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卷六十二 列傳第五十二 賀瑒 司馬褧 朱异 顧協 徐摛 鮑泉

Volume 62 Biographies 52: He Yang, Sima Jiong, Zhu Yi, Gu Xie, Xu Chi, Bao Quan

Chapter 62 of 南史 · History of the Southern Dynasties
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Biography 52
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He Yang, Sima Jiong, Zhu Yi, Gu Xie, Xu Chi, and Bao Quan
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He Yang was bright even as a boy. In the Qi period, Liu Huan of Pei served as assistant administrator in Kuaiji and, on meeting Yang, took a deep liking to him and saw unusual promise in him. On one occasion he took Yang to call on Zhang Rong of Wu commandery, pointed to the boy, and said, "This lad will one day be a master among the Ru scholars." He recommended Yang for enrollment as a national university student and had him nominated in the Mingjing examination. He later served as an Erudite at the Imperial Academy.
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Early in the Liang emperor Wu's Tianjian era, he served as Vice Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. When the authorities nominated him to revise the rites for receiving guests, he was summoned to court to explain ritual principles. The emperor was impressed and commanded him to attend court on the new and full moon of each month and to take part in the Huilin lecture series. In the fourth year, when the Five Halls were first established, Yang was appointed concurrent Erudite for the Five Classics. A separate edict assigned him to set down ritual for the crown prince and to compile commentaries on the meaning of the Five Classics. While the emperor was still creating the new ritual and music code, most of Yang's recommendations were adopted. In the seventh year he received the post of Commandant of Footsoldiers while retaining his charge as Erudite of the Five Classics. He died in office at the academy hall. He wrote lecture commentaries on the Rites, the Changes, the Laozi, and the Zhuangzi, several hundred policy memorials from his tenure as court erudite, and a 145-juan commentary on guest ritual.
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Yang was preeminent in ritual studies. His hall regularly held several hundred pupils, and dozens of his students passed the classics examination and policy tests. His sons Ge and Ji and his disciple Chen all carried on his scholarly tradition.
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西 西 祿
Ge, whose style was Wenming, grew up in poverty and farmed with his own hands to support the household. Only at twenty did he set aside the plough to study under his father, and he never flagged in his diligence. He kept a six-foot square couch. Whenever a passage's meaning eluded him, he would stretch out on it and refuse to eat until he had worked the sense through completely. He attained mastery of the Three Rites. As an adult he studied the Classic of Filial Piety, the Analects, the Mao version of the Odes, and the Zuo Commentary in full, and was appointed concurrent Erudite at the Imperial Academy. He stood seven chi eight cun tall, carried himself with dignified grace, and spoke with quiet, cultivated restraint. By imperial command he taught ritual at Yongfu Palace to the princes of Shaoling, Xiangdong, and Wuling. He later served as Erudite of the National University, where he lectured to audiences that regularly numbered in the hundreds. He left the capital to serve as staff adviser to the Prince of Xiangdong, Western Palace Gentleman-General, while also holding the post of magistrate of Jiangling. The prince founded a provincial school and appointed Ge Libationer of the Confucian Grove. When he lectured on the Three Rites, the leading families of Jing and Chu turned out in great numbers to hear him. He twice served as supervisor of Nanping commandery, and both the populace and the officials held him in affection. He soon added the posts of chief clerk for the Pacification of the West and administrator of Nan commandery. Ge was profoundly filial and often lamented that drawing an official salary—'eating emolument in place of tilling'—kept him from supporting his parents himself. During his years in Jingzhou he held a series of prefectural and county posts, but he never let his salary reach his wife and children. He planned to return home and build a temple as an act of filial gratitude. His son Hui was handsome and eloquent and was dearly loved by Ge, but Hui died before his father. Ge mourned him so bitterly that he fell ill and soon died himself.
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Ji was likewise versed in the Three Rites and rose to Gentleman of the Yellow Gate in the Secretariat while also serving as a court compiler.
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便
Chen, style Guobao, lost his parents early. His uncle Yang trained him in the classics, and he understood their principles after a single hearing. Yang marveled at him and often said, "This boy will win rank and honor through the classics examination." After Yang's death the family fell on hard times, and Chen regularly traveled to Zhuji to trade grain so he could support his mother. Even while he poled his own boat on the river, he studied whenever he had a spare moment and became especially accomplished in the Three Rites. By his mid-twenties, many of Yang's former students had begun coming to Chen for instruction.
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便
Yang had once gathered pupils in his home district to teach, and more than three thousand students came from all quarters to study with him. After Yang died early in the Tianjian era, his students gradually reassembled. Chen built a few thatched rooms just outside the walls and, not yet thirty, began lecturing in earnest. Trained in ritual scholarship from childhood, he pursued its finest points, cited the early Confucians with precision, and spoke with luminous clarity. Listeners could sit before him all day without weariness.
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滿 便
When the young Prince of Xiangdong took up his post in the commandery, Dao Gai of Pengcheng served as acting administrator. Hearing of Chen's renown, he had his carriage driven out to visit him. Chen was in the middle of a lecture, the benches packed with students, when word came that the chief administrator had arrived unexpectedly. The whole assembly stirred. Chen never broke off his exposition and never showed the least deference. Gai stepped down from his carriage, took a seat with evident pleasure, and entered into debate. Their exchange was unhurried, and Chen's reasoning proved complete and ample. Gai exclaimed, "A true master scholar—we have He Yang reborn! I must return to the city for now, but I shall call on you again before long." Chen offered no reply whatever, his bearing as composed as before. Gai reported to the prince and asked that Chen be appointed commandery merit officer. Chen declined on account of his aged mother and held firm to his refusal.
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Before long his mother died, and he built a mourning hut beside her tomb. When the mourning period ended he had still not moved back into his house, and his students gathered around him once more. For years Chen grieved until he was little more than a skeleton and was not yet fit to teach. His students urged him to recover, and he gradually resumed instruction.
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殿 便
During the Putong era, when the Grand Marshal Prince of Linchuan, Hong, took up his provincial post, he summoned Chen as Libationer Attendant. Chen was past forty before he accepted his first official summons. When the emperor learned of his scholarship, he summoned Chen to Wende Hall. Delighted by their conversation, he told Vice Director Xu Mian, "Chen is a worthy heir to a great scholarly house." He was appointed attendant of the princely establishment, then promoted to concurrent palace attendant for general affairs in the Secretariat, where he took part in deliberations on ritual. He rose to Left Assistant Director of the Masters of Writing. The emperor ordered him to draft a new system of posthumous titles, which went into immediate use. At that time the crown prince argued that during the final days of greater mourning one might perform the capping ceremony for one's son and marry off one's daughter. Chen submitted a counter-memorial, stating:
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Your directive holds that at the end of the greater mourning period one may cap one's son and marry off one's daughter, but may not perform one's own capping or one's own marriage. When I weigh this against the Record, I remain privately puzzled. Marriage and capping rites are, in their nature, ceremonies that the father performs for the child. Only someone without a father may cap himself. That is why the Record, in passages on both greater and lesser mourning, speaks of 'capping the son' and 'marrying the son." The wording does not mean that one may act only on the son's behalf while forbidding action on one's own account. At the end of lesser mourning one may already marry for oneself, yet the text also says 'cap the son, take a wife for the son'—which makes the principle even clearer. The text first lists both mourning grades, each time specifying capping and marrying for the son, then closes with a final clause that reveals the right to marry for oneself. Once lesser mourning is shown to permit marriage for oneself, it follows that greater mourning permits capping for oneself. This is abbreviated language that points to the underlying principle. If the argument is that the father wears greater mourning while the son wears lesser mourning—that the lighter grade permits acting for the son while the heavier grade forbids acting for oneself—then at the end of lesser mourning the text, which does not distinguish father and son by grade, ought not repeat 'cap the son, marry the son." —yet the Record does say exactly that. If the argument is that lesser mourning explicitly permits marriage for oneself while greater mourning does not mention capping for oneself, and therefore one wearing greater mourning may not perform auspicious rites for oneself but may only cap and marry for one's son— I would say that the reason one in mourning does not perform auspicious rites is simply that auspicious and inauspicious occasions must not overlap. Even if at the end of lesser mourning a son may receive capping and marriage, the father should still be the one who performs those rites for him. If a father at the end of greater mourning may cap his son and marry off his daughter, then auspicious and inauspicious rites do not conflict; and if they do not conflict, why should one not be permitted to cap oneself or marry for oneself? If capping or marrying for oneself is truly obstructed, how can capping or marrying for one's son alone be allowed? To permit capping one's son while forbidding capping oneself—that is what puzzles me.
