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卷二百〇六 列傳第九十四 馬錄 程啟充 張逵 鄭一鵬 唐樞 杜鸞 葉應驄 解一貴 陸粲 邵經邦 劉世揚 魏良弼

Volume 206 Biographies 94: Ma Lu, Cheng Qichong, Zhang Kui, Zheng Yipeng, Tang Shu, Du Luan, Ye Yingcong, Jie Yigui, Lu Can, Shao Jingbang, Liu Shiyang, Wei Liangbi

Chapter 206 of 明史 · History of Ming
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1
Ma Lu Yan Yishou, Nie Xian, Tang Mu, Liu Qi, Lu Qiong, Shen Han, and Wang Ke)〉 Cheng Qichong, Zhang Kui, Zheng Yipeng, Tang Shu, Du Luan, and Ye Yingcong Lantian and Huang Guan)〉 Jie Yiguan Zheng Luoshu and Zhang Lu)〉 Lu Can Liu Xijian and Wang Zhun)〉 Shao Jingbang and Liu Shiyang Zhao Han)〉 Wei Liangbi Qin Ao, Zhang Yin, and Ye Hong)〉
2
西 祿 祿 使 宿 使使
In his fifth year in office he was dispatched as touring censor to Shanxi, where the case of the heretic rebel Li Fuda broke out. Fuda was a native of Guo. He was first convicted as an accomplice of the heretics Wang Liang and Li Yue and sent to penal service at the Shandan Guard. He escaped home, took the name Wu, was rounded up by a censor charged with clearing stragglers, and was banished again to the Shanhai Guard. He fled once more and settled in Luochuan, where he used Maitreya sect teachings to stir up the commoner Shao Jinlu and others in revolt. When the plot was uncovered, Jinlu was put to death, but Fuda had already gone home and went unpunished. He changed his name again to Zhang Yin, traveled between Xu and Gou, and bought his way into the post of commander of the Taiyuan Guard by delivering grain. His sons Daren, Dayi, and Dali all fraudulently enrolled on the capital artisan rolls. He approached the Marquis of Wuding, Guo Xun, with alchemical arts, and Xun came to trust and favor him deeply. His enemy Xue Liang brought the case before Ma Lu, and investigation confirmed the facts. He summoned Luochuan elders to identify the man in a group inquiry, which only strengthened the case. Xun wrote to Lu asking that he be spared; Lu refused, and together with Surveillance Commissioner Jiang Chao submitted the completed case to the throne while also impeaching Xun for shielding a criminal and corrupting justice. The memorial went to the Censorate, where Censor-in-chief Nie Xian and others endorsed Lu's findings and insisted that Xun was party to treason. An edict sentenced Fuda and his sons to death, enslaved their wives and daughters, confiscated their property, and ordered Xun to answer the charges in person. Xun grew afraid and begged for mercy, pleading Fuda's case himself; the Emperor let the matter drop. At this point a stream of memorials arrived impeaching Xun: from supervising secretaries Wang Ke, Zheng Yipeng, Cheng Lu, Chang Tai, Liu Qi, Zheng Zibi, Zhao Tingrui, Shen Han, Qin You, Zhang Kui, and Chen Gaomo; from censors Cheng Qichong, Lu Qiong, Shao Bin, Gao Shikui, and Ren Chun; from Nanjing censors Yao Mingfeng, Pan Zhuang, Qi Xiong, and Wang Xian; from reviewing official Du Luan; from Ministry of Punishments bureau director Liu Shi; and from section chief Tang Shu—all arguing that Xun's crimes warranted joint punishment. Xun pleaded his own case again and again, claiming he had only provoked the court's wrath through the Rites Controversy; the Emperor began to waver. Xun again appealed to Zhang Cong and Gui E for help. Cong and E had long resented the court officials who attacked them and saw a chance to settle old scores; they claimed the officials were conspiring inside and outside the court, using the case as a pretext to trap Xun and would soon turn on everyone who had supported the new rites. The Emperor was deeply persuaded, but the outer court knew nothing of this and pressed its attack on Xun ever harder. Growing more suspicious, the Emperor ordered Fuda and the others brought to the capital for trial by the Three Judicial Offices, then ordered civil and military grandees to re-examine the case together; every account still matched. The Emperor was furious and was about to interrogate them himself, but Yang Yiqing dissuaded him; the case was still sent down for court trial. Minister Yan Yishou and the others did not dare hold firm and revised the sentence to execution under the statute on demonic speech. Still furious, the Emperor ordered the judicial offices to continue their duties under suspended guilt, and sent officials to arrest Ma Lu, Jiang Chao, and the former investigators—Provincial Administration Commissioner Li Zhang, Surveillance Commissioner Li Jue, Assistant Surveillance Commissioner Zhang Lun, and Regional Commander Ma Shi, among others. By then Zhang and Jue had already been promoted to censors-in-chief—Zhang as surveillance commissioner of Ningxia and Jue of Gansu—and both were thrown into prison for court interrogation. The earlier verdict was overturned and Xue Liang was charged with false accusation instead.
3
祿
Because the charges did not reach Ma Lu, the Emperor was furious. He put Zhang Cong, Gui E, and Fang Xianfu in charge of the Three Judicial Offices, imprisoned Minister Yan Yishou, Vice Ministers Liu Yu and Wang Qi, Left Censor-in-chief Nie Xian, Vice Censor-in-chief Liu Wenzhuang, Assistant Censor-in-chief Zhang Run, Court of Review President Tang Mu, Vice Presidents Xu Wenhua and Gu Yi, and Registrar Wang Yuan, and under severe torture pursued the inquiry; searching Ma Lu's papers they found private letters from Grand Secretary Jia Yong, Censor-in-chief Zhang Zhongxian, Works Vice Minister Min Kai, Censor Zhang Ying, and Registrar Yuan. Yong confessed guilt and retired; Zhongxian and the others were imprisoned as well. Gui E and the others memorialized: "Supervising Secretaries Liu Qi and Chang Tai and Bureau Director Liu Shi rely on each other's influence, lodge partisan impeachments, and helped Ma Lu secure a man's death. Supervising Secretaries Wang Ke, Zheng Yipeng, Qin You, Shen Han, and Cheng Lu; Reviewing Official Du Luan; and Censors Yao Mingfeng, Pan Zhuang, and Qi Xiong joined in reckless memorials and helped the crime along. Supervising Secretary Zhang Kui and Censor Gao Shikui, seeing their chance when Yin was about to die, framed Xun for plotting rebellion, led others in joint signatures, and raised a chorus of accusation to bring disaster down on him. Bureau Director Sima Xiang falsely cited precedents, deliberately twisting them to slander his superiors for private ends. Remonstrating officials of late have formed factions to win at any cost—treating grandees as servants within the court and subordinates as chaff without, indulging their will with impunity for far too long. We beg Your Majesty to act with decisive authority and make the law plain. The Emperor accepted their argument, imprisoned all these men, and held them at the Nanjing Ministry of Punishments. Earlier, when court officials met for joint interrogation, Court of the Imperial Stud President Wang Yuanxi and Court of Imperial Entertainments Vice President Yu Cai happened to remark to each other, "This case already has its facts settled—why interrogate again?" An informer reported this to Gui E, who passed it on; they too were arrested and questioned.
4
西使 使 西 殿
Gui E and his allies then freely applied beating and torture. Ma Lu could not endure the torture and confessed to deliberately imposing guilt on others. Gui E and his allies then drew up the written verdict, declaring that Yin was not Fuda, that Ma Lu and the others bore a grudge against Xun and had fabricated a wrongful case, and they listed charges against every official involved. The Emperor accepted everything they proposed. Five men were banished to garrison the farthest frontier with no amnesty on general pardon: Li Zhang, Li Jue, Zhang Lun, Ma Shi, and the former Shanxi vice commissioner who had been promoted to Court of Review Vice President Xu Wenhua. Seven were banished to border garrisons: Liu Qi, Zhang Kui, Chang Tai, Lu Qiong, Cheng Qichong, Liu Shi, and Prefect Hu Wei. Eleven were reduced to commoner status: Nie Xian, Wang Ke, Zheng Yipeng, Qin You, Shen Han, Cheng Lu, Gao Shikui, Ren Chun, Yao Mingfeng, Sima Xiang, and Du Luan. Seventeen were dismissed and left idle: Yan Yishou, Liu Yu, Wang Qi, Jiang Chao, Liu Wenzhuang, Tang Mu, Gu Yi, Wang Yuan, Wang Yuanxi, Yu Cai, Min Kai, Zhang Zhongxian, Zhang Run, Zhang Ying, Pan Zhuang, Qi Xiong, and the former Court of Review vice registrar who had been promoted to Assistant Censor-in-chief Mao Bowen. Five more, including Vice Commissioner Zhou Xuan, were sent down to touring censors for arrest, questioning, and dismissal. Xue Liang was put to death; everyone who had testified against Yin was banished; Yin was restored to his post. Ma Lu, for deliberately imposing a capital charge before the case was settled, was sentenced to penal servitude. The Emperor thought this too lenient and wanted him executed under the statute on villainous factions. Gui E and his allies argued that Zhang Yin was still alive while Ma Lu had been made to die in his place, which the realm would never accept; he should be banished forever to the miasmic south, with punishment extending to his descendants. He was banished to garrison the Nandan Guard in Guangxi, with no amnesty on general pardon. The Emperor was still not satisfied and told Yang Yiqing and others, "Rather than let his associates reach later generations, it would be better to execute only the man himself, following the 《Canon of Shun》: 'Punishment does not reach the heir.' Yiqing replied, "The ancestral code has fixed statutes; Ma Lu's crime does not warrant death under the law. If you punish outside the law, officials will use that as a pretext for abuse and no one will know where he stands. The Emperor had no choice but to accept this. Because Gui E and his allies had merit in reversing the case, the Emperor addressed them at the Wenhua Hall, granted them second-rank salary and robes, a gold belt, and silver coins, and issued patent letters of appointment for three generations. He then compiled the 《Record of the Augustly Clarified Great Case》 and promulgated it throughout the realm. This was on the renwu day of the ninth month of Jiajing 6. In the sixteenth year, when a prince was born, a general amnesty was proclaimed. All who had been banished were released and sent home, except Ma Lu, who was not pardoned and died in exile.
