1
列傳二百二十六
Biography 226
2
景廉額勒和布許庚身錢應溥廖壽恆
Jing Lian, E Lei He Bu, Xu Gengshen, Qian Yingpu, and Liao Shouheng
3
榮慶那桐戴鴻慈
Rong Qing, Na Tong, and Dai Hongci
4
景廉,字秋坪,顏札氏,隸滿洲正黃旗。 父彥德,官綏遠城將軍。 景廉,咸豐二年進士,由編修五遷至內閣學士。 典福建鄉試,擢工部侍郎,賜奠朝鮮。 八年,授伊犁參贊大臣。 故事,哈薩克貿易訖即行。 後以貨滯鬻,許二三人守以度歲,漸成聚落,週二里許。 景廉謂禍伏肘腋,毀之便,將軍憚不敢發。 會將軍卒,景廉攝任,疏陳利害,請以便宜從事,卒毀之。 詔下,如所請。 塔爾巴哈台參贊大臣英秀、阿克蘇辦事大臣綿性、葉爾羌參贊大臣英蘊先後以貪暴被劾,皆命景廉往鞫,得實,降革有差。
Jing Lian, whose style name was Qiuping, was of the Yan Zha clan and served in the Manchu Plain Yellow Banner. His father Yande had held the post of General of Suiyuan. Jing Lian became a jinshi in the second year of the Xianfeng reign and rose through five promotions from Compiler to Grand Secretary of the Grand Secretariat. He served as chief examiner for the Fujian provincial examination, was promoted to Vice Minister of Works, and was sent to offer sacrificial rites in Korea. In the eighth year of the reign, he was appointed Assistant Resident at Ili. By established practice, Kazakh traders were required to leave as soon as their business was concluded. Later, because merchandise moved slowly, two or three men were permitted to stay through the winter to guard unsold stock; a settlement gradually took shape, roughly two li around. Jing Lian warned that trouble was brewing close at hand and urged that the settlement be destroyed, but the general was afraid to take action. When the general died, Jing Lian assumed his duties, submitted a memorial setting out the risks and benefits, asked for authority to act as circumstances required, and in the end had the settlement destroyed. The court issued an edict granting what he had requested. The Assistant Residents Ying Xiu at Tarbagatai, Mian Xing at Aksu, and Ying Yun at Yarkand were impeached one after another for corruption and brutality; Jing Lian was sent to investigate each case, found the accusations true, and the offenders were demoted or dismissed to varying degrees.
5
十一年,調葉爾羌參贊大臣,其城為南路八城之首,漢、回雜處。 安集延常擾邊,俄人復於西南徼往來窺伺,哈薩克各部落多貳於俄。 景廉籌餉練兵,持以鎮靜,八城以安。 嚴禁綠營兵以重利侵奪回民貲產,人心大悅。 同治二年,坐事落職,男婦數千哭於札爾瑪。 札爾瑪者,回部棲神之所,意欲禱神阻其行也。 景廉既去官,遣往寧夏軍營效力,將軍都興阿檄參戎幕。 適安徽巡撫翁同書卒於軍,复檄景廉代領其眾,防剿後路。
In the eleventh year he was transferred to serve as Assistant Resident at Yarkand, the leading city among the eight southern towns, where Han Chinese and Muslims lived side by side. Kokand frequently raided the frontier, while Russians prowled the southwestern marches, and many Kazakh tribes were divided in loyalty toward Russia. Jing Lian raised revenue, drilled troops, and governed with steady composure until all eight cities were secure. He strictly forbade Green Standard soldiers from extorting Muslim property for profit, to the great satisfaction of the populace. In the second year of Tongzhi he lost his post after being implicated in a case; thousands of men and women gathered weeping at the Zharma shrine. Zharma was a Muslim shrine where deities were housed; the mourners hoped by prayer to keep him from leaving. Stripped of office, Jing Lian was sent to serve at the Ningxia army camp, where General Du Xing'a called him into his staff. When Anhui Governor Weng Tonghe died in the field, Du Xing'a again ordered Jing Lian to take over his troops and secure the rear against enemy raids.
6
五年,授頭等侍衛,充哈密幫辦大臣。 募勇千餘,騎不滿百,糧乏,冰雪中僵僕相屬。 景廉勉以忠義,夜支單帳,燃馬矢,席地坐,時出撫循,以是兵心固結。 肅州賊沿南山西竄,景廉遣總兵張玉春敗之黃花營。 賊擾安西州,又大敗之。 景廉以安西玉門為新疆門戶,巴里坤雖天險可守,然力單不足恃,疏請駐安西,佈置防務輓運,得旨報可。 賊撲敦煌,景廉陽令副將蔣富山邀擊南乾溝,而伏勁旅橋灣三水梁。 賊果取道三水梁南戈壁,伏起,追擊敗之。 捷聞,得旨嘉獎。 賊复撲安西,景廉戒守將堅壁毋浪戰,伺其懈擊之,而設伏要其歸路,賊大創,遁。 景廉謂敦煌重鎮,當守以重兵,因移鎮敦煌,留兵安西、玉門相犄角。 建堅壁清野之計,完城浚壕,擇要區築空心墩台,守具畢備。 復以商團民練輔翼官兵,隱寓保甲之法,賊擄掠之計遂沮。 招徠土著三千六百餘戶,勸募雜糧二萬餘石,立轉運局馬蓮井,官民咸稱便焉。
In the fifth year he was appointed First Class Bodyguard and Assistant Commissioner at Hami. He raised more than a thousand militiamen but had fewer than a hundred horses and scant grain; in the ice and snow his attendants froze to death in succession. Jing Lian urged loyalty and duty on his men, slept under a single tent at night, warmed himself with burning horse dung, sat on the bare ground, and went out regularly to encourage the troops, so that their morale held firm. Rebels from Suzhou fled west along the southern mountains; Jing Lian sent Brigadier Zhang Yuchun to rout them at Huanghuaying. When the rebels raided Anxi Prefecture, he defeated them again. Jing Lian argued that Anxi and Yumen were the gateway to Xinjiang and that, although Barkol was a natural fortress, his forces were too weak to hold it alone; he memorialized to base himself at Anxi and organize defenses and supply lines, and the court approved. When rebels attacked Dunhuang, Jing Lian openly ordered Deputy Commander Jiang Fushan to meet them at Nangan Gully while secretly placing elite troops in ambush at Qiaowan Sanshui Liang. The rebels took the southern Gobi route past Sanshui Liang as expected; the ambush sprang up, pursued them, and won a decisive victory. When word of the victory reached the capital, the throne issued a commendatory edict. When the rebels struck Anxi again, Jing Lian ordered the garrison to hold the walls and avoid reckless sorties, to strike when the enemy grew careless, and to lay ambushes on their line of retreat; the rebels suffered heavy losses and fled. Jing Lian judged Dunhuang a strategic strongpoint that required a substantial garrison, moved his headquarters there, and stationed troops at Anxi and Yumen so the three posts could support one another. He implemented a scorched-earth defense: repaired the walls, deepened the moats, built hollow watch towers at key points, and fully equipped the garrisons. He also organized merchant militias and local levies to support the regular troops along baojia lines, thwarting the rebels' plans for looting. He brought back more than 3,600 native households, encouraged the donation of over 20,000 shi of grain, and set up a transport bureau at Malianjing, which officials and civilians alike found highly convenient.