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使
Your directive further infers that if the Record forbids marriage during lesser mourning for a lower shang death, then reduced greater mourning likewise forbids capping or marrying for one's son. Respectfully considering this logic: if reduced greater mourning forbids capping or marrying for one's son, then reduced lesser mourning must also forbid capping or marrying for oneself—which would mean no capping or marrying is permitted under any reduced mourning grade. The Record ought to say simply that reduced mourning forbids it—how could it name only lower shang? The text does not speak of reduced mourning in general but singles out lower shang—and there is good reason for that. When a woman marries out or a son is given in adoption, mourning may be reduced a second time. An adopted son wears greater mourning for his natal sisters; if a grandee mourns a commoner father, rank reduces the obligation further to lesser mourning—yet the rules for capping and marrying remain the same. The reason is that marriage transfers a woman to another family and adoption transfers the weight of the ancestral line; in both cases mourning is lightened toward the natal family and deepened toward the new one. Mourning is reduced on one side even as it is heightened on the other. They were once the closest kin; even after two reductions of mourning, the rules still follow lesser mourning, and capping and marriage remain permitted. When close mourning is reduced one grade to greater mourning, or greater mourning reduced one grade to lesser mourning, the reduction follows a clear hierarchy. At the end of mourning, capping and marriage are treated alike, and there is no difference. Only for lower shang mourning does the text expressly forbid marriage—and that is because the deceased was young and frail. A child's untimely death awakens profound grief. There is no marriage into another clan to complicate the bond, nor adoption to shift the ancestral weight elsewhere. Lest the light mourning appropriate to a young child seem to diminish that grief too sharply, the text expressly forbids marriage to preserve the full depth of natal affection. Hence for every reduced mourning grade the rules for capping and marriage are the same; only lower shang expressly forbids marriage. On this reasoning, one cannot claim that every reduced grade of greater mourning forbids capping and marriage. Moreover the Record says 'lower shang, lesser mourning.' The mention of lower shang cannot extend to middle or upper shang, and the mention of lesser mourning cannot subsume greater mourning. If reduced greater and lesser mourning truly forbade all capping and marriage, and middle and upper shang did as well, the Record could not simply say 'lower shang, lesser mourning—not permitted.' That, I fear, would not be the text's meaning—and this too is what troubles me. The court adopted Chen's position. He was further appointed supernumerary regular attendant of the scattered cavalry. Previously the southern benches of the Masters of Writing had no sable-tail insignia; Chen was the first to wear it. He was promoted to imperial censor and continued to take part in ritual deliberations as before.
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殿
Chen was grasping by nature and took many bribes. When his household grew wealthy he purchased a chief minister's mansion for his home. The authorities memorialized against him, and he was removed from office. He later served as regular attendant for direct communication and scattered cavalry while retaining the post of left assistant director of the Masters of Writing and his role in ritual affairs. Throughout his career Chen helped establish many suburban and temple rituals. Whenever he was received by Emperor Wu their conversation ran long past the hour, and within the Secretariat people joked, 'He goes up to the hall and never comes down—there's Elegant He. He Chen's graceful bearing and refined deportment earned him that nickname among his contemporaries. Chen was transferred to Attendant Cavalry Regular Chamberlain and continued to take part in ritual affairs as he had before.
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調 使 使 使 '' '' '' '' 使 ''
By then Emperor Wu had grown old, and officeholders cloaked themselves in sycophancy and deceit—a grave injury to public affairs. Chen submitted a sealed memorial outlining several points. The first ran roughly as follows: 'With the northern frontier now at peace, this should be a time to rebuild population and cultivate loyalty. Yet household registers across the empire keep shrinking—and that is the crisis of our day. Beyond the frontier passes the state's tax burden is light enough, yet annual rents and corvée levies still pile up unpaid. People lose their secure homes—is that not the fault of local governors and prefects?' The second point argued that today's regional officials are almost universally greedy and cruel, with honest men the rare exception—and blamed decadent custom for making them so. How can you expect officials to stay scrupulously honest when the culture rewards the opposite? What is needed now are tough bans on excess, leadership by example in frugality, penalties for ostentation, and exposure of hollow luxury—until everyone learns new tastes and new habits. Then reform would be as easy as flipping your hand.' The third indictment targeted petty schemers clawing for promotion—clever at small tricks, hungry for rewards out of proportion to their rank, proud of harshness and relentless at punishment. From such men, he argued, came deep corruption. Hold officials to fair outcomes, purge the instinct for cruelty and folly, and the lower ranks will be secure while the court stays calm—free of the disease of opportunism.' The fourth warned that northern campaigns had drained the treasury. 'The realm is at peace now,' he wrote, 'yet the exchequer never catches up—there is a reason. When the state is strained, cut programs and stop waste. Cut programs and the people recover; stop waste and revenue accumulates. Say petty spending can't ruin the treasury, and spending never stops for a year. Say minor projects can't burden the people, and the people never get relief for a year.' When the memorial arrived, Emperor Wu exploded in rage. He called his chief clerk and dictated a rebuke to Chen: 'I've ruled for more than forty years and hear candid memorials every day from the petition office. I'm already drowning in paperwork—it only leaves me more confused. You wear high rank and are supposed to be widely informed. Don't act like some provincial nonentity who only wants credit for 'speaking truth to power' and then whines that the court won't listen. You wrote that the north is pacified and this should be a time for nurturing the people, yet they have no peace—and that this is the fault of local governors. But in any large pool you'll find both dragons and snakes—not everyone is virtuous, but neither is everyone rotten. Name them. Identify them clearly. You advised guiding people toward thrift. You also claimed that 'the man who attains the highest Way must put plain living first.' Fine words—excellent doctrine. Confucius said: lead by example and people follow without commands; fail to lead and they won't obey no matter what you order. For over thirty years I have kept no harem and slept apart from women. My living quarters hold little more than a bed; no gaudy decoration enters my palace—and everyone knows it. I've never touched wine and never cared for music—so palace feasts have never featured performances. I'm up before dawn handling business, as much as the day requires. On light days I'm done by noon; on heavy ones I eat only after the sun has begun to decline. Usually I eat once, day or night, with no fixed hour; only when I'm ill do I sometimes take a second meal. Once my waist measured more than ten girths around; now I'm so wasted it is barely two feet and a bit. The old belt still hangs there—I'm not making this up. Who did I do this for? To rescue the realm—that is why. The Book of Documents says that the people's arms and legs are ministers, and sage rule depends on good ministers. With true ministers I might have been a passable ruler; as it is I'm no better than the lowest sort of sovereign. Lead by example and people follow—mere talk, in my case. You also complained that every office floods me with memorials as officials claw for promotion. So tell me: should outsiders be barred from memorializing—is that proper? That's like refusing to eat ever again because you once choked. Stop all memorials and who carries the work? And where will you find officials you can wholly trust? That's why the ancients warned: 'Hearing only one voice breeds intrigue; relying on one man invites chaos.' Tell me exactly what you think should be done—memorialize the specifics. Chen took the rebuke and apologized, daring not name a single culprit.
