurry to court and settle the great debate. Once Zhang Cong and his allies rose to power, they drew heavily on Yiqing's support. The emperor also treated Yiqing, as a senior minister, with exceptional favor. He was exempted from daily audiences and lecture attendance, attended court only on the first and fifteenth of the month, and was ordered to enter the Grand Secretariat to conduct business only from early morning. Imperial writings, matching poems, and gifts of gold, silks, and sacrificial offerings were lavished upon him. Whatever he said on frontier affairs or state finance, great or small, the emperor listened attentively.
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Zhang Cong and Gui E, having driven Fei Hong from office, expected Yiqing to support them. Yiqing instead petitioned to recall Xie Qian, and they resented him for it. Before Xie Qian arrived, Zhang Cong had already entered the Grand Secretariat and instituted many changes. Yiqing cited precedent to restrain them somewhat, and their faction grew increasingly resentful. Embroidered Uniform Guard Nie Nengqian accused Zhang Cong, who wished to have him executed; Yiqing would not permit it. Zhang Cong was enraged, submitted a secret memorial slandering Yiqing, and also instigated Huang Guan to attack him fiercely. Yiqing memorialized in defense, saying Zhang Cong attacked him because of the Nie Nengqian affair and also alluding to Cong's other misconduct. He thereupon asked to retire. The emperor mediated between them. Yiqing again cited omens and disasters to urge the officials to work in harmony and again asked pardon for those punished in the Rites controversy, deepening Zhang Cong's resentment. Gui E entered the Grand Secretariat and likewise could not work with him. Yiqing repeatedly asked to retire, saying, "Those who hold power today still favor constant change, while I alone uphold stability; they favor severity, while I alone uphold leniency and fairness. For this reason we are constantly at odds, and I wish to yield the road to worthier men. The emperor again responded with warm words of praise. But Supervising Secretaries Wang Zhun and Lu Can exposed Zhang Cong and Gui E for abuse of power and taking bribes; the emperor immediately dismissed them and publicly announced their crimes. Their ally Huo Tao cried, "If Zhang and Gui fall, the blow will reach me next." He then submitted a fierce memorial attacking Yiqing, accusing him of taking bribes from Zhang Yong and Xiao Jing. Yiqing memorialized again in defense and asked to be dismissed. Although the emperor comforted him and kept him at court, Zhang Cong was recalled; Huo Tao's attacks grew fiercer, and he charged that the judiciary followed Yiqing's direction in fabricating Gui E's guilt. The emperor was indeed enraged and ordered the judiciary to convene with court ministers for joint deliberation. Minister of Justice Zhou Lun was transferred to Nanjing and replaced by Vice Minister Xu Zan. Xu Zan then upheld Huo Tao's charges and recommended stripping Yiqing of his official rank. The emperor ordered Yiqing to state his own case. Zhang Cong then submitted three secret memorials citing Yiqing's merit in the Rites controversy and begging leniency for him—in reality to harden the emperor's resolve that Yiqing should go. The emperor granted his retirement; he returned home by express relay and was still rewarded with gold and silks. The next year Zhang Cong and others fabricated the Zhu Jizong case, implicating Yiqing for taking money from Zhang Yong's brother Rong, composing Yong's tomb inscription, and securing a hereditary Embroidered Uniform command for Rong's son; Yiqing was demoted and lived in retirement. Yiqing cried out in bitter anger, "I am old, yet sold out by a stripling! An abscess broke out on his back and he died. In his final memorial he wrote that he had been slandered and could not die in peace; the emperor ordered the bribery charge dropped. Several years later his former rank was restored. In time he was posthumously made Grand Guardian with the posthumous name Wenxiang.
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Yiqing was born with a hidden palace mark on his body, looked like a eunuch, and had no son. He was broadly learned and skilled in flexible adaptation, especially expert in frontier affairs. When urgent dispatches arrived from all sides, he could draft ten memorials in a single night, each striking the right note. If someone criticized him, he would recommend and praise them instead. Only in his later years did he fall out with Zhang Cong and Gui E; crushed by them, he was denied a gracious end. Yet his talent had no equal in his day; some compared him to Yao Chong and Wei Zheng.
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使
Wang Qiong, courtesy name Dehua, was a native of Taiyuan. He received his jinshi degree in 1484. He was appointed a clerk in the Ministry of Works and later promoted to director. Sent to administer the Grand Canal for three years, he compiled a detailed record of the work. His successor checked his records and found not a hair's breadth of discrepancy; from this he gained a reputation for keen efficiency. He was transferred to the Ministry of Revenue and served as right provincial administration commissioner of Henan. In 1506 he was promoted to right vice censor-in-chief in charge of grain transport. The following year he entered the capital as right vice minister of revenue. The Princely Establishment of Heng held granted lands that were overgrown and uncultivable; the people were compelled to pay rent as a fixed obligation, while the prince in turn falsely accused Zhao Xian and others of encroaching on the land. Qiong went to investigate, seized nearby commoners' lands and gave them to the prince; Zhao Xian and others were sent to frontier garrison duty, and many people resented the decision. In the spring of his third year, six candidates in succession were recommended for vice minister of personnel, and all were rejected. Finally Wang Qiong was put forward and approved. Because frontier officials had borrowed silver from the Taicang treasury without repaying during his tenure at the Ministry of Revenue, and the responsible office reported late, Minister Gu Zuo had his salary docked and Qiong was transferred to Nanjing. Before long he was transferred back to the Ministry of Revenue. In his eighth year he was promoted to minister.
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Qiong was calculating by nature and skilled at auditing accounts. As a bureau secretary he copied out all old documents and regulations, mastering every detail of revenue intake, expenditure, surplus, and shortfall. Once he became minister, he grew even more expert in national finance. When frontier commanders requested fodder and grain, he would reckon on his fingers how much was stored in each granary and depot; how much each prefecture delivered annually and how much autumn forage the frontier troops collected, and say, "That is enough. To demand more would be unjust. People regarded Qiong as even more capable.
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西 使 便
In the tenth year he replaced Lu Wan as minister of war. At the time bandits rose throughout the empire, and officers and soldiers were promoted by the number of enemy heads they claimed. Qiong said, "This is the corrupt Qin-dynasty policy. It may still be applied on the frontier, but head-count merit has never been used in the interior provinces. Now in Jiangxi and Sichuan countless civilians are killed without cause, bandits are allowed to escape and leave disaster behind—all because of this policy. Henceforth, for interior campaigns, only complete pacification shall count as merit; enemy heads shall not be counted. The emperor approved. The emperor at the time made extended tours beyond the frontier and was away for a year at a time, while theft and banditry broke out near the capital. Qiong proposed stationing a regional commander at Hejian and military intendants at Daming and Wuding to suppress bandits; he ordered the grand coordinators of Shuntian and Baoding to guard key passes, and assembled troops from Liaodong and Yan-sui at the temporary palace to protect the emperor. Court and country alike took comfort and were unafraid. At Xiaofeng the bandit Tang Majiu rebelled, and local officials requested troops to suppress him. Qiong asked for a secret edict to Grain-Inspection Censor-in-Chief Xu Tingguang to seize them by surprise; not one escaped. Victory reports from all directions mostly credited Qiong; he received repeated hereditary rewards and rose to Junior Preceptor and Grand Preceptor of the Heir Apparent, with his son enrolled as a hereditary commander of one thousand Embroidered Uniform households. When the Qianqing Palace was constructed, two more hereditary Embroidered Uniform commands of one thousand households each were granted; his favor surpassed all other ministers. In the fourteenth year the Prince of Ning, Zhu Chenhao, rebelled. Qiong proposed an edict ordering the Earl of Nanhe Fang Shouxiang to command river-defense troops to protect Nanjing; Nan-Gan Grand Coordinator Wang Shouren and Huguang Grand Coordinator Qin Jin to march on Nanchang; Yingtian Grand Coordinator Li Chongsi to guard Jingkou; and Huai-Yang Grand Coordinator Cong Lan to block Yizhen. When the memorial was submitted, the emperor wished to campaign in person and withheld approval for three days. Grand Secretary Yang Tinghe pressed him, and the edict for a personal campaign was finally issued, with Qiong and Tinghe ordered to remain and guard the capital. Earlier Qiong had appointed Wang Shouren to pacify southern Ganzhou with discretionary authority as overall military supervisor. When news of Chenhao's rebellion arrived, the whole court was alarmed. Qiong said, "Do not worry, gentlemen. I placed Wang Shouren in Ganzhou precisely for this day; the rebel will be captured within days. Before long events proved him right.
