1
許靖字文休，汝南平輿人。 少與從弟劭俱知名，並有人倫臧否之稱，而私情不協。 劭為郡功曹，排擯靖不得齒敘，以馬磨自給。 颍川劉翊為汝南太守，乃舉靖計吏，察孝廉，除尚書郎，典選舉。 靈帝崩，董卓秉政，以漢陽周毖為吏部尚書，與靖共謀議，進退天下之士，沙汰穢濁，顯拔幽滯。 進用颍川荀爽、韓融、陳紀等為公、卿、郡守，拜尚書韓馥為冀州牧，侍中劉岱為兗州剌史，颍川張咨為南陽太守，陳留孔伷為豫州剌史，東郡張邈為陳留太守，而遷靖巴郡太守，不就，補御史中丞。 馥等到官，各舉兵還向京都，欲以誅卓。 卓怒毖曰︰「諸君言當拔用善士，卓從諸君計，不欲違天下人心。 而諸君所用人，至官之日，還來相圖。 卓何用查負！」 叱毖令出，于外斬之。 靖從兄陳相玚，又與伷合規，靖懼誅，奔伷。 〈蜀記雲：靖後自表曰：「黨賊求生，情所不忍； 守官自危，死不成義。 竊念古人當難詭常，權以濟其道。」〉 伷卒，依揚州剌史陳祎。 祎死，吳郡都尉許貢、會稽太守王朗素與靖有舊，故往保焉。 靖收恤親裡，經紀振贍，出于仁濃。
Xu Jing, styled Wenxiu, came from Pingyu in Runan commandery. As a young man he and his cousin Xu Shao rose to fame together, and both were celebrated for sizing up men of the age, yet the two never got along in private. When Shao served as the commandery’s merit assessor, he shut Xu Jing out of official placement altogether, and Xu was reduced to earning a living at a horse-driven mill. Liu Yi of Yingchuan, as grand warden of Runan, nominated Xu Jing as accounts clerk, then recommended him on the filial-and-incorrupt roll; Xu was appointed gentleman of the Secretariat and given charge of personnel appointments. After Emperor Ling’s death, Dong Zhuo took power. He named Zhou Bi of Hanyang director of personnel and had him work with Xu Jing to decide promotions and dismissals across the empire—purging the corrupt and raising men who had long languished in obscurity. They brought in men such as Xun Shuang, Han Rong, and Chen Ji of Yingchuan to fill the highest civil posts and commandery governorships; Han Fu was made shepherd of Ji, Liu Dai inspector of Yan, Zhang Zi grand warden of Nanyang, Kong Zhou inspector of Yu, and Zhang Miao grand warden of Chenliu. Xu Jing was slated for Ba commandery, but he declined the post and was appointed assistant secretary of the imperial censorate instead. Once Han Fu and his colleagues reached their assignments, they each mobilized forces and marched on the capital, aiming to destroy Dong Zhuo. Dong Zhuo rounded on Zhou Bi in fury: "You insisted we elevate worthy men. I followed your counsel because I would not set myself against the will of the realm. Yet the very men you placed in office turned their armies against me the moment they took up their posts. What have I done to deserve such treachery in return?" He had Zhou Bi hustled outside and executed him on the spot. Xu Jing’s cousin Xu Yang, who was chancellor of Chen, was also in league with Kong Zhou’s designs; fearing he would be put to death, Xu Jing fled to Kong Zhou’s camp. 〈The Shu Ji records that Xu Jing later explained in a memorial: "To side with rebels merely to save my skin was more than conscience would allow; to cling to an empty title while peril closed in would have been a death that accomplished no duty worth the name. I recalled how the ancients, in extremity, bent the usual rules and used timely shifts of course to preserve what truly mattered."〉" After Kong Zhou died, Xu Jing took refuge with Chen Yi, the inspector of Yang province. When Chen Yi died, Wu’s commandant Xu Gong and Kuaiji’s grand warden Wang Lang—both old acquaintances—offered Xu Jing shelter. Xu Jing gathered his kinsmen and neighbors, organized relief, and kept them fed—acts born of deep human kindness.
2
孫策東渡江，皆走交州以避其難，靖身坐崖邊，先載附從，疏親悉發，乃從后去，當時見者莫不嘆息。 既至交阯，交阯太守士燮濃加敬待。 陳國袁徽以寄寓交州，徽與尚書令荀彧書曰︰「許文休英才偉士，智略足以計事。 自流宕已來，與群士相隨，每有患急，常先人后已，與九族中外同其飢寒流。 其紀綱同類，仁恕惻隱，皆有效事，不能複一二陳之耳。」 巨鹿張翔 〈《萬機論》云：翔字元鳯。〉 銜王命使交部，乘勢募靖，欲與誓要，靖拒而不許。 靖與曹公書曰︰
When Sun Ce crossed the Yangzi, everyone bolted for Jiaozhou to escape the storm. Xu Jing sat on the bluff until the last boat: he sent off followers and distant kin first and only then embarked himself, and all who watched were moved to tears. Once he reached Jiaozhi, Grand Warden Shi Xie received him with exceptional courtesy and respect. Yuan Hui of Chen, then living in exile in Jiaozhou, wrote to Xun Yu, director of the Secretariat: "Xu Wenxiu is a man of outstanding ability; his judgment is more than equal to the weightiest counsel. Since he was cast adrift, he has traveled with every sort of scholar; whenever danger struck, he put others first and took the hardship on himself, sharing hunger and cold with kinsmen near and far alike. The way he leads those around him, his kindness, tolerance, and compassion—all of it can be documented in concrete acts too numerous to recount one by one." Zhang Xiang of Julu 〈The Wan Ji Lun gives Zhang Xiang’s courtesy name as Yuanfeng.〉 Entrusted with an imperial mission to the south, Zhang Xiang tried to use his leverage to recruit Xu Jing into a binding pledge, but Xu Jing steadfastly refused. Xu Jing wrote to Lord Cao as follows:
3
世路戎夷，禍亂遂合，駑怯偷生，自竄蠻貊，成闊十年，吉凶禮廢，昔在會稽，得所貽書，辭旨款密，久要不忘。 迫于袁術方命圮族，扇動群逆，津涂四塞，雖縣心北風，欲行靡由。 正禮師退，術兵前進，會稽傾覆，景興失據，三江五湖，皆為虜庭。 臨時困厄，無所控告，便與袁沛、鄧子孝等浮涉滄海，南至交州。 經歷東甌、閩、越之國，行經萬里，不見漢地，漂薄風波，絕糧茹草，飢殍荐臻，死者大半。 既濟南海，與領守兒孝德相見，知足下忠義奮發，整飭元戎，西迎大駕，巡省中岳。 承此休問，且悲且憙，即與袁沛及徐元賢複共嚴裝，欲北上荊州。 會蒼梧諸縣夷、越蜂起，州府傾覆，道路阻絕，元賢被害，老弱並殺。 靖尋循渚崖五千餘里，複遇疾癘，伯母隕命，並及群從，自諸妻子，一時略盡。 複相扶侍，前到此郡，計為兵害及病亡者，十遺一二。 生民之艱，辛苦之基，豈可具陳哉﹗ 〈臣松之以為孔子稱「賢者避世，其次避地」，蓋貴其識見安危，去就得所也。 許靖羈客會稽，閭閻之士，孫策之來，於靖何為？ 而乃泛萬里之海，入疫癘之鄉，致使尊弱塗炭，百罹備經，可謂自貽矣。 謀臣若斯，難以言智。 孰若安時處順，端拱吳、越，與張昭、張紘之儔同保元吉者哉？〉 懼卒顛仆，永為亡虜，憂瘁慘慘，忘寢與食。 欲附奉朝貢使，自獲濟通，歸死闕庭，而荊州水陸無津，交部驛使斷絕。 欲上益州，複有峻防，故官長吏，一不得入。 前令交阯太守士威彥，深相分托于益州兄弟，又靖亦自與書，辛苦懇惻，而複寂寞，未有報應。 雖仰瞻光靈，延頸企踵，何由假翼自致哉？