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輿 輿 祿
In the second year of Taiping, he became chief secretary to the Central Army under Prince Xuancheng. When Hou Jing broke into the city Chen was wounded but survived. The rebels found him, carried him to the palace gate, and insisted on seeing Vice Director Wang Ke and Guard Commander Zhu Yi to press them to surrender the city. Wang Ke and the others upbraided him until he broke down in tears and desisted. The rebels then had him taken to Zhuangyan Temple for treatment. The following year, when the capital fell, Chen escaped to his native place. Later that year, when the rebels overran Kuaiji, they captured Chen again, sent him back to the capital, and made him Grand Master with the Golden Seal and Purple Ribbon. He died soon after. Chen's writings included commentaries on the Three Rituals, essays resolving cruxes in the Five Classics, and numerous ritual manuals—more than a hundred works in all. His son Yi became prefect of Bashan.
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Sima Jiong, whose courtesy name was Yuanbiao, came from Wen county in Henei. His great-grandfather Chunzhi served Jin as Grand Minister of Finance and held the posthumous title Prince Gong of Gaomi. His grandfather Rangzhi was an external member of the Attendant Cavalier office. His father Xie mastered the Three Rituals and served the Qi as a National University erudite.
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From boyhood Jiong inherited the family scholarship, studying with tireless focus and seldom setting a book down. Liu Huan of Pei commanded the respect of Confucian scholars; he admired Jiong's learning and became a close friend. He was also close to Ren Fang of Le'an, who held him in high regard. Early in the Liang Tianjian era, the court ordered eminent scholars to codify the Five Rituals. Jiong was recommended to compile the Auspicious Rites section and was made a secretary in the Ministry of Rites. As new ritual and music codes were drafted, many of Jiong's proposals were adopted. He also served as a palace secretariat attendant. Whenever eminent scholars such as Ming Shanbin and He Yang could not settle a ritual question, they deferred to Jiong. He rose through the ranks to become chief censor.
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殿
In year sixteen he left the capital to serve as chief secretary to Prince Xuan of Nankang, overseeing the princely domain and the Shitou fortress garrison. Though posted outside the capital, he received orders to attend the regular audience rolls at Wende and Wude halls whenever summoned. He was later transferred to chief secretary under the Prince of Jin'an and died in that post. The prince had his recorder Yu Jianwu compile his writings into ten scrolls. His Auspicious Rites manual alone ran to one hundred sixteen scrolls.
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便 西
Zhu Yi, courtesy name Yanhe, was from Qiantang in Wu commandery. His grandfather Zhaozhi was known locally as a scholar of wide learning. His uncle Qianzhi, styled Chuguang, won fame for courage in a just cause. When Qianzhi was still a small boy his mother died. Zhaozhi buried her temporarily in a field, and a kinsman, Zhu Youfang, burned the grave with a brush fire. His sister told him the truth in secret. Though still a child, Qianzhi mourned as if for a full funeral and never married as an adult. During Qi's Yongming era he killed Youfang himself and turned himself in. The county magistrate Shen Lingxu reported the matter to the throne. Emperor Wu of Qi praised his loyalty but, fearing a blood feud, ordered Qianzhi to leave with Cao Wu on the western campaign. Just before departure Youfang's son Yi ambushed Qianzhi at Jinyang Gate and killed him. Qianzhi's older brother Xunzhi—Yi's uncle by marriage—then killed Yi in turn. The authorities reported the case to the court. Emperor Wu said: 'These are all acts of righteousness—there will be no prosecution. He pardoned them all. When Shen Yan of Wuxing heard the news he sighed: 'One brother died for filial duty, the other for righteousness—both virtues in a single family. Xunzhi, styled Chulin, was a man of principle and wrote the Discourse on Physiognomy. As a boy he impressed Gu Huan, who gave him his daughter in marriage. Under the Qi he rose to magistrate of Wuping.
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便
When Zhu Yi was still small his maternal grandfather Gu Huan fondled him and told Zhaozhi: 'This child is no ordinary talent—he will bring honor to your clan. As a teenager he ran with gambling circles and was something of a nuisance in the neighborhood. Once grown, he reformed himself and turned to serious study. When the Liang opened its Five Academies, Yi became a devoted student of the erudite Ming Shanbin. Poor, he supported himself by copying books and would recite each text from memory as soon as he finished. He mastered the Five Classics and was especially strong in Rituals and the Book of Changes. He read widely in literature and history and had a gift for practical arts as well—board games, calligraphy, and arithmetic among them. At twenty he traveled to the capital to meet Minister Shen Yue, who examined him and teased: 'You're so young—how can you be so greedy? Yi didn't catch the joke at first, so Shen Yue explained: 'Literature, philosophy, chess, calligraphy—the whole world has only those pursuits, and you've scooped them all up at once. I'd call that greedy.' He soon memorialized that the capital should establish a prison office on a par with the central Court of Justice. The throne referred the plan to the ministry for review and adopted it.
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便 使 使 西 使
The usual rule barred men from entering office before twenty-five; Yi was only twenty-one when a special decree made him a staff officer on the Yangzhou advisory council. When the court called for men of exceptional talent, Ming Shanbin recommended him: 'Still young in years, he has the steadiness of maturity. In solitude he keeps his discipline; even in private he carries himself as if before company. His capacity is broad and his bearing imposing; his spirit rises like a summit. Like a ten-thousand-zhang golden mountain whose paths he has not yet climbed to the top— His depth is like a jade ocean a thousand fathoms deep—one catches glimpses but cannot plumb it. Freshly polished like sacred jade, newly woven like brocade, he rings true at a touch and shines the moment opportunity appears. His trustworthiness and conduct are rare even among many neighbors; given heavy responsibility over a long haul, he would prove useful a thousand miles away. Emperor Wu received him in audience and had him lecture on the Classic of Filial Piety and the Book of Changes. He was delighted and told his attendants, 'Zhu Yi truly lives up to that name—he is exceptional.' Later the emperor told Ming Shanbin, 'You recommended exactly the right man.' Yi was then assigned to the Western Secretariat and soon added the post of academy erudite. That same year, when the emperor lectured on the Classic of Filial Piety himself, Yi was appointed to read the text aloud. He was promoted to a post in the ministry's ceremonial office and also served as a secretariat attendant handling imperial communications. Later, upon his appointment as a secretariat director in autumn, a cicada landed on his official cap as he took office—everyone took it as a sign of high promotion. He was made commandant of the crown prince's right guard.
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使
In Putong year 5, as Liang launched a major northern offensive, Yuan Faseng, the Wei governor of Xuzhou, sent envoys offering to defect with his territory. The throne ordered officials to assess whether the offer was genuine. Yi argued: 'Since our armies marched north, victory has followed victory and Xuzhou has grown weaker. Its people all wish to surrender and accept punishment. Faseng is afraid of disaster—his surrender cannot be a ruse. The emperor sent Yi to respond to Faseng and ordered all armies supporting the operation to follow Yi's command. When Yi arrived, Faseng complied with the court's orders exactly as Yi had predicted. He was promoted to regular attendant-in-waiting.
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簿便
Tall and imposing in bearing, Yi carried himself well. Though trained as a scholar, he knew military and administrative precedent inside out. After Zhou She died, Yi took charge of confidential state business—military planning, provincial appointments, court ritual, state law, and all edicts and imperial correspondence. When memorials from every province and stacks of bureau paperwork requiring decisions piled up before him, Yi wrote without pause—drafting, reviewing, and dispatching items for deliberation with swift, fluent ease. In moments, the whole backlog was cleared.
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西
He was promoted to general of the right guard. He petitioned to lecture on the emperor's interpretation of the Laozi in the Hall of Esteemed Worthies, and permission was granted. When he delivered the lectures, more than a thousand court officials, clergy, and lay listeners attended—a spectacle of the age. Around the same time the Scholarly Grove Hall opened west of the city to host learned men; Yi and the left vice minister He Chen alternated days lecturing on the emperor's exposition of the Doctrine of the Mean. The crown prince also invited Yi to lecture on the Book of Changes in the Dark Garden.