7
時烏魯木齊回酋妥得璘勾結漢、回、纏頭萬八千餘東犯,潛約哈密回子郡王為內應。 王素騃,其母福晉邁哩巴紐賢明有才略,以逆書呈官軍,誓效力守。 景廉遣使獎慰,復令富山率兵會辦事大臣文麟、裨將孔才擊賊,連戰六晝夜,大敗之。 論功,升擢有差。 旋授烏魯木齊都統。 時古牧地偽元帥馬明屢詐言降,复假貿易分佈逆黨於濟木薩、木壘河。 景廉偵知,密檄孔才、金永清等一夕殲之。 俄人挾蒙古、哈薩克入境求通商,景廉言地方未靖,不任保護,以兵衛之出。 自是終景廉任,俄人不言通商事。
At that time the Urumqi Muslim leader Tuo De Lin rallied more than eighteen thousand Han, Hui, and Turki fighters for an eastern invasion and secretly enlisted the Hami Muslim prince as an inside collaborator. The prince was naive, but his mother, the fujin Maili Banu, was intelligent and resourceful; she turned the rebel correspondence over to the government forces and pledged to hold Hami loyal. Jing Lian sent envoys with rewards and encouragement, then ordered Fushan to join Commissioner Wen Lin and Lieutenant Kong Cai in attacking the rebels; after six days and nights of fighting they won a crushing victory. Rewards for merit were distributed and the officers were promoted in varying degrees. He was soon appointed General Commandant at Urumqi. At that time the rebel commander Ma Ming at Gucheng repeatedly feigned surrender while using trade as cover to spread rebel agents through Jimsar and along the Mulei River. Jing Lian uncovered the plot and secretly ordered Kong Cai, Jin Yongqing, and others to wipe them out in a single night. Russians brought Mongols and Kazakhs across the border to seek trade; Jing Lian replied that the region was still unsettled and he could not guarantee their safety, and had troops escort them back out. For the remainder of Jing Lian's tenure, the Russians did not raise trade again.
8
穆宗親政,景廉以為政治在乎始基,上崇正學、開言路、慎牧令、簡軍實、重農桑、弭異端六事。 移軍古城,疏請以副都統吉爾洪額、領隊大臣沙克都林札布任軍事。 陝回白彥虎糾西寧回萬餘,將奔烏魯木齊,賊勢梟悍,破哈密回城,遊騎越天山,擾巴里坤,兩城告急。 會妥得璘死,安集延酋帕夏合烏魯木齊、古牧地等漢、回撲沙山子,遙應白彥虎。 景廉急檄孔才嚴備濟木薩各要隘,黑龍江營總依勒和布援沙山子,吉爾洪額等援哈密,而景廉坐鎮古城,飲酒習射,若無事然。 依勒和布與游擊徐學功率騎五百敗賊沙棗園,擒斬無算。 帕夏遁歸吐魯番,遂解沙山子之圍。 吉爾洪額等抵巴里坤,連戰皆捷,遂度天山,敗賊哈密泥基頭。 城中聞援軍至,大呼突出,賊敗,巴里坤肅清。 是役也,論者謂新疆治亂一大關鍵也。 白彥虎竄唐朝渠,將入瑪納斯,學功偵得賊口號,選精騎四百,偽為瑪納斯人,迎之龔家瀧,握手慰勞,賊不之疑,益前進,前臨大河。 官軍從後起,賊大驚,白彥虎引四十餘騎逸去,餘盡殲焉。 學功者,烏魯木齊農家子,沉勇多智略。 軍興,集鄉勇自衛。 或離合於妥得璘、帕夏之間,為以賊攻賊之計。 景廉招之來,推誠待之,遂原效死,至是果得其力。 奏請破格錄用,報可。
When the Tongzhi Emperor assumed personal rule, Jing Lian argued that sound government depends on laying the right foundations and submitted six proposals: promote orthodox learning, open channels of remonstrance, appoint magistrates with care, streamline military forces, emphasize agriculture and sericulture, and suppress heterodox teachings. He shifted his headquarters to Gucheng and memorialized to place military operations under Vice Commander Jir Hong'e and Brigade Commander Shakudulin Zhabu. The Shaanxi Muslim rebel Bai Yanhu rallied more than ten thousand Xining Muslims to march on Urumqi; the rebels were ferocious, seized the Muslim quarter of Hami, sent scouting parties across the Tianshan to harass Barkol, and both cities sent urgent appeals for help. When Tuo De Lin died, the Kokand leader Pasha gathered Han and Hui forces from Urumqi, Gucheng, and elsewhere to attack Shashanzi in concert with Bai Yanhu from a distance. Jing Lian urgently ordered Kong Cai to secure the passes at Jimsar, sent the Heilongjiang commander E Lei He Bu to relieve Shashanzi and Jir Hong'e to relieve Hami, while he himself remained at Gucheng drinking wine and practicing archery as though nothing were wrong. E Lei He Bu and Guerrilla Commander Xu Xuegong led five hundred horsemen to rout the rebels at Shazao Garden, capturing and killing countless enemy fighters. Pasha fled back to Turfan, and the siege of Shashanzi was lifted. Jir Hong'e and his forces reached Barkol, won a series of victories, crossed the Tianshan, and defeated the rebels at Hami Nijitou. When the garrison heard that relief had arrived, the defenders charged out with a great shout; the rebels were defeated and Barkol was cleared. Commentators regarded this campaign as a decisive turning point in whether Xinjiang would remain under Qing control. Bai Yanhu fled toward Tangcha Qu intending to enter Manas; Xue Gong learned the rebels' password, picked four hundred elite horsemen, disguised them as locals from Manas, and met the rebels at Gongjia Long with handshakes and greetings; the enemy suspected nothing and pressed on until they came to a broad river. Government troops sprang up from behind; the rebels panicked; Bai Yanhu escaped with a little more than forty horsemen while the rest were wiped out. Xue Gong was the son of a farming family near Urumqi, known for steady courage and keen stratagems. When the fighting began he gathered local militia for self-defense. At times he shifted allegiance between Tuo De Lin and Pasha, employing the strategy of setting one rebel force against another. Jing Lian brought him in and treated him with complete sincerity; Xue Gong then pledged his life to the cause, and on this occasion proved his value. Jing Lian memorialized for his exceptional appointment to office, and the request was approved.
9
景廉以憂勤致疾,再乞解職,溫旨慰留。 十三年,授欽差大臣,督辦新疆軍務。 於是景廉奏請通籌全局,命伊犁將軍金順取道古牧地,提督張曜由天山南取吐魯番,領隊大臣沙克都林札布、錫綸由沙山子取瑪納斯,三路齊舉,使賊不相顧。 奇台、古城為哈密、巴里坤屏蔽,命副都統額爾慶額、孝順、福珠哩駐西湖,防賊逸入北路。 烏魯木齊之南俗呼搭板城者,實通吐魯番要路,賊以重兵守之,宜潛師攻擾以搤其吭。 並請飭陝甘總督左宗棠總司後路糧台。 移甘肅民千戶實奇台、古城屯田,購蒙古駝數千隻,借撥部款六十萬兩。 疏上,悉蒙嘉納,而忌者尼之,未竟所施。 改正白旗漢軍都統。 俄召回京,遷左都御史。
Jing Lian fell ill from overwork and anxiety and twice asked to resign, but received warm edicts urging him to stay in office. In the thirteenth year he was appointed Imperial Commissioner to direct military affairs in Xinjiang. Jing Lian then memorialized for a coordinated campaign: Ili General Jin Shun was to advance by way of Gucheng, Brigadier Zhang Yao to take Turfan from south of the Tianshan, and Brigade Commanders Shakudulin Zhabu and Xilun to strike Manas from Shashanzi, with all three columns moving together so the rebels could not shift forces between fronts. Because Qitai and Gucheng shielded Hami and Barkol, he ordered Vice Commanders E'er Qing'e, Xiaoshun, and Fuzhuli to hold Xihu and block rebel incursions into the northern route. South of Urumqi lay Daban Cheng, commonly so called, which was in fact the vital route to Turfan; the rebels held it with heavy forces, and he urged covert raids to strike at their jugular. He also asked that Shaanxi-Gansu Governor Zuo Zongtang be placed in overall charge of rear-area supply depots. He proposed resettling a thousand Gansu households to farm at Qitai and Gucheng, purchasing several thousand Mongol camels, and borrowing six hundred thousand taels from the ministry. The memorial was submitted and every point won approval, but jealous rivals blocked him and his plans were never fully implemented. He was appointed General of the Plain White Banner Han Army. He was soon recalled to the capital and promoted to Left Censor-in-Chief.