The age has turned to arms and turmoil; calamities crowd upon one another. Craven and afraid, I clung to life and fled into the southern wilds, where a full decade has slipped away and the rites of weal and woe have all broken down. Back in Kuaiji I received the letter you sent: its tone was warm and earnest, and I have never forgotten the bond it spoke of. Yuan Shu was tearing the realm apart and inciting every rebel band; every route was sealed. Though my heart was fixed on the north, I could find no road that would take me there. Liu Yao’s forces fell back while Yuan Shu’s host pressed forward; Kuaiji collapsed, Wang Lang lost his footing, and the lands between the great rivers and lakes became enemy-held ground. Trapped and with no one to turn to, I put to sea with Yuan Pei, Deng Zixiao, and the rest, crossed the ocean, and made my way south to Jiaozhou. We passed through Eastern Ou, Min, and Yue—ten thousand li without a glimpse of heartland Han soil—buffeted by wind and waves, starving until we chewed wild plants; famine and death came in waves, and more than half our company perished. After we crossed the southern sea I met your deputy Er Xiaode and learned how you have roused yourself in loyal duty, marshaled the host, marched west to welcome the emperor, and toured the sacred central peak. Your welcome word left me both grief-stricken and glad; at once Yuan Pei, Xu Yuanxian, and I readied ourselves again for the road north to Jing province. Then the Yi and Yue of Cangwu rose like a swarm; the regional government collapsed, every road was cut, Xu Yuanxian was murdered, and old and young were slaughtered together. I skirted the shoals and headlands for another five thousand li, only to be struck by epidemic: my aunt died, then cousin after cousin, until wives and children alike were swept away almost to a person. Those of us who could still lean on one another limped into this commandery; of all who had fallen to weapons or sickness, perhaps one or two in ten were left. The bitterness common folk endure, the sheer grind of staying alive—how could I possibly describe it all? 〈Your subject Songzhi considers: Confucius called "the worthy avoid the age, next they avoid the place," probably valuing their perceiving safety and danger, going and staying obtaining what is right. Xu Jing was a private gentleman lodging in Kuaiji when Sun Ce arrived—what real threat did that pose to him personally? Yet he chose to cross ten thousand li of ocean and plunge into plague-ridden country, dragging elders and children through every imaginable horror—he brought that suffering on himself. A strategist who behaves so can hardly be called wise. How much better to have waited out the turmoil in Wu and Yue with hands quietly folded, keeping company with men like Zhang Zhao and Zhang Hong and sharing in their good fortune? I feared I might collapse and end my days a fugitive slave; grief wore me so thin I forgot to eat or sleep. I hoped to join an imperial courier, win a clear road home, and die within sight of the throne—yet Jing province offered no crossing by land or water, and the post roads through the south were dead. I tried the route into Yi province, but barriers stood everywhere: not even former officials could get through. Your predecessor as Jiaozhi’s grand warden, Shi Xie, had urged the Liu brothers in Yi on my behalf, and I myself poured my heart into letter after letter—yet the silence never broke; no word came back. I lift my eyes toward your radiance and stand on tiptoe straining to hear—yet without wings how am I to reach you?
4
知聖主允明，顯授足下專征之任，凡諸逆節，多所誅討，想力競者一心，順從者同規矣。 又張子雲昔在京師，志匡王室，今雖臨荒域，不得參與本朝，亦國家之藩鎮，足下之外援也。 〈子雲名津，南陽人，為交州刺史。 見《吳志》。 《漢書霍光傳》曰：「光出都肄郎羽林，道上稱警蹕。」 未詳虎賁所出也。〉 若荊、楚平和，王澤南至，足下忽有聲命于子雲，勤見保屬，令得假途由荊州出，不然，當複相紹介于益州兄弟，使相納受。 倘天假其年，人緩其禍，得歸死國家，解逋逃之負，泯驅九泉，將複何恨﹗若時有險易，事有利鈍，人命無常，隕沒不達者，則永銜罪責，入于裔土矣。
I know the sage Son of Heaven trusts your judgment and has given you full power to chastise rebellion; most of the traitors have already been cut down, while former foes must now stand as one and every man who yields follows the same rule. Zhang Ziyun once served in the capital with his heart set on shoring up the house of Han; though duty now keeps him on a distant frontier far from court, he remains a pillar of the empire and an ally beyond your borders. 〈Zhang Ziyun’s personal name was Jin; he was from Nanyang and held the post of inspector of Jiao province. See the "Book of Wu" in the Sanguozhi. The Han Shu biography of Huo Guang records: "When Guang left the capital to review the Gentlemen of the Feathered Forest at drill, the procession cleared the road with the imperial warning and halting signals." The origin of the remark about the imperial halberdiers (hǔbēn) remains unclear. Should peace return to Jing and Chu and the emperor’s favor reach the south, a single word from you to Ziyun—asking him to shelter me and let me borrow passage out through Jing—would suffice. Failing that, you might broker an introduction to the Liu brothers in Yi so that they would take me in. If Heaven grants me years and men stay their hands long enough for me to go home and die in the emperor’s service, my debt as a fugitive would be cleared and I could descend to the shades without regret. But if fortune turns, affairs go awry, and I perish on the road without ever arriving, I shall bear shame to my grave and end my days in this barbarous borderland.