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忿 簿使
In Datong year 8 he was made a palace attendant. Yi was widely learned and a master of many arts, including top-rank weiqi—but he was greedy, took bribes, and shaped what reached the emperor's eyes and ears to suit the ruler's mood, never promoting talent or removing the corrupt. He never refused gifts from anyone anywhere, so resentment spread far and wide. He built a lavish estate at East Dam and spent his evenings there drinking deep as the sun went down. As dusk approached and he feared the palace gates would close, he marched his full guard procession from home to the city wall and had them hold the gate open and keep the keys. His power soon burned hot inside the court and out, and his wealth matched that of Yang Kan. He indulged every pleasure of food, wine, music, and women—young goose and braised loach constantly on his lips—and even brought sweets in his carriage to court audiences. Yet he treated court elites with open disdain, showing no deference even to the highest nobles. When someone cautioned him, Yi replied, 'I came from humble ranks and rose by luck alone. The great families look down on everyone because of their dead ancestors' bones. If I bow to them, they'd despise me all the more. So I snub them first.'
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After Xu Mian and Zhou She died, He Jingrong ran the outer court and Yi the inner secretariat. Jingrong was plain and dutiful, devoted to keeping the machinery of government running; Yi was brilliant, quick-witted, and bent on worldly acclaim. Their styles differed, but both enjoyed imperial favor. Yi served in the inner secretariat more than ten years without a single rebuke. Fu Qi, minister of finance, once told Yi: 'The emperor has entrusted you with real authority—how can you simply agree with everything he wants? People outside the palace are already talking. Yi answered: 'They're saying I don't remonstrate with him. Our ruler is wise and enlightened. How could I trouble his ears with gossip from outsiders?'
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便 使 使 使
In Taiqing year 2 he became central army commander while retaining his attendant post. Early on the emperor dreamed that the Central Plains had been wholly pacified. The whole court congratulated him, and he was delighted. He told Yi, 'I rarely dream in my life—and when I do, it comes true. Yi replied, 'This is a sign the realm is about to be unified.' When Hou Jing offered to defect, the emperor convened the court for debate. Vice Minister Xie Ju and others argued that he should not be accepted. The emperor wanted to accept but could not decide. One morning at dawn he went alone to Wude Gate and murmured: 'Our realm is still whole, like a golden bowl without a crack, and peace reigns as it does—should we really take his land now? If trouble follows, it will be too late for regret. Reading the emperor's mind, Yi answered: 'Your sage rule answers Heaven. Every survivor in the north looks to you with longing—they simply lacked the chance. Now Hou Jing brings more than half of Wei and returns to our court from afar; If we refuse him, we may kill the hopes of others who would follow.' The emperor took Yi's advice to heart, remembered his dream, and accepted Hou Jing. When the Marquis of Zhenyang was defeated and captured, the emperor worried aloud: 'Are we reliving what happened to the Jin dynasty? Soon Zhenyang sent envoys from Wei saying Chancellor Gao Cheng wanted to restore good relations. The throne ordered officials to deliberate. Yi again argued for peace, and the emperor agreed. That June he sent Jiankang magistrate Xie Ting and courier Xu Ling north to negotiate peace. Hou Jing, holding Shouchun, grew anxious. He repeatedly petitioned to break off the peace talks and wrote to Yi with two hundred liang of gold as a gift; he also wrote the bureau commissioner Zhou Shizhen demanding a full report to the throne. Yi took the gold but did not halt the northern mission—and Hou Jing rebelled.
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使 使紿 使殿
When Hou Jing first plotted rebellion, Prince Fan of Poyang, governor of He province, and Yang Yaren, governor of Si province, both sent repeated warnings. Yi decided Hou Jing, isolated and dependent on Liang, would never dare rebel. He told the messenger, 'The Prince of Poyang won't even let the state keep one guest! He never forwarded their reports to the emperor. When the rebels reached Banqiao, Hou Jing sent the former Shouzhou officer Xu Siyu ahead to request an audience. The emperor summoned him, and Siyu lied that he came from the rebels and asked to speak in private. As the emperor was about to dismiss his attendants, attendant Gao Shanbao objected: 'Siyu came straight from the enemy camp—we can't know his true intent. How can we leave him alone with you in the hall? Yi, who was seated beside the emperor, said, 'Do you think Xu Siyu is an assassin? What a strange thing to say.' Shanbao replied, 'Siyu already escorted Linhe to the north—how can we trust him lightly?' Before he finished speaking, Siyu produced Hou Jing's rebel manifesto—and Yi was deeply shamed. The rebels then marched under the banner of punishing Yi and Lu Yan. When Hou Jing reached the city walls, he shot a message inside: 'Zhu Yi and his faction mock the court's authority and abuse their power. Slandered by such men, I face slaughter. Execute Yi and his clique, Your Majesty, and I will pull in my reins and march north.' The emperor asked Crown Prince Jianwen, 'Is any of this true? The crown prince answered, 'Yes.' The emperor called for Yi's execution. Jianwen argued: 'The rebels are using Yi only as a pretext. Killing him now won't help the crisis—it will only make us a laughingstock later. When the rebellion is over, it won't be too late to execute him. The emperor relented.
31
殿 宿
While Yi basked in imperial favor, the whole court watched him with loathing—even the crown prince could barely contain his resentment. Now the whole city blamed Yi. Jianwen wrote a four-character poem mourning the upheaval: 'Alas for those terraced fields—what miasma and fog is this! Bad counsel has torn aside the royal standard. He also wrote the 'Rhapsody of the Besieged City,' whose closing lines run: 'Those high caps and thick shoes—all feasting from cauldrons, all riding fat horses. They mount the crimson floor of the purple palace and push open the gilt doors of the jade halls. They pour out counsel at the emperor's side and wield the blessings and terrors of law and government. Their cities bristle with ramparts on every side; the realm remains unsettled. Who are the wolves? Who are the vipers?' All of it was aimed at Yi. The emperor climbed the South Tower to look at the rebel host and turned to Yi: 'The Analects say many ramparts in the suburbs—whose fault is this? Yi broke out in sweat and could not reply. Overcome with shame and rage, he fell ill and died at sixty-seven. An edict posthumously made him vice minister of the right. By custom, ministerial posts were not given as posthumous honors. When Yi died the emperor mourned him and was deciding what title to grant when a courtier who favored Yi reported: 'All his life Yi wished to serve as a law officer. Honoring that lifelong wish, the emperor specially granted the vice ministership.
32
簿
Yi held power for more than thirty years, skilled at catching the emperor's mood, and for that reason enjoyed special trust. From external attendant through palace attendant, he held four offices that entitled him to wear the court insignia; from right guard commandant through army commander, four posts that entitled him to a full guard procession—unprecedented in recent memory. Yi and his sons owned a stretch of mansions from Chaogou to Qingxi, with pavilions and ponds for pleasure; on free days they entertained guests there. Gifts from everywhere piled up his stores of wealth, yet he was miserly and never gave anything away. Delicacies spoiled in his kitchens by the cartload every month, and he would not even share food with his sons in other households. He wrote more than a hundred works, including commentaries on the Rituals and the Changes and numerous ritual manuals.
33
His son Su became a National University erudite; His second son, Run, was a staff officer under the minister of education. Both perished in the upheaval.
34
祿
Gu Xie, courtesy name Zhengli, came from Wu in Wu commandery and was a sixth-generation descendant of the Jin grand minister He. He lost his father early and grew up in his mother's family home. His maternal great-uncle Zhang Yong, Right Grand Master of Bright Feasts, once took the family's grandchildren and nephews to Tiger Hill. Gu Xie was only a few years old. Yong patted his head and asked, 'What would you like to play, boy? Xie answered, 'I would rather use a rock for a pillow and rinse my mouth in a mountain stream.' Yong sighed and said, 'The Gu family will flourish because of this boy.' As an adult he devoted himself to learning and was admired for his tireless energy. Many of the Zhangs on his mother's side were talented men of discernment, and his cousin Zhang Shuai held him in special regard.