10
光緒二年,命入軍機,兼總理各國大臣。 授工部尚書,調戶部。 坐事降二級,仍留軍機。 補內閣學士,再遷兵部尚書。 時言路尚激烈,或不平,景廉曰:「政府如射之有的,言者期其中耳,於我輩何憾? 且詆政府者率無罪,未必非大臣之福也。」 人服其量。 新疆勘定,將軍金順上言景廉前勞,請獎勵。 景廉謂邊帥推功樞臣,恐開迎合之漸,請勿許,時論與之。 十年,硃諭景廉循分供職,經濟非所長,降二級調用。 明年,補內閣學士。 八月,卒於官,年六十二。 子治麟,國子監司業,見孝友傳。
In the second year of Guangxu he entered the Grand Council and was concurrently appointed Minister for Foreign Affairs. He was appointed Minister of Works and then transferred to the Ministry of Revenue. After being implicated in a case he was demoted two ranks but kept his seat on the Grand Council. He was appointed Grand Secretary of the Grand Secretariat and later promoted again to Minister of War. Remonstrance was still fierce in those days, and some colleagues took offense; Jing Lian said, "The government is the target in archery, and critics only hope to hit the mark—what is there for us to resent? Besides, those who attack the government are usually not guilty of any crime, and their criticism may prove a blessing to senior ministers." People admired his breadth of mind. After Xinjiang was pacified, General Jin Shun memorialized praising Jing Lian's earlier service and asked that he be rewarded. Jing Lian argued that when frontier commanders pushed credit onto Grand Council members it encouraged flattery and asked that the reward be denied; contemporary opinion sided with him. In the tenth year an imperial rescript declared that Jing Lian should keep to his proper duties, that statecraft was not his strength, and he was demoted two ranks and reassigned. The following year he was appointed Grand Secretary of the Grand Secretariat. In the eighth month he died in office at the age of sixty-two. His son Zhilin served as Vice Director of the Imperial Academy; see the Biographies of Filial Sons and Friends.
11
額勒和布,字筱山,覺爾察氏,滿洲鑲藍旗人。 咸豐二年繙譯進士,改庶吉士,用戶部主事。 累遷理籓院侍郎。 同治三年,熱河土默特貝勒旗老頭滋事,額勒和布奉命查辦得實,請將貝勒議處,其佐領、章京等降革有差,事遂定。 由蒙古副都統調補滿洲。 旋授盛京戶部侍郎,兼奉天府府尹。 直隸總督劉長佑率師防剿熱河及奉天馬賊,額勒和布籌給軍食。 賊酋周榮糾黨回竄,擾及昌圖,所在告警。 額勒和布遣將率馬隊迎擊開原,而以步隊扼其後,賊遂潰散。 六年,請酌抽鹽釐充練兵經費,增設海防同知駐營口,均議行。 於賑務尤盡力捐募。 署盛京將軍,調察哈爾都統。 新疆用兵,額勒和布經紀糧運,並調八旗官兵助剿,擢烏里雅蘇台將軍,屢卻悍賊。
E Lei He Bu, whose style name was Xiaoshan, was of the Juercha clan and belonged to the Manchu Bordered Blue Banner. In the second year of Xianfeng he passed the translation jinshi examination, entered the Hanlin Academy as a bachelor, and was appointed principal secretary in the Ministry of Revenue. He rose in succession to Vice Minister of the Court of Colonial Affairs. In the third year of Tongzhi elders in the Tumed Prince's Banner of Rehe stirred up trouble; E Lei He Bu was ordered to investigate, confirmed the charges, recommended disciplinary action against the prince, and demoted or dismissed his subordinates in varying degrees until the affair was settled. He was transferred from a Mongol vice commander's post to a Manchu assignment. He was soon appointed Vice Minister of Revenue at Mukden and concurrently served as Prefect of Fengtian. When Zhili Governor Liu Changyou led troops against bandits in Rehe and Fengtian, E Lei He Bu organized the supply of rations. The rebel leader Zhou Rong rallied his followers and fled back into the region, raiding as far as Changtu and setting off alarms throughout the territory. E Lei He Bu sent cavalry to meet them at Kaiyuan while infantry blocked their retreat, and the rebels broke and scattered. In the sixth year he proposed allocating salt levies to fund militia training and establishing a coastal defense sub-prefect at Yingkou; both proposals were approved. In famine relief he worked especially hard to raise donations. He served as acting General of Mukden and was then transferred to Commander at Chahar. During the Xinjiang campaign he managed grain transport, mobilized Eight Banner troops for the fighting, was promoted to General at Uliastai, and repeatedly repelled fierce rebel forces.
12
光緒三年,因病乞休。 六年,起鑲白旗漢軍都統,調蒙古。 歷熱河都統、理籓院尚書、戶部尚書、內務府大臣。 十年,命直軍機,協辦大學士。 奏請允開滇、越邊界礦務,又奏光緒四年以前直省錢漕積欠者,請予蠲免。 司業潘衍桐建言特開藝學科,以額勒和布持不可,寢其議。 十一年,授體仁閣大學士,轉武英殿。 歷充閱卷大臣等差。 二十年,免直軍機。 二十二年,致仕。 逾四年,卒於家,諡文恭。
In the third year of Guangxu he requested retirement because of illness. In the sixth year he was recalled to serve as General of the Bordered White Banner Han Army and was transferred to Mongolia. He served in succession as Commander at Rehe, Minister of the Court of Colonial Affairs, Minister of Revenue, and Grand Minister of the Imperial Household Department. In the tenth year he was appointed to the Grand Council and made Associate Grand Secretary. He memorialized to open mining along the Yunnan-Vietnam border and also asked that provincial grain-tax arrears accumulated before the fourth year of Guangxu be remitted. Vice Director Pan Yantong proposed a special civil service examination in technical arts; E Lei He Bu opposed it and the proposal was dropped. In the eleventh year he was appointed Grand Secretary of the Hall of Embodying Benevolence and transferred to the Hall of Military Glory. He repeatedly served as chief examiner and in other such posts. In the twentieth year he was removed from the Grand Council. In the twenty-second year he retired from office. A little more than four years later he died at home and was posthumously titled Wengong.
13
額勒和布木訥寡言,時同列漸攬權納賄,獨廉潔自守,時頗稱之。
E Lei He Bu was a man of few words; while his colleagues gradually seized power and took bribes, he alone remained incorrupt and was widely praised.
14
許庚身,字星叔,浙江仁和人。 咸豐初,由舉人考取內閣中書。 嘗代同官夜直,一夕,票二百簽,署名牘背。 文宗閱本,心識之,以詢侍郎許乃普,乃普為其諸父行也,遂命充軍機章京。 故事,大臣子弟不得入直,是命蓋異數雲。 十年,車駕狝木蘭,召赴行在。 是時肅順方怙權勢,數侵軍機事,高坐直廬,有所撰擬,輒趣章京往屬草。 庚身以非制,不許,使者十數至,卒弗應。 肅順慚且懟,欲中以危法,未得間。 穆宗纘業,特賜金以旌其風節,命隨大臣入直。
Xu Gengshen, whose style name was Xingshu, was a native of Renhe in Zhejiang. Early in the Xianfeng reign, as a provincial graduate he passed the examination for Secretariat Drafter in the Grand Secretariat. Once, substituting for a colleague on night duty, he processed two hundred memorials in a single night, signing his name on the back of each document. The Xianfeng Emperor read the documents, took note of him, and asked Vice Minister Xu Naipu—who was of his father's generation—about him; he was then appointed a Grand Council clerk. By precedent the sons of senior ministers were barred from regular Grand Council duty, so this appointment was an exceptional honor. In the tenth year, when the court was hunting at Mulan, he was summoned to the traveling palace. At that time Su Shun was abusing his power and repeatedly encroaching on Grand Council business, sitting imperiously in the duty hall and ordering clerks to draft whatever he dictated. Gengshen held that this violated regulations and refused; messengers came more than a dozen times, but he never complied. Su Shun was both ashamed and furious and sought to trap him on a capital charge, but found no opportunity. When the Tongzhi Emperor succeeded, he was specially granted gold to honor his integrity and ordered to take regular duty alongside the ministers.