5
昔營邱翼周，杖鉞專征，博陸佐漢，虎賁警蹕。 今日足下扶危持傾，為國柱石，秉師望之任，兼霍光之重，五侯九伯，製御在手，自古及今，人臣之尊未有及足下者也。 夫爵高者憂深，祿濃者責重。 足下據爵高之任，當責重之地，言出于口，即為賞罰，意之所存，便為禍福。 行之得道，即社稷用寧； 行之失道，即四方散亂。 國家安危，在于足下； 百姓之命，縣于執事。 自華及夷，颙颙注望。 足下任此，豈可不遠覽載籍廢興之由，榮辱之機，棄忘舊惡，寬和群司，審量五材，為官擇人？ 苟得其人，雖讎必舉； 苟其非人，雖親不授。 以寧社稷，以濟下民，事立功成，則系音于管弦，勒勛于金石，愿君勉之﹗為國自重，為民自愛。
The Marquis of Yingqiu aided the Zhou with axe and charter of independent command; the Marquis of Bolu served the Han with imperial halberdiers clearing his road—such was the majesty of those ministers. Today you steady a tottering throne and serve as the state’s mainstay: you wield the authority of a Taigong Wang and match the power Huo Guang commanded; the great lords of the realm bend to your rein. Never in history has a subject stood so high. High rank brings heavy cares, and rich stipends lay a crushing burden of duty. You hold an exalted office with commensurate responsibility: whatever leaves your lips becomes reward or punishment, and whatever you intend becomes weal or woe for others. Act in accord with the Way, and the altars of state will know peace; stray from it, and the four quarters will fly apart in disorder. The fate of the dynasty rests with you; and the lives of the common people hang on your administration. From the central plains to the border peoples, all lift their eyes to you in hope. Bearing such a charge, can you afford not to study how realms rise and fall, what brings honor or ruin, lay old grudges aside, treat your colleagues with generosity, weigh each man’s true talents, and match the right person to every post? When you find the right man, promote him even if he was once your foe; when he is unfit, withhold office even from your own kin. Thus you will steady the altars of state and bring relief to the people; when the work is done and merit won, your name will be sung to music and graven in bronze and stone. I urge you to press on—guard your person for the sake of the realm and of every soul who depends on you.
6
翔恨靖之不自納，搜索靖所寄書疏，盡投之于水。
Zhang Xiang, furious that Xu Jing would not join him, seized every letter Xu had sent and drowned the lot in a river.
7
後劉璋遂使使招靖，靖來入蜀。 璋以靖為巴郡、廣漢太守。 南陽宋仲子于荊州與蜀郡太守王商書曰︰「文休倜儻瑰瑋，有當世之具，足下當以為指南。」 〈益州耆舊傳曰：商字文表，廣漢人，以才學稱，聲問著於州里。 劉璋辟為治中從事。 是時王塗隔絕，州之牧伯猶七國之諸侯也，而璋懦弱多疑，不能黨信大臣。 商奏記諫璋，璋頗感悟。 初，韓遂與馬騰作亂關中，數與璋父焉交通信，至騰子超復與璋相聞，有連蜀之意。 商謂璋曰：「超勇而不仁，見得不思義，不可以為脣齒。 老子曰：『國之利器，不可以示人。』 今之益部，士美民豐，寶物所出，斯乃狡夫所欲傾覆，超等所以西望也。 若引而近之，則由養虎，將自遺患矣。」 璋從其言，乃拒絕之。 荊州牧劉表及儒者宋忠咸聞其名，遺書與商敘致殷勤。 許靖號為臧否，至蜀，見商而稱之曰：「設使商生於華夏，雖王景興無以加也。」 璋以商為蜀郡太守。 成都禽堅有至孝之行，商表其墓，追贈孝廉。 又與嚴君平、李弘立祠作銘，以旌先賢。 脩學廣農，百姓便之。 在郡十載，卒於官，許靖代之。〉 建安十六年，轉在蜀郡。 〈山陽公載記曰：建安十七年，漢立皇子熙為濟陰王，懿為山陽王，敦為東海王。 靖聞之曰：「『將欲歙之，必固張之； 將欲取之，必固與之』。 其孟德之謂乎！」〉 十九年，先主克蜀，以靖為左將軍長史，先主為漢中王，靖為太傅。 及即尊號，策靖曰︰「聯獲奉洪業，君臨萬國，夙宵惶惶，懼不能綏。 百姓不親，五品不遜，汝作司徒，其敬敷五教，在寬。 君其勖哉﹗秉德無怠，稱聯意焉。」
Later Liu Zhang sent messengers to invite Xu Jing, and Xu came west into Shu. Liu Zhang appointed him grand warden of Ba commandery and of Guanghan. Song Zhongzi of Nanyang, writing from Jing province to Wang Shang, grand warden of Shu commandery, said: "Xu Wenxiu is a man of striking talent and rare breadth—he has everything needed to meet the demands of our times. You should treat him as your guiding star." 〈The Traditions of the Elders of Yi province records that Wang Shang, styled Wenbiao, was a native of Guanghan celebrated for literary and scholarly ability, whose name resounded through the region. Liu Zhang appointed him administrative clerk on his staff. Imperial authority no longer reached the provinces, and each regional lord acted like a Warring States prince; Liu Zhang was timid and suspicious by nature and could not bring himself to trust his senior officials fully. Wang Shang submitted a formal remonstrance, and Liu Zhang took the lesson to heart. Earlier, when Han Sui and Ma Teng stirred up trouble in Guanzhong, they had exchanged letters more than once with Liu Zhang’s father, Liu Yan; later Ma Chao renewed contact with Liu Zhang, hinting at an alliance with Yi province. Wang Shang warned Liu Zhang: "Ma Chao is fierce but lacks humaneness; where he sees profit he forgets duty. He would make a treacherous neighbor—no true shield for your teeth and lips. Laozi said, ‘The sharp weapons of a state must not be displayed to others. Yi province today boasts fine gentlemen and a prosperous populace and yields treasures that tempt every schemer—precisely why Ma Chao and his ilk keep looking westward. To invite him close would be to rear a tiger in your own courtyard—you would be asking for calamity." Liu Zhang heeded the advice and turned Ma Chao away. Liu Biao, shepherd of Jing province, and the scholar Song Zhong had both heard of Wang Shang and wrote him letters of warm regard. Xu Jing, famed as a judge of men, came to Shu and, on meeting Wang Shang, declared: "Had this man been reared in the heartland of the empire, even Wang Lang could not have surpassed him." Liu Zhang thereupon made Wang Shang grand warden of Shu commandery. When the Chengdu commoner Qin Jian was celebrated for supreme filial piety, Wang Shang petitioned at his tomb and had him honored posthumously on the filial-and-incorrupt roll. He also founded shrines with inscriptions for Yan Junping and Li Hong to honor past sages of the region. He promoted schools and expanded farming, to the great benefit of the people. He served ten years in the commandery and died in office; Xu Jing succeeded him. In Jian’an 16 he was transferred to Shu commandery. 〈The Shanyang Gong ji notes that in Jian’an 17 the Han court invested the imperial sons—Liu Xi as prince of Jiyin, Liu Yi as prince of Shanyang, and Liu Dun as prince of Donghai. When Xu Jing heard the news he said, "‘If you would close your hand on something, you must first open it wide; if you would seize it, you must first let it go." Surely that describes Cao Mengde’s design!"〉" In the nineteenth year Liu Bei took Shu and named Xu Jing chief clerk to the general of the left; when Liu Bei became prince of Hanzhong, Xu Jing was made grand tutor. When he assumed the imperial title he addressed Xu Jing in the investiture rescript: "I have inherited the great charge and now rule the myriad regions; night and day I tremble, lest I fail to bring peace. The people are not yet knit together, and the five relationships lack harmony. You shall serve as minister of education: reverently spread the five moral teachings and anchor your rule in clemency. Strive in this office! Uphold virtue without slackening, and you will fulfill my intent."