35
西 西 便 便
He began as a staff officer in Yang province's deliberation office and passed the provincial examination. When Minister Shen Yue read his examination essay, he marveled: 'Since the Eastern Jin came south, nothing like this has been written. He was made concurrent chief judge of the court of justice. The Prince of Linchuan, serving as grand commander, heard of him, appointed him to handle records, and had him tutor the Marquis of Xifeng, Xiao Zhengde. When Zhengde took charge of Ba and Zitong, Xie was appointed magistrate of Xin'an in his domain. Before he reached the county his mother died. The Prince of Shixing, the provincial governor, gave him generous support to escort the coffin home. In the Yangtze gorges a storm struck. Every other boat in the convoy was swept under; only Xie's vessel struck a rock and held fast. Everyone took this as proof of his heartfelt devotion. Zhang Shuai once recommended him to the emperor, who asked Xie's age. Shuai replied that he was thirty-five. The emperor said, 'The north is high and cool, and men there are still vigorous at forty; the south is low and damp, and by thirty they are already fading. By that measure Xie is already old, but he is filial to his parents and faithful to his friends. A man like that must not be left to rust in the wilds. Announce my order and summon him. Xie was then appointed concurrent academy erudite. He rose to serve as aide to the Prince of Xiangdong and recording secretary.
36
During the Putong era, when the throne called for recommended scholars, the Prince of Xiangdong nominated him. He was summoned at once and appointed palace courier and concurrent secretariat attendant. In Datong year 3, lightning struck the ornamental column on the Great Bridge and burned it to ashes. Jiankang county sent an urgent report, but Xie judged the omen unlucky and withheld it from the throne. When the emperor later learned of it, he said, 'Thunder strikes first to punish evil dragons and second to reveal my own failings. Xie covered up ill omens and reported only good news—that is not loyal service. He was removed from office. He later served as chief minister of guest affairs and external attendant cavalier, retaining his attendant duties.
37
便
As a close attendant he handled dense, confidential work. Whenever an edict was drafted, the emperor showed it to Xie first—a mark of honor his peers envied. He died in office without even a quilt to wrap his body for burial, and scholars mourned the fact. Emperor Wu grieved for him and ordered mourning rites. He was posthumously made attendant cavalier with the posthumous name Wenzi.
38
From youth Xie was incorruptible and high-minded. When he first served as chief judge of the court of justice, his winter clothes were thin. Chief Minister Cai Fadu wanted to lend him his own jacket but feared Xie's stern integrity and could not bring himself to offer it. He told others, 'I'd gladly give Gu my coat, but he won't accept food or clothing from anyone. In the end he never did. Once he became an attendant, his colleagues all grew rich, yet through sixteen years in the secretariat Xie's utensils, dress, food, and drink never changed. A new student attendant, knowing Xie's probity, dared not offer a lavish gift and sent only two thousand cash. Xie flew into a rage and had him beaten twenty strokes. After that, gift-giving stopped entirely. After his mother's mourning he wore plain cloth and ate simple food for the rest of his life. In youth he was betrothed to his cousin's daughter, but his mother died before the wedding. After mourning he never took another wife. When he was past sixty she was still unmarried. Out of duty Xie went and took her as his wife. They married late in life, but he left no children.
39
Xie mastered an enormous library of texts and was especially renowned for his knowledge of writing and of birds, beasts, plants, and trees. He compiled Records of Heterogeneous Surnames in five fascicles, Petty Talk in ten fascicles, and a collected works in ten fascicles, all of which circulated widely.
40
Xu Chi, courtesy name Shiqiu, came from Tan in Donghai commandery; he also used the courtesy name Shihui. His grandfather Pingdao served as governor of Hailing under the Liu-Song. His father Chaozhi held the post of external attendant cavalier in the early Liang reign era Tianjian.
41
Chi loved learning from childhood. As an adult he read widely in the classics and histories and wrote in a fresh, innovative style unbound by older forms. When Prince Xiao Gang of Jin'an went out to garrison Shitou, Emperor Wu told Zhou She, 'Find me someone equally strong in letters and learning, with good character, to keep Jin'an company. She replied, 'My cousin Xu Chi is small and unprepossessing—he looks as though his clothes might swallow him—but he is the man for this.' The emperor said, 'If he has Wang Can's talent, appearance hardly matters.' Chi was appointed study companion. At the start of the Datong era, when the prince led a northern campaign, he made Chi chief secretary of the pacification office. Chi helped direct military affairs, and most orders and dispatches came from his hand. When the prince became crown prince, Chi was made chief of the household and head recorder, and soon also commanded the immediate guard.
42
便 滿
Because Chi's literary style was distinctive, the whole Eastern Palace took it up—the name 'Palace Style' dates from this. The emperor heard of it and angrily summoned Chi to rebuke him. But when they met, Chi answered with sharp clarity and compelling eloquence, and the emperor's anger dissolved. He then tested Chi on the Five Classics, then on dynastic history and the writings of the hundred schools, and finally on Buddhism. Chi debated with ease and answered like an echo. The emperor was astonished, drew him closer, and favored him more each day. Army Commander Zhu Yi was displeased and told his intimates, 'Old Xu shuttles between the two palaces and is crowding me out. I need to move against him soon. He seized a chance and told the emperor, 'Chi is getting old and loves mountains and streams. What he really wants is a quiet commandery where he can retire.' The emperor thought Chi wanted exactly that and summoned him. 'Xin'an has splendid scenery,' he said. 'Ren Fang and others all served there. Go govern it for me.' In Zhongdatong year 3 he was sent out as governor of Xin'an. His rule was quiet and upright. He taught ritual propriety, encouraged mulberry planting and farming, and within a month local customs changed. When his term ended he was made junior mentor to the crown prince.
43
使覿 ' '' ' 覿
At that time the Prince of Lincheng was marrying a woman of the Wang clan, a niece of Crown Prince Jianwen's consort. Since Jin and Song times, on the third day after a wedding the bride would be presented to her parents-in-law while guests looked on. Ritual officers cited the Spring and Autumn Annals: 'On dingchou the lady Jiang arrived. On wuyin the duke sent the grand officer and the chief wife of the clan to greet her with silken gifts.' Since wuyin is the day after dingchou, the ritual officers argued that the old public viewing should be followed.' Jianwen asked Chi for his view. Chi argued: 'The Ceremonies say, "At dawn the sponsor presents the bride to her parents-in-law. The Miscellaneous Records add, "When the bride is presented, brothers and sisters stand below the hall. This refers to a bride from an outside clan who does not yet know the rules of the inner household. The father-in-law receives outside guests and the mother-in-law leads inner guests; the hall ceremony completes the full rite. In recent times brides and in-laws were often already related and did not need such a formal presentation. This bride is the consort's niece, a closer tie than ordinary marriage. The formal viewing, I believe, may be omitted." Jianwen accepted his advice. He was appointed left commandant of the crown prince's guard.
44
When Hou Jing stormed Taicheng, Jianwen was living in Yongfu Palace. Rebel troops poured in. Guards and attendants fled until none remained. Chi alone stood his ground and calmly told Hou Jing, 'Lord Hou, you should be received with proper ceremony. What is this? Hou Jing's swagger broke, and he bowed. From then on he always feared Chi. When Jianwen ascended the throne, Chi was promoted to left guard general, but he firmly declined. Jianwen was confined, and Chi could no longer attend court. Grief and indignation brought on a fatal illness, and he died at seventy-eight. He was posthumously made palace attendant and grand mentor to the crown prince, with the posthumous name Zhenzi. His eldest son Ling became the most famous.
45
Ling's courtesy name was Xiaomu. His mother, Lady Zang, dreamed that five-colored clouds turned into a phoenix and settled on her left shoulder. Soon after, Ling was born. When he was a few years old the family took him to the monk Baozhi, who rubbed his head and said, 'A stone qilin sent from heaven. Huiyun, the dharma master of Guangzai Temple, always marveled at Ling's precocity and called him a Yan Hui. At eight he was already writing; at thirteen he had mastered the Zhuangzi and Laozi. As an adult he ranged widely through history and was a nimble debater. His father Chi served as counselor to the Prince of Jin'an, and the prince also recruited Ling as a staff officer in the pacification office. When the prince became crown prince, the Eastern Palace formed a corps of academicians, and Ling was chosen among them. He was gradually promoted to a post in the ministry's revenue section.