5
Yan Yishou, a native of Baling, enjoyed a reputation for integrity in office.
6
Nie Xian was a native of Changshou. As a censor he was known for integrity. After five years out of office he was raised on recommendation to Minister of Works, then transferred to Minister of Punishments. He retired and died. He was posthumously titled Rongxiang.
7
Tang Mu, whose style was Xinzhi, was a native of Jiangyin. He passed the metropolitan examination in Hongzhi 9. He was appointed magistrate of Chongde, then summoned and made a censor. Early in the Zhengde reign he impeached the eunuch Miao Kui, the Duke of Baoguo Zhu Hui, and others, and was sent out as an assistant surveillance commissioner in Huguang. Because Mu would not attach himself to Liu Jin, Jin used a broker named Tong Yin to denounce Academician Zhang Rui in a case that implicated Mu, and Mu was demoted to magistrate of Wuyi. After Jin's execution he was restored as an assistant surveillance commissioner in Guangdong. He rose through successive posts to Right Vice Censor-in-chief and Surveillance Commissioner of Guizhou. He requested registers of hereditary native-official lineages to end disputed successions and required their sons and younger brothers to enter schools; the request was approved. In Jiajing 2 he was transferred to Surveillance Commissioner of Sichuan, then entered the capital as Court of Review president. After he was caught up in the Fuda case and sent home, he lived in retirement for six years; dozens of recommendation memorials were submitted but he was never summoned, and he died. Mu held office for thirty years, refused all gifts, and was known for integrity.
8
使
Liu Qi, whose style was Tingzhen, was a native of Luochuan. He passed the metropolitan examination in Zhengde 9. Early in the Jiajing reign he went from courier to supervising secretary in the Bureau of Military Affairs. Winter cloth and cotton for the capital garrison were always late; at Qi's request the Emperor ordered him to distribute them immediately. When Li Fuda fled to Luochuan, Qi knew the affair in full detail. When the plot was uncovered, Qi memorialized with the full story, impeached Guo Xun for complicity in treason, and together with Censor Zhang Wenxing charged Xun with encroaching on and embezzling pasture-land rent silver. When Ma Lu's case was concluded, Qi was convicted of helping him secure a wrongful death sentence, imprisoned, and banished to Shenyang. After ten years he was pardoned and sent home, then died.
9
Lu Qiong, whose style was Xianqing, was a native of Fuliang. He passed the metropolitan examination in Zhengde 6. He rose from magistrate of Gushi to censor. At the beginning of the Jiajing reign he memorialized: "The Jing Emperor had great merit in restoring order from chaos, yet the Veritable Record still calls him the Depraved Prince of Cheng. The Jing Emperor was deeply benevolent, yet the Veritable Record was written at Jiao Fang's hand, with right and wrong inverted. I beg that Confucian officials be ordered to rewrite them. The Emperor only ordered the historiographers to correct improper passages in the Veritable Record of Xiaozong, but in fact nothing was changed. He was dispatched as touring censor for the capital region. Gui E resented the remonstrance bureaus for shutting him out; after the capital officials' inspection ended, he ordered supervising secretaries and censors to impeach one another. Wang Junmin, chief supervising secretary of the Bureau of Personnel, and others protested; Qiong and his colleague Liu Yu argued that mutual denunciation and retaliation were unworthy of a flourishing age. The Emperor sharply rebuked Junmin and Yu, stripped their salaries for five months and Qiong and the others for three, and ordered the ministries and courts to inspect them. Qiong was ultimately banished to a frontier garrison for impeaching Xun. He was pardoned and sent home, then died.
10
Shen Han, whose style was Zonghai, was a native of Wujiang. He passed the metropolitan examination in Zhengde 16. He became supervising secretary in the Bureau of Punishments. The eunuchs Ma Jun and Wang Tang had long been dismissed but were suddenly summoned from Nanjing; Han argued that this should be stopped. The edict on the change of reign title remitted overdue taxes everywhere; Han argued that much of what the people had already paid had filled officials' purses and asked that collections not yet remitted be counted as the next year's regular levy. He also urged that the tens of millions recently confiscated from villainous factions be disbursed to cover the shortfall in annual revenue. The Emperor approved all of these proposals. In Jiajing 2 he used omens and disasters to criticize current policy. When Minister Lin Jun was removed, Han submitted another defiant memorial in protest. Mou Tai, a bureau director in the Ministry of Revenue, was implicated when clerks embezzled official funds; he was sent to the imperial prison and demoted. Han said, "The clerks' fraud predated Tai's appointment. When the fraud came to light, Tai was the one who exposed it. Tai is innocent. He strongly urged that criminal cases belong in the judicial offices, not with the Embroidered-Uniform Guard. The Emperor did not accept this. When the great case broke, the judicial officials were all imprisoned. Han said, "The laws of the ancestors cannot be broken; the power of favorites cannot be allowed to grow; grand ministers cannot be humiliated; heretic rebels cannot be pardoned. Han was arrested as well and struck from the rolls. He lived at home for twenty years, then died. His great-grandson Jing served in the Wanli reign as an assistant department director in the Ministry of Personnel. He requested a title for Lady Wang the Respectful Consort; defying the imperial will, he was demoted to registrar of the Courier Service. Early in the Tianqi reign he was posthumously made a vice president.
11
西 西
Wang Ke, whose style was Jinqing, was a native of She County. He passed the metropolitan examination in Zhengde 12. He served first as magistrate of Lantian. The city was cramped and had no water; Ke brought water from the western hills into town, expanded the walls, and turned it into a renowned county seat. He destroyed illicit shrines in the county and used their materials to repair the school. In Jiajing 4 he was summoned as supervising secretary in the Bureau of Works. He impeached Minister of War Jin Xianmin for lack of merit, regional commanders Zhao Wen and Zhong Xun for military failures, the Shaanxi weaving eunuch for harassing the people, and Guo Xun for employing the villains Guo Biao and Zheng Luan and stripping the army to harm the people. He also argued that heads of the three commissions and prefectural and county deputies, being low in rank, were neglected by superiors and often grew greedy and reckless, and that the incorrupt and capable should be promoted. Frontier fiscal posts should not be filled with inferior talent. Incorrupt salt transport officials should be promoted. When the great case broke he impeached Xun, was imprisoned, and struck from the rolls.
12
祿 祿
When the officials were punished, the whole court knew they were wronged, but none dared speak up. More than a month later the Nanjing censor Wu Yan alone submitted a defiant memorial asking leniency for them. The Emperor was furious and expelled him to the provinces. Soon afterward Censor Zhang Lu spoke to the same effect. Defying the imperial will, he was sharply rebuked. After that no one dared speak. In the eleventh year Gui E was dead, Zhang Cong had left the chancellorship, and Nie Xian and Mao Bowen were restored to office. Zhang Run, Wang Yuanxi, Li Jue, and Min Kai were also brought back in succession. Not a single remonstrance official or bureau section chief was summoned back. Early in the Longqing reign all were restored to office and given posthumous ranks. Ma Lu was first posthumously made vice president of the Court of the Imperial Stud; Liu Qi and Lu Qiong vice presidents of the Court of Imperial Entertainments; Shen Han and Wang Ke vice presidents of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices.
13
西
Cheng Qichong, whose style was Yidao, was a native of Jiading Prefecture. He passed the metropolitan examination in Zhengde 3. He was appointed magistrate of Sanyuan, then made a censor. Sons and household members of imperial favorites fraudulently claimed military merit, some rising to regional commander and receiving python robes and jade. Qichong said, "By regulation, military appointments must all be based on the primary merit claim. Now the gate of favor stands wide open, with bought merit, false merit, borrowed names, altered records, and combined merit. Powerful families bribe soldiers with gold and silk to buy the merit grades they had earned—this is bought merit. The man who charged and took heads was A, but B claimed the credit; in the worst cases they killed civilians and called them bandits—this is false merit. A man never left his neighborhood, yet his name appeared on the rolls—this is a borrowed name. Bribing clerks to alter the documents—this is an altered record. There were even men who in a single day, without leaving the capital, reported merit in all four directions; by accumulating names and grades they shot to high rank—this is combined merit. All of this destroys ancestral law and undermines military discipline; I beg that it be strictly investigated and reformed. The Emperor did not act on this advice.
14
On New Year's Day of the eleventh year officials waited for the water-clock to enter court and offer congratulations; the ceremony was not finished until late afternoon. When court was dismissed it was already night. The crowd rushed out, tripping and trampling one another. General Zhao Lang died at the forbidden gate. Qichong memorialized the full account and asked the Emperor to hold dawn court in pursuit of enlightened rule. Regional Commander Ma Ang presented his pregnant younger sister to the palace; Qichong and others protested vigorously. He then laid out the abuses of redundant officials, troops, and expenditures and asked that they be abolished throughout the government. The Emperor paid no attention. Soldiers of the four Tengxiang guards reassigned to other guards were ordered back by edict, yet leftover rolls still drew grain pay, wasting more than 870,000 piculs from the granaries. Qichong pressed the point hard, and the abuse of false claims ended. He returned home to observe mourning.