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使
Qiong was highly capable and skilled at cultivating connections. He lavished favors on Qian Ning, Jiang Bin, and their faction and thereby gained room to act; his memorials were generally approved. What he achieved as minister of war owed much to Bin and his allies. When Lu Wan fell, Qiong replaced him as minister of personnel. Qiong resented Peng Ze for pacifying the river bandits and surpassing him in reputation; he framed Ze through Qian Ning and nearly had him executed. He also had Yunnan Grand Coordinator Fan Yong, Gansu Grand Coordinator Li Kun, and Vice Commissioner Chen Jiuchou imprisoned; many at court and beyond feared him. Grand Secretary Yang Tinghe also resented that Qiong's rewards and punishments mostly followed direct edicts without Grand Secretariat review. The next year, when Emperor Shizong succeeded, censorial officials impeached Qiong in succession and he was imprisoned in the Censorate jail. Qiong attacked Tinghe fiercely; the emperor was all the less disposed in his favor and ordered a joint deliberation by court ministers. He was convicted under the statute on associating with imperial favorites and sentenced to death, then ordered exiled to Zhuanglang. Qiong again pleaded old age and was transferred to exile at Suide.
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西 滿 退 使 使 西 簿 耀
When Zhang Cong, Gui E, and Huo Tao held power, they recommended Qiong first because of his feud with Tinghe, but the appointment was not made. In the sixth year of Jiajing a frontier alarm arose; Gui E pressed hard to employ Qiong, but without success. The emperor also pitied Qiong's age and illness and ordered him returned home as a commoner. Censor Hu Song was demoted for impeaching Gui E; his colleague Zhou Zai asked pardon for Song, and both were sent to the imperial prison. Gui E again argued that because Qiong had attacked Tinghe, court ministers had banded together to exclude him. The emperor then ordered Qiong's ministerial rank restored for future employment. The next year he was appointed minister of war and right censor-in-chief in place of Wang Xian to supervise military affairs on Shaanxi's three frontiers. Turpan held Hami, and the court had closed the border and cut off tribute for four years. By then their general Yalansha, suspected by the chief Shaytans Mansuer, led two thousand followers to seek submission within the border. Shazhou tribesmen Tiemuge, Tuba, and others, long subject to Turpan and worn down by their levies, also led more than five thousand people to submit. Tribal raiders were repeatedly defeated by Regional Commander Yun Chang and others. Those who led Oirat raiders against Suzhou were repulsed by Mobile Corps Commander Peng Jun. Having lost their allies and suffered repeated defeats, they then returned Hami. They sought to resume tribute and asked for the return of detained envoys, but their language was mostly insolent. Qiong memorialized asking to pacify and accept them; the emperor followed Minister of War Wang Shizhong's recommendation and approved Qiong's request. Huo Tao objected; Qiong memorialized again asking for an edict to return the tribal envoys and restore tribute as before. From this the western regions were pacified again, while northern raiders remained a constant frontier threat. When they first invaded Zhuanglang, Qiong's generals intercepted them and beheaded several dozen. Soon they entered through Hongchengzi and killed provisions clerk Zhang Wenming. The next year they raided Ningxia with tens of thousands of horsemen. They then attacked Lingzhou; Qiong directed Mobile Corps Commander Liang Zhen and others to ambush them and behead more than seventy. That autumn he assembled thirty thousand picked troops from all routes and inspected the frontier defenses. When the raiders heard of this, they moved their camps far away. The armies marched out by separate routes, burned the open country, displayed their strength, and returned.
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西西 西
Earlier, Nanjing Supervising Secretary Qiu Jiuren had impeached Qiong, and the emperor comforted him and kept him at his post. When Zhang Cong and Gui E fell from power, those who had impeached their faction named Qiong first, and he was ordered to retire. Before long the retirement edict was suspended and envoys were sent to console him. When tribes raided Lintao on a large scale, Qiong assembled troops against the Ruolong and Ban'er clans, burned their camps, beheaded three hundred sixty, and pacified more than seventy clans. His merit was recorded and he was made Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent. On the frontier Qiong maintained very strict military discipline. The raiders once raided Shanxi with success; more than a year later they prowled the border again, feigning an eastern thrust, and Qiong ordered defenses to the west. The raiders entered as he expected and were heavily defeated. The tribes were pacified and the western frontier grew tranquil. The people of Gansu had long suffered Turpan's raids and, fearing Qiong's departure, petitioned through local officials to keep him. Grand Coordinator Tang Ze and Investigating Censor Hu Mingshan then detailed his achievements and supported the people's request. The emperor issued a gracious edict praising him.
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退
At first the emperor disliked Yang Tinghe and suspected court ministers were all his partisans, so he repeatedly appointed Gui E and Fang Xianfu as minister of personnel. When Xianfu left, the emperor did not wish to appoint anyone else and left the post vacant for a long time. By the winter of the tenth year he sent an envoy with an edict summoning Qiong as minister of personnel. Ten Nanjing censors including Ma Yang strenuously denounced Qiong as a surviving villain of the previous reign. The emperor was furious, had Yang and the others arrested and sent to the imperial prison, and comforted Qiong. Before long Yang and the others were also restored to their posts. When there was an alarm at Huama Chi, Minister of War Wang Xian requested troops. Qiong said Huama Chi was well defended and raiders could not penetrate; a large army would arrive only after they had withdrawn, wasting imperial resources. Wang Xian still dispatched six thousand men; by the time they reached Zhangde the raiders had fled. The following autumn he died in office. He was posthumously made Grand Preceptor with the posthumous name Gongxiang. That year Peng Ze had already died before him.
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退
During the Zhengde and Jiajing reigns, Peng Ze and Qiong were both talented strategists who ceaselessly undermined each other and rose and fell in turn. Yet Qiong was treacherous and jealous, and public opinion especially disapproved of him. Yet while he held the Ministry of War he accomplished a great deal. In supervising the three frontiers, people compared him to Yang Yiqing.
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使
Peng Ze, courtesy name Jiwu, was a native of Lanzhou. As a boy he studied with his maternal grandfather Duan Jian and possessed firm resolve and integrity. He had finished the second session of the metropolitan examination when he heard his mother was ill; he went straight home, and found her already recovered. He received his jinshi degree in 1490, was appointed a clerk in the Ministry of Works, and rose to director in the Ministry of Justice. When a powerful family committed murder, Ze sentenced the killer to death. A palace eunuch interceded for pardon, but he stood firm and refused. He was appointed prefect of Huizhou. When Peng Ze was preparing to marry off his daughter, he had several dozen lacquer objects made and sent clerks to carry them to his family home. His father flew into a rage, had the lacquerware burned, and walked the whole way to Huizhou. Peng Ze hurried out to welcome him, took his father’s luggage from the clerk, and carried it himself. His father thundered, “I bore this load thousands of li—are you unable to carry it a few steps? Then he went inside and had Peng Ze flogged in the main hall. When the flogging ended, he shouldered the luggage and left without another word. The humiliation cut deep, and Peng Ze redoubled his efforts at self-discipline. His governance was rated the finest in the province, and contemporaries ranked him with the celebrated prefect Sun Yu. Sun Yu himself is commemorated in the “Diligent Officials” section of the histories. He left office to observe mourning when his father died.