46
殿使
He was sent out as magistrate of Shangyu. Censor-in-Chief Liu Xiaoyi, who bore an old grudge against Ling, impeached him on rumor for corruption as magistrate, and Ling was dismissed. After a long interval he was restored as palace courier. While Crown Prince Jianwen was in the Eastern Palace, he compiled Records of the Meaning of the Eternal Spring Hall and had Ling write the preface. He also had Ling lecture at the junior tutor's office on the Zhuangzi commentaries he himself had written.
47
使 使
In Taiqing year 2 he served concurrently as external attendant cavalier on a mission to Wei. The Wei hosts lodged the envoys and held a banquet. The day was sweltering. The chief host Wei Shou teased Ling: 'This heat must be because Attendant Xu has arrived. Ling shot back, 'When Wang Su came here long ago, Wei learned ritual propriety for the first time; now that I have come on a mission, I shall teach you once again to distinguish cold from heat.' Wei Shou was deeply ashamed. When Gao Cheng, Wenxiang of Northern Qi, served as chancellor, Wei Shou's slip of the tongue led to Xu Ling's imprisonment for many days.
48
便 使
When Hou Jing invaded, Xu Ling's father Xu Chi was trapped inside the besieged capital. Receiving no word from home, Ling ate only plain food and wore coarse cloth, as though in mourning. Just then Northern Qi received the Wei abdication, while Emperor Yuan of Liang assumed provisional rule at Jiangling and resumed diplomatic exchanges with Qi. Xu Ling repeatedly petitioned to return home and report, but was detained and never sent back. He then wrote to Vice Director Yang Zunyan and received no answer. When Wei forces captured Jiangling, Northern Qi sent the Marquis of Zhenyang, Xiao Ming, to succeed the Liang throne and dispatched Xu Ling to return with him. Grand Marshal Wang Sengbian at first refused to admit them at the border. The letters Xiao Ming exchanged in the negotiations were all drafted by Xu Ling. Once Xiao Ming was admitted, Wang Sengbian was overjoyed to have Xu Ling and appointed him director of the Ministry of Personnel, with concurrent charge of imperial edicts and proclamations. That same year Emperor Wu of Chen executed Wang Sengbian and pressed on against Wei Zai, while Ren Yue and Xu Sihui seized the opening to attack Shitou. Grateful for Sengbian's past kindness, Xu Ling went to join Ren Yue. After Ren Yue was defeated, Emperor Wu pardoned Xu Ling without further inquiry and appointed him left assistant director of the Ministry of Personnel.
49
使 殿殿殿
In the second year of Shaotai, he was again sent on a mission to Northern Qi. On his return he was appointed attendant gentleman of the Yellow Gate and director of the Secretariat. When the Chen dynasty was established, he was additionally made regular attendant of the fast cavalry. In the fourth year of Tianjia, he became minister of war and concurrently headed the imperial historiography office. In the sixth year, he was appointed regular attendant of the fast cavalry and censor-in-chief. At the time Prince Xu of Ancheng served as minister of works, and by virtue of his status as the emperor's younger brother his power overshadowed the entire court. The prince's duty officer Bao Sengrui abused the prince's authority to block lawsuits, and none of the senior ministers dared speak out. Xu Ling thereupon memorialized to impeach him. Emperor Wen saw Xu Ling in his official robes, stern and imposing as though not to be challenged, and composed his expression and sat upright. Xu Ling stepped forward and read the impeachment memorial. The Prince of Ancheng, standing in attendance on the hall steps, looked up at Emperor Wen with sweat streaming down his face and his color gone. Ling sent a palace attendant to escort the prince from the hall. From that point the court was subdued with respect.
50
' '' '
He was transferred to minister of personnel and concurrently headed the imperial historiography office. Because since the fall of Liang many appointments had gone to unworthy men, Xu Ling tightened the governing standards of selection and rigorously matched names to actual merit. At the time many men were recklessly scrambling for office without cease, so he circulated a letter of explanation, saying: 'In the Yongding era, when the dynasty was first being founded and warfare had not yet ceased, there was as yet no proper order to appointments. The treasuries were empty and rewards scarce. Silver was hard to come by, but yellow appointment documents were easy to issue. Official rank was used provisionally in place of cash and silk. The aim was to reassure and reward men, without counting the cost. The result was supernumerary attendants crowding the roads shoulder to shoulder and advisory staff officers beyond count in the markets. Surely court regulations were never meant to produce this. Now that ritual and culture grow richer with each passing year, how can one still cling to the old ways? Such expectations are unreasonable. Most of those I have seen already exceed their proper rank, yet still complain of great injustice. I cannot fathom such lofty expectations. If you ask whether Zhu Yi, commander-in-chief of Liang, also rose to minister and chancellor—did he not exceed his proper rank as well? That was the emperor's personal elevation and had nothing to do with the normal selection process. Emperor Wu of Liang said, 'People say I have an eye for talent, but I deliberately did not cast my eye on Fan Ti.' Emperor Wen of Song also said, 'Can a man truly be without fate? Whenever a good office fell vacant, I would always think of Yang Xuanbao.' Such exalted and prominent offices are not obtained through the normal selection process. Having been undeservedly placed at the helm of personnel selection, I trust you gentlemen will understand my intent. From that point all submitted to his authority. Contemporary opinion compared him to Mao Jie.
51
殿
When Emperor Xuan entered as regent and plotted to remove those of disloyal intent, Xu Ling was brought in to participate in the deliberations. When Emperor Xuan took the throne, he enfeoffed Xu Ling as Marquis of Changchang County. During the Taijian era he served as left vice director of the Ministry of Personnel, but submitted a memorial declining the post and recommending Zhou Hongzheng, Wang Mai, and others instead. The emperor summoned him to the inner hall and said, 'Why do you firmly decline the post yourself yet recommend others? Xu Ling replied, 'Zhou Hongzheng was once chief administrator of my old commandery, Wang Mai was chief administrator of the chancellor's office during the Taiping era, and Zhang Zhong is a worthy kinsman from Your Majesty's home district. If merit and seniority are the standard, I ought to come after them.' He declined firmly for many days before at last accepting the edict.
52
When the court deliberated a northern campaign, Emperor Xuan ordered nominations for a commander-in-chief. The assembly favored Chunyu Liang, but Xu Ling alone said, 'Not so. Wu Mingche's family is from the Huai region and he knows its customs thoroughly. In military talent there is today no one his superior. The debate continued for several days without resolution. Minister Pei Ji said, 'I agree with Vice Director Xu.' Xu Ling answered at once, 'Not only is Mingche an excellent general—Ji himself would make an excellent deputy.' That same day an edict appointed Wu Mingche grand commander-in-chief and ordered Pei Ji to oversee military affairs. They went on to capture dozens of prefectures in the Huainan region. Emperor Xuan then held a banquet, raised his cup toward Xu Ling, and said, 'This toast rewards your eye for talent.'
53
祿
In the seventh year he headed the imperial university, and was relieved of his posts as palace attendant and vice director on account of official duties. Soon afterward he was again made palace attendant and granted attendants to support him. In the thirteenth year he became director of the Secretariat and concurrently superintendent of the crown prince's household. As he aged he repeatedly memorialized to request retirement. Emperor Xuan treated him with special honor, ordering the directorate of construction to build a great study at his residence and allowing him to conduct affairs from home. When the Later Lord took the throne, Xu Ling was transferred to left grand master for distinguished service and junior tutor of the crown prince. He died in the first year of Zhide at the age of seventy-seven, and an edict posthumously granted him the title of grand preceptor. Earlier, the Later Lord showed Xu Ling a piece of writing and claimed it was someone else's composition. Xu Ling scoffed and said, 'This doesn't even form proper sentences. The Later Lord harbored a grudge, and at this time gave him the posthumous title Marquis of Fraudulent Composition.