15
When the Jiajing Emperor took the throne, Qichong was restored to his former post and immediately contested the imperial title for the Jingxian Emperor. In the first month of Jiajing 1, just as the suburban sacrifice ended, a small room in the Qingning Palace caught fire. Qichong said, "The disaster reached the inner quarters because partial rites violated heaven's constant and usurping titles departed deeply from canonical norms. Assisting ministers held firm and ritual officials spoke clearly, yet they could not withstand the heterodox doctrines of classicists and the flattery of sycophants, who constantly used the empress dowager to silence the realm. Your subject maintains that without rectifying the great rites and dismissing heterodox doctrines, what is called self-examination is mere empty form. Moreover, edicts of late have issued from within while the Grand Secretariat knew nothing; villainous factions' cases were settled yet crookedly sheltered. Remonstrating officials have been expelled—there is danger that the Emperor's ears and eyes will be blocked; grand ministers are kept at a distance—the throne's limbs suffer numb paralysis. The Directorate of Ceremonial outweighs the chancellor, and vital mechanisms are entrusted to eunuchs. Recent officials are greedy and corrupt, yet are frequently promoted; frontier commanders ruin their armies, yet one hears no reprimand. Rewards of estate fields are excessive, and petitions for favor from the former princely residence have not ceased. I humbly hope Your Majesty will look up in awe of heaven, look down and heed the people, be close to grand ministers, rectify common administration, and thereby turn back calamity. The court acknowledged receipt of the memorial.
16
西
Soon he was dispatched as touring censor to Jiangxi. He obtained private letters from the Prince of Ning to Xiao Jing, Zhang Rui, Lu Wan, and others urgently seeking Sun Sui's removal, saying, "Tang Mu or Liang Chen would do as replacements; next, Wang Shouren would also do. He then reviewed the crimes of Jing, Rui, and the others, and argued that Shouren had sided with the rebel and that his titles should be revoked. Supervising secretary Wang Yingzhen spoke up for Shouren's service, saying, "The Prince of Ning's private letters were already ordered burned by imperial edict. Qichong credulously accepted the gathered accusations of dismissed magistrate Zhang Limai and submitted this memorial again—hardly the way to reward meritorious service. Section chief Lu Cheng likewise submitted a memorial defending Shouren. Censor Xiang Xin thereupon impeached Yingzhen and Cheng. The Emperor said, "When Shouren first heard of the Prince of Ning's revolt, he acted on principle and raised an army, ending the crisis. He was specially ennobled to reward that great service, and the matter need not be reopened. The Emperor approved eunuch Liang Dong's request and sent a palace eunuch to oversee the Nanjing imperial workshops. Qichong joined his colleagues and department official Zhang Song and others in strong remonstrance, but the Emperor would not heed them.
17
祿
Qichong had always been blunt and forthright, and Zhang Cong and Gui E resented him. When Guo Xun shielded defendants in the Li Fuda case and Qichong impeached him, Cong and E seized the chance to accuse Qichong of personal bias and had him banished to a frontier garrison. In the sixteenth year he was pardoned and allowed to return. Officials repeatedly recommended him, but he was never reappointed, and he died. In the early Longqing reign he was posthumously appointed Vice Minister of the Imperial Household.
18
In the eleventh month of the fourth year he submitted a memorial: "Lately, when court ministers submit sealed memorials, Your Majesty's replies always say, 'Orders have already been issued'—as if what is already done cannot be discussed. If the reply says, 'Still under deliberation,' that means what has not yet been done cannot be discussed either. If neither may be discussed, then in the end there is nothing left to say at all. Moreover, those who speak out today are nothing like they were in the early years of Your Majesty's reign. In the early years, on major affairs ministers would speak jointly in collective memorials and also submit individual memorials of their own. When a proposal failed, they would gather and look at one another, ashamed that their counsel had not carried the day. Lately it is otherwise: joint memorials are trimmed of anything taboo to avoid trouble, while individual ones nitpick trivialities merely to fulfill duty. If they escape punishment, they congratulate one another, counting mere survival as good fortune. This drains the spirit of candid remonstrance and encourages habitual silence—a poor blessing indeed for the court. The memorial was referred to the appropriate department.
19
使
He was soon promoted to Right Supervising Secretary. Wang Ke and Chen Cha impeached Guo Xun, but the Emperor comforted Xun and retained him in office. Kui and his colleagues Zheng Zibi and Zhao Tingrui said, "Xun has grown arrogant through villainous allies, using cruelty to fuel greed, networking for profit and preying on the military camps. He interceded for the sorcerer-rebel Li Fuda and cleared the traitor Lu Wan of guilt. A conciliatory edict keeping him in post amounts to commending wrongdoing and giving free rein to misconduct. He went on to say, "Fuda deluded common people and took up arms in rebellion. Xun's faction abetted rebellion—a crime that deserves nothing less than death. The Emperor refused to listen.
20
祿
Soon afterward, having offended the throne by remonstrating, he was demoted to assistant magistrate of Wujiang. He was again caught up in the Li Fuda case, arrested for questioning, and banished to a Liaodong frontier garrison. After ten years in exile, when his mother died he was unable to return home, and he died in grief. In the early Longqing reign he was posthumously appointed Vice Minister of the Imperial Household.
21
西西 祿
At the urging of palace eunuch Cui Wenyan, the Emperor established prayer rituals throughout the Qianqing and Kunning palaces, the Western Heaven, Tibetan, and Han sutra offices, the two warm chambers of Wuhua Palace, and the East Side Chamber—hardly a corner of the palace was left without them. Yipeng said, "This surge in prayer rituals must be the doing of holdovers from Wei Bin and Zhang Rui's faction. The late Emperor already went astray—surely Your Majesty cannot repeat the mistake? In touring the Imperial Household, I found that the cost of vegetarian provisions for a single ritual observance came to eighteen thousand cash. Your Majesty is willing to incur the people's resentment yet unwilling to offend your favored sycophants. Moreover, disasters from Heaven fall in succession, and on the roads of the capital the dead lie one after another; Frontier garrison troops bear arms night and day yet cannot eat their fill, while such vast sums are squandered on monks and Daoists—this I cannot fathom. The court acknowledged receipt of the memorial.
22
Tao Chun, a judicial thousand-household of the Eastern Depot, had a man killed unjustly and was sentenced to banishment to a frontier garrison. The Emperor ordered a retrial, and the sentence was reduced so that he retained his stipend. Yipeng and censor Li Dong and others pressed their memorial, also impeaching Vice Minister of Punishments Meng Feng, but the Emperor would not heed them. Supervising secretary Deng Jizeng, compiler Lu Nan, and editor Zou Shouyi were punished for remonstrating; Yipeng submitted memorials on behalf of each.
23
祿 西西西 西使
Daily palace expenditures have grown lavish—several times what they were under Tianshun. Yipeng said, "This year disaster relief funds run short and the Great Granary is often tapped for advances, yet the Qingning, Renshou, Weiyang, and other palaces regularly run surpluses that are mostly handed out to imperial kin. Would it not be better to keep those surpluses for the Imperial Household and honor the Empress Dowager's virtue? The Emperor ordered expenditures at the Qianqing and Kunning palaces temporarily cut by one tenth. Lu Mi presented tribute lions, western oxen, western dogs, western horses, and various pearls and jade. Yipeng cited the Han precedent of closing the Jade Gate and declining Western tribute, urging that border officials be ordered to give fitting rewards, send the envoys home, and keep them from entering the capital—thus showcasing the court's virtue in not coveting exotic goods. The Emperor refused to listen. Soon afterward he joined the palace-gate protest over the Grand Rites and was beaten in court.
24
Vice Minister Hu Zan and Regional Commander Lu Gang led troops against the Datong mutineers, submitted a merit roster, and asked that rewards be distributed widely among grand ministers, censorate officials, ministry clerks, and frontier governors, inspectors, commanders, and supervisors. Yipeng said, "Gui Yong had already executed Guo Jian and the others before Zan ever arrived. The killing of Xu Zhan'er and his fellows was Zhu Zhen's doing and had nothing to do with Zan. Zan hoped to claim credit and reap rewards; fearing outcry, he asked that everyone be included in the merit list to buy favor. Since the Datong crisis began, which grand minister or censorate official has offered Your Majesty a single workable plan? The mutineers still have many fugitives at large, and frontier commanders and governors are thousands of li apart—how could they have acted in concert? He called for Zan and his fellows to be punished for fraud, and the rewards were withheld.
25
使 祿
At a time when remonstrance usually brought punishment, Yipeng occasionally won the Emperor's assent and grew bolder in speaking out. He argued that Yang Hong was unsuited to be promoted to Ningxia regional commander; that Xi Shu should not be allowed to attack Fei Hong while keeping his own brother Chun on as a compiler; that Wang Xian had risen through court connections and that Deng Zhang had failed in Gansu—neither deserved recommendation as Three Border supreme commander; that Minister Luo Qinshun, who had finished mourning, Chancellor Lu Duo, who had requested leave, and demoted compiler Lu Nan ought to be recalled to the imperial lecture; and that petitions from ministers to visit family or recuperate should not be rejected wholesale. Every one of these memorials was bold and forthright. When Duke of Wuding Guo Xun sought to take over the Huben Left Guard to enlarge his mansion, he had commander Wang Wan and others claim the guard quarters were too cramped for officers and men and that a commoner named Guo Shun was willing to swap his house for the site. Shun was a bond-servant in Xun's household, and his dwelling was even more cramped. Yipeng and his colleague Zhang Song impeached Xun: "Trading a ramshackle house for a government compound shows arrogance, license, and contempt for the throne. In antiquity Dou Xian seized the Qinshui Garden and was eventually executed for treason. Xun schemed to seize an imperial military guard—his offense surely exceeds Dou Xian's. The ministry officials who bent to his power ought to be punished as well. Minister Zhao Huang and his colleagues thereupon impeached themselves. An edict ordered the property returned, and Xun nursed a deep grievance. When Yipeng again impeached Xun in the Li Fuda case, Gui E and Zhang Cong had him convicted of false reporting, tortured, and struck from the rolls. After the fire at the Nine Temples, censorate officials jointly recommended overlooked talent and Yipeng, but he was never recalled. In time he died. In the early Longqing reign his rank was restored and he was posthumously appointed Vice Minister of the Imperial Household.