24
使使 便
Early in the Zhengde era he was recalled and appointed prefect of Zhending. When eunuchs kept breaking local rules, he placed a coffin in the reception hall and threatened offenders with death—after that they dared not abuse their power. Promoted to vice commissioner in Zhejiang and later surveillance commissioner in Henan, he earned a reputation for relentless severity wherever he served. He rose to Right Vice Censor-in-Chief and was appointed grand coordinator of Liaodong. Further promoted to Right Assistant Censor-in-Chief, he was transferred to Baoding. He had not yet assumed the Baoding post when Liu Hui and Zhao Zhen rose in Henan; the court ordered Peng Ze and the Earl of Xianning, Qiu Yue, to take joint command and crush the rebellion. He submitted eleven practical proposals pairing generous rewards with stern punishments to galvanize officers and troops. Peng Ze was a towering man with a twelve-fold belt girth, a booming voice, and a manner of address that sounded like a battlefield roar. On arrival he paraded the full army, summoned every commander, and denounced them for timidity, declaring them worthy of execution. The commanders shook with fear and confessed their fault; he kept them in suspense a long while before letting them go. He then ordered a general advance, engaged the rebels in dozens of clashes, and broke them battle after battle. Within four months the rebels were wholly suppressed; the campaigns are narrated at length in Qiu Yue’s biography. Rewards followed: he became Right Censor-in-Chief and Junior Guardian of the Heir Apparent, and his son received a hereditary post as hundred-household commander in the Embroidered Uniform Guard. Shortly afterward he succeeded Hong Zhong as supreme commander of Sichuan and Shaanxi forces to quell brigandage in Sichuan. Yan Benshu, Lan Tingrui, Liao Hui, and Cao Fu were already subdued; only Liao Mazi and Yu Sifu still rampaged unchecked. Peng Ze and regional commander Shi Yuan won repeated victories; subordinate Yan Xun ran down Liao Mazi and captured him at Jianzhou. Yu Sifu slipped into the Tong–Ba country, and rebel strength surged again. Peng Ze encircled him with combined forces until he was taken at last. He moved his headquarters to Hanzhong and asked permission to withdraw the troops. Before the court answered, unrest reignited in Neijiang and Rongchang, and he marched out again and crushed it. He likewise put down Chengdu mutineers who had taken the prefect and a military commander hostage. He pleaded more urgently to come home; the throne instead told him to stay at Baoning and settle the province. He was raised to Left Censor-in-Chief and Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent, with the same hereditary honors for his son. Peng Ze petitioned twice more to retire before the court finally recalled him. Before he could leave, Turpan occupied Hami, captured the loyal king Sultan Bayandorji, carried off his seal, sent a contemptuous missive to Gansu, and demanded gold and tribute. Supreme commander Deng Zhang and Gansu grand coordinator Zhao Jian memorialized the crisis and urged dispatch of a senior minister to direct policy on the frontier. Grand Secretaries led by Yang Tinghe united in recommending Peng Ze. Peng Ze had spent years in the field and loathed returning to war. He pleaded distance from home and ill health, naming Deng Zhang and the Marquis of Xianning, Qiu Yue, as better choices. The emperor answered with a warm edict of encouragement, and Peng Ze at last departed.
25
使
Peng Ze was capable in military affairs, but his temperament was blunt and headstrong. His Hami strategy misfired; Qian Ning and Wang Qiong piled on with mutual slander until he was ruined. At Ganzhou he found Turpan raiding Chijin, Kuyu, and neighboring guards while envoys demanded bullion and the restoration of Hami. Believing the nomads could be bought off, he and Zhao Jian sent Hami assistant commander Shayihuxian with two thousand strings of coin and a silver wine ewer as a bribe, demanding Hami’s city and seal in return. Without waiting for a reply he reported victory and asked to retire on grounds of age and illness. The court recalled him to resume duties at the Ministry of War. Touring censor Feng Shiyong protested that Hami was still lost and Peng Ze should not be recalled prematurely. The memorial was ignored.
26
使 使 西
Earlier, when the war ministry fell vacant, the court had favored Peng Ze, but Wang Qiong won the appointment and quietly worked against him. Censors had repeatedly attacked Wang Qiong, and bad blood opened between the two men. Peng Ze drank hard and habitually humiliated Wang Qiong, who grew only more determined to destroy him. Peng Ze regularly denounced Qian Ning; Wang Qiong relayed the abuse, but Ning would not credit it. Wang Qiong invited Peng Ze to a banquet, hid one of Ning’s confidants behind a screen, and provoked him into drunken abuse within earshot—Qian Ning was finally enraged. When raiders poured into Xuanfu, the court debated putting Xu Tai in the field while Peng Ze coordinated both eastern and western frontiers. The final edict kept Xu Tai at home, denied Peng Ze overall command, and sent him only six thousand troops from two mobile detachments—an obvious setup to humiliate him. Peng Ze protested, “I am a civil minister; I cannot alone bear the work of leading a charge. Wang Qiong then secured an order sending the Duke of Cheng, Zhu Fu, to join him. Once the raiders withdrew, Peng Ze went back to the Ministry of War.
27
滿 滿 使 滿使婿 使 滿 使使
Shayihuxian had always been cunning and unruly. Though stationed at Suzhou, he secretly served Turpan’s chief Sultan Mansur as spy and architect of the seizure of Hami and its seal. Peng Ze, unaware, had sent him on the mission. Mansur handed back the city and seal yet retained Sultan Bayandorji under his control. Shayihuxian once more urged invasion, promising, “Suzhou can be yours. Delighted, Mansur sent his son-in-law Ma Heimu with a tribute mission to probe Ming defenses and extort gifts. Peng Ze was gone and Zhao Jian transferred; Li Kun became grand coordinator, detained the envoys at Ganzhou for fear of treachery, and expelled Shayihuxian beyond the frontier. Shayihuxian panicked and refused to go. Mansur flew into a rage, retook Hami, occupied Shazhou with a detachment, and led ten thousand horsemen against Jiayu Pass. Mobile-corps commander Rui Ning and assistant commander Jiang Cunli met the invasion. Rui Ning with seven hundred men met the vanguard first at Shaziba. The raiders encircled Rui Ning and pinned Jiang Cunli with a separate force. Rui Ning’s detachment was wiped out; the enemy stormed the fortifications and ravaged the countryside. The throne ordered Peng Ze to take command of the three frontiers and march to repel them. Meanwhile vice commissioner Chen Jiuchou seized Ibakiyata and Shayihuxian; cut off from inside help, Turpan sued for peace. Peng Ze’s expedition was stood down. He soon retired home on grounds of age, traveling by imperial courier relay with the usual porter rations.
28
Once Peng Ze was gone, Wang Qiong reopened the Jiayu disaster and demanded a full inquiry into who had authorized the extra tribute. Qian Ning tried to drive the investigation from within, but Grand Secretary Liang Chu and others blocked it until the affair died. When Ibakiyata’s son petitioned over his father’s death, the judiciary reviewed the case and freed Shayihuxian and his party. Wang Qiong sent a supervising secretary and a censor to investigate the defeat; their report cited no one. Wang Qiong then impeached Peng Ze for lavishing gold, negotiating by private letter, breaking faith, inviting attack, and bringing national shame and military disaster; he argued that Li Kun and Chen Jiuchou should be punished as well. An edict stripped Peng Ze of rank and ordered Li Kun and Chen Jiuchou taken for questioning. Li Kun was demoted; Chen Jiuchou was dismissed from service.