54
祿 便
Xu Ling's breadth of character was profound, his bearing admirable, and his nature pure and spare. He sought no personal gain and shared his salary with his kinsmen. During the Taijian era he drew income from the households of his Changchang fief. When the households delivered rice to the waterfront, he summoned impoverished relatives to take what they needed, and within a few days it was all gone. Xu Ling's household soon fell into want. His staff officials wondered and asked why. Xu Ling said, 'I still have carts, oxen, and clothes that can be sold. Do any of you at home have anything worth selling? Such was the extent of his generosity to others.
55
From youth he devoutly embraced Buddhism and wrote interpretive commentaries on many sutras and treatises. When the Later Lord was crown prince, he had Xu Ling lecture on the Perfection of Wisdom Sutra. Eminent monks of doctrinal learning gathered from afar, and at each lecture session none among the assembled could hold their own against him in debate. His eyes had a bluish gleam, which people of the time regarded as a mark of keen intelligence. From the founding of Chen, all proclamations, military dispatches, and abdication and accession documents were composed by Xu Ling, who became the literary patriarch of his generation. Yet he never used his stature to condescend to others, and never disparaged other writers. Toward younger writers he offered guidance and encouragement without weariness. During the reigns of Emperors Wen and Xuan, whenever the state required a major composition, Xu Ling was invariably ordered to draft it. His writing markedly transformed the old style: its structure was artful and precise, and it often contained fresh ideas. Each time a new piece appeared, enthusiasts would already copy and memorize it. His works spread to Northern Zhou and Northern Qi, and households everywhere kept copies. Later, amid the chaos of war, most were scattered and lost. Thirty scrolls survive. Xu Ling had four sons: Jian, Fen, Yi, and Tun.
56
Jian, also called Bao, cultivated upright conduct from youth, studied diligently, and possessed resolute integrity. Zhou Hongzhi of Runan admired his character and gave him his daughter in marriage. Emperor Yuan of Liang summoned him to serve as director of the Ministry's gold section. He often attended banquets and composed poetry on command. Emperor Yuan sighed in admiration and said, 'The Xu family again has a man of letters. After Wei forces captured Jiangling, he returned to Jiankang and was gradually promoted to vice director of the Secretariat.
57
At the beginning of the Taijian era, Ouyang He, governor of Guangzhou, raised troops in rebellion. Emperor Xuan ordered Xu Jian to bear the staff of office and convey the imperial message. When Ouyang He received Xu Jian, he displayed his guards in full array and spoke disrespectfully. Xu Jian said, 'The affair of Lü Jia may indeed be long ago—but has the general alone not seen what became of Zhou Di and Chen Baoying? Ouyang He fell silent and made no reply. Fearing that Xu Jian would demoralize his troops, he refused to let him enter the city and confined him at Guguan Temple. When Ouyang He once came out to see him, Xu Jian said, 'The general has already raised the banner of rebellion. I must return to report to the Son of Heaven. My life may rest in the general's hands, but the general's success or failure does not depend on me. I hope you will not detain me. Ouyang He thereupon sent Xu Jian on his way. Xu Jian raced back by a hidden route. Emperor Xuan then ordered Zhang Zhaoda to campaign against Ouyang He, with Xu Jian supervising Zhang's army. After Ouyang He was defeated, Xu Jian was appointed concurrent master of ceremonies attendant of the Secretariat.
58
When the Later Lord took the throne, Xu Jian was gradually promoted to governor of Xunyang. His administration was strict and clear, and banditry subsided. He was transferred to regular attendant of the fast cavalry and inherited the title of Marquis of Changchang. He entered the capital as censor-in-chief. Xu Jian was fair and attached himself to no faction. Even Jiang Zong, director of the Ministry of Personnel and the most influential man of his day, was impeached by Jian. The Later Lord deeply trusted and relied on him. He died in the second year of Zhenming.
59
Fen from youth showed his father's character. At nine he wrote a Dream Rhapsody. When Xu Ling saw it, he told those close to him, 'When I was young and wrote, I did not surpass this. He served as magistrate of Haiyan and achieved a record of good governance. He entered the capital as groom of the crown prince's household. He was filial and dutiful toward his brothers. When Xu Ling once fell gravely ill, Fen burned incense and wept, kneeling to recite the Classic of Filial Piety day and night without cease. After three days of this, Ling's illness suddenly lifted and he recovered. Relatives all attributed it to Fen's filial devotion. Xu Ling died first.
60
殿
Xu Yi was bright and quick-witted from youth. Under Chen he served as a secretariat gentleman in the ministry of the interior. When Chen fell, he withdrew into seclusion on Mount Zhe in Qiantang. Emperor Yang of Sui summoned him as a court academician and soon appointed him assistant director in the directorate of compilation. He died in the fourth year of the Daye era.
61
Xu Ling's younger brother Kecheng was a gifted speaker and could discourse on metaphysical doctrine. He was profoundly filial by nature. When his father died, he nearly succumbed to grief. He cared for his biological mother, Lady Chen, and fully observed every duty of supporting a parent. At the end of Liang, when Hou Jing's raids plunged the realm into chaos, Kecheng struggled to support his mother and could not even keep her supplied with gruel. His wife was Lady Zang of Dongguan, daughter of General-in-Chief Zang Dun, and was strikingly beautiful. Kecheng then said to her, "Famine is so severe that I can no longer provide for you. I want to marry you to a wealthy man, hoping we may both survive. What do you think? Lady Zang refused. At the time Kong Jingxing, a general under Hou Jing, came with a large retinue and forced her into marriage. Lady Zang left in tears, but sent all the grain and cloth she received to Kecheng's mother. Kecheng then shaved his head and became a monk, taking the religious name Fazheng, and also begged for alms to make ends meet. Lady Zang still cherished their old bond and secretly sent provisions many times, so they never entirely went without. Later Jingxing died in battle. Lady Zang waited for Kecheng on the road and, after several days, finally met him. She said, "What happened before was not because I meant to betray you. Now that I am free, I should come back and care for you. Kecheng said nothing. He then returned to lay life, and they became husband and wife once more.
62
Later he traveled east and settled in Jiayi Lane in Qiantang, where he debated Buddhist scripture with the monks until he mastered the Three Treatises school. Each day he lectured twice—on Buddhist sutras in the morning and on the Rites and Commentary in the evening—and several hundred clerics and lay disciples studied under him. During the Tianjia era he was appointed magistrate of Shan, but the post did not suit him and he soon resigned. In the fourth year of the Taijian era he was summoned to serve as assistant director of the secretariat, but he declined. He lived on vegetables, kept long fasts, observed the bodhisattva precepts, and lectured on and recited the Lotus Sutra day and night. Emperor Xuan greatly admired his character. He later became director of the imperial academy. Whenever Kecheng attended banquets he ate nothing, yet when the feast ended the delicacies set before him were noticeably diminished. The emperor took note of this and quietly asked Secretariat Gentleman Guan Bin about it. Bin then watched him and saw Kecheng slip choice fruits into his sash. At the time Bin did not understand what he was doing. Only later, after making inquiries, did he learn that Kecheng was taking the food home to his mother. Bin reported what he had seen. Emperor Xuan sighed in admiration for a long while and then ordered that from then on, at every banquet, the food placed before Kecheng should be sent home to feed his mother. People of the time praised the emperor's kindness.
63
Kecheng lived plainly and loved to give to others, and so never escaped poverty. The Later Lord ordered that the ferry tax at Shitou be paid to him, but Kecheng spent it all on vegetarian feasts and copying sutras as soon as it arrived.
64
In the second year he was appointed regular attendant and attended the eastern palace. When Chen fell, he went to Chang'an along with the other former officials. His household was utterly destitute. His biological mother fell ill and wanted gruel made from polished rice, but he could not provide it regularly. After his mother died, Kecheng lived mainly on wheat. If anyone gave him polished rice, he would look at it and weep, and he never ate it again for the rest of his life.