26
Tang Shu, whose style was Weizhong, was a native of Gui'an. He passed the metropolitan examination in Jiajing 5. He was appointed section chief in the Ministry of Punishments. Censorate officials kept impeaching Guo Xun over the Li Fuda case, yet never got to the heart of the case records. Shu submitted a memorial:
27
In the Li Fuda case, Your Majesty has ordered the investigation reopened again and again—a mark of the reverent compassion of the sage emperors of old. Yet your officials have failed you—deceivers spread slander freely, flatterers muddle the story, the fearful change their testimony, and investigators confuse the facts. Thus Your Majesty grows more confused, and the rights and wrongs of the matter still cannot be settled. I venture to think Your Majesty harbors six doubts. First, that rebellion is a grave charge and should not lightly be laid on a mere suspect. Second, that people in the world can look alike. Third, that Xue Liang's testimony should not be credited. Fourth, that Li Jue's original dispatch was clear. Fifth, that your ministers have formed a faction to bring down Guo Xun. Sixth, that the witnesses from Guo and Luo are all sworn enemies. Allow me to address each in turn.
28
祿 祿 祿 西西
When Fuda first appeared, Wang Liang and Li Yue followed him—what did they intend? Then Huiqing, Shao Jinlu, and others made him their teacher—what were they taught? The compact Li Tiehan arranged in late tenth month—what were they seeking to accomplish? The words 'I have Heaven's mandate'—what plot lay behind them? What did he mean by the phrase 'Supreme Mysterious Heaven bestows secret scriptures'? The looting of storehouses, attacks on cities, raising of rebel banners, and bestowal of ranks were carried out by Jinlu and his followers—but where did all of that begin? Jinlu was executed with the ceremonial axe, and afterward his plot was fully exposed—the evidence of rebellion could hardly be clearer. People in Shaanxi say he deserves death; people in Shanxi say the same; in the capital, everyone agrees—yet only those around Your Majesty say otherwise. How, then, can I understand your hesitation? Your first doubt, then, is groundless.
29
禿
Fuda's appearance was easy to recognize—some knew him by his bald head, others by his accent. Li Er, Li Jun, and Li San, members of his clan, all identified him. Qi Guang's wife spoke up, and her grandson recognized him. Du Wenzhu was the first to recognize him—a kinsman by marriage. Han Liangxiang and Li Jingquan confirmed the identification—they were his friends. Gao Shangjie and Wang Zongmei, who had hosted him in Fuzhou, also recognized him. Shao Jimei and Zong Zicheng, his hosts in Luochuan, identified him as well. Shi Wenju and others testified too—travelers on the roads of Shanxi and Shaanxi knew him on sight. Your second doubt, likewise, should be set aside.
30
Xue Liang was a wicked man, to be sure—not someone of good character. Yet his claim that Zhang Yin was really Li Fuda, alias Li Wu, rested on solid evidence. A man's character must not discredit truthful testimony. Fuda moved in secrecy and was cleverer than most; many had been taken in by his tricks. Only someone as shrewd as Xue Liang could have brought his hidden crimes to light. Exposés and denunciations have never required a witness who was honest, plain, and upright. Your third doubt is equally unfounded.
31
Li Jue dismissed Xue Liang as untrustworthy, found no dragon-tiger birthmark or cinnabar inscription on the suspect, noted Zhang Yin and his sons listed under Zhang Zizhen's household in Wutai County, and found no record of Li Fuda or Li Wu in Guo County's Left Garrison Brigade. On that basis he closed the case in haste and let the real culprit go. He failed to ask the obvious question: Wutai's household register had only begun accepting new entries in Jiajing 1—so where had Zhang Yin and his sons come from overnight? A family wealthy enough to buy office with grain payments does not become rich overnight. Why had they never appeared in the records before? Li Fuda was already registered in Guo County's urban wards, yet Li Jue searched the Left Garrison Brigade under the name Li Wu and then wondered why he could find no registered address. How, then, could an inconclusive search of the military rolls be treated as proof? And if Fuda truly possessed occult powers, who is to say he had not faked the dragon-tiger mark and cinnabar inscription to impress followers, then erased them to evade prosecution? Nor can Xue Liang's testimony be dismissed outright as fabrication. Your fourth doubt, too, does not hold.
32
Many men come to the capital from every province—not every one of them is Li Fuda. Having taken the name Zhang Yin and dressed the part, it was understandable that Guo Xun believed him. That he was in fact a surviving accomplice of a heretic rebel was something no one could reasonably have foreseen. Guo Xun may well bear some blame, but Your Majesty has already shown him great favor. Even if some ministers wished to bring him down, how could they convict him on that basis alone? Your fifth doubt is likewise unnecessary.
33
When investigators claim a charge is fabricated, they must explain why it was fabricated. When they invoke personal enmity, they must specify what the grudge was about. If Xue Liang alone is dismissed as an enemy, then none of the other witnesses can be. If Han Liangxiang and Qi Guang are enemies, then Gao Shangjie, Qu Kong, and Shi Wenju plainly are not. If Wei Tai and Liu Yongzhen are enemies, then the provincial, surveillance, prefectural, and county officials who testified cannot be. If everyone from Shanxi and Shaanxi is an enemy, then the witnesses encountered on the roads of the capital cannot be. Your sixth and final doubt should be dismissed as well.
34
I beg Your Majesty to lay all six doubts to rest and pronounce Li Fuda's guilt clearly. Then the wicked will have nowhere to hide, and the dynasty will be the better for it. When the memorial arrived, the Emperor flew into a rage and stripped Shu of his office, reducing him to commoner status. Later, when the "Records of Grand Cases in the August Ming" was compiled, Shu's memorial was cut and omitted.
35
In his youth Shu studied under Zhan Ruoshui and pursued a rigorous course of practical self-cultivation. He also devoted himself to statecraft, personally traveling the Nine Frontiers and the treacherous passes of Guangdong, Sichuan, Yunnan, and Guizhou. He tramped rough roads in straw sandals and lived on simple fare, and kept at it until old age. In the early Longqing reign his rank was restored. Because of his advanced age, he was promoted in rank and allowed to retire. Gao Gong, who resented Xu Jie, argued that restoring the honors of ministers punished under the previous reign for their memorials would expose the late emperor's errors, and he persuaded the court to halt the program. Shu was never included.
36
西
Du Luan, whose style was Yuwen, was a native of Xianning in Shaanxi. He passed the metropolitan examination in the final years of the Zhengde reign. He was appointed reviewing officer at the Court of Judicial Review. Early in the Jiajing reign he joined the protest at the palace gate over the Great Rites and was beaten outside the Meridian Gate. Li Jian, a bandit from Changsha, and his father Hua had robbed villages. Hua was executed, but Jian got away. He returned to banditry and was eventually captured. Xi Shu, then grand coordinator of Huguang, impeached Prefect Song Qing for deliberately framing Li Jian. The Emperor sent a senior official to review the case, who confirmed the evidence of Li Jian's crimes. The Emperor then ordered him brought to the capital for trial. Xi Shu memorialized the throne: 'Because I took the opposing side in the Rites dispute, the court officials who examined this case were bound to rule against me. I ask that the judicial authorities be ordered to rehear the case with a joint panel of officials. Du Luan then joined Censor Su En in a second inquiry. The testimony was unchanged, and he reported: 'Xi Shu pleaded for Li Jian out of spite toward Song Qing, and invoked the Rites dispute to do it. The Great Rites controversy arose from Your Majesty's filial devotion. Xi Shu happened to strike the right note once, and ever since he has wielded the Rites issue to pressure Your Majesty and intimidate the rest of the bureaucracy. Nothing has done more to corrupt the conduct of government. The Emperor, unwilling to cross Xi Shu, spared Li Jian's life and banished him to Liaodong instead.
37
使
Not long afterward came the Zhang Yin case. Du Luan, together with Sima Xiang of the Ministry of Punishments and Censor Gao Shikui, handled the case files. Du Luan memorialized: 'In the Li Jian case, Your Majesty heeded Xi Shu and set aside the law in a misguided show of favor. Since then the powerful have treated the sale of justice as routine, and patronage has gone unchecked. Now Guo Xun's scheme has succeeded once more. Xi Shu said he was being targeted 'because of the Rites dispute'; Guo Xun says the same. Xi Shu claimed his enemies 'wanted Li Jian dead to get at me'; Guo Xun now claims they 'want Zhang Yin dead to get at me.' They whisper the same sophistry into the imperial ear, as if speaking from a single script. They are turning Your Majesty's solemn rites of honoring his father into a cover for wicked men. Bribery will flourish openly, rebels will follow in succession, and the dynasty will suffer for it. Gui E and his allies then overturned the earlier verdict, and Du Luan was stripped of his rank and dismissed.