29
調 西
After the Jiajing emperor took the throne, Qian Ning was ruined and Wang Qiong fell with him. Censor Yang Bingzhong urged Peng Ze’s recall; he was summoned straight from retirement as Minister of War and Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent. Li Kun and Chen Jiuchou were reinstated as well. Years of rot had crippled the ministry; Peng Ze judged rewards and blame, shut down backdoor pleading, and renewed military administration. Under Zhengde, many approved military reforms proposed by the court had never been carried out. Peng Ze asked that they be compiled into a book and enforced step by step. He urged the nine frontier governors to draft coordinated defense plans instead of hoarding troops within their own jurisdictions. Regional and coordinating officers should orchestrate operations centrally rather than trip one another up. Every border sector should use the farming off-season to build walls, dig moats, repair beacon towers, and tighten garrison forts as a lasting program. With inland banditry only just quieting, he ordered local defenders to drill militia, institute baojia mutual surveillance, and punish those who hid thieves. He further pacified southwestern Miao peoples, reinforced the maritime ban, and culled aged and unfit soldiers from the capital armies. The emperor praised and adopted every proposal. An edict dispatched eunuchs Yang Jin, Zheng Bin, and An Chuan to rotate frontier garrison commands and reappointed Zhang Bi and Liu Yao to Liangzhou and Juyong. Peng Ze objected and blocked the appointments. When Sichuan grand coordinator Hu Shining attacked the garrison eunuch Zhao Qin, Peng Ze seized the moment to demand abolition of all frontier eunuch commands. The court refused at first, yet in time the garrison eunuchs were abolished after all.
30
As minister he frequently stood his ground on policy. When censor Shi Dao was thrown into prison for denouncing Yang Tinghe, Peng Ze impeached him again. The emperor then admonished the censorate that only grave treason and confidential matters warranted individual memorials; everything else belonged in collective submissions, and officials must not settle private scores by smearing upright colleagues. Once the edict appeared, supervising secretaries and censors flooded the throne with charges that Peng Ze had blocked the remonstrance channels and broken ancestral precedent. The emperor then heeded the Ministry of Personnel and revoked the earlier directive. Uneasy in his post, Peng Ze memorialized again and again requesting retirement. When critics renewed their attacks, the court made him Junior Guardian and sent him home with an imperial letter and relay horses. Wang Bangqi, a hundred-household officer of the Embroidered Uniform Guard, still smarting from Peng Ze's earlier rebuke, memorialized that Hami had been lost because Ze had bribed the tribes into a peace settlement, and his charges also touched Yang Tinghe, Chen Jiuchou, and others. Zhang Cong and Gui E, then eager to strike at Yang Tinghe's circle, had Chen Jiuchou seized for court interrogation and exiled to the frontier. Peng Ze was stripped of rank once more and reduced to commoner status; he lived out his days at home in dejection until death.
31
歿
Grand Coordinator Minister Tang Long wrote: "Peng Ze was filial, loyal to friends, upright, and incorruptible; he put down bandit armies one after another, and his deeds belong in the Hall of Fealty. Your Majesty plucked him from private life and entrusted him with the governance of the realm. He served the state tirelessly, only to be driven out again by malicious accusations. Five years after his death, the two concubines he left behind still cannot afford food and clothing. I beg that his past service be reviewed, his rank restored, and additional honors granted, so as to sustain the morale of loyal ministers. The court refused. Early in the Longqing reign his rank was restored and he was posthumously titled Xiangyi.
32
西 西
Mao Bowen, courtesy name Ruli, came from Jishui. His grandfather Chao had served as prefect of Guangxi. Bowen passed the jinshi examination in Zhengde year 3 and was appointed investigating magistrate of Shaoxing Prefecture. Promoted to censor, he toured Fujian and Henan on inspection duty. When Emperor Shizong took the throne, the eunuchs Zhang Rui and Zhang Zhong were condemned to death, but their allies Xiao Jing and Wei Rong worked behind the scenes to stall the sentences. Bowen demanded that Jing and Rong be executed as well, and the eunuch faction fell silent in fear. Early in the Jiajing reign he was transferred to the Court of Judicial Review as vice director. Raised to Right Assistant Censor-in-Chief, he was sent to govern Ningxia as grand coordinator. When the Li Fuda case erupted, he was blamed for a wrongful ruling from his days at the Court of Judicial Review, stripped of office, and sent home. Recommended back to office, he was assigned to govern Shanxi and then Shuntian, but he never took either post. He was reassigned to the Court of Judicial Review and promoted to Left Vice Censor-in-Chief. You Liang, a clansman of the Zhao princely establishment, denounced him, and he was suspended pending investigation. He was eventually stripped of rank once more.
33
使 使
In the winter of year 15 a royal heir was born, and the court prepared to announce the birth to foreign states. Minister of Rites Xia Yan argued that Annam had long ceased tribute missions and should not receive an envoy; he urged a punitive expedition instead. Bowen was recalled as Right Censor-in-Chief and, with Marquis Qiu Luan of Xianning, began mobilizing troops for action. He asked to withdraw for his father's mourning, but the court refused. The following May he reached the capital and submitted six strategic proposals to the emperor. Just then Li Ning, Annam's hereditary heir, sent attendant ministers including Zheng Weiliao to accuse Mac Dang Dung of regicide and plead for a punitive campaign. The emperor doubted the account, suspended the campaign, ordered officials in the Two Guangs and Yunnan to investigate, and had Bowen assist at the Court of Judicial Review. Censor He Weibai asked that Bowen be allowed to finish mourning, but the court refused. Bowen stayed away on grounds of illness and did not resume duty until mourning ended. That winter he was appointed Minister of Works. In the spring of year 17, Duke Mu Zhaofu of Qian and others arrived with Mac Dang Dung's surrender memorial, asking pardon and permission to resume tribute. Earlier, Yunnan grand coordinator Wang Wensheng reported that once Mac Dang Dung heard of the planned expedition, he sent spies to reconnoiter. The emperor had already ordered troops forward under the earlier edict; Wang Wensheng also took counsel from the Annamese defector Wu Wenyuan, laid out a plan to break Mac Dang Dung, and again demanded submission and territorial surrender. When Zhaofu's memorial reached court, the consensus was that surrender could not be accepted. Bowen was then made Minister of War and concurrent Right Censor-in-Chief, with a fixed departure date. The emperor treated war as a grave matter and had no fixed appetite for conquest; he mainly wanted to intimidate Annam into submission. Minister of War Zhang Zan offered no plan of his own and simply mirrored the emperor's mood. Most at court believed war was unwise, yet few dared say so openly. Months after the order, Two Guangs grand coordinator Vice Minister Zhang Jing submitted a war plan calling for three hundred thousand troops and 1.6 million shi of grain. Qinzhou prefect Lin Xiyuan insisted Mac Dang Dung would be easy to defeat and urged immediate mobilization. Zhang Zan would not decide and sent the question back to court. The deliberation produced no clear plan; the emperor was displeased, rebuked Zhang Zan, and halted the campaign again. Bowen was ordered back to assisting at the Court of Judicial Review.
34
西
The following February the emperor traveled to Chengtian. An edict put Bowen in overall command of military affairs in Xuanfu, Datong, and Shanxi. Soon he was chosen as a palace adviser and additionally made Mentor of the Heir Apparent. The five forts under Datong—Zhenbian, Zhenchuan, Hongci, Zhenhe, and Zhenlu—lay more than two hundred li apart on the outer frontier, hard against the enemy camps. Since grand coordinator Zhang Wenjin's fort-building had sparked rebellion, no one dared propose new construction. Bowen said: "The trouble came from appointing the wrong men, not from the fort-building plan itself. He went ahead and built them anyway. He recruited three thousand garrison troops, granted them idle land, and permanently exempted them from tax. The frontier defenses depended on these measures. His service was rewarded with promotion to Junior Mentor of the Heir Apparent.