15
同治元年,成進士,自請就本官,補侍讀。 累遷鴻臚寺少卿。 母憂歸,服竟,遷內閣侍讀學士,入直如故。 進春秋屬辭,被嘉獎。 補光祿寺卿。 典試貴州,督江西學政,頗以天算、輿地諸學試士。 光緒四年,授太常寺卿。 擢禮部侍郎,調戶部、刑部。 十年,法越事起,充軍機大臣,兼總理各國事務,晉頭品服。 時樞府孫毓汶最被眷遇,庚身以應對敏練,太后亦信仗之。 十四年,晉兵部尚書。 十九年,卒,諡恭慎。
In the first year of Tongzhi he passed the jinshi examination, asked to retain his original post, and was appointed Reader. He rose in succession to Vice Minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. He returned home to observe mourning for his mother; when the mourning period ended he was appointed Reader in the Grand Secretariat and resumed Grand Council duty as before. He presented his work Spring and Autumn Annals: Phrasing and Meaning and received imperial commendation. He was appointed Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. He served as chief examiner in Guizhou, supervised education in Jiangxi, and often tested candidates in astronomy, mathematics, geography, and related fields. In the fourth year of Guangxu he was appointed Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. He was promoted to Vice Minister of Rites and later transferred to the ministries of Revenue and Justice. In the tenth year, when the Franco-Vietnamese conflict broke out, he joined the Grand Council, concurrently directed foreign affairs, and was granted first-rank court dress. At the time Sun Yuwen enjoyed the greatest favor in the Grand Council, but Gengshen's quick and polished responses also won the Empress Dowager's trust. In the fourteenth year he was promoted to Minister of War. In the nineteenth year he died and was posthumously titled Gongjin.
16
庚身自郎曹至尚侍,直樞垣垂三十年,與兵事相終始,為最久雲。
From a bureau post to minister, Gengshen served at the Grand Council for nearly thirty years, spanning the entire course of the military crises of the age—the longest such tenure on record.
17
錢應溥,字子密,浙江嘉興人。 拔貢生,朝考一等,用七品小京官,分吏部,直軍機。 咸豐十年,粵寇連陷浙東西郡縣,應溥父海寧州學訓導泰吉,質行樸學,老儒也,時已罷官,州人留主講書院。 應溥聞警,亟請歸奉親,轉徙經年,鬚髮為白。
Qian Yingpu, whose style name was Zimi, was a native of Jiaxing in Zhejiang. As a selected tribute student he ranked first in the palace examination, was appointed a seventh-rank capital official in the Ministry of Personnel, and served on the Grand Council. In the tenth year of Xianfeng the Taiping rebels overran prefectures and counties across eastern and western Zhejiang; Yingpu's father Taiji, a dismissed instructor at the Haining prefectural school and a scholar of plain integrity and solid learning, had been kept by local people to head the academy. When he heard the alarm, Yingpu urgently asked leave to return and care for his father; after a year of displacement his hair and beard turned white.
18
曾國籓治兵安慶,招入幕,工為文檄,敏捷如夙構。 國籓屢欲特薦,皆力辭。 同治三年,奏加五品卿銜。 大軍徵捻,駐周家口。 捻宵至,守卒僅千人,眾駭懼,應溥鎮靜若無事然。 於是國籓堅臥不起,捻卒不敢犯。 晉四品卿銜,國籓深倚重之,其督兩江,有大興革,上奏辭皆囑應溥具草。
Zeng Guofan raised troops at Anqing and recruited him to his staff; he excelled at drafting proclamations and dispatches with the speed of long practice. Guofan repeatedly sought to recommend him for special promotion, but he firmly declined each time. In the third year of Tongzhi he was granted the honorary fifth-rank title of Qing by memorial. When the main army campaigned against the Nian rebels, it was stationed at Zhoujiakou. When the Nian attacked at night, the garrison had only a thousand men and the troops panicked, but Yingpu remained as calm as if nothing were wrong. Guofan then lay firm in bed and refused to stir, and the Nian soldiers did not dare attack. He was promoted to fourth-rank honorary Qing; Guofan relied on him heavily, and when Guofan governed the Two Jiangs and undertook major reforms, he entrusted all memorials to Yingpu to draft.
19
光緒初,養親事畢,乃入都,重直軍機,擢員外郎。 恭忠親王、醇賢親王相繼秉政,皆嘉其諳練。 每承旨繕詔,頃刻千言,曲當上意。 累遷禮部侍郎。 偕尚書崑岡按事河南,自巡撫裕寬以下降黜有差。 朝鮮事起,廷議主戰,應溥造膝敷陳,多人所不敢言。 旋任軍機大臣,再遷工部尚書。 謝病歸。 二十八年,卒,諡恭勤。 子駿祥,翰林院侍讀。
Early in the Guangxu reign, after completing his filial duties, he returned to the capital, resumed service on the Grand Council, and was promoted to department director. When Prince Gong and Prince Chun successively held power, both praised his experience and competence. Whenever he received orders to draft edicts he could produce a thousand words in moments, fitting the sovereign's intent exactly. He rose in succession to Vice Minister of Rites. Together with Minister Kun Gang he investigated affairs in Henan, and officials from Governor Yu Kuan downward were demoted or dismissed in varying degrees. When the Korean crisis arose and court debate favored war, Yingpu went before the throne and spoke frankly on matters others dared not raise. He soon joined the Grand Council and was later promoted again to Minister of Works. He resigned because of illness and returned home. In the twenty-eighth year he died and was posthumously titled Gongqin. His son Junxiang served as Reader in the Hanlin Academy.
20
廖壽恆,字仲山,江蘇嘉定人。 同治二年進士,授編修。 出督湖南學政。 光緒二年,再擢侍講。 近畿旱災,壽恆應詔陳言,以為:「吏治壞則民情鬱,以其愁苦之氣薄陰陽之和而災祲生,應天以實不以文。 原皇上審敬怠,明是非,覈功罪,信賞罰,勿徒視為具文。」 語甚切至。 尋以內務府開支失實,請嚴飭,以為浮濫者戒。 再督河南學政,累遷內閣學士,仍留視學。 坐疏察生員欠考,下部議處。
Liao Shouheng, whose style name was Zhongshan, was a native of Jiading in Jiangsu. He became a jinshi in the second year of Tongzhi and was appointed Compiler. He was sent out to supervise education in Hunan. In the second year of Guangxu he was promoted again to Lecturer. When drought struck the capital region, Shouheng responded to an imperial edict, arguing: "When official governance fails, popular discontent builds until the people's anguish disturbs the balance of yin and yang and calamities follow; Heaven must be answered with real deeds, not empty rhetoric. I pray that Your Majesty will examine who is diligent and who is negligent, distinguish right from wrong, assess merit and fault, enforce rewards and punishments in earnest, and not treat such measures as mere formalities." His words were remarkably earnest. Soon afterward, because the Imperial Household Department's accounts were false, he asked for strict correction as a warning against waste. He again supervised education in Henan, rose in succession to Grand Secretary of the Grand Secretariat, and continued to hold his educational post. Because he had been lax in supervising licentiates who missed examinations, the ministry deliberated on disciplinary action.
21
九年,法人侵據越南安定,壽恆疏言:「法以傳教為事,今乃思闢商務,取徑越南。 越固我籓屬,萬無棄而不顧之理。 臣愚以謂今日有必戰之勢,而後有可和之局。 李鴻章威望最隆,北洋勁旅,非他人所能統御。 宜飭鴻章仍回北洋大臣本任,坐鎮天津,以衛畿輔,而飭署督張樹聲還督兩廣。 樹聲忠勇宿將,必能相機進討,以伸保護屬國之義。 兩督臣各還本任,事屬尋常,可不啟外人之疑; 而進戰退守,能發能收。 彼若悔禍,自可轉圜。 若必併吞越南,則是兵端自彼而開,不得謂為不修鄰好。」
In the ninth year the French invaded and seized Anding in Vietnam; Shouheng memorialized: "France began with missionary work, but now seeks to open trade and advance through Vietnam. Vietnam is firmly our tributary state; we cannot possibly abandon it and look away. This humble subject believes that we must first fight when fighting is necessary, and only then can a settlement become possible. Li Hongzhang enjoys the greatest prestige, and the Beiyang elite troops cannot be commanded by anyone else. Li Hongzhang should be ordered back to his original post as Beiyang Minister to hold Tianjin and guard the capital region, while Acting Governor Zhang Shusheng should return to govern the Two Guangs. Shusheng is a loyal and seasoned commander who will surely advance as circumstances allow and uphold our duty to protect a tributary state. If both governors return to their original posts, the move will appear routine and need not arouse foreign suspicion; while in advancing to fight or retreating to defend they can strike boldly and withdraw when needed. If the French repent their aggression, negotiations can naturally be reopened. If they insist on swallowing Vietnam, they will have opened hostilities themselves, and we cannot be accused of failing to keep the peace."