38
使 使 使
When Xi Shu first moved to leniency for Li Jian, Supervising Secretary Guan Lu observed: 'Memorialists of late constantly invoke the Rites dispute in their petitions. Whether asking to retire, confessing fault, or pleading someone else's case, the matter has nothing to do with the Rites—yet they drag it in every time. Why? Petty men do it to wound their enemies—nothing else reliably provokes Your Majesty's wrath; and to keep their own favor, nothing else so reliably wins Your Majesty's approval. I ask that hereafter memorialists be instructed to speak plainly to the facts and stop borrowing the Rites issue, lest they tarnish Your Majesty's reputation. The Emperor agreed and ordered the Censorate to circulate the admonition to the entire bureaucracy. Two days later, with the Spirit Temple completed, Censor Li Yan asked that the ministers punished over the Rites be posthumously restored, and urged a careful sorting of right from wrong: 'Where a man was right about the Rites but wrong in his conduct, his Rites stance must not excuse his misconduct. Where a man was wrong about the Rites but right in his conduct, his error on the Rites must not obscure his merits. Only when factions are fully dissolved and disputes cease will the court achieve truly impartial governance. Soon afterward Supervising Secretary Chen Gaomo added: 'The rites honoring the late Emperor Xian sprang from Your Majesty's deepest filial feeling. Xi Shu and his allies seized the credit for themselves, formed factions, and ruled by caprice— dispensing favors and punishments at will. Take Li Jian and his father: their guilt was plain. Xi Shu bent the law to save them, claiming that 'my enemies in the Rites dispute are trying to kill Li Jian to get at me.' The Rites dispute was a matter of public policy. Agreement or disagreement on it hardly makes men mortal enemies. Even if Xi Shu had enemies, Li Jian was no relation, friend, or associate of his. Why would anyone take revenge on Jian? As for Guo Xun, he shields criminals and, when his back-channel dealings are exposed, pleads their case with the same Rites excuse to stir public outrage— as if no favor is too great and no law too sacred. Is this not outrageous? I urge Your Majesty to dismiss Xi Shu and Guo Xun at once, impose the full penalty on Li Jian, and thoroughly investigate Guo Xun's patronage network. Let everyone see that powerful schemers cannot be trusted and the law cannot be bought—only then will sedition wither and the door to corruption be shut for good. The Emperor paid no heed.
39
Ye Yingcong, whose style was Suqing, was a native of Yin. He passed the metropolitan examination in Zhengde 12. He received an appointment as section chief in the Ministry of Punishments. He joined his colleagues in protesting the southern tour and was beaten thirty strokes. Early in the Jiajing reign he rose to bureau director. He joined the palace-gate protest over the Great Rites and was imprisoned and beaten at court a second time.
40
Supervising Secretary Chen Guang of Chaoyang was a man of bad character. At home he feuded with Magistrate Song Yuanhan and had his son Zhu lodge accusations that got Yuanhan exiled to frontier service. Song Yuanhan collected evidence of Chen Guang's crimes and private misconduct, and published it under the title "Record of Vindicating the Wronged." Chen Guang fell out of favor with the moral critics at court, and Minister Qiao Yu had him posted away as assistant commissioner in Huguang. Chen Guang had once argued that the late Emperor Xian ought not to be styled emperor. By then, however, Zhang Cong, Gui E, and their allies had shot to power on the strength of the Rites dispute. Chen Guang seized the moment with a memorial endorsing their view and urging the immediate abolition of the title of biological father. In the same breath he attacked Qiao Yu and Selection Secretary Xia Liangsheng, while praising his own allies among them: the former supervising secretaries Yu Gui, Yan Hong, and Shi Dao, and the former censor Cao Jia. The Emperor at once restored Chen Guang and his allies to office and posted Xia Liangsheng away from the capital. Chen Guang next denounced Grand Secretary Fei Hong, Ministers Jin Xianmin and Li Jian, Vice Ministers Wu Yipeng, Zhu Xizhou, and Wang Wei, Bureau Directors Yu Cai and Liu Tianmin, Section Vice Director Xue Hui, and Supervising Secretary Zheng Yipeng as members of a corrupt faction, while recommending fifteen men including Liao Ji to replace them. Before long he impeached Minister of Personnel Yang Dan and others as well. The Emperor was delighted. Yang Dan was dismissed on the spot, and Liao Ji was promoted to take his place. Zhang Cong, Gui E, and their followers then used him as a weapon against their opponents. Supervising Secretary Zhao Han, Censor Zhu Yi, and others filed one memorial after another impeaching Chen Guang, while Censors Zhang Ritao, Dai Jin, and Lan Tian submitted separate memorials of their own. Lan Tian also impeached Xi Shu and submitted Song Yuanhan's Record of Vindicating the Wronged under seal. Censor-in-Chief Wang Shizhong asked that Chen Guang be removed from office and held for trial. Chen Guang memorialized: 'The whole pack of schemers hates me for opposing the Great Rites and will have the provincial authorities kill me. I beg that an officer of the Embroidered Uniform Guard be sent to investigate.' Chen Guang calculated that an Embroidered Uniform Guard officer could be bought off. An imperial order came down dispatching Ye Yingcong together with Li Jing, a thousand-household of the Embroidered Uniform Guard. Ye Yingcong burned incense and swore an oath before Heaven, then joined Censors Xiong Lan, Tu Xiang, and others in a joint inquiry. In all they submitted one hundred seventy-two counts against Chen Guang. Charges predating the amnesty and those too unclear to stand were set aside; thirteen counts remained for judgment. The crimes were judged capital. Chen Guang should be beheaded, his wife divorced from him, and his son Zhu executed by strangulation. Terrified, Chen Guang fled to the palace gate to plead his case in person. The Emperor kept Ye Yingcong's report and refused to act on it. Minister Li Jian, Vice Censor-in-Chief Zhang Run, Supervising Secretary Jie Yigui, Censor Zheng Bengong, and others filed memorial after memorial pressing the case. The Emperor, left with no alternative, finally ordered a review. Bureau Director Huang Wan staunchly defended Ye Yingcong's findings. Xi Shu and Gui E tried to mediate but failed; they then pressed Zhang Cong to join them in a memorial claiming that Chen Guang, a supporter of the Rites cause, had been undone by the investigating magistrate. The Emperor took their side and ordered Chen Guang absolved of criminal guilt and reduced to commoner status. Chief Minister of Justice Tang Mu, together with Li Jian and Jie Yigui, protested again, but the Emperor would not hear them. Not long afterward, when the Great Rites compendium was finished, Chen Guang's wife and son were pardoned as well. Ye Yingcong was soon transferred to prefect of Ji'an, then went home to mourn his mother.
41
使
In the sixth year, Gui E and his faction tightened their grip on power still further. Gui E was then running the Ministry of Punishments, and court officials including Ma Lu had been thrown into prison for impeaching Guo Xun. Chen Guang decided that the moment offered a chance to overturn the old verdict and submitted a memorial accusing Ye Yingcong and his associates. Gui E took up Chen Guang's cause and pressed his grievance at court. Chen Guang, Ye Yingcong, Song Yuanhan, and Huang Wan were arrested; surveillance commissioners such as Zhang You were ordered home to await further instructions; and the case dragged in four hundred people. The Nine Ministers and the Embroidered Uniform Guard interrogated the case at court. Ye Yingcong answered: 'All I upheld was the law of the realm. If you gentlemen mean to clear Chen Guang, that is your command to give. Minister of Punishments Hu Shining and the others knew perfectly well that Chen Guang's crimes were serious, but shaken by the earlier great purge, none dared stand firm. That same day yellow fog closed in on every side, and the trial could not be brought to a conclusion. The next day a violent wind tore trees up by the roots. An edict called for moral self-examination throughout the realm and suspended the use of punishments. Ye Yingcong was convicted under the statute for investigating a case on false grounds and reduced to commoner status; Song Yuanhan, Huang Wan, Lan Tian, and others were demoted and banished in varying degrees; and Chen Guang was restored to minor official standing with cap and sash. Huo Tao memorialized again on Chen Guang's behalf but could not prevail, and Chen Guang came to hate Ye Yingcong all the more bitterly. Several years later, Chen Guang had others submit a memorial accusing Ye Yingcong of having cruelly killed twenty-six innocent people while investigating cases. The matter was referred to touring censor Li Mei for review. Li Mei reported that each of the dead had been lawfully condemned and that there had been no deliberate murder. Minister of Punishments Xu Zan declared Ye Yingcong innocent. The Emperor nonetheless banished Ye Yingcong to frontier service in Liaodong. That case dragged on for eight years from start to finish. Everyone who had attacked Chen Guang or handled his case was punished in turn, and more than a hundred people were arrested. People throughout the empire loathed Gui E and his followers for their treachery and bullying, and grew ever more ashamed to hear the Rites-faction officials praised.
42
On his way to his place of exile, Ye Yingcong passed through Suzhou. The prefect prepared a banquet to welcome him, but Ye Yingcong cast off at once and sailed away; even gifts sent after him he refused to accept. In the sixteenth year he was pardoned and allowed to return home. After the Bright Hall grand sacrifice was completed, he was again granted official cap and sash. Ye Yingcong was devoted in friendship, loved to write, and though he suffered one ordeal after another, his spirit never broke.
43
Huang Wan was a native of Xi. As a section chief in the Ministry of Punishments, he protested the southern tour and was beaten with the rod. He rose to bureau director, then was appointed prefect of Shaoxing, where he governed with leniency and restraint. When he was recalled to the capital, scholars and commoners wept until the countryside rang with lament; they competed to send him parting gifts, but Huang Wan accepted only two cash. Once he reached the capital he was thrown into the imperial prison, where he wasted away and died. At the opening of the Longqing reign he was posthumously made Vice Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices.
44
Lan Tian was a native of Jimo. He joined the protest over the Great Rites and was beaten with the rod. When Zhang Cong took charge of the Censorate and reviewed its personnel, Lan Tian was dismissed and sent home.