35
西 使 使使
By then Mac Dang Dung, fearing attack, repeatedly petitioned to surrender. The emperor also hoped to settle the matter peacefully and sent Vice Minister Huang Wan to negotiate. Huang Wan drove too hard a bargain; the emperor grew angry and dismissed him. The question went back to court, where the consensus favored war, and the emperor agreed. In the intercalary seventh month Bowen and Qiu Luan were ordered south on campaign. Civil and military officials below third rank who disobeyed could be punished under military law. In Guangxi, Bowen met grand coordinator Zhang Jing, regional commander Marquis Liu Xun of Anyuan, and administration commissioners Weng Wanda and Zhang Yue to plan the campaign; they mustered more than 125,000 Lang and native troops from the Two Guangs, Fujian, and Huguang, divided them into three columns entering through Pingxiang, Longdong, and Siling Prefecture, and posted two flanking detachments in support. They also ordered Yunnan grand coordinator Wang Wensheng to hold Lianhua Beach and advance in three columns. Once the plan was set, Qiu Luan was recalled for misconduct and Liu Xun replaced him. In the autumn of year 19 Bowen and his staff established headquarters at Nanning. They proclaimed to Annam's officials and people the court's doctrine of restoring fallen states and preserving broken lineages: only Mac Dang Dung and his son would be punished, and any district that surrendered would keep its lands. They offered a rich bounty for Mac Dang Dung and his son, while also telling Dang Dung that registering land and people and submitting would bring the pardon promised in the edict. Mac Dang Dung was terrified and sent envoys to Weng Wanda pleading to surrender in the most abject terms. Weng Wanda forwarded them to Bowen's headquarters. Acting on imperial authority, Bowen accepted the surrender, proclaimed the emperor's blend of mercy and force, took their maps and registers, and received back the four dong districts of Qinzhou. He provisionally allowed them to return home and await further orders. He sent an urgent report to court, and the emperor was delighted. An edict transformed Annam into the Annam Regional Military Commission, made Mac Dang Dung hereditary Regional Commander, established thirteen pacification commissions, and let him appoint his own officials. More than a year into his command, Bowen had not fired a single arrow, yet Annam was pacified—because the emperor had never truly wanted war. For his service he was promoted to Senior Mentor of the Heir Apparent.
36
宿
In the first month of year 21 he returned to court and resumed work at the Court of Judicial Review. With repeated frontier alarms, Bowen proposed building an outer wall around the capital. The emperor had already approved, but supervising secretary Liu Yangzhi argued that temple construction was already straining resources, and the project was suspended. That October, when Zhang Zan died, Bowen succeeded him as Minister of War. Zhang Zan had been corrupt, and during his eight years at the ministry frontier readiness had collapsed. Bowen convened court officials to submit twenty-four frontier reforms, and military discipline was thoroughly renewed. Censors proposed auditing rolls of new troops, capital garrisons, and inner-palace laborers and artisans to ease state finances. Bowen followed with more than twenty proposed cuts to wasteful posts, targeting eunuch-dominated offices from the Embroidered Uniform and Tengxiang guards to the Imperial Horse, Inner Palace, and Imperial Kitchen directorates. The emperor approved and immediately ordered a purge. Long-standing abuses were largely corrected, but many of the emperor's intimates were displeased.
37
In the autumn of year 23, Shuntian grand coordinator Zhu Fang asked to withdraw guest troops once the autumn defense season ended. Soon afterward the enemy raided in force and drove toward the capital region. The emperor was furious: grand coordinator Zhai Peng was shackled and exiled, and Zhu Fang was beaten to death. Censor Shu Ting argued that Zhu Fang had only proposed withdrawing Ji troops, while the broader pullout from Xuanfu and Datong had been ordered by Bowen and Bureau of Military Appointments director Han Zui. The emperor then struck Bowen from the rolls, had Han Zui beaten eighty strokes, and exiled him to the remotest frontier. Bowen went home, developed a carbuncle on his back, and died. When Emperor Muzong took the throne, Bowen's rank was restored and posthumous honors were granted. Early in the Tianqi reign he was posthumously titled Xiangmao.
38
Bowen had a grave, resolute bearing, and at table he could eat and drink as much as ten men. In handling affairs he made decisions without the slightest change in voice or expression. In the campaign against Annam, Weng Wanda and Yue Ce did most of the strategic work. Bowen pressed their case at court, and the two were duly appointed.
39
使 西使 使
Wang Wensheng, courtesy name Xizhou, was a native of Chongyang. He passed the jinshi examination in Zhengde year 6. He was appointed investigating magistrate of Raozhou. A man named Gu Song forced his way, blade in hand, into the residence of Prince Huai Youqi, was seized, and falsely claimed Wensheng had sent him to assassinate the prince. He was imprisoned and tried; after a long time he was cleared and restored to his post. The affair is recounted in full in the Biography of Prince Huai. He entered the Ministry of War as a secretary and, with fellow officials, remonstrated against Emperor Wuzong's southern tour, for which he was beaten at the palace gate. Early in the Jiajing reign he served as prefect of Fuzhou, then as educational commissioner in Zhejiang and Shaanxi. He was promoted to provincial surveillance commissioner of Yunnan.
40
使 使 調
In the winter of year 15 the court began planning a punitive expedition against Annam. On account of Wensheng's talent he was immediately made Right Assistant Censor-in-Chief and grand coordinator of the region. Duke Mu Zhaofu of Qian was still young, and all military decisions fell to Wensheng. Vice Commissioner Bao Xiangxian argued that pacification was preferable to extermination, and Wensheng agreed. Word then arrived that Mac Dang Dung had seized the throne; former Annamese ministers refused to submit, and many held territory and took up arms. Wu Wenyuan held Xuanguang and surrendered with the ten thousand men under his command. He submitted a campaign map and reported that former ministers Ruan Renlian, Li Jingmei, and others each held territory in defiance of Mac Dang Dung; once the imperial army arrived and rallied loyalists across the realm, every region would rise together and Dang Dung could be taken. Wensheng reported this to the throne. Wenyuan was granted fourth-rank insignia and robes, and his sons and younger kinsmen received official caps and belts. Wensheng also rallied neighboring states around Annam to join the expedition, and all complied. He then memorialized: "Laos is broad in territory and strong in manpower; it can be assigned to hold one front. Bamo, Cheli, and Menggen have ample troops and war elephants and can be mobilized as needed. Their chieftains have not yet formally inherited office; I ask that guarantee investigations be waived and appointments made at once—they will then serve with full zeal. The emperor approved everything. Wensheng issued a proclamation promising former ranks to Annamese commanders who returned territory, and summoned Mac Dang Dung to submit. They overran the garrison camp; Fang Ying led a relief force but was beaten back. Many of Dang Dung's followers defected, and Wensheng encamped them at Lianhua Beach behind palisades. Lianhua Beach lay in Mengzi County, at the land and river junction between Jiaozhi and Guangxi—the heartland of Annam. Dang Dung grew alarmed, asked to surrender, offered to resume tribute, and claimed that Li Ning of the Nguyen house and the seal he bore were likewise spurious. Wensheng reported this, but the court refused. Before long Mao Bowen reached Nanning, accepted Dang Dung's surrender as Wensheng had urged, and Annam was pacified. In this campaign the final success went to Bowen, but Wensheng contributed most to the strategic planning that won the war. When rewards were dispensed, Bowen and the Two Guangs commanders all gained promotions, while Wensheng received only silver and silk. A schemer named Tang Bi petitioned to open silver mines in Dali, and the emperor assented. Wensheng denounced the scheme as spurious and had him handed over to the authorities. He was summoned to serve as chief minister of Dali. After fire devastated the Nine Temples he fell ill en route; a tardy memorial of self-accusation led to an order of retirement. He died, and posthumous honors were granted as prescribed.
41
His nephew Zongyi, courtesy name Ziheng, was made Wensheng's heir. He passed the jinshi examination in Jiajing year 17. He served as magistrate of Fuliang and rose to become a director in the Ministry of War. When Yang Jisheng impeached Yan Song and his grandson Yan Hu for falsely claiming merit, Zongyi would not bend in deliberation. He crossed Song and resigned to go home. Early in the Longqing reign he was recalled as a director in the Nanjing Ministry of Personnel and later served as prefect of Yingtian. He slashed departmental supply costs, saving tens of thousands in public funds each year. Early in the Wanli reign he was promoted to chief minister of Dali at Nanjing. After three further promotions he became Minister of Revenue and superintendent of the grain depots, then retired and died. Early in the Tianqi reign he was posthumously titled Gonghui.