22
法越和議成,壽恆复上疏言:「風聞法使至天津,稱越南既議款,因以分界撤兵事要約李鴻章,鴻章拒不允,擬即來都磋商譯署。 論者謂當虛與委蛇。 不知法據越南,去我之屬國; 逐黑旗,撤我之籓籬; 通紅江,奪我滇江之大利。 先機已失,不可不圖挽回。 為今之計,直宜以欺陵小弱之罪,佈告列邦,折以公法,令改削所立條約。 河內、安定,一律讓還,然後緩議法越通商之約。 現聞津海防務,已飭備嚴整,軍容改觀。 臣謂仍當選派知兵大員,率兵輪駛赴越都,以觀動靜。 又飛檄廣西防軍援助劉永福,增兵制械,迅拔河內,以扼敵衝。 河內既下,北圻乃安。 蓋我不與法構兵,永福不能不為越守土,故邇來陰助黑旗,屢戰皆捷。 法人不得已,乃託言保護。 永福忿懣填胸,苟奉詔書,無不一以當百。 如此,則滇、粵之邊患稍紓,越、法之兵端可戢。」 壽恆又以:「根本之計,責在宸躬。 跬步不離正人,乃可薰陶德性。 擬請皇太后、皇上,御前太監務取厚重樸實之人,其有年紀太輕、性情浮動者,屏勿使近。 並請懿旨時加訓飭,凡一切淺俗委瑣之言,勿許達於宸聽。 庶幾深宮居息,無往非崇德之端,或可補毓慶宮課程所不及。 至於宮廷土木之工,內府傳辦之件,事屬尋常,最易導引侈念。 伏原皇太后崇儉黜奢,時以民生為念,俾皇上知稼穡之艱難,目染耳濡,聖功自懋。 如是,則慈闈教育,更勝於典樂命夔。」 疏入,上為之動容。
After the Franco-Vietnamese peace was concluded, Shouheng memorialized again: "I hear the French envoy has reached Tianjin and, claiming that Vietnam has already agreed terms, intends to press Li Hongzhang on demarcation and troop withdrawal; Hongzhang has refused, and the envoy plans to come to the capital to negotiate at the translation bureau. Some advisers say we should temporize and stall. They fail to see that France now holds Vietnam and has stripped us of a tributary state; driven out the Black Flag and removed our frontier barrier; opened the Red River and seized the great commercial advantage of our Yunnan river trade. We have already lost the initiative and must plan to recover it. Our present course should be to announce to all nations France's crime of bullying a weak state, invoke international law against them, and demand revision of the treaties they imposed. Hanoi and Anding must be returned in full, and only then should Franco-Vietnamese trade agreements be discussed. I hear that Tianjin's coastal defenses have been ordered into strict readiness and that the army's appearance has greatly improved. I believe we should still select an experienced military commander, send gunboats to the Vietnamese capital, and observe developments on the ground. We should also urgently order Guangxi frontier troops to aid Liu Yongfu, increase forces and arms production, swiftly take Hanoi, and block the enemy's advance. Once Hanoi falls, Tonkin will be secure. Because we have not openly fought France, Yongfu has had no choice but to defend Vietnamese territory; hence our recent secret aid to the Black Flag, which has won repeated victories. The French, left with no alternative, then pleaded protection as their pretext. Yongfu is filled with indignation; if he receives an imperial edict, his men will fight one as a hundred. In this way the border troubles of Yunnan and Guangdong may be eased and the fighting between Vietnam and France brought to an end." Shouheng also wrote: "The fundamental remedy lies with the sovereign himself. Only by keeping upright men at his side at every step can moral character be nurtured. I propose that the Empress Dowager and Emperor choose only grave and steady eunuchs for attendance at court and bar from proximity those who are too young or temperamentally flighty. I also ask that imperial instructions regularly admonish that shallow, vulgar, and trivial speech must never reach the sovereign's ears. Then life in the inner palace may become at every turn an occasion for cultivating virtue and may supplement what the Yuqing Palace curriculum cannot provide. As for palace construction and items ordered through the inner household, though ordinary matters, they most easily encourage extravagance. I humbly pray that the Empress Dowager will honor frugality, reject luxury, keep the people's livelihood in mind, and teach the Emperor the hardship of farming; through daily example his sage virtue will naturally flourish. In this way the Empress Dowager's instruction will surpass even the ancient appointment of Kui as Director of Music." When the memorial was submitted, the sovereign was visibly moved.
23
十年,行走總理衙門。 遷兵部侍郎,調禮部、戶部、吏部侍郎,屢典試事。 偕都御史裕德查辦四川鹽務,劾罷鹽茶道蔡逢年,遣戍。 二十三年,遷左都御史,入軍機。 明年,調禮部尚書。 太后訓政,命出軍機。 以疾乞休。 二十九年,卒。
In the tenth year of his career he served in the Zongli Yamen (Foreign Affairs Office). He rose to Vice Minister of War and served successively as Vice Minister of Rites, Revenue, and Personnel, presiding repeatedly over the civil examinations. With Censor-in-Chief Yude he investigated Sichuan salt administration, impeached Salt and Tea Circuit Intendant Cai Fengnian, stripped him of office, and banished him. In the twenty-third year he became Left Censor-in-Chief and entered the Grand Council. The following year he was appointed Minister of Rites. When the Empress Dowager resumed regency, he was ordered to leave the Grand Council. He requested retirement on grounds of illness. He died in the twenty-ninth year.
24
榮慶,字華卿,鄂卓爾氏,蒙古正黃旗人。 光緒九年,會試中式。 十二年,成進士,以編修充鑲藍旗管學官。 累遷至侍讀學士、蒙古學士。 遷轉遲滯,榮慶當引見,或諷以乞假,謝曰:「窮達命也,欺君可乎?」 居三年,擢鴻臚卿,轉通政副使。 簡山東學政,丁母憂。 二十七年,擢大理卿,署倉場侍郎。 以剝船盜米,改由火車迳運,並倉廒,增經費,杜領米弊端,裁稽查倉務御史,皆如所請行。 和議成,奉命會辦善後事宜,兼政務處提調。 二十八年,授刑部尚書。 大學堂之創立也,命榮慶副張百熙為管學大臣。 百熙一意更新,榮慶時以舊學調濟之。 尋充會試副考官、經濟特科閱卷大臣。 調禮部尚書,復調戶部。 拜軍機大臣、政務大臣。
Rong Qing, styled Huaqing, of the Ozhuo'er clan, was a Mongol bannerman of the Plain Yellow Banner. In Guangxu 9 he passed the metropolitan examination. In Guangxu 12 he received his jinshi degree and, as a Hanlin Compiler, served as educational officer for the Bordered Blue Banner. He rose through successive promotions to Reader-in-Waiting and Mongol Commissioner. Promotions came slowly; when his audience was due some suggested he request leave, but he refused: "Fortune and obscurity are ordained—how could I deceive the throne?" After three years he was promoted Director of Banquets, then Vice Commissioner of the Communications Office. Appointed Shandong education commissioner, he then withdrew for mourning upon his mother's death. In Guangxu 27 he became Director of the Court of Judicial Review and acted as Vice Minister overseeing the grain depots. To stop boat stripping and grain theft he shifted transport to direct rail delivery, consolidated granaries, increased funding, closed loopholes in grain collection, and eliminated censorate inspectors of granary affairs—all approved and enacted. After the peace settlement he was assigned to joint management of postwar recovery and made coordinator at the Office of Government Affairs. In Guangxu 28 he was appointed Minister of Punishments. When the Imperial University was founded, Rong Qing was appointed to assist Zhang Baixi as Superintendent of Studies. Zhang Baixi pushed relentlessly for reform; Rong Qing often balanced him with the classical tradition. He soon served as associate metropolitan examiner and as chief examiner for the special examinations in practical statecraft. He was transferred to Minister of Rites, then to Minister of Revenue. He was appointed Grand Councilor and Minister of Government Affairs.