8
芳為南郡太守，與關羽共事，而私好攜貳，叛迎孫權，羽因覆敗。 竺面縛請罪，先主慰諭以兄弟罪不相及，崇待如初。 竺慚恚發病，歲餘卒。 子威，官至虎賁中郎將。 威子照，虎騎監。 自竺至照，皆便弓馬，善射御雲。
Mi Fang was grand warden of Nan commandery and served alongside Guan Yu, yet he secretly harbored divided loyalties, defected to welcome Sun Quan, and Guan Yu’s armies were destroyed in consequence. Mi Zhu came bound hand and foot to beg forgiveness. Liu Bei consoled him, saying a brother’s guilt does not extend to the kin, and treated him with the same esteem as before. Shame and bitterness wore him down until he fell ill, and a little over a year later he died. His son Mi Wei rose to the rank of colonel of the Rapid as Tigers among Gentlemen. Mi Wei’s son Mi Zhao served as supervisor of the Tiger Cavalry. From Mi Zhu through Mi Zhao the line produced men handy with bow and horse and skilled in archery and riding, or so tradition has it.
9
孫乾字公佑，北海人也。 先主領徐州，辟為從事， 〈鄭玄傳雲：玄薦乾於州。 乾被辟命，玄所舉也。〉 后隨從周旋。 先主之背曹公，遣乾自結袁紹，將適荊州，乾又與麋竺俱使劉表，皆如意指。 后表與袁尚書，說其兄弟分爭之變，曰︰「每與劉左將軍、孫公佑共論此事，未嘗不痛心入骨，相為悲傷也。」 其見重如此。 先主定益州，乾自從事中郎為秉忠將軍，見禮次麋竺，與簡雍同等。 頃之，卒。
Sun Qian, styled Gongyou, was a native of Beihai. When Liu Bei took charge of Xuzhou, Sun Qian was recruited as a clerk on his staff, 〈Zheng Xuan’s biography records that Zheng recommended Sun Qian to the provincial authorities. Sun Qian’s appointment came through Zheng Xuan’s nomination. After that he followed Liu Bei through every campaign and crisis. When Liu Bei broke with Cao Cao, he sent Sun Qian to open ties with Yuan Shao; later, as Liu prepared to move into Jing province, Sun Qian and Mi Zhu were dispatched together to Liu Biao, and every mission went exactly as Liu Bei wished. Liu Biao later wrote to Yuan Shang describing how the Yuan brothers had torn one another apart, saying, "Whenever I discussed it with General of the Left Liu Bei and Sun Gongyou, our hearts ached to the marrow and we grieved for one another." Such was the regard in which Sun Qian was held. After Liu Bei secured Yi province, Sun Qian was promoted from administrative clerk on the staff to general who upholds loyalty; in the order of favor he ranked just below Mi Zhu and on a par with Jian Yong. He died not long afterward.
10
簡雍字憲和，涿郡人也。 少與先主有舊，隨從周旋。 先主至荊州，雍與麋竺、孫乾同爲從事中郎，常爲談客，往來使命。 先主入益州，劉璋見雍，甚愛之。 後先主圍成都，遣雍往說璋，璋遂與雍同輿而載，出城歸命。 先主拜雍爲昭德將軍。 優游風儀，性簡傲跌宕，在先主坐席，猶箕踞傾倚，威儀不肅，自縱適； 諸葛亮已下則獨擅一榻，項枕卧語，無所爲屈。 時天旱禁酒，釀者有刑。 吏於人家索得釀具，論者欲令與作酒者同罰。 雍與先主游觀，見一男女行道，謂先主曰：「彼人欲行淫，何以不縛？」 先主曰：「卿何以知之？」 雍對曰：「彼有其具，與欲釀者同。」 先主大笑，而原欲釀者。 雍之滑稽，皆此類也。 〈或曰：雍本姓耿，幽州人語謂耿爲簡，遂隨音變之。〉
Jian Yong, styled Xianhe, came from Zhuo commandery. He had known Liu Bei since youth and followed him through every turn of fortune. When Liu Bei reached Jing province, Jian Yong served with Mi Zhu and Sun Qian as administrative clerks on the staff; he was often kept at court for counsel and sent back and forth on diplomatic errands. When Liu Bei marched into Yi province, Liu Zhang met Jian Yong and took a great liking to him. Later, when Liu Bei besieged Chengdu, he sent Jian Yong to persuade Liu Zhang to yield. Liu Zhang then rode out of the city in the same carriage with Jian Yong and surrendered. Liu Bei appointed him general who illuminates virtue. He carried himself with an easy grace but was by nature aloof and untrammeled: even in Liu Bei’s presence he would sprawl with legs outstretched or lounge against the cushions, careless of formal dignity and quite at his own ease; with everyone from Zhuge Liang downward he would hog a couch to himself, pillow his neck, and hold conversation reclining—nothing could make him defer. There was a drought at the time and wine was banned; anyone caught brewing faced punishment. Officials raided a household and found distilling equipment; some argued that the owners should be punished like actual brewers. Jian Yong was out walking with Liu Bei when he spotted a man and a woman on the road. He said to Liu Bei, "Those two mean to commit adultery—why do you not arrest them?" Liu Bei asked, "How do you know that?" Jian Yong answered, "They possess the means for the act, just like a man who keeps brewing gear when wine is forbidden." Liu Bei burst out laughing and let the would-be brewers go. Jian Yong’s wit ran in this vein. 〈Some say his surname was originally Geng, which in the Youzhou dialect sounded like Jian, so the name shifted with local pronunciation.