42
使 西 使 使 西
Bao Xiangxian was a native of She County. A jinshi, he became a censor and later served as vice commissioner in Yunnan. Mao Bowen ordered Wang Wensheng to link up and put Xiangxian in command of the center column. He rose to Right Vice Censor-in-Chief, served as grand coordinator of Shaanxi, and replaced Shi Jian as Yunnan governor. Earlier, the Yuanjiang native chieftain Na Jian murdered Prefect Na Xian in rebellion; Administrative Commissioner Xu Yue went to negotiate surrender and was killed. Shi Jian besieged him without success, was dismissed over the Xu Yue affair, and Xiangxian took his place. He then assembled seventy thousand native and Han troops for the punitive expedition; Na Jian, in terror, took poison and died, and a Na clansman was chosen to succeed him. He was made Right Vice Minister of War and put in overall charge of military affairs in the Two Guangs. Bandit leaders Xu Qian and others rallied Wokou pirates who raided the coast; he dispatched Vice Commissioner Wang Bai and others, who killed them. Guangxi bandits led by Huang Fujiang harassed Qingyuan; he stormed their stronghold with great success. One of Xiangxian's sons was granted an official appointment. He entered service as an assistant at the Nanjing Ministry of War. Impeached, he returned home to await investigation. After ten years at home he was recalled as chief minister of the Court of the Imperial Stud. He was again made Right Vice Censor-in-Chief and grand coordinator of Shandong. He was summoned and appointed Left Vice Minister of War. Advancing in age, he retired. He died early in the Longqing reign.
43
西使 紿 西 使 西使
Weng Wanda, courtesy name Renfu, was a native of Jieyang. He passed the jinshi examination in Jiajing year 5. He was appointed a secretary in the Ministry of Revenue. Promoted twice to director, he then went out as prefect of Wuzhou. Marquis Qiu Luan of Xianning held command in the Two Guangs and let his troops run rampant. Wanda seized the worst offenders among them and had them flogged. Within four years his reputation and record were greatly established. When the court began planning a punitive expedition against Annam, Wanda was promoted to vice commissioner of Guangxi to handle the campaign exclusively. Wanda appealed to Governor-General Zhang Jing: "Mac Dang Dung loudly declares, 'China cannot punish native officials for regicide—how can it question me? Right now Li Huan, a native clerk of Pingxiang, has murdered his native official Zhen; Lu Hui, a native chieftain of Si'en, has incited the Nine Offices to revolt; Zhao Kai of Longzhou has killed his nephews Sui and Nuan and, with Wei Ying of Tianzhou, killed Sui's brother Bao; and the Yao leader Hou Gongding holds fast in Duanteng Gorge. These men are united in villainy; if they ever agreed to serve as inner collaborators, we could not even protect ourselves. Seize these men first and bring them to justice, and Annam will fall easily.' Zhang Jing replied: "True—do as you see fit." He then executed Li Huan and Wei Ying, captured Lu Hui, restored the Nine Offices, lured and killed Zhao Kai, and, using men feigning legal disputes to trap Hou Gongding, seized him in court. Two armies then stormed and leveled their stronghold. He further proposed assigning the Four Caves to Nanning and accepting the surrender of cave chieftain Huang Xianxiang. Only then did Mac Dang Dung grow alarmed. He was transferred to Right Administrative Commissioner of Zhejiang. Zhang Jing insisted the Annam expedition required Wanda and memorialized to keep him; Wanda was then ordered to Guangxi as administrative commissioner. Before long Mao Bowen mustered troops for a punitive advance; Wanda wrote Bowen: "Winning through courtesy and submission is the best course. Intimidating them into compliance is the middle course. Extermination is the worst option. Bowen agreed. An Annamese spy named Ding Nanjie was captured; Wanda freed him, treated him generously, sent him home, and impressed upon him the might of the imperial army. Mac Dang Dung, deeply alarmed, went to Bowen to sue for surrender. In this campaign Wanda's merit ranked first, yet his reward did not exceed the usual scale. But the emperor recognized his ability and made him provincial surveillance commissioner of Sichuan. He served in turn as Left and Right Administrative Commissioner of Shaanxi.
44
西 西 鴿 西 西西
In year 23 he was promoted to Right Vice Censor-in-Chief and grand coordinator of Shaanxi. He was soon promoted to Right Vice Minister of War and concurrent Right Assistant Censor-in-Chief, succeeding Zhai Peng as overall commander of military affairs in Xuanfu, Datong, Shanxi, and Baoding. He impeached and removed Xuanfu regional commander Qi Yong and vice commander Jiang Yi, and recommended He Qing, Zhao Qing, and Shen Xiyi. Zhao Qing then replaced Xi Yong as regional commander. Weng Wanda kept strict watch on enemy movements and made rewards and punishments unmistakably clear. During each autumn defense season, when troops manned the ramparts, he secretly had men mix vermilion into oil and mark any spot where a soldier had left his post. When the men came back, offenders were bound on the spot, and no one dared leave his post again. He strictly forbade the killing of surrenderers, and anyone who violated the rule was put to death. When he took surrenderers, he treated them as if they were his own kin, and so learned ever more about the enemy. Raiders in tens of thousands of horsemen struck the middle route at Datong and entered Tiego Gate; the former regional commander Zhang Da fought fiercely and drove them back. They struck again at Bogue Valley, where Assistant Commander Zhang Feng, the scholar Wang Bangzhi, and others were killed in battle. Weng Wanda and regional commander Zhou Shangwen held Yanghe while dispatching cavalry in all directions to intercept the enemy, with considerable kills and captures. The raiders climbed a hill, saw government troops massed below, and withdrew. When the report reached the throne, the emperor issued an edict commending and rewarding them. He repeatedly memorialized asking to build border walls from Yanghekou on the eastern Datong route to Xiyang River in Xuanfu, at an estimated cost of 290,000 taels from the treasury. The emperor had already approved, but the Ministry of War blocked the plan, arguing that Datong already had inner and outer defense lines and that walls should not be built again inside the border. The emperor would not heed them. He therefore built 128 li of wall, seven forts, and 154 beacon platforms from Tiancheng, Yanghe, Kaishankou, and other points on the eastern Datong route; and on the western Xuanfu route at Xiyang River, Ximalin, Zhangjiakou, and elsewhere, 64 li of wall and ten enemy towers. Cliffs were cut back and slopes leveled over fifty li. The work was finished in a little over fifty days. He was promoted to Right Censor-in-Chief. After exposing the treasonous plot of the Dai Prefecture imperial clansman Chongzhuo and others, he was promoted to Left Censor-in-Chief.
45
西
Later, the inspecting and pacifying officials of Xuanfu, Datong, and Shanxi met to submit proposals on border defense; the gist was as follows:
46
西 西 西 西 沿 西 西 西西 西 西
In Shanxi, the outer line runs 254 li from the Yellow River bank at Baode Prefecture through Piantou to Laoying. The western Datong route runs 647 li from Yajiao Mountain through the middle and northern routes east to Zhenkoutai at Dongyang River. Xuanfu runs 1,023 li from Xiyang River through the middle and northern routes east to Yongning and Sihaiye. Altogether 1,924 li—all facing major raiders, with the danger lying outward—constitute what is called the outermost border. From Laoying Fort in Shanxi, turning south and then east through Ningwu and Yanmen to Pingxing Pass is 800 li. Turning south and east again through Longquan, Daoma, and Zijing—Wuwangkou, Chajian Ridge, and Futu Valley—to Yanhekou is more than 1,070 li. Northeast from there through Gaoya and Baiyang to Juyong Pass is more than 180 li. Altogether more than 2,050 li of steep mountains and layered ridges, with the danger lying inward, constitute what is called the secondary border. Of the outer border, Datong is the hardest to hold, then Xuanfu, then Piantou and Laoying in Shanxi. Within Datong, the northern route is the hardest to defend. Within Xuanfu, the western route is the hardest to defend. West of Pianguan in Shanxi, for 150 li the defense relies on the river; east of Pianguan, for 104 li, conditions are much like those on the western Datong route. Of the inner border, Zijing, Ningwu, and Yanmen are the key points; next come Juyong, Daoma, Longquan, and Pingxing. In recent years, raids into Shanxi have always entered from Datong; and raids on Zijing have always entered from Xuanfu.