65
In the twelfth year of the Kaihuang era, when plague swept Chang'an, Emperor Wen of Sui heard of his reputation and summoned him to lecture on the Diamond Prajna Sutra in the main hall of the ministry of the interior. He was soon appointed a doctor of the national university, and later attended the eastern palace, where he lectured on the Rites and Commentary.
66
In the nineteenth year he died of illness at the age of seventy-three. As death approached he sat upright reciting the Buddha's name. An extraordinary fragrance filled the room, and all the neighbors were astonished. His son Wanzai served as groom of the crown prince's household.
67
祿
Bao Quan, courtesy name Runyue, came from Donghai. His father Bao Ji, styled Jingxuan, was poor. With an aged mother to support, he went to Minister Wang Liang to seek an appointment. Liang was impressed at once and had him named magistrate of Chunling. Later, on Ming Shanbin's recommendation, he became vice director of the court of imperial sacrifices. When his cousin by marriage Fu Zhao became director of the court of imperial sacrifices, regulations forbade men in second-degree mourning from holding office under one another, so he was transferred to a post in the ministry of the interior and ended his career as an adviser to the Prince of Xiangdong.
68
Quan had a handsome beard, graceful bearing, and stood eight chi tall. He was exceptionally quick-witted. He read widely in history and biography and wrote well. From youth he served Emperor Yuan as a regular attendant and was promoted early. The emperor told him, 'Apart from my own writing, no one surpasses you. He later became attendant for direct communication. He often traveled in a high-canopied carriage with dozens of attendants, his parasols, robes, and ornaments all of the finest sort. On the road he met Wang Cheng, director of the imperial academy. Cheng doubted he was old aristocracy and sent someone to ask who he was. Quan's attendant replied, 'Attendant Bao.' Cheng found this odd and tried to humiliate him further, sending a man to press up to the carriage and demand, 'Who in the world is Attendant Bao, to live like this? Capital youths turned the line into a catchphrase. Whenever they saw someone decked out in luxury, they would tease, 'Who in the world is Attendant Bao, to live like this?' and laugh.
69
When Emperor Yuan assumed power, Quan rose through the ranks to inspector of Xin province. After Fangdeng's defeat the emperor was furious and sent Quan with Wang Sengbian to suppress the rebels. Sengbian asked, 'What is your plan? Quan said, 'This will melt away like snow under hot water. Why worry so much?' Sengbian replied, 'That is the sort of thing literary men always say. Hedong is no pushover. We cannot go without ten thousand elite troops. The armored troops from Jingling will arrive soon. We can still ask again then. I want to go in with you and explain this to the emperor.' Quan agreed, but when Sengbian made the argument as promised, Quan said nothing and did not back him up. The emperor was furious and had Sengbian shackled and imprisoned. Contemporaries compared Quan to Li Ji, who had betrayed his friend.
70
使 使
Quan held sole command of the campaign against Changsha but could not take the city for a long time. The emperor listed twenty crimes against Quan and wrote to rebuke him: 'Your face is like jade on a cap, yet one still suspects a wooden puppet. Your beard is like hedgehog bristles, yet all you do is flap your lips in vain. He then released Wang Sengbian from prison to replace Quan as commander and sent Gentleman Attendant Luo Chonghuan with three hundred armed guards to accompany him. On reaching Changsha he sent word to Quan: 'Gentleman Luo has been ordered to bring Wang of Jingling to assist you. Quan was astonished and told his attendants, 'With Wang of Jingling to help me plan the campaign, the rebels will be nothing to crush.' He brushed off a seat and sat waiting for him. When Sengbian entered he sat with his back to Quan and said, 'Master Bao, you are guilty. By imperial order I am to fetter you. Do not count on our old friendship. He had Chonghuan produce the order and show it to Quan, then shackled him beside the bed. Quan's color never changed and he showed no fear. He said, 'Delaying the imperial army is a guilt I accept. I only fear that later generations will remember Bao Quan's blundering. Sengbian looked deeply offended. Quan then submitted a memorial confessing the crime of delay. The emperor soon restored him to office and ordered him with Sengbian and others to march east and press the Prince of Shaoling at Yingzhou.
71
使
After Yingzhou was pacified, the emperor made the heir Fangzhu inspector and Quan chief administrator, with charge of the prefecture and headquarters. Fangzhu found Quan mild and weak, never took his advice, made him lie on a bed and rode his back as a horse, and wrote his name on Quan's clothes. From then on everyone in the prefecture and headquarters joined in mocking him. Hou Jing secretly sent his generals Song Zixian and Ren Yue to attack them. Fangzhu and Quan neglected military affairs and amused themselves with gambling and wine, saying, 'How could the enemy ever reach us here?' When reports of the enemy multiplied, they finally ordered the gates shut. The city fell. The rebels seized Fangzhu and Quan and sent them to Hou Jing. Later Hou Jing attacked Wang Sengbian at Baling, failed, and retreated in defeat. He then executed Quan at Jiangxia and sank his body in the river at Yellow Crane Rock.
72
Earlier Quan had dreamed that he wore red robes and walked on water. When he died, his body covered in blood, he was sunk in the river exactly as in the dream. Quan was especially learned in ritual and compiled New Rites in thirty scrolls, which circulated widely.
73
輿
At the time there was also Bao Xingqing, famed for erudition and literary talent. He served as recorder to the Prince of Linchuan of the rear army and as a concurrent secretariat gentleman, and was later promoted to commandant of footsoldiers. He presented an inscription on a jade bi, and Emperor Wu issued an edict praising and rewarding him. He loved witty rhymes. When he received appointment as commandant of footsoldiers, he thanked the emperor in person and said, "As a secretariat gentleman, one cannot avoid being poor; but gaining one of the Five Commandants is truly gaining a great commandant. His remarks were always of this sort. He left a collected writings in twenty scrolls. He compiled Imperial Household Rites in thirteen scrolls and Record of the Imperial Carriage's Dragon Ascent in two scrolls.
74
退 西使
His younger brother Keqing served as administrator of Nankang. Keqing's three sons—Jian, Zheng, and Zhi—were all known for talent and skill, and all served among the five aides of the Prince of Xiangdong. Zheng loved company and never let a day pass without calling on someone. People said of him, "There is nowhere you won't hear crows cawing, and nowhere you won't run into Bao the aide. Zheng failed to win the Prince of Xiangdong's favor and submitted a letter resigning his post. The prince resented him. When Jiankang fell, Zheng was serving as outer military lang in the ministry of the interior, but he was too ill to rise. Hou Jing threw him in among the dead and had the bodies burned. When the prince heard of it he said, "His loyalty was no Ji Xin's, his worth no ivory tusk—burn him and cast him aside, and there you have it. Men of judgment took this as proof that the Prince of Xiangdong lacked humanity. Jian served as recording secretary in the Prince of Xiangdong's western headquarters. Sent on a mission to Shu, he refused to submit to the Prince of Wuzhou and was killed.
75
The historian comments: Xiahou Sheng said, "A scholar's trouble is not knowing the classics. Once the classics are mastered, winning office and rank is like picking mustard seeds off the ground." He Yang, He Chen, Zhu Yi, and Sima Jiong had done exactly that. Yet Zhu Yi went on to court favor and fortune, held office and wielded power, and instead of guiding the times by principle he sought only to please and flatter. When he invited the invaders and brought the state to ruin, the blame truly lay with Zhu Yi. The catastrophe was plain for all to see, yet his guilt was never made clear; even after his death he received extraordinary posthumous honors. Punishment was never imposed, and reward was lavished just as recklessly. The chaos of the Taqing era was only to be expected. Gu Xie was pure and upright, worthy to be measured against the ancients. Xu Chi was steadfast and upright—the benevolent, it is said, also have courage. Xu Ling, styled Xiao Mu, was brilliant and far-seeing. He helped establish the rising dynasty, offered counsel in planning and policy, and his candor was always present. Bao Quan was a scholar of the writing desk by nature, yet time and again he was placed in command of troops. When the wrong man is given the wrong task, how can he be expected to succeed?
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