45
退
Jie Yigui was soon promoted to chief supervising secretary of the Office of Scrutiny for Personnel. Instructor Wang Jia and recorder Qian Yixun had been dismissed in the personnel review and now pretended devotion to the Rites cause in hopes of being reappointed. Jie Yigui and his colleagues said: 'If this is permitted, it will destroy a system our ancestors maintained for a century. In the end the matter was dropped. Zhang Cong and Gui E attacked Fei Hong day after day without letup. Jie Yigui and his colleagues submitted a memorial saying: 'Measured by the standards of the great ministers of old, Fei Hong's conduct in office is certainly open to criticism. Yet from the day he entered office until now, we have heard of no grave offense on his part. Zhang Cong and Gui E, by contrast, have been treacherous and ruthless all their lives; they won favor only because their view on the Rites dispute happened to suit Your Majesty. Since their sudden rise they have leaned on imperial favor and ridden roughshod over their colleagues at court. They have long nursed a grudge against Fei Hong and now seek to drive him out and take his place. Your Majesty referred the stream of memorials to the responsible offices, yet ended by saying, 'Each of you should attend to his own duties'—a subtle but unmistakable rebuke meant to break their scheming. A few ministers failed to grasp Your Majesty's deeper intent: some attacked Fei Hong alone, others Zhang Cong and Gui E as well, not understanding that Hong might be removed, but Cong and Gui would not go with him. A man of integrity finds it hard to rise but easy to step aside; a petty man is not like that. Fei Hong cares what others say of him and still has a sense of honor; one may still hope to treat him as a man of integrity. Zhang Cong and Gui E are petty men of the worst kind. What would they not dare to do? If their plot succeeds, the wicked will grow bolder still, good men will be slandered without end, and the affairs of the realm will become deeply alarming. Zheng Luoshu and Zhang Lu also spoke on the three men's conduct at that time, but Jie Yigui's language was the sharpest of all. An edict referred the matter to the responsible offices. Zhang Cong, Gui E, and their allies never forgave the affront; in the end Jie Yigui was banished to serve as assistant magistrate of Kaizhou, where he died.
46
退 祿
Zheng Luoshu, whose style was Qifan, was a native of Putian. He passed the metropolitan examination in his early twenties, was appointed magistrate of Shanghai, and governed well. In Jiajing 4 he was summoned to the capital and appointed censor. Zhang Cong and Gui E used the Chen Jiuchuan affair to attack Fei Hong. Zheng Luoshu and his colleague Zheng Qi submitted a memorial saying: 'In the Jiuchuan case, many believe Zhang Cong and Gui E plotted together—a view that has already offended public opinion—but the question of what Fei Hong took or gave is also still unclear. The court has its standards, and great ministers are judged by how they advance and withdraw from office. Fei Hong, Zhang Cong, and Gui E all ought to step down. If Fei Hong does not leave, he will be accused of clinging to salary and rank; if Zhang Cong and Gui E do not leave, they will look like men who cut a path through another's field to steal his ox. An edict rebuked Zheng Luoshu for reckless speech.
47
使使
The Emperor bestowed poems and calligraphy on Ministers Li Jian and Xi Shu. Zheng Luoshu said: 'Your Majesty's gracious treatment of your ministers recalls the tradition of responsive song at the court of Emperor Shun. I hope Your Majesty will extend the same spirit to remember those who served you before. For retired ministers such as Liu Jian, Xie Qian, Lin Jun, and Sun Jiao, send down special imperial writings and seek their counsel on current affairs—then Your Majesty's virtue will shine all the brighter. Extend the same spirit, too, to pardon past offenses. For exiled officials such as Feng Xi, Liu Ji, Yu Kuan, and Wang Yuanzheng, show special mercy and restore them to office as each case warrants—then Your Majesty's magnanimity will be seen to reach farther still. The memorial was acknowledged, but nothing more was done. When the Li Fuda case arose and the Emperor prepared to try it in person, Zheng Luoshu said: 'If Your Majesty wields the power of sole judgment and leaves every judge in fear of punishment, then even men as upright as Zhang Shizhi and Yu Dingguo could not speak freely before the throne. How, then, can punishments be just? The Emperor was furious and was about to punish him, but Yang Yiqing interceded forcefully and the matter was dropped. He was soon sent out to oversee education in the Southern Metropolitan Region, but on the road he received word of a death in the family and returned home.
48
In the twelfth year, after the capital evaluation was finished, censorate officials were ordered to impeach one another in turn, and Zheng Luoshu was denounced and dismissed from office. Supervising Secretary Rao Xiu, impeached by a censor and with no other outlet for his anger, turned around and accused Zheng Luoshu, Wang Chongxian, and seven others of corruption and incompetence. Wang Chongxian and the others were all demoted and removed from office. Public opinion was appalled. Zheng Luoshu lived at home a little more than two years longer and died at the age of thirty-nine. His son Kai went to live in Shanghai. The people of Shanghai worked a hundred mu of land to support him. Each year he would travel there, collect the harvest, and return home.
49
西西
Zhang Lu, courtesy name Zongzhi, was from Chengwu. He passed the metropolitan examinations in Zhengde 6 (1511). He was appointed an erudite at the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, then promoted to censor. Early in the Jiajing reign he joined the palace-gate protest over the Great Rites and was imprisoned and flogged at court. As an inspecting censor in the capital region, he impeached the generals stationed at Xuanfu for military failures; all were convicted. Envoys from Lu Mi in the Western Regions brought lions, a zebu, and other tribute, claiming the jade they presented had cost more than 23,000 taels of gold; their embassies had shuttled back and forth for nearly seven years in hopes of lavish rewards from the Ming court. Zhang Lu memorialized: "A sage ruler does not prize exotic curios. At present the two lions consume one sheep apiece daily—more than seven hundred sheep over the course of a year. Cattle are meant to eat hay and grain, yet this beast is fed sweetmeats and fruit—it consumes food meant for human beings. I ask that their tribute be sent back, their envoys returned home, and their rewards kept modest, so as to discourage such hopeful schemes." The emperor did not heed his advice.
50
When Zhang Cong was elevated to Vice Minister of War, Zhang Lu and fellow censors protested, but the emperor refused to listen. Zhang Cong and Gui E kept assailing Fei Hong. Zhang Lu memorialized: "Floods and droughts come one after another, and ominous portents multiply—this is precisely when officials should examine their conduct and reform. These men are the pillars of the realm, yet they tear one another down like this—how can we hope to avert heaven's warnings? I ask that all three be removed from office at once, so that heaven's reproof may be withdrawn." The emperor issued a warning reproach to Zhang Cong and Gui E. Later, as vice minister overseeing censorial affairs, Zhang Cong settled old scores. He claimed Zhang Lu did not understand proper censorial conduct, and Lu was dismissed and sent home. He lived in retirement for twenty years, then died.
51
沿 退便殿 便 使仿
Lu Can, courtesy name Ziyu, was from Changzhou. As a young man he called on Wang Ao, a fellow townsman; Ao took notice of him and said, "This boy is destined to win literary fame throughout the empire." He passed the metropolitan examinations in Jiajing 5 (1526) and was selected as a Hanlin bachelor. He placed first in all seven examinations. Zhang Cong and Gui E had all the Hanlin bachelors transferred to ministry posts and county magistracies, but Lu Can alone—on account of his talent—was retained as supervising secretary in the Bureau of Works. Upright and outspoken, he fearlessly spoke his mind. In a memorial he wrote: "From the Hongwu Emperor to the Xuande Emperor, senior ministers counseled the throne face to face, as intimately as father and son within a household. After the young Emperor Yingzong came to the throne, ministers adopted a temporary practice: at regular audiences they would submit memoranda drafted the day before for imperial rescripts, while other business was sent in sealed memorials—a habit that persists to this day. Your Majesty is now determined to restore good governance. I ask that after each morning audience you withdraw to the Privy Chamber and receive senior ministers; let attending officials and remonstrating censors take turns presenting their counsel each day; when grand coordinators, inspecting censors, princes, and provincial surveillance commissioners take their leave at court, summon them to seek their practical advice on local affairs; moreover, select accomplished scholars of wide learning, who would serve in rotation at court to lecture on the classics and histories, following the Hongwen Pavilion precedent of the Renzong era. Then the feelings of court and realm would flow freely, and every matter of state be set plainly before Your Majesty." The emperor did not heed his advice. He went on to argue that overvaluing examination rank alone blocked career paths for tribute students and recommendees, made prefectural and county teaching posts too slight, and locked minor officials into posts for life—all policies that cried out for reform. He then proposed long tenure for capable officials, careful performance reviews, and cuts to redundant posts, and concluded by urging revival of the special examination system on the Tang and Song model, held every few years to surface unusual talent: "The most gifted should be groomed for palace service, the next tier assigned to the ministries, and incumbent officials allowed to advance in turn—so that talent of every kind would come forward and no worthy man be left neglected."
52
宿
Shortly afterward he worked with Censor Chi Yuanhong to audit accounts at the imperial stables. In a bold memorial he took on Imperial Stud Eunuch Yan Hong, and long-standing abuses were cleaned up. He locked horns with fellow supervising secretary Liu Xijian over the Zhang Fu case. The emperor was enraged and had both men thrown into the imperial prison. They were flogged thirty strokes and then released to resume their posts. The full account of this affair is given in the biography of Xiong Jia.
53
Zhang Cong and Gui E held power together and dominated court affairs at will. Supervising secretaries Sun Yingkui and Wang Zhun exposed their misconduct, yet the emperor responded with soothing edicts of reassurance. Lu Can, unable to contain his anger, submitted a memorial that read:
54
Zhang Cong and Gui E are men of vicious temperament who subscribe to perverse doctrines. Only a few years ago they were obscure officials who lent their voices to the Great Rites controversy; whisked into the emperor's inner circle, they rose within three or four years to the highest offices of state. Such extravagant favour is without precedent in all history. Yet they dare deceive the throne, abuse their power, solicit bribes, lord it over the court, and settle personal scores. Zhang Cong is cruel, opinionated, and willful, twisting every dispute to private ends. Gui E wears a mask of mildness, but at heart he is ruthlessly vindictive. Once his spite takes hold, he strikes like a viper or maddened beast—whoever crosses him is doomed. I shall cite only a few of their outrages.