25
榮慶既入政地,尤汲汲於厲人才,厚風俗。 嘗疏陳:「國家取才,滿、漢並重。 請飭下閣部,將所屬滿員嚴加考試,設館課之:一、掌故之學,二、吏治之學,三、時務之學。 尤以御制勸善要言、人臣儆心錄、性理精義、上諭八旗諸書,為居官立身之大本。 均令分門學習,劄記大綱,以覘其才識。」 疏入,報聞。
Once in high office Rong Qing was especially zealous to cultivate talent and shore up public morals. He once submitted a memorial: "The state draws talent from Manchu and Han alike with equal importance. He requested that the ministries rigorously examine their Manchu officials and establish lecture halls in three subjects: institutional precedent, administrative practice, and current affairs. He especially named the Imperial Exhortations on Doing Good, Record of Officials' Self-Warning, Essentials of Principle, and Imperial Instructions to the Eight Banners as the foundations of official conduct. All were to study these by section, submit outline notes, and thereby reveal their capacity and judgment." The memorial was received and noted.
26
三十一年,協辦大學士。 是冬,改學部尚書。 明年,充修訂官制大臣。 尋罷軍機,專理部務。 德宗上賓,充恭辦喪禮大臣。 宣統元年,以疾乞休,溫旨慰留。 調禮部尚書。 孝欽後奉安,充隨入地宮大臣,恭點神牌,晉太子少保。 三年,裁禮部,改為弼德院副院長。 旋充顧問大臣、德宗實錄館總裁。 國變後,避居天津。 卒,年五十八,諡文恪。
In the thirty-first year he was appointed Associate Grand Secretary. That winter he became Minister of Education. The following year he was appointed Commissioner for Administrative Reform. He was soon removed from the Grand Council and devoted himself solely to his ministry. Upon the death of the Guangxu Emperor he served as Commissioner for the Funeral Rites. In Xuantong 1 he requested retirement on grounds of illness; the throne issued a gracious edict urging him to stay. He was reassigned as Minister of Rites. At the interment of Empress Dowager Cixi he entered the underground palace with the coffin, reverently verified the spirit tablet, and was promoted Junior Guardian of the Heir Apparent. In the third year, when the Ministry of Rites was abolished, he became Vice President of the Institute for Royal Tutors. He soon served as Advisory Minister and Director-General of the Guangxu Emperor's Veritable Records. After the fall of the dynasty he retired to Tianjin. He died at the age of fifty-eight and was posthumously titled Wenge (Cultivated and Reverent).
27
榮慶持躬謹慎。 故事,軍機大臣無公費,率取給餽贐。 榮慶始入直,深以為病,語同列合辭上請,乃得支養廉銀二千,而御前諸臣亦援例增給有差。
Rong Qing was scrupulous and self-restrained in his conduct. By precedent Grand Councilors received no public stipend and generally lived on gifts from petitioners. When Rong Qing first entered the Council he regarded this practice as deeply corrupt; he persuaded his colleagues to petition jointly, securing two thousand taels of integrity stipend, and officials at court also received increased allotments by precedent in varying amounts.
28
那桐,字琴軒,葉赫那拉氏,內務府滿洲鑲黃旗人。 光緒十一年舉人,由戶部主事歷保四品京堂,授鴻臚寺卿,遷內閣學士。 二十六年,兼直總理各國事務衙門,晉理籓院侍郎。
Na Tong, styled Qinxuan, of the Yehe Nara clan, was a Manchu bannerman of the Bordered Yellow Banner attached to the Imperial Household. A provincial graduate of Guangxu 11, he rose from a clerk in the Ministry of Revenue through successive promotions to fourth-rank capital official, became Director of Banquets, and was appointed Grand Secretariat Academician. In Guangxu 26 he served concurrently in the Zongli Yamen and was promoted Vice Minister of the Court of Colonial Affairs.
29
拳匪肇釁,各國聯兵來犯,令赴丰台御之。 外兵入京,誤以東壩為匪窟,欲屠之,力解乃免。 兩宮西巡,命充留京辦事大臣,隨李鴻章議和。 約成,專使日本謝罪,又派赴日觀博覽會。 二十九年,擢戶部尚書,調外務部,兼步軍統領,管工巡局事,創警務,繕路政。 平反王維勤冤獄,商民頌之。 三十一年,晉大學士,仍充外務部會辦大臣。 歷兼釐訂官制、參預政務、變通旗制,署民政部尚書。
When the Boxers provoked conflict and allied foreign armies invaded, he was ordered to Fengtai to meet them. When foreign troops entered Beijing they mistook Dongba for a rebel stronghold and planned a massacre; he argued forcefully and saved the district. When the court fled west, he was appointed Commissioner in Beijing and joined Li Hongzhang in peace negotiations. After the treaty was signed he went to Japan as special envoy to offer apology, and was later sent again to attend the exposition in Japan. In Guangxu 29 he became Minister of Revenue, then Minister of Foreign Affairs, and concurrently Commander of the Metropolitan Garrison; he oversaw the Works and Patrol Bureau, established the police force, and improved road administration. He reversed the wrongful conviction of Wang Weiqin, winning praise from merchants and townspeople. In the thirty-first year he was promoted Grand Secretary while continuing as Associate Minister of Foreign Affairs. He successively served on commissions for administrative reform, government affairs, and banner reform, and acted as Minister of Civil Affairs.
30
宣統元年,命為軍機大臣。 丁母憂,請終制,不許。 出署直隸總督,請撥部款修鳳河。 尋還直。 三年,改官制,授內閣協理大臣,旋辭,充弼德院顧問大臣。 國變後,久臥病。 卒,年六十有九。
In Xuantong 1 he was appointed Grand Councilor. Upon his mother's death he requested full mourning leave; the request was denied. He served as acting Governor-General of Zhili and requested ministry funds to repair the Feng River. He soon returned to Beijing. In the third year, under the new administrative system, he was appointed Associate Prime Minister of the Cabinet but soon resigned and became Advisory Minister of the Institute for Royal Tutors. After the fall of the dynasty he remained bedridden with illness for a long time. He died at the age of sixty-nine.
31
戴鴻慈,字少懷,廣東南海人。 光緒二年進士,改庶吉士,以編修督學山東。 父憂歸,服除,督學雲南。 後復充雲南鄉試正考官。 二十年,大考一等,擢庶子。 日韓啟釁,我軍屢挫。 鴻慈連疏劾李鴻章調遣乖方,遷延貽誤,始終倚任丁汝昌,請予嚴懲; 並責令速解汝昌到部治罪,以肅軍紀:均不報。 和議成,鴻慈奏善後十二策:一,審敵情以固邦交; 二,增陪都以資拱衛; 三,設軍屯以實邊儲; 四,築鐵道以省漕運; 五,開煤鐵以收利權; 六,稅菸酒以佐度支; 七,行抽練以簡軍實; 八,廣鑄造以精器械; 九,簡使才以備折衝; 十,重牧令以資治理; 十一,召對群僚以勵交修; 十二,變通考試以求實用。 遷侍講學士。 督學福建,再遷內閣學士。 學政報滿,假歸省墓。 擢刑部侍郎。
Dai Hongci, styled Shaohuai, was a native of Nanhai in Guangdong. A jinshi of Guangxu 2, he entered the Hanlin Academy and, as Compiler, served as Shandong education commissioner. He returned home upon his father's death; after mourning he served as Yunnan education commissioner. He later served again as chief examiner for the Yunnan provincial examination. In Guangxu 20 he ranked first class in the palace examination and was promoted Junior Tutor. When war broke out between Japan and Korea, Qing forces suffered repeated defeats. Hongci repeatedly impeached Li Hongzhang for mishandling deployments, fatal delays, and persistent reliance on Ding Ruchang, demanding severe punishment; and demanded that Ding Ruchang be swiftly brought to the ministry for trial to restore military discipline—all without response. After the peace settlement Hongci submitted twelve recovery policies: first, assess enemy intentions to secure foreign relations; second, establish additional subsidiary capitals to strengthen the capital's defenses; third, establish military colonies to build frontier grain reserves; fourth, build railways to reduce reliance on the grain transport system; fifth, develop coal and iron mining to retain economic sovereignty; sixth, levy taxes on tobacco and wine to supplement state revenue; seventh, conduct selective training to streamline effective fighting forces; eighth, expand arms manufacture to improve weaponry; ninth, select capable diplomats for foreign negotiations; tenth, elevate county magistrates to strengthen local governance; eleventh, hold audiences with officials to encourage mutual counsel and improvement; twelfth, reform the examination system to emphasize practical learning. He was promoted Reader-in-Waiting. As Fujian education commissioner he was later promoted Grand Secretariat Academician. When his term as education commissioner ended he took leave to return home and tend the family graves. He was promoted Vice Minister of Punishments.