47
西 西 調 調 調
In earlier years Shanxi's autumn defense held only the outer Piantou–Laoying strip, sending 6,000 rotating troops each year while Datong kept its own forces and Ningwu and Yanmen served as reserves. To abandon the most critical points and defend only the secondary border is not what holding the key passes should mean. Xuanfu likewise concentrated on the western and middle routes, leaving the northern route undefended. Moreover, for years the three garrisons' autumn defense has drawn troops from Liaodong and Shaanxi, consuming grain and rewards beyond reckoning—a burden that cannot be sustained indefinitely. The proposal to defend both lines together is truly sound long-term policy. The outer border should be defended year-round, with garrison troops at each fort assigned fixed sectors from winter through summer, without the need for haphazard requisitioning. If one clings to the old practice of last-minute dispatch, nearby units may be several tens of li away and distant ones more than a hundred li, with no way for front and rear to coordinate. If, as in past years, raiders breach the wall, cross the passes southward, and the capital is thrown into alarm before troops are even mobilized, what good will that do? The troops deployed along the border must not be disbanded hastily.
48
調
The Book of Changes says, "Kings and dukes set up defenses to guard their states." What "set up" means is building walls and ramparts and relying on human labor. The advantage of mountains and rivers is an advantage shared with the enemy. The advantage of walls and moats is an advantage ours alone. A fort of a hundred men cannot be taken by fewer than a thousand, because walls and moats give defenders something to stand on. Border repair must be undertaken again. Setting plans and estimating costs are matters of border repair; careful autumn defense, combining forces, strict accountability, measured requisitioning, strengthening border forts, clear rules for campaigns beyond the border, calculating supplies, and economizing expenditures—these eight are matters of border defense.
49
西
He submitted ten detailed proposals, and the emperor approved them all. He then requested 600,000 taels from the treasury to build border walls on the western Datong route and eastern Xuanfu route—800 li in all. When the work was completed, one of his sons was granted an official post.
50
西
Weng Wanda planned meticulously and inspected every detail; the spacing of towers, and the depth and width of moats, were all adjusted to perfection. The raiders then did not dare attack lightly. Garrison troops inside the walls could farm and herd in their spare time, and border expenses dwindled day by day. At first, guest troops for autumn defense cost the treasury more than 1.5 million taels a year, with supplemental payments of several hundred thousand more; afterward expenditures were cut by nearly half. He also proposed pulling Shanxi troops to concentrate on defending Datong, but Grand Coordinator Sun Jilu blocked the plan. The emperor had Sun Jilu arrested and fully adopted Weng Wanda's proposals.
51
使 使 使 使 使 使 使 使
Weng Wanda had long experience in frontier affairs; the emperor relied on him deeply and granted every request—only his advice on Altan Khan's tribute proposals ran counter to the emperor's wishes. Earlier, in the twenty-first year of the reign, Altan Abunai sent Shi Tianjue and others to Zhenyuan Fort to sue for tribute. They said the Little Prince and nine tribes pastured at Qingshan, coveted Chinese silks, and gained little from raids beyond people and livestock while suffering unavoidable losses—hence Tianjue was sent to offer their sincerity. The court rejected the proposal. When Tianjue and his party came again, Grand Coordinator Long Dayou seized them. Long Dayou was promoted one rank, his officers were all promoted, and Tianjue was dismembered in the marketplace. The Mongols were enraged, raided on a large scale, slaughtered villages and forts, and diplomatic contact was severed for five years. Company commander Yang Wei of Yulin Guard was captured; he falsely claimed he could arrange tribute and trade, and was then released. Altan Abunai again sent envoys to sue for peace at the Datong Left Guard pass; the border commander's household retainers Dong Bao and others, emboldened by the Tianjue affair, killed them again and reported it as a victory of severed heads. Weng Wanda said, "Before Hongzhi, the northern enemy paid tribute yearly and the frontier was relatively calm. Since the battle at Yutailing destroyed our army, they have gradually looked down on China and raided for more than forty years. In the Shi Tianjue affair, I grieved that the border officials had miscalculated. Now they have opened relations again; even if tribute is not granted, they should be courteously instructed and sent away. To lure them in and kill them—what principle is that? I ask that Dong Bao and his accomplices be executed at once, a proclamation posted on the border, and the court's benevolent intent clearly announced, to dissolve their accumulated grievances and war plans." The emperor would not listen. Before long, Altan Abunai again presented his seal and a Mongol document, wishing to come to the border to declare his sincerity. Weng Wanda memorialized, "Autumn is here, and they may yet strike once. Yet though their envoys have been killed again and again, they still ceaselessly request tribute, because raids profit the tribes while tribute profits their chief. If handled properly, border troubles can be quelled. As frontier officials, we will remain prepared whether tribute is granted or not, and will not slacken our defenses on that account." Minister of War Chen Jing and others said the enemy could not be trusted, asked that border officials verify the matter, and ordered Weng Wanda to reply within ten days. Weng Wanda sent their envoy back and made an agreement. When the deadline came, the envoy did not arrive. Weng Wanda feared the emperor would hold him accountable and pleaded that the envoy had already left and nothing could be investigated. Soon envoys came repeatedly; he firmly refused them, offering only polite words in reply. Because of the overtures, Altan dispersed his followers, made no preparations, and did not kill sentry soldiers. Before long they came again, their language ever more deferential. Weng Wanda memorialized again, "The enemy earnestly seeks tribute, leaving and returning. Xuanfu and Datong are now undertaking large-scale construction; this is exactly the time to keep them in check so they do not disturb us. I ask that limits be set on place, personnel, and time. If they accept all the limits, then grant tribute; if they refuse, the fault lies with them, and we may reject them." The emperor rebuked him for importunate memorializing and ultimately refused. At that time Zeng Xian had proposed recovering the Ordos, which Xia Yan supported, so tribute was forcefully blocked, and the Ordos recovery plan was sent to border officials for deliberation. Weng Wanda submitted his opinion:
52
退
The Ordos was originally Chinese territory. Yongle thrice led campaigns deep into the steppe, shattered the Mongol tribes, took the Yellow River as his line of defense, and garrisoned Dongsheng. Later Dongsheng was abandoned in turn for Yan-sui, and the Ordos was lost entirely. Yet during the Zhengtong and Hongzhi reigns, China did not hold it, and the Mongols did not take it either. We fell into the habit of defending drawn boundaries, gave up natural strongholds, and forfeited the wealth of the open grasslands. Before the Hongzhi era we still raided into the Ordos each year; afterward we let them come and go freely until they entrenched themselves there, grazing and multiplying their herds. It is like a family estate held for generations: to try to reclaim it all in a single stroke would be far from easy! If we march deep into enemy country, we lack detailed knowledge of terrain—where mountains offer advantage, which routes twist or run straight, where water and pasture can be found. Our horses are worn out after three days beyond the frontier, while their riders rally at a single summons. An army of tens of thousands faces a cruel choice: advance slowly and our defenses hold, but rush for advantage and our supply train is left behind. Even a small victory would leave a brutal withdrawal ahead. Lose our guides, and the entire army is doomed. They migrate unpredictably, never staying in one place. After a single clash they may rally or feign retreat; horns and drums sound intermittently as their camps stand firm—they scatter and reassemble, but never cross the river to give us the opening we need. What then for our army—fight, retreat, or stand locked in stalemate? Tens of thousands marching beyond the frontier require tens of thousands more in support, plus elite generals to keep supply lines open—all of this is extraordinarily difficult and should not be lightly attempted.