55
使 便
Gui E accepted bribes of tens of thousands from Minister Wang Qiong and lobbied relentlessly for his recall; Zhang Cong backed the move from behind the scenes, and Qiong was restored to office. Changhua Earl Shao Jie was merely an adopted son of the Shao family; Gui E took a large bribe and helped this base-born upstart seize an hereditary earldom. Li Menghao, a physician Gui E favored, gained office by pretending to offer books as tribute; their houses stood side by side with a private door between them for constant traffic, and Li regularly served as a go-between for Gui E's household retainers such as Wu Congzhou. He also installed his countryman Zhou Shiwang as Selection Bureau director, who traded in offices and sold appointments. When Zhou Shiwang left, Hu Sen took his place. Hu Sen, together with section chiefs Yang Lin and Wang Ji, were also hometown relatives of the chief ministers.
56
使
Every key post in the appointment bureau was filled with their own men. In little more than a year of managing appointments, he packed the bureaucracy with hometown connections beyond count. Retired Minister Liu Lin, for instance, was a maternal cousin of Gui E. Vice Minister Yan Song had been tutor to his son. Assistant Censor-in-Chief Li Rugui leapt from surveillance commissioner straight into the inner censorate; Nanjing Vice Minister of the Court of the Imperial Stud Xia Shangpu rose from prefect to a prestigious central post in a single month; Ministry of Rites Section Vice Director Zhang Jia climbed the ladder of promotion and won Gui E's favor; Censor Dai Jin joined the attack at the first sign of favor—all were Gui E's in-laws and cronies, banding together in corruption. Minister of Rites Li Shi was smooth and adept at flattery; cunning and shrewd. Nanjing Minister of Rites Huang Guan peddled distorted learning and pandered to the times with empty talk designed to dazzle. Preceptor Peng Ze schemed his way into a higher rank, staining a once-pure office—all of them secretly loyal to Zhang Cong while openly attaching themselves to Gui E.
57
With Zhang Cong and his allies wielding such power and commanding so large a faction, the realm feared and detested them, and no one dared bring charges openly. Unless they are removed at once, these ruthless men will never change; they are certain to become a grave threat to the dynasty.
58
Deeply moved, the emperor at once issued an edict publicizing the crimes of Zhang Cong and Gui E and dismissed them from the chief ministership; but because Lu Can had not spoken sooner, he was turned over to the judicial authorities for prosecution.
59
使
Before long Junior Tutor Huo Tao launched a furious attack on Lu Can, claiming Yang Yiqing had put him up to it. Liu Xijian responded: "Zhang Cong and Gui E lost office by the emperor's own sacred decision. To say furthermore that a dog was set to incite them is to compare remonstrating officials to dogs—an insult to the entire court." Yet the emperor ultimately heeded Huo Tao, recalled Zhang Cong, stripped Yang Yiqing of office, threw Liu Xijian into the imperial prison but then released him to resume his post, and demoted Lu Can to post-station assistant at Duzhen in Guizhou.
60
歿
He was later promoted to magistrate of Yongxin county. In the course of his tenure he captured several hundred bandits, and local ruffians were driven into hiding. After some years he requested leave to return home to care for his aging mother. More than thirty memorials recommending him for reappointment were all rejected. Huo Tao also recommended Lu Can for office. Lu Can replied, "The empire has already been ruined in the hands of such schemers—are you trying to smear me with their leftover filth?" After his mother died he mourned with devastating grief and died before the mourning period was finished.
61
Liu Xijian, courtesy name Yishun, was from Hanzhou. He was a jinshi graduate. He was appointed a courier. As supervising secretary in the Bureau of Works, within only five months he twice offended the throne by speaking bluntly, and his reputation spread far and wide. After some time he was demoted to county assistant magistrate. He ended his career as prefect of Gongchang.
62
Wang Zhun — Courtesy name Zitui; his family held hereditary registration in the Qin Prince's guard command. Wang Zhun, as a jinshi graduate, was appointed county magistrate. As supervising secretary in the Bureau of Rites, he inspected the capital garrisons and impeached Guo Xun for abusing his authority. The following year he impeached Zhang Cong and Gui E for installing their own partisans. When Zhang Cong and Gui E were dismissed, Wang Zhun was also handed over to the judicial authorities and demoted to clerk at Fumin. He was later promoted again to county magistrate. Censor-in-Chief Wang Yang, ingratiating himself with Zhang Cong's wishes, had him dismissed through a performance review.
63
滿
Shao Jingbang, courtesy name Zhongde, was from Renhe. He passed the metropolitan examinations in Zhengde 16 (1521). He became section chief in the Ministry of Works. While collecting customs duties at Jingzhou, he filled the tax quota within three months and then opened the checkpoint to allow merchant vessels to pass freely. He was promoted to section vice director in the Ministry of Works. In the tenth month of Jiajing 8 (1529), a solar eclipse occurred. Shao Jingbang was then serving in the Ministry of Punishments and submitted a memorial that read:
64
調
Now, in the first month of the year, a solar eclipse has occurred. Measured against the 'Tenth Month' ode in the Book of Songs, the omen of change is unmistakable. Commentators on the Odes hold that when yin overwhelms yang, it is because worthy men are not used—and the fault is laid entirely at Royal Father's door. Might those who now hold the reins of state and claim to set things right not be playing the part of Royal Father themselves? Not long ago Your Majesty heeded Lu Can and dismissed Zhang Cong and Gui E from office. Before long, on the grounds that Zhang Cong had served the rites debate well, he was recalled to serve as chief counselor. Public murmuring spread far and wide, yet Your Majesty paid it no heed. When Heaven sends such a sign, how can we not tremble before it?
65
退 使滿
Debating ritual and governing the realm are two different matters. Ritual debate calls for what is right; governance calls for what is fair. Establishing the proper honorific for Your Majesty's father and thereby affirming the bond between father and son is indeed what ritual demands. Even to override popular opinion and stand on one's own judgment need not count as bias—so long as the matter is ritual, not politics. But in appointing officials and running the government, one must distinguish the loyal from the corrupt, weigh each man's ability, and share power with the worthy across the realm. That alone is true impartiality. Your Majesty now rewards Zhang Cong's service in the rites controversy with high office without scrutinizing his character or capacity. This looks like patronage of a partisan in the ritual dispute. To reward a partisan of the rites debate is to treat the rites themselves as a private matter, not a public one. Ritual endures for all time only when it rests on absolute impartiality. But if ritual is tainted by private interest, what can be upheld today can just as easily be overturned tomorrow. If Your Majesty truly believes the rites honoring your father are beyond reproach and wishes your descendants to uphold them forever— —then entrust every minister's appointment and dismissal to absolute fairness. Reward those who served the rites debate generously and honor them to the end, then seek out the most respected worthies across the empire to help complete a great and luminous reign. Hearts would be at rest, Heaven would be appeased, and ten thousand years from now Your Majesty's temple name Shizong would stand unshaken for a hundred generations. Would that not be magnificent? But to heap undeserved power upon them, driving them past the brim until they provoke the wrath of Heaven and the people—that would be no blessing to Zhang Cong and his allies either.
66
The Emperor flew into a rage and had him thrown into the Embroidered Uniform Guard prison for torture and interrogation. When the case was reported, the prison authorities asked that he be handed over to the regular courts for sentencing. The Emperor said, "This is no ordinary crime. It need not go to the regular courts." He was banished to serve at the Zhenhai garrison in Fujian. In Jiajing 16 (1537), the birth of a prince was marked by a general amnesty. Shao Jingbang, Feng Xi, and six others alone were excluded from the pardon.
67
In exile, Shao Jingbang shut himself in and devoted himself to study. He and Feng Xi, along with fellow exile Chen Jiuchuan, often met to discuss and debate. He lived at Zhenhai for thirty-seven years before he died. The people of Fujian built a Shrine to Exiled Worthies in their honor. At the start of the Longqing reign, his official rank was posthumously restored.
68
歿
He rose from Left Supervising Secretary in the Personnel Section to Chief Supervising Secretary. He and his colleague Li Ren impeached Guardian of the Heir Gu Dingchen for corruption and sycophancy, warning that today's tutor to the heir is tomorrow's chief minister. The Emperor was furious and demanded to know what precedent justified the claim that a tutor to the heir would become chief counselor. Liu Shiyang and the others pleaded guilty. The Emperor's wrath did not abate. They were beaten, thrown into the imperial prison, and released only afterward. When the Emperor prayed in person during a prolonged drought, Liu Shiyang argued that the resentment of prisoners and exiled remonstrators was disturbing Heaven's harmony, and he asked that they all be freed. The Emperor refused. When Zhang Cong and Gui E were impeached and removed, the Emperor rebuked the censors for having said nothing. Liu Shiyang and his colleagues then impeached dozens of Zhang Cong and Gui E's allies, from Minister Wang Qiong on down, and the memorial was forwarded to the Ministry of Personnel. But Minister Fang Xianfu, himself a Zhang Cong and Gui E ally, dismissed only eight men: Compiler Jin Lu, Censor Ao Yue, Assistant Director of the Imperial Stud Yao Kui, Bureau Director Liu Ruheng, Section Vice Director Zhang, Guo Xian, Drafting Attendant Ye Youxue, and Chu Liangcai. Soon afterward, he joined Zhao Han and other colleagues in submitting eight proposals for court self-reform. Among their recommendations: "Grand Secretary Shi Yao was upright and incorruptible. His posthumous name should not be altered. Minister Li Song was a thief in the state's service, yet after his death hoarded gold was found in his home and he still received a posthumous title. Supervising Secretary Zheng Yipeng was beaten and demoted for criticizing Yang Yiqing. Now that Yang Yiqing has fallen, Zheng Yipeng should be restored to office."
69
西
Liu Shiyang had exposed Zhang Cong and Gui E's faction and earned Zhang Cong's enmity; Zheng Yipeng, too, had once crossed them. Zhang Cong had by then returned as chief counselor. Shi Yao had already received his posthumous title, so Zhang Cong goaded the Emperor into fury, declaring the censors' charges entirely false. Liu Shiyang was demoted to registrar in the Jiangxi provincial administration; Zhao Han and the others had their salaries suspended. Li Song's posthumous title was revoked as well. Liu Shiyang was eventually promoted to Assistant Education Intendant of Henan. He retired home and died there.