32
赴西安行在,上陳治本疏; 又請建兩都,分六鎮,以總督兼經略大臣,得闢幕僚,巡撫以下咸受節制。 是年冬,隨扈還京,轉戶部侍郎。 時各省教案滋多,鴻慈請設宣諭化導使,以學政兼充。 編輯外交成案,頒發宣講。 又請就翰林院創立報局,各省遵設官報,議格不行。 時設會議政務處,有奉旨交議事件,三品京堂以上與議。 鴻慈請推行閣部、九卿、翰林、科道皆得各抒所見,屬官則呈堂代遞,可以收群策、勵人才。 下政務處採擇。
He went to the court at Xi'an and submitted a memorial on fundamental reform; he also proposed dual capitals, six military districts under governors-general serving concurrently as frontier commissioners with authority to recruit staff, with all officials below governor under their command. That winter he returned to Beijing with the court and was appointed Vice Minister of Revenue. As missionary incidents multiplied across the provinces, Hongci proposed Commissioners for Proclamation and Guidance, to be filled concurrently by education commissioners. He compiled precedents in foreign affairs and distributed them for public instruction. He also proposed establishing a press bureau at the Hanlin Academy with official gazettes in each province; the proposal was rejected. The Office for Deliberating Government Affairs had been established; matters referred by imperial edict were discussed by capital officials of third rank and above. Hongci proposed that ministries, the Nine Chief Ministers, Hanlin, and the censorate all submit their views, with subordinates forwarding memorials through their superiors, to gather collective counsel and encourage talent. The proposal was referred to the Office of Government Affairs for consideration.
33
三十一年,命五大臣出使各國考求政治,鴻慈與焉。 將發,黨人挾炸藥登車狙擊,從者或被創,人情惶懼。 鴻慈從容詣宮門取進止,兩宮慰諭,至泣下,遂行。 歷十五邦,凡八閱月,歸國。 與載澤、端方、尚其亨、李盛鐸等裒輯列國政要百三十三卷、歐美政治要義十八章,會同進呈。 並奏言:「各國治理大略,以為觀其政體:美為合眾,而專重民權; 德本聯邦,而實為君主; 奧、匈同盟,仍各用其制度; 法、義同族,不免偏於集權; 唯英人循秩序而不好激進,其憲法出於自然之發達,行之百年而無弊。 反乎此者,有憲法不聯合之國,如瑞典、挪威則分離矣; 有憲法不完全之國,如土耳其、埃及則衰弱矣; 有憲法不平允之國,如俄羅斯則擾亂無已時矣。 種因既殊,結果亦異。 故有雖革改而適以召亂者,此政體之不同也。 覘其國力,陸軍之強莫如德,海軍之強莫如英,國民之富莫如美,此國力之不同也。 窺其政略,則俄、法同盟,英、日同盟,德、奧、義同盟,既互相倚助以求國勢之穩固; 德、法摩洛哥之會議,英、俄東亞之協商,其對於中國者,德、美海軍之擴張,美、法屯軍之增額,又各審利害以為商業之競爭。 蓋列強對峙之中,無有一國孤立可以圖存者,勢使然也。 況人民生殖日繁,智識日開,內力亦愈以澎漲。 故各國政策,或因殖民而造西伯利亞之鐵路,或因商務而開巴拿馬之運河,或因國富而投資本於世界,均有深意存焉。 此政略之不同也。 驗其民氣,俄民志偉大而少秩序,其國失之無教; 法民好美術而流晏逸,其國失之過奢; 德民性倔強而尚武勇,其國失之太驕; 美民喜自由而多放任,其國失之複雜; 義民尚功利而近貪詐,其國失之困貧; 惟英人富於自治自營之精神,有獨立不羈之氣象,人格之高,風俗之厚,為各國所不及。 此民氣之不同也。 臣等觀於各國之大勢既如此,又參綜比較,窮其得失之源,實不外君臣一心,上下相維,然後可收舉國一致之益。 否則,名實相懸,有可以斷其無效者,約有三端:一曰,無開誠之心者國必危。 西班牙苛待殖民,致有斐律賓、古巴之敗。 英鑑於美民反抗,而於澳洲、坎拿大兩域予人民以自治之權,致有今日之強盛,開誠故也。 俄滅波蘭而用嚴法以禁其語言,今揭竿而起要求權利者,即波蘭人也。 又於興學練兵,皆以專制為目的,今滿洲之役,不戰先潰。 莫斯科、聖彼得堡之暴動,即出於軍人與學生也。 防之愈密,而禍即伏於所防之中,患更發於所防之外,不開誠故也。 二曰,無慮遠之識者國必弱。 俄以交通之不便,而用中央集權,故其地方之自治,日以不整。 美以疆域之大,而用地方分權,故其中央與地方之機關,同時進步。 治大國與治小國固不侔也。 德以日爾曼法系趨於地方分權,雖為君主之國,而人民有參與政治之資格。 法以羅馬法系趨於中央集權,雖為民主之國,而政務操之官吏之手,人民反無自治之能力。 兩相比較,法弱於德,有由來矣。 三曰,無同化之力者國必擾。 美以共和政體,重視人民權利,雖人種複雜,而同化力甚強,故能上下相安於無事。 土耳其一國之中,分十數種族,語言宗教各不相同,又無統一之機關,致有今日之衰弱。 俄則種族尤雜,不下百數,語言亦分四十餘種,其政府又多歧視之意見,致有今日之紛亂。 奧、匈兩國雖同戴一君主,而兩族之容貌、習尚、語言、性情迥殊,故時起事端,將來恐不免分離之患。 蓋法制不一,畛域不化,顯然標其名為兩種族之國,未有能享和平、臻富強者矣。 此考察各國所得之實在情形也。 竊惟學問以相摩而益善,國勢以相競而益強。 中國地處亞東,又為數千年文化之古國,不免挾尊己卑人之見,未嘗取世界列國之變遷而比較之。 甲午以前,南北洋海陸軍製造各廠同時而興,聲勢一振。 例之各省,差佔優勝矣。 然未嘗取列國之情狀而比較之也。 故比較對於內,則滿盈自阻之心日長; 比較對於外,則爭存進取之志益堅。 然則謀國者亦善用其比較而已。」
In the thirty-first year five senior ministers were dispatched abroad to study foreign governments; Hongci was among them. Just before departure, revolutionaries boarded their train with explosives; attendants were wounded and panic spread. Hongci calmly went to the palace for instructions; the Empress Dowager and Emperor comforted him until they wept, and he then departed. He visited fifteen countries over eight months and returned home. With Zai Ze, Duan Fang, Shang Qiheng, Li Shengduo, and others he compiled 133 volumes of Essentials of Government among the Nations and eighteen chapters on Western political essentials, and jointly submitted them to the throne. They also submitted a memorial stating: "Surveying how nations govern, one may read their political forms: America is a federal republic that nevertheless places supreme emphasis on popular rights; Germany is nominally a federation but in practice a monarchy; Austria and Hungary are united under one crown yet retain separate institutions; France and Italy share a common Latin heritage and inevitably incline toward centralized authority; Only Britain cherishes order and shuns radical upheaval; its constitution grew by gradual evolution and has operated for a century without serious flaw. By contrast, states with constitutions but no true union, such as Sweden and Norway, have split apart; states with incomplete constitutions, such as Turkey and Egypt, have declined; and states with constitutions that are not fairly applied, such as Russia, suffer unrest without end. Different causes yield different outcomes. Hence some reforms only invite chaos—such is the difference among political systems. Measured by national power, Germany leads in land forces, Britain in sea power, and America in popular wealth—such are the differences in strength among nations. In foreign policy, Russia and France are allied, as are Britain and Japan, and Germany, Austria, and Italy—each bloc leaning on partners to steady its national position; the German-French conference over Morocco, Anglo-Russian talks on East Asia; toward China—the expansion of German and American fleets, increases in American and French garrisons—each power weighs gain and loss in commercial rivalry. Among rival great powers, no nation can survive in isolation; circumstance demands alliances. Moreover populations multiply, learning spreads, and domestic energies swell ever faster. Hence national policies—building the Trans-Siberian Railway for colonization, opening the Panama Canal for trade, or investing capital worldwide to grow national wealth—all serve deliberate strategic ends. Such are the differences in strategic policy. Judging national character, Russians are ambitious but disorderly—their state suffers from poor civic education; the French love art and leisure and their state suffers from extravagance; the Germans are stubborn and martial and their state suffers from overweening pride; Americans prize liberty and lax discipline and their state suffers from complexity; Italians chase profit and border on greed and deceit and their state remains poor; Only the English possess a spirit of self-government and self-reliance, an independent bearing, high personal character, and sturdy customs unmatched elsewhere. Such are the differences in national character. Having surveyed these world trends and weighed them together, we find the root of success or failure lies in unity between ruler and ministers and mutual support between court and country—only then can the whole nation move as one. Otherwise name and reality diverge, and three signs mark failure: first, states that lack sincerity court ruin. Spain oppressed its colonies and lost the Philippines and Cuba. Britain, learning from American rebellion, granted self-government in Australia and Canada and thereby grew strong—through sincerity. Russia destroyed Poland and banned its language; those who now rise in arms demanding rights are Poles. Its schools and armies too served autocracy alone; in