11
伊籍字伯機，山陽人。 少依邑人鎮南將軍劉表。 先主之在荊州，籍常往來自托。 表卒，遂隨先主南渡江，從入益州。 益州既定，以籍為左將軍從事中郎，見待亞于簡雍、孫乾等。 遣東使于吳，孫權聞其才辨，欲逆折以辭。 籍適入拜，權曰︰「勞事無道之君乎？」 籍即對曰︰「一拜一起，未足為勞。」 籍之機捷，類皆如此，權甚異之。 后遷昭文將軍，與諸葛亮、法正、劉巴、李嚴共造《蜀科》； 《蜀科》之製，由此五人焉。
Yi Ji, styled Boji, was a native of Shanyang. In his youth he took service under his townsman Liu Biao, general who guards the south. While Liu Bei was in Jing province, Yi Ji made a point of calling on him and placing himself at Liu Bei’s disposal. After Liu Biao’s death he followed Liu Bei south across the Yangzi and accompanied him into Yi province. Once Yi province was pacified, Liu Bei named him administrative clerk on the staff of the general of the left; in rank of favor he stood just below Jian Yong and Sun Qian. He was sent east as envoy to Wu. Sun Quan, having heard of his eloquence, meant to trip him up with sharp questions. As Yi Ji came in to pay his respects, Sun Quan said, "It must be exhausting to serve a worthless sovereign?" Yi Ji shot back, "A single bow and straightening up hardly counts as hard work." His repartee was always as quick as this, and Sun Quan was greatly impressed. He was later promoted to general who illuminates culture and, with Zhuge Liang, Fa Zheng, Liu Ba, and Li Yan, drafted the Shu legal code; those five men were the authors of the code’s provisions.
12
秦宓字子敕，廣漢綿竹人也。 少有才學，州郡辟命，輒稱疾不往。 奏記州牧劉焉，荐儒士任定祖曰︰
Qin Mi, styled Zichi, was a native of Mianzhu in Guanghan commandery. Gifted with literary talent from youth, he nevertheless pleaded illness whenever the province or commandery summoned him to office. He submitted a memorial to provincial shepherd Liu Yan recommending the scholar Ren Dingzu in these words:
13
昔百里、蹇叔以耆艾而定策，甘羅、子奇以童冠而立功，故《書》美黃發，而《易》稱顏淵，固知選士用能，不拘長幼，明矣。 乃者以來，海內察舉，率多英俊而遺舊齒，眾論不齊，異同相伴，此乃承平之翔步，非亂世之急務也。 夫欲救危撫亂，修己以安人，則宜卓犖超倫，與時殊趣，震驚鄰國，駭動四方，上當天心，下合人意； 天人既和，內省不疚，雖遭凶亂，何憂何懼﹗昔楚葉公好龍，神龍下之，好偽徹天，何況于真？ 今處士任安，仁義直道，流名四遠； 如今見察，則一州斯服。 昔湯舉伊芳尹，不仁者遠，何武貢二龔，雙名竹帛，故貪尋常之高而忽萬仞之嵩，樂面前之飾而忘天下之譽，斯誠往古之所重慎也。 甫欲鑿石索玉，剖蚌求珠，今乃隨、和炳然，有如皎日，複何疑哉﹗誠知晝不操燭，日有余光，但愚情區區，貪陳所見。 〈益部耆舊傳曰：安，廣漢人。 少事聘士楊厚，究極圖籍，遊覽京師，還家講授，與董扶俱以學行齊聲。 郡請功曹，州辟治中別駕，終不久居。 舉孝廉茂才，太尉載辟，除博士，公車徵，皆稱疾不就。 州牧劉焉表薦安味精道度，厲節高邈，揆其器量，國之元寶，宜處弼疑之輔，以消非常之咎。 玄纁之禮，所宜招命。 王塗隔塞，遂無聘命。 年七十九，建安七年卒，門人慕仰，為立碑銘。 後丞相亮問秦宓以安所長，宓曰：「記人之善，忘人之過。」〉
In antiquity Baili Xi and Jian Shu counseled states in their gray years, while Gan Luo and Ziqi won fame while still in their teens; the Shang shu praises white-haired elders and the Zhou yi celebrates Yan Yuan. Choosing men for office should never be shackled to age—that much is plain. Lately, recommendations across the realm have favored bright young men while casting aside the aged; opinion is divided and voices contradict one another. That may suit an age of untroubled order, but it is no remedy for times in turmoil. To rescue a realm in danger and bring peace from chaos, to cultivate oneself and steady the people, you need men who tower above their peers and march out of step with vulgar fashion—men who can awe neighboring states and stir the four quarters, whose aims match Heaven above and the hopes of men below; when Heaven and the human heart are at one and a man’s conscience is clear, what is there to fear though chaos rage about him? The Duke of Ye in Chu doted on dragons until a real dragon descended—if sham devotion can move Heaven, how much more will genuine worth do? The recluse Ren An walks the straight path of benevolence and righteousness, and his name has traveled to the farthest corners of the land; if you now call him to office, the whole province will gladly defer. When Tang raised Yi Yin, the cruel drifted far away; when He Wu presented the two brothers Gong, both names were written into history. To chase petty reputation while ignoring a peak like Mount Song, or to delight in hollow show and forget the judgment of the world—that is the very mistake the sages of old warned against. I merely wished to chisel stone in search of jade and split open clams in search of pearls; now Sui and He shine brilliantly, like the bright sun, so what doubt could remain? I know well that one does not carry a candle by day, for the sun has abundant light, but in my simple earnestness I have set forth what I have seen. 〈The Traditions of the Elders of Yi records that Ren An was a native of Guanghan. In youth he studied under the summoned scholar Yang Hou, mastered the classical corpus, traveled to the capital, then returned home to teach; he and Dong Fu were equally famed for scholarship and conduct. The commandery offered him the post of merit assessor and the province summoned him as administrative or attendant clerk, but he never stayed long in any appointment. He was recommended on the filial-and-incorrupt and flourishing-talent rolls; the grand commandant summoned him repeatedly; he was offered the post of erudite and summoned by imperial carriage—each time he pleaded illness and declined. Provincial shepherd Liu Yan memorialized that Ren An embodied the Way in his bearing, upheld the loftiest integrity, and possessed capacity fit for a cornerstone of the state—that he should be given a post at the ruler’s side to avert extraordinary misfortune. He was a man worthy of the silken summons of high office. Because imperial authority no longer reached the region, the summons never came. He died in Jian’an 7 at the age of seventy-nine; his students, who revered him, set up a stele with an inscription in his memory. Later the chancellor Zhuge Liang asked Qin Mi what Ren An’s strengths had been. Qin Mi replied, "He remembered men’s virtues and forgot their faults."〉
14
劉璋時，宓同郡王商為治中從事，與宓書曰︰「貧賤困苦，亦何時可以終身﹗卞和炫玉以耀世，宜一來，與州尊相見。」 宓答書曰：
Under Liu Zhang, Wang Shang of Qin Mi’s commandery served as administrative clerk on the staff. He wrote to Qin Mi: "Poverty and obscurity are a grinding burden—how long can you endure them? Bian He showed his jade to dazzle the world; you should come once and meet the provincial chief." Qin Mi replied:
15
昔堯優許由，非不弘也，洗其兩耳； 楚聘莊周，非不廣也，執竿罔顧。 《易》曰‘確乎其不可拔’，夫何炫之有？ 且以國君之賢，子為良輔，不以是時建蕭、張之策，未足為智也。 仆得曝背乎隴畝之中，誦顏氏之簞瓢，詠原憲之蓬戶，時翱翔于林澤，與沮、溺等儔，聽玄猿之悲吟，察鶴鳴于九皋，安身為樂，無憂為福，處空虛之名，居不靈之龜，知我者希，則我貴矣。 斯乃仆得志之秋也，何困苦之戚焉﹗后商為嚴君平、李弘立祠，宓與書曰︰「疾病伏匿，甫知足下為嚴、李立祠，可謂濃黨勤類者也。」 觀嚴文章，冠冒天下，由、夷逸操，山岳不移，使揚子不嘆，固自昭明。 如李仲元不遭《法言》，令名必淪，其無虎豹之文故也，可謂攀龍附鳳者矣。 如揚子雲潛心著述，有補于世，泥幡不滓，行參聖師，于今海內，談詠厥辭。 邦有斯人，以耀四遠，怪子替茲，不立祠堂。 蜀本無學士，文翁遣相如東受七經，還教吏民，于是蜀學比于齊、魯。 故《地裡志》曰︰‘文翁倡其教，相如為之師。 ’漢家得士，盛于其世； 仲舒之徒，不達封禪，相如製其禮。 夫能製禮造樂，移風易俗，非禮所秩有益于世者乎﹗雖有王孫之累，猶孔子大齊桓之霸，公羊賢叔術之讓。 仆亦善長卿之化，宜立祠堂，速定其銘。
Yao treated Xu You with the utmost generosity, yet Xu You washed his ears to cleanse them of the offer—Yao was not lacking in largesse; Chu’s invitation to Zhuang Zhou was magnificently generous, yet Zhuang Zhou stood with his fishing rod and never turned his head. The Zhou yi says of the steadfast that they cannot be uprooted—where is the need for ostentation? You serve a worthy lord as his able aide; if you fail to advance policies like those of Xiao He and Zhang Liang at such a moment, I would not call that wisdom. I prefer to warm my back in the furrows, chant of Yan Hui’s basket and ladle, dwell on Yuan Xian’s wattled gate, roam the woods and marshes with men like Chang Ju and Jie Ni, listen to the gibbons’ mournful cry and the cranes calling from the deep pools—to find peace in a quiet life, to count freedom from care as blessing, to wear an empty reputation and shelter under an unlucky tortoise shell. When few understand you, that itself is nobility. This is the season of my heart’s content—what misery is there in poverty? Wang Shang later founded shrines for Yan Junping and Li Hong. Qin Mi wrote to him: "I have been ill and in seclusion; only now do I learn that you have raised shrines to Yan and Li—you are indeed zealous in honoring your own kind." Yan Junping’s writings crown the realm; his reclusive integrity rivals that of Xu You and Bo Yi—firm as a mountain. Even without Yang Xiong’s praise he would shine by his own light. Had Li Zhongyuan not been noticed in Yang Xiong’s Fa yan, his good name would have sunk in oblivion, for he lacked the striking markings of tiger or leopard—one might say he rose by clinging to dragon and phoenix. Yang Xiong devoted himself to writing that benefited the world; though he rode in a plain cart his conduct ranked with the sages, and to this day scholars across the land recite his words. A state that possesses such a man sends his light to the four quarters; I am surprised you neglect him and raise no shrine. Shu once had no learned tradition until Wen Weng sent Sima Xiangru east to master the seven classics and brought him back to instruct officials and commoners; only then did learning in Shu rival that of Qi and Lu. The Treatise on Geography therefore says, ‘Wen Weng began the teaching, and Sima Xiangru became its master.’ The Han found its finest talent in that very generation; men like Dong Zhongshu did not grasp the feng and shan sacrifices, but Sima Xiangru drafted their ritual. To frame ritual and compose music, to shift customs and improve the age—is that not the greatest service rites can render the world? Though Sima Xiangru bore the burden of his connection to Zhuo Wangsun, Confucius still praised Duke Huan of Qi for his hegemony, and the Gongyang zhuan honors Shushu of Lu for yielding his claim. I too admire the transformation Sima Xiangru worked in this land; you should raise a shrine for him at once and set the inscription without delay.
16
先是，李權從宓借《戰國策》，宓曰︰「戰國從橫，用之何為？」 權曰︰「仲尼、嚴平，會聚眾書，以成《春秋》、《指歸》之文，故海以合流為大，君子以博識為弘。」 宓報曰︰
Earlier Li Quan had asked to borrow Qin Mi’s copy of the Intrigues of the Warring States. Qin Mi said, "Those are the arts of alliance and defection—what would you do with them?" Li Quan replied, "Confucius and Yan Junping brought together many books to compose the Chunqiu and the Zhigui—just as the sea is great because all rivers flow into it, so the gentleman is great through wide learning." Qin Mi answered:
17
書非史記周圖，仲尼不采，道非虛無自然，嚴平不演。 海以受淤，歲一蕩清； 君子博識，非禮不視。 今戰國反覆儀、秦之術，殺人自生，亡人自存，經之所疾。 故孔子發憤作《春秋》。 大乎居正，複製《孝經》，廣陳德行。 杜漸防萌，預有所抑，是以老氏絕禍于未萌，豈不信邪﹗成湯大聖，睹野魚而有獵逐之失，定公賢者，見女樂而棄朝事， 〈臣松之案：書傳魯定公無善可稱。 宓謂之賢者，淺學所未達也。〉 若此輩類，焉可勝陳。 道家法曰︰‘不見所欲，使心不亂。 ’是故天地貞觀，日月貞明，其直如矢，君子所覆。 《洪范》記災，發于言貌，何戰國之譎權乎哉﹗
Confucius took nothing into the classics that was not grounded in the histories and charts of Zhou; Yan Junping expounded no Way that was not rooted in emptiness and naturalness. The sea accepts silt from every stream, yet each year a great tide scours it clean; and the gentleman may read widely, but he does not look at what is contrary to ritual. The Intrigues teach the shifting schemes of Su Qin and Zhang Yi—killing others to save oneself, ruining others to survive. The classics condemn such things. That is why Confucius, in indignation, composed the Chunqiu. How great is the principle of holding to the right! He also composed the Classic of Filial Piety to set forth virtue in breadth. He checked evil in its first stirrings and curbed excess before it could grow—hence Laozi cuts off calamity before it buds; can you doubt it? Tang the Completer was a great sage, yet the sight of wild game led him to hunting excess; Duke Ding of Lu was a worthy ruler, yet the sight of female musicians made him neglect court business; 〈Pei Songzhi notes: the transmitted texts record no virtue in Duke Ding of Lu worth praising. For Qin Mi to call him a worthy shows a shallow reading of the sources. Examples of this sort could fill many pages. The Daoist maxim runs, ‘Give the eye no craving and the heart will not be thrown into turmoil.’ Hence Heaven and Earth hold to constancy, sun and moon shine with constancy, and the straight course flies like an arrow—such is the model the gentleman embraces. The Hong fan traces calamity to words and bearing—what have they to do with the cunning stratagems of the Warring States?