70
Zhao Han, courtesy name Hongkui, was from Pinghu. He passed the metropolitan examinations in Zhengde 6 (1511). He was appointed investigating censor at Jianchang. He was promoted to Supervising Secretary in the Revenue Section at Nanjing, then transferred to the Military Section. Early in the Jiajing reign, Minister Lin Jun was rebuked by imperial edict for insisting on memorializing about the prisoner Li Fengyang. Zhao Han responded: "The eunuch Cui Wen is corrupting government with cunning deceit. He is not merely shielding Li Fengyang. Minister of Works Zhao Huang exposed crimes committed by Cui Wen's household servants. Cui Wen immediately seized Zhao Huang's informants and beat them nearly to death, saying, 'Send these blows to Minister Zhao with my compliments.' His audacity knew no bounds. I urge that he be swiftly punished and removed before he undermines the new administration." The Emperor paid no heed. Later he joined the tearful protest over the Grand Rites controversy, was imprisoned, and beaten at court.
71
西 西
He served as Left Supervising Secretary in the Personnel Section. He resigned due to illness. He was recalled to his former rank and promoted to Chief Supervising Secretary in the Works Section. In a memorial he wrote: "Grand Secretaries Gui E and Zhai Luan have claimed illness for three months without formally requesting leave. Zhang Cong has monopolized power for years, yet has never brought in worthy colleagues to share the burden of governance. I ask that Zhai Luan and Gui E be dismissed at once, and that senior ministers from both capitals and respected elders be appointed to share Zhang Cong's duties." The Emperor seized on a typo in the memorial and interrogated Zhao Han, then told Zhang Cong to stop shirking and return to the Grand Secretariat at once. Zhang Cong then accused Zhao Han of disloyalty and said he should be made to name every man he considered fit for the Grand Secretariat. The Emperor immediately ordered Zhao Han to name his preferred appointees. Zhao Han said in alarm, "I only wanted Zhang Cong to bring in worthy men. I have no private favorites." The Emperor was furious, accused Zhao Han of evading the question, and ordered him to submit names at once. Zhao Han grew still more frightened and said, "The appointment of chief counselors is the court's prerogative. A lowly official like myself dare not intrude." The Emperor relented and docked his salary for one month. He was soon posted as Right Administration Vice Commissioner of Shaanxi, then retired home. Years later he was recalled to his former rank in Shanxi. Within a few months he retired again.
72
西使
His son Zhao Yi served as Vice Commissioner of Guangxi. At forty he retired to care for his father. Repeated imperial summonses could not bring him back.
73
Wei Liangbi, courtesy name Shishuo, was from Xinjian. He passed the metropolitan examinations in Jiajing 2 (1523). He was appointed magistrate of Songyang, then summoned to serve as Supervising Secretary in the Punishments Section. Vice Minister Huang Zhong, who had been dispatched to procure timber, returned home after completing his mission and requested retirement, but permission was denied. Investigators reported that Huang Zhong had secretly entered the capital. The Emperor was furious and stripped Huang Zhong of his rank. Wei Liangbi argued that as a senior minister Huang Zhong could hardly have entered the capital in secret, and asked that the accusers be punished for false reporting. He received no response.
74
When Zhang Cong and Gui E were first removed as chief counselors, an edict was issued to investigate their faction. Supervising Secretary Liu Shiyang and others named Wei Liangbi in their deliberations. On the Ministry of Personnel's recommendation, he was allowed to keep his post. He was soon appointed to inspect the Capital Garrisons. He impeached and removed Liang Yongfu, Baron of Baoding, superintendent of the Five Armies Camps, and Zeng Zhi, Minister of the Imperial Stud; punished servants of Marquis of Wuding Guo Xun; exposed abuses in the Training Division's military administration; and called for silver and grain to relieve famine in the capital. His reputation for integrity soared. When Nanjing Censor Ma Yang and others were arrested for impeaching Minister Wang Qiong, Wei Liangbi asked that they be freed. The Emperor was furious and had them all thrown into the imperial prison. They were sentenced to pay a fine and return to office, with one year's salary docked. After three promotions he became Chief Supervising Secretary in the Rites Section.
75
In the eighth month of Jiajing 11 (1532), a comet appeared in the Eastern Well constellation, its tail more than ten feet long. Wei Liangbi cited prognostic texts: "When a comet appears in the morning sky in the east, ruler and ministers struggle for supremacy. When a comet rises from the Well constellation, treacherous ministers stand at the ruler's side. Grand Secretary Zhang Fuxing has grown tyrannical and usurped imperial power, provoking this ominous sign. He should be removed at once." Zhang Fuxing countered with a memorial accusing Wei Liangbi of acting from private spite. The Emperor already doubted Zhang Fujing, and both memorials were simply acknowledged without action. When Supervising Secretary Qin Ao submitted his memorial again, Zhang Fujing was finally dismissed from office. A month later, Wei Liangbi again joined his colleagues in impeaching Minister of Personnel Wang Zong. The Emperor was siding with Wang Zong and docked Wei Liangbi's salary. Wang Zong and Zhang Fujing both bore a grudge against Wei Liangbi.
76
On New Year's Day the following year, Vice Censor-in-Chief Wang Yingpeng was imprisoned in the imperial prison on a criminal charge. Wei Liangbi argued that at the start of the new year it was wrong to imprison a senior minister over a trifling offense. The Emperor was enraged and had him thrown back into the imperial prison. The jailer exclaimed in surprise, "My lord, have you come again! And he wept for him. He was soon restored to office, though his salary was withheld. By then Zhang Fujing had returned to power, reconciled with Wang Zong, and after the performance review ordered censorate officials to cross-impeach one another. He submitted eleven names again—again omitting Wei Liangbi. Zhang Fujing grew still angrier, drafted an edict of sharp rebuke, and ordered the Ministry of Personnel to conduct another review. Wang Zong then singled out twenty-six officials for impeachment, including Wei Liangbi, Qin Ao, and Ye Hong—all men who had earlier attacked Zhang Fujing and Wang Zong—and the shock reverberated inside and outside the court. Wei Liangbi was ultimately dismissed for indiscretion and removed from the official register. Early in the Longqing reign, an edict recalled him from disgrace. Because of his age he was appointed Vice Minister of Ceremonies at home, then retired and died. Early in the Tianqi reign he was posthumously granted the title Loyal and Simple.
77
Ye Hong, courtesy name Ziyuan, was from Dezhou. He passed the metropolitan examinations in Jiajing 8 (1529). He was appointed supervising secretary in the Revenue section of the Censorate. In the eleventh year the grain-praying rite was first held at the Circular Mound Altar, but the Emperor did not perform the sacrifice himself. Ye Hong memorialized in protest, and the Emperor rebuked him for reckless speech. He soon inspected the capital garrisons and was promoted to right supervising secretary in the Works section. When Wang Zong was promoted to Minister of Personnel, Ye Hong denounced his corruption at length, defied the throne, and had his salary docked. At the next performance review Wang Zong settled old scores and had Ye Hong convicted of frivolity, demoting him to assistant magistrate of Ningguo. Two years later he lost his post again in the major triennial review. Memorialists repeatedly pleaded his case, but he was never reappointed.
78
Qin Ao, courtesy name Ziyuan, was from Kunshan. He passed the metropolitan examinations in Jiajing 5 (1526). He was appointed a courier in the Ministry of Rites. He was promoted to supervising secretary in the Military section. He impeached Duke of Wei Xu Pengju and the eunuch Lai Yi for misconduct, and Lai Yi was dismissed and recalled. When a comet appeared, he impeached Zhang Fujing for envying talent and harming the state, charging that whenever Fujing drafted rescripts he cited them as vindication of himself. The Emperor then dismissed Zhang Fujing. Before long Zhang Fujing returned as chief minister. Wang Zong, taking his cue from above, used a performance review to demote Qin Ao to assistant magistrate of Dongyang. He was eventually promoted to Right Assistant Commissioner in Fujian. He died in office.
79
There was also a man named Zhang Yin, from Taicang. He passed the metropolitan examinations early in the Jiajing reign. He served as a censor in Nanjing. He once impeached Vice Minister of Rites Huang Wan on ten counts of misconduct. When Zhang Fujing fell from power, Zhang Yin charged that his treachery and corruption had ruined governance beyond reckoning, and asked that the patents of ennoblement, silver seals, and other honors he had received be revoked and his guilt formally established. He also impeached Left Censor-in-Chief Wang Zong for secretly serving as a treacherous sycophant. The Emperor was enraged and demoted him to judge at Gaotang. He was eventually promoted to Director of Selection in Nanjing. When palace staff were being selected, he was appointed Right Director in the Eastern Palace and concurrently Hanlin Academician Reader. Before long he was impeached and dismissed from office.
80
The historian comments: The Book of Documents says, "It is not the flatterer who decides cases—the upright man decides cases, and all without exception attain the true measure." It also says, "With clear understanding he opens the penal laws; all officials and common people alike obtain what is right and true." This rightly states that in deciding cases one cannot fail to hit the true measure. In the cases of Zhang Yin and Li Jian, the evidence of guilt was plain for all to see. Taken in by Guo Xun and Xi Shu, court ministers were punished while Zhang Yin was restored to office and Li Jian was spared execution. Chen Guang's crimes ran to one hundred seventy-two counts, yet he escaped death and still memorialized claiming injustice. Everyone who had denounced his conduct or prosecuted his case was arrested—more than a hundred in all. All of this arose from touching the public fury over the Rites dispute—a single word could strike deep into the emperor's hidden resentments. How greatly to be feared are flatterers! Reversing a settled verdict looks like clarity; sparing a capital offender looks like mercy—yet one fails to see that they seize the chance for revenge, and justice misses its true measure. The distinction between the flatterer and the upright man—can it not be weighed with care!
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