53
便
Charged raids are their strength; holding defensible terrain is ours. Bows and arrows suit the charge; firearms suit static defense. To abandon firearms and fortified positions and meet them in open steppe combat amid the dunes and grass would be disastrous strategy. The advocates propose assembling sixty thousand men for a three-year campaign. In spring and summer horses are lean and the enemy weakened—we should attack then. In autumn and winter their horses are fat and they grow stronger—we should hold our defenses then. Raid the Ordos in spring, defend the frontier in autumn—after three such cycles the enemy must flee, and we can hold the river line. Fat and lean seasons affect both sides equally. When they are weak we cannot sit idle for fear of harassment; when they grow strong we dread their revenge. Moreover, sixty thousand men raiding a thousand li away—one failure will bring a storm of criticism. How could we sustain three campaigns? Even three victories in three campaigns would leave them entrenched, never crossing the river—and we would never have the chance to build our fortifications.
54
Advocates point to recent raids that routinely yield trophies, and to the five Datong forts once built without fierce resistance—they conclude the Ordos can be easily retaken. Raiding works because camps lie near the frontier—we strike unawares, withdraw quickly, and a step south brings us home. Recovering the Ordos means marching deep with no reliable support—the strategic situation is wholly different. Forts built along the frontier stood on our own ground—the enemy never considered them worth fighting for. The Ordos is their year-round pasture—would they passively surrender it? The circumstances are entirely different. Some propose waiting until they leave the Ordos, holding the river, urgently building walls at the crossings, then moving frontier forts forward step by step. With more than a hundred thousand warriors under arms, how could the Ordos ever stand empty? Walls stretching two thousand li and more—could they be built in a day? Forts must number in the dozens to link together; each needs a garrison of at least a thousand, patrol troops not included—the total would exceed three hundred thousand men. The frontier runs along the river for a thousand li and more—a single year's rations would cost hundreds of millions. Grain must flow from the interior to the frontier, then from the frontier to the river—the strain of emergency convoys cannot be underestimated. Wait until they expose a weakness, strike when they falter—then success is possible. The frontier has barely recovered; border troops still bear their wounds. To deliberately provoke a powerful enemy on so rash a venture—I cannot comprehend it.
55
The memorial reached the throne and was ignored.
56
使 便 退 西 退
Afterward Altan Khan and the Little Prince fell out. When the Little Prince planned to raid Liaodong, Altan revealed the scheme and proposed a joint attack with Ming forces to prove his sincerity. Weng Wanda did not dare report this. When envoys arrived again Weng reported to court; the emperor refused. In the third month of year 27 Weng reported that the tribes, rebuffed in their tribute requests, were shamed and furious, threatening massive raids, and asked that frontier officials be granted discretionary authority. The emperor was furious, sharply rebuked him, and the entire tribute negotiation collapsed. In the eighth month of that year Altan struck at Datong without success, then turned to attack the Five Forts, where government forces repelled him at Mount Mituo. He drove toward Shanxi, was beaten again, and withdrew. A month later he struck Xuanfu, ravaging Yongning, Longqing, and Huailai—tens of thousands of soldiers and civilians perished. Weng Wanda was penalized with a two-rank salary cut. Soon the victory at Mount Mituo was recognized and his salary restored. As Altan prepared another strike on Xuanfu, regional commander Zhao Qing proved timid, and Weng memorialized to replace him with Zhou Shangwen. Before Zhou arrived the raiders struck Dishui Cliff; commanders Dong Bian, Jiang Han, Tang Chen, and Zhang Huai fell in battle. The enemy then moved south to encamp at Shihé in Longqing and sent raiding parties east. Mobile-detachment commanders Wang Yao and Yuan Zheng of Datong drove them back, and the raiders turned south. Zhou Shangwen arrived with ten thousand horsemen; vice commander Tian Qi joined with a thousand cavalry. They fought at Caojia Village, took four heads and captured an enemy banner, but the raiders held the high ground and would not yield. Weng Wanda raced to the field with vice commander Jiang Yingxiong and others; with the wind at their backs they raised a thunderous clamor, dust swirling until it blotted out the sky. The raiders shouted in alarm: "Grand Mentor Weng is here!" That night they withdrew eastward. The generals pursued and routed them repeatedly. Learning how Weng commanded the battle, the emperor was delighted and immediately promoted him to Minister of War with concurrent appointment as Right Vice Censor-in-Chief. He was soon summoned to head the ministry. He left office to mourn his father.
57
耀 宿
The following autumn disaster struck Datong; grand coordinators Guo Zonggao and Chen Yao were arrested, and Weng was recalled by edict to replace Guo. Weng was then ill with an abscess and living by his father's grave; he memorialized to complete his mourning obligations. Before his memorial reached court, Altan struck at the capital. Minister of War Ding Ruai fell from favor, and Weng was appointed in his stead. Weng's home was in Lingnan, eight thousand li from the capital; he traveled by forced marches and reached the outskirts of Beijing in forty days. With the raider threat at its height, the emperor waited day and night for Weng's arrival. When Weng was slow to arrive, the emperor turned to Yan Song. Yan Song, who had always disliked Weng, said the enemy was at the emperor's very gates while officials dallied—hardly the loyalty owed a sovereign's urgent summons. The emperor accordingly appointed Wang Bangrui as Minister of War instead. Within days Weng arrived and submitted a detailed memorial in his own defense. The emperor rebuked him for insolence but, considering his mourning obligations, stripped his rank for the moment and permitted other appointment. Qiu Luan, then grand general and at the height of imperial favor, nursed an old grudge and poisoned the emperor against Weng with slander. Weng lost imperial favor, was demoted to Vice Minister of War with concurrent appointment as Right Assistant Censor-in-Chief, and assigned to oversee the Zijing and related passes. In the second month of year 30, at the capital personnel review, he asked to be allowed to complete his mourning. The emperor suspected he was evading duty and sent him home. On the eve of his departure he submitted a farewell memorial; the emperor seized on textual errors as disrespect and stripped him of all rank. The following tenth month, Minister Zhao Jin was exiled to the frontier for aligning with Qiu Luan, and Weng was recalled to replace him. He died before the edict reached him, at the age of fifty-five.
58
歿
Weng Wanda was devoted filially to his parents. When his father died he personally carried earth to build the tomb mound. He delighted in philosophical discourse and was close to Ouyang De, Luo Hongxian, Tang Shunzhi, Wang Ji, and Wei Liangzheng. Erudite in history and the present, he could write ten thousand words in a sitting. Stern, upright, and plain-spoken, he was bold in action; the graver the danger, the fiercer his resolve. In battle he led from the front; he excelled at commanding men and winning their utmost loyalty. Among Jiajing frontier officials whose actions matched circumstances and whose counsel hit the mark, Weng Wanda stood first. In the Longqing reign he was posthumously honored with the title Xiangyi (Resolute and Fierce).
59
The historian writes: Yang Yiqing and Wang Qiong both possessed talent and strategic vision, distinguished themselves on the frontier, showed keen judgment of character, and succeeded by rooting out traitors and quelling crises. Both also relied on clever stratagem. Yet Wang Qiong was surely the most consummate master of cunning intrigue! Peng Ze cut an imposing figure, yet his handling of Hami—how badly misjudged! Mao Bowen knew how to deploy Weng Wanda and Zhang Yue to win the Annam campaign—a commander's measured judgment, at least. Weng Wanda strengthened frontier defenses and rebuilt military capacity; in his opposition to recovering the Ordos he knew both enemy and self, and displayed especially penetrating insight and long vision.
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