18
或謂宓曰︰「足下欲自比于巢、許、四皓，何故揚文藻見瑰穎乎？」 宓答曰︰「仆文不能盡言，言不能盡意，何文藻之有揚乎﹗昔孔子三見哀公，言成七卷，事蓋有不可嘿嘿也。 〈劉向《七略》曰：孔子三見哀公，作三朝記七篇，今在大戴禮。 臣松之案：中經部有孔子三朝八卷，一卷目錄，餘者所謂七篇。〉 接輿行且歌，論家以光篇； 漁父詠滄浪，賢者以耀章。 此二人者，非有欲于時者也。 夫虎生而文??，鳳生而五色，豈以五采自飾畫哉？ 天性自然也。 蓋《河》、《洛》由文興，六經由文起，君子懿文德，采藻其何傷﹗以仆之愚，猶恥革子成之誤，況賢于己者乎﹗」 〈臣松之案：今論語作棘子成。 子成曰：「君子質而已矣，何以文為！」 屈於子貢之言，故謂之誤也。〉
Someone said to Qin Mi, "You style yourself after Nest Father, Xu You, and the Four Hoaryheads of Shang—why then parade literary ornament and show off your brilliance?" Qin Mi replied, "My writing cannot exhaust my words, nor my words my meaning—where is the ornament? Confucius met Duke Ai of Lu three times and left seven scrolls of discourse; some truths cannot be left unspoken. 〈Liu Xiang’s Qi lue states that after three audiences with Duke Ai, Confucius composed the San chao ji in seven sections, now preserved in the Da Dai li. Pei Songzhi notes: the Zhong jing catalogue lists Kongzi’s San chao ji in eight fascicles, one of which is a table of contents, leaving the seven sections mentioned above."〉 Jie Yu walked along singing, and scholars cite his words to lend luster to their own essays; the Fisherman chanted of the Canglang waters, and the wise quote him to burnish their writings. Neither of these two courted the favor of his times. The tiger is born with its stripes, the phoenix with its five hues—do you think they painted themselves with pigments? It is simply their inborn nature. The Yellow River chart and Luo River writing came forth through culture; the six classics arose from the written word; the gentleman ennobles his moral power in letters—what injury is there in literary polish? In my dullness I still blush for Ji Zicheng’s mistake—how much more should a man wiser than myself!" 〈Pei Songzhi notes: the received Analects reads Ji Zicheng here. Zicheng said, "The gentleman needs only native substance—of what use is refinement?!" He was refuted by Zigong, so I call his remark a mistake.
19
先主既定益州，廣漢太守夏侯纂請宓為師友祭酒，領五官掾，稱曰仲父。 宓稱疾，臥在第舍，纂將功曹古朴，主簿王普，廚膳即宓第宴談，宓臥如故。 纂問朴曰︰「至於貴州養生之具，實絕餘州矣，不知士人何如餘州也？」 朴對曰︰「乃自先漢以來，其爵位者或不如餘州耳，至於著作為世師式，不負于餘州也。 嚴君平見黃、老作《指歸》，揚雄見《易》作《太言》，見《論語》作《法言》，司馬相如主武帝製封禪之文，于今天下所共聞也。」 纂曰︰「仲父何如？」 宓以簿擊頰， 〈簿，手版也。〉 曰︰
After Liu Bei secured Yi province, Xiahou Zuan, grand warden of Guanghan, invited Qin Mi to serve as libationer for teachers and friends and concurrently as clerk of the five bureaus, addressing him as "uncle" in the manner of Guan Zhong. Qin Mi pleaded illness and stayed in bed at home. Xiahou Zuan brought his merit assessor Gu Pu, his chief clerk Wang Pu, and a full kitchen staff to Qin Mi’s house for a banquet and conversation, but Qin Mi remained stretched out as before. Xiahou Zuan asked Gu Pu, "Your province’s means of sustaining life are plainly richer than elsewhere—but how do its gentlemen compare with those of other regions?" Gu Pu replied, "Since Former Han, our men in high rank may not always have matched other regions, but for authors whose works became models for the world, we have nothing to apologize for beside any other province. Yan Junping expounded Huang-Lao thought in the Zhigui; Yang Xiong wrote the Taixuan jing from the Zhou yi and the Fa yan from the Analects; Sima Xiangru drafted the fengshan memorials for Emperor Wu—these names resound through the empire today." Xiahou Zuan asked, "And what of your ‘uncle’ here?" Qin Mi tapped his cheek with his writing tablet— 〈A "tablet" here means the wooden hand-board officials carried.〉 He spoke thus:
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愿明府勿以仲父之言假于小草，民請為明府陳其本紀。 蜀有汶阜之山，江出其腹，帝以會昌，神以建福，故能沃野千里。 〈《河图括地象》曰：岷山之地，上为东井络，帝以会昌，神以建福，上为天井。 左思蜀都赋曰：远则岷山之精，上为井络，天地运期而会昌，景福 （肸） 蚃而兴作。〉 淮、濟四瀆，江為其首，此其一也。 禹生石紐，今之汶山郡是也。 〈《帝王世紀》曰：鯀納有莘氏女曰志，是為脩己。 上山行，見流星貫昴，夢接意感，又吞神珠，臆圮胸折，而生禹於石紐。 譙周《蜀本紀》曰：禹本汶山廣柔縣人也，生於石紐，其地名刳兒坪，見《世帝紀》。〉 昔堯遭洪水，鯀所不治，禹疏江決河，東注于海，為民徐害，生民已來功莫先者，此其二也。 天帝布治房心，決政參伐，參伐則益州分野，三皇乘祗車出谷口，今之斜谷是也。 〈蜀記曰：三皇乘祗車出谷口。 未詳宓所由知為斜谷也。〉 此便鄙州之阡陌，明府以雅意論之，何若于天下乎？
I beg you, my lord, not to weigh the praise you heard of your ‘uncle’ against this humble weed; allow your servant to lay before you the true pedigree of this land. Shu holds the Wenfu range, from whose flank the Yangzi springs; there thearchs have gathered auspicious power and the gods founded blessing, which is why a thousand li of rich bottomland spread below. 〈The Hetu kuodi xiang says the Min Mountains are girded aloft by the asterism Eastern Well, where thearchs gather splendor and the gods lay blessing, forming the celestial "well" above. Zuo Si’s Rhapsody on the Shu capital says that far off the spirit of Mount Min rises as the Well constellation, that Heaven and Earth turn in their cycles to meet prosperity, and that bright blessing rises in spreading fragrance (xi) and takes shape there. Among Huai, Ji, and the four great rivers, the Yangzi is chief—this is the first point. Yu was born at Stone Knot, which is the present Wenshan commandery. 