the war in Manchuria Russian forces collapsed before fighting began. The uprisings in Moscow and Saint Petersburg came from soldiers and students. The tighter the guard, the deeper the danger within; trouble breaks out beyond the wall—because sincerity was lacking. Second, states that lack foresight grow weak. Russia, hampered by poor communications, relies on centralization, and local self-government steadily decays. America, vast in territory, practices local autonomy, and both central and local institutions advance together. Governing a great empire and governing a small state are not the same task. Germany's Germanic legal tradition favors local autonomy; though a monarchy, its people participate in politics. France's Roman legal tradition drives centralization; though called a democracy, officials hold real power and the people lack habits of self-rule. Compared side by side, France is weaker than Germany—and for good reason. Third, states that cannot assimilate their peoples fall into disorder. America's republic honors popular rights; though its population is diverse, its assimilative power is strong, and court and country live in peace. Turkey harbors a dozen peoples with different languages and faiths and no unifying institutions, and has therefore weakened. Russia's peoples are still more numerous—nearly a hundred groups and forty-odd languages—and official prejudice fuels today's turmoil. Austria and Hungary share one sovereign yet differ in appearance, custom, language, and temperament; disputes arise often, and separation may lie ahead. Where laws diverge and peoples are not fused, a state plainly remains two nations in one—and such states never enjoy lasting peace or true strength. Such is what our investigation of foreign states has found. Learning improves through exchange, and national strength grows through competition. China lies in East Asia and boasts millennia of civilization, yet tends to esteem itself and slight others, and has not measured itself against the changing powers of the world. Before the Sino-Japanese War of 1894–95, Beiyang and Nanyang arsenals and shipyards rose together and China's prestige seemed to revive. Compared with the provinces alone, it seemed ahead. Yet it was never weighed against the condition of other nations. Comparing only within breeds complacency; comparing outward sharpens the will to survive and advance. Those who plan for the nation must therefore use comparison wisely."
34
又奏:「臣等曠觀世界大勢,深察中國近情,非定國是,無以安大計。 國是之要,約有六事:一曰舉國臣民立於同等法制之下,以破除一切畛域; 二曰國是採決於公論; 三曰集中外之所長,以謀國家與人民之安全發達; 四曰明宮府之體制; 五曰定中央與地方之權限; 六曰公佈國用及諸政務。 以上六事,擬請明降諭旨,宣示天下以定國是,約於十五年或二十年頒布憲法,召集國會,實行一切立憲制度。」 又奏:「實行立憲,既請明定期限,則此十數年間,苟不先籌預備,轉瞬屆期,必至茫無所措。 今欲廓清積弊,明定責成,必先從官制入手。 擬請參酌中外,統籌大局,改定全國官制,為立憲之預備。」 均奉俞旨採納,遂定立憲之議。
They submitted another memorial: "Surveying the world's great trends and China's present condition, we find that without fixing the nation's fundamental policy, no great plan can succeed. The essentials of national policy are roughly six: first, place all subjects under equal law to abolish every privilege and barrier; second, let national policy be decided by public deliberation; third, combine Chinese and foreign strengths to secure the nation's safety and the people's welfare; fourth, clarify the institutions of court and government; fifth, define the powers of central and local authorities; sixth, publish state finances and all major government business. We propose that Your Majesty issue a clear edict proclaiming these six points to the empire, and pledge to promulgate a constitution and convene a parliament in about fifteen or twenty years, putting constitutional government fully into practice." They added: "Once a deadline for constitutional rule is set, these dozen years must be used for preparation; otherwise, when the day arrives, the court will be left helpless. To clear accumulated abuses and fix clear lines of responsibility, reform must begin with the bureaucracy. We propose drawing on Chinese and foreign models to reshape the national bureaucracy as preparation for constitutional government." The throne approved all these proposals, and constitutional reform became settled policy.
35
先是鴻慈奉使在途,已擢禮部尚書; 及還,充釐定官制大臣,轉法部尚書。 充經筵講官、參預政務大臣。 時法部初設,與大理院畫分權責,往復爭議,又改並部中職掌。 於是京外各級審判廳次第設矣。 又採英、美製創立京師模範監獄。 三十四年,疾作,乞解職,溫旨慰留。 兩宮升遐,力疾視事。
While Hongci was still abroad on the mission, he had already been promoted Minister of Rites; on his return he served as commissioner for revising the bureaucracy, then became Minister of Law. He also served as lecturer at the imperial lectures and as a minister participating in government affairs. The Ministry of Law had just been created; he demarcated powers with the Supreme Court amid repeated disputes and reorganized the ministry's functions. Trial courts at every level were then established in the capital and provinces. He also founded a model prison in the capital on British and American lines. In Guangxu 34 he fell ill, asked to resign, and received a gracious edict urging him to remain. When the Empress Dowager and Emperor died, he forced himself to continue his duties despite illness.
36
宣統元年,賞一等第三寶星,充報聘俄國專使大臣。 禮成返國,奏言:「道經東三省,目擊日、俄二國之經營殖民地不遺餘力。 非急籌抵制,無以固邊圉; 非振興實業擴其自然之利,無以圖富強。 請速辦墾殖、森林二端。 俟財力稍裕,再籌興學、路礦、兵屯各事,以資捍衛。」 臚陳辦法。 得旨,下所司議行。 是年八月,命入軍機,晉協辦大學士。 二年,卒,加太子少保,諡文誠。
In Xuantong 1 he received the First Class Third Grade Precious Star and served as envoy on a return mission to Russia. After completing his mission he returned and memorialized: "Traveling through the Three Eastern Provinces, I saw Japan and Russia devoting every effort to colonization. Unless countermeasures are planned at once, the frontier cannot be held; unless industry is developed to exploit natural resources, wealth and strength cannot be achieved. I urge immediate progress on land reclamation and forestry. When funds allow, schools, railways, mines, and military colonies should follow to strengthen defense." He then set out his proposals in detail. The throne approved and referred the matter to the relevant offices for implementation. In the eighth month of that year he entered the Grand Council and was promoted Associate Grand Secretary. In Xuantong 2 he died; he was posthumously made Junior Tutor to the Heir Apparent with the posthumous name Wencheng.
37
論曰:樞臣入對,序次有定,後列者非特詢不得越言。 晚近領以尊親,勢尤禁隔,旅進旅退而已。 景廉多戰績,額勒和布有清操,庚身、應溥通達諸諳練,壽恆有責難之言,鴻慈負知新之譽,榮慶謹慎持躬,那桐和敏解事,皆庶幾大臣之選者歟?
The historian remarks: When Grand Council ministers attended audience, precedence was fixed; junior members could not speak out of turn even when questioned. In recent times princes led the council, power was still more fenced off, and ministers merely advanced and withdrew in company. Jing Lian won many battles, E Lei He Bu kept a clean reputation, Gengshen and Yingpu were seasoned in every branch of government, Shouheng spoke with sharp criticism, Hongci earned fame for embracing reform, Rong Qing was careful in conduct, and Na Tong was tactful and capable—were they not all, in their way, fit to rank among the great ministers of the age?