〈The Diwang shiji says Gun married a woman of Youxin named Zhi, called Xiuji. Climbing a mountain she saw a meteor pierce the Mao asterism; the vision entered her dreams and stirred her heart, and she swallowed a divine pearl until her breast seemed to break—and so she bore Yu at Stone Knot. Qiao Zhou’s Shu ben ji records that Yu was a native of Guangrou in Wenshan, born at a place called Ku’er Slope on Stone Knot—see the Shidi ji. When Yao faced the flood that Gun could not master, Yu dredged the rivers and cut channels eastward to the sea, lifting the scourge from the people—no deed since the birth of mankind has surpassed his; that is the second point. High Heaven set governance in the lodges Fang and Xin and fixed policy in Shen and Fa—the very field division of Yi province. The Three Sovereigns drove their sacred chariot out through the valley mouth, which is the present Xie Valley pass. 〈The Shu ji records that the Three Sovereigns drove the sacred chariot out through the valley mouth. It is unclear how Qin Mi identified that passage with Xie Valley. These are the lanes and fields of our humble province: weigh them, my lord, with your cultivated judgment—how do they stand against the realm at large?
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于是纂逡巡無以複答。
Xiahou Zuan drew back in embarrassment and could find no reply.
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益州辟宓為從事祭酒。 先主既稱尊號，將東征吳，宓陳天時必無其利，坐下獄幽閉，然後貸出。 建興二年，丞相亮領益州牧，選宓迎為別駕，尋拜左中郎將、長水校尉。 吳遣使張溫來聘，百官皆往餞焉。 眾人皆集而宓未往，亮累遣使促之，溫曰︰「彼何人也？」 亮曰︰「益州學士也。」 及至，溫問曰︰「君學乎？」 宓曰︰「五尺童子皆學，何必小人﹗」溫複問曰︰「天有頭乎？」 宓曰︰「有之。」 溫曰︰「在何方也？」 宓曰︰「在西方。 《詩》曰︰『乃眷西顧。』 以此推之，頭在西方。」 溫曰︰「天有耳乎？」 宓曰︰「天處高而聽卑，《詩》雲︰『鶴鳴于九皋，聲聞于天。』 若其無耳，何以聽之？」 溫曰︰「天有足乎？」 宓曰︰「有。 《詩》雲︰『天步艱難，之子不猶。』 若其無足，何以步之？」 溫曰︰「天有姓乎？」 宓曰︰「有。」 溫曰︰「何姓？」 宓曰︰「姓劉。」 溫曰︰「何以知之？」 答曰︰「天子姓劉，故以此知之。」 溫曰︰「日生于東乎？」 宓曰︰「雖生于東而沒于西。」 答問如響，應聲而出，于是溫大敬服。 宓之文辯，皆此類也。 遷大司農，四年卒。 初宓見帝系之文，五帝皆同一族，宓辨其不然之本。 又論皇帝王霸 （養） [豢]龍之說，甚有道理，譙允南少時數往咨訪，紀錄其言于《春秋然否論》，文多故不載。
Yi province summoned Qin Mi to serve as libationer for clerks on the staff. After Liu Bei took the imperial title and prepared to march east against Wu, Qin Mi argued that the astrological signs forbade success; for that he was thrown into prison, but was later pardoned and released. In Jianxing 2, while Zhuge Liang held the concurrent post of shepherd of Yi province, he chose Qin Mi as attendant clerk, then soon appointed him general of the household gentlemen of the left and colonel of Changshui. When Wu sent Zhang Wen on a goodwill mission, the whole court turned out to bid him farewell. Everyone assembled except Qin Mi. Zhuge Liang sent messenger after messenger to fetch him. Zhang Wen asked, "Who is he?" Zhuge Liang replied, "One of Yi province’s leading scholars." When Qin Mi arrived, Zhang Wen asked, "Do you pursue learning?" Qin Mi said, "Even boys five feet tall are at their books—need you ask a mere nobody like me?" Zhang Wen pressed on: "Does Heaven have a head?" "It does." Zhang Wen asked, "In which direction does it lie?" "In the west. The Classic of Poetry says, ‘Then he turned his kindly gaze westward. From that line we infer that Heaven’s head lies in the west." "Does Heaven have ears?" "Heaven sits on high yet hears what is below, as the Poetry says: ‘The crane cries from the ninefold marsh; its voice reaches Heaven. If it had no ears, how could it hear?" "Does Heaven have feet?" "It does. The Poetry says, ‘Heaven’s march is steep and hard; this man is not like the others." If it had no feet, how could it walk?" "Does Heaven have a surname?" "It does." "What surname?" "The surname Liu." "How do you know?" "The Son of Heaven is surnamed Liu—that is how I know." "Is the sun born in the east?" "It rises in the east but sets in the west." Each answer came back like an echo; Zhang Wen was deeply impressed. Qin Mi’s literary fencing was always of this order. He was promoted to grand minister of agriculture and died in the fourth year of his tenure. Early on, reading the imperial genealogies that made the Five Thearchs one clan, Qin Mi argued the fundamental reasons why that could not be so. He also wrote on the thearch, emperor, king, and hegemon and the raising of the dragon-herding legend—arguments of real force. In his youth Qiao Zhou often went to consult him and set down his teachings in the Chunqiu ranyou lun; the text is too long to quote here.
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【評】
Editorial appraisal
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評曰︰許靖夙有名節，既以篤濃為稱，又以人物為意，雖行事舉動，未悉允當，蔣濟以為「大較廊廟器」也。 〈《萬機論》論許子將曰：許文休者，大較廊廟器也，而子將貶之。 若實不貴之，是不明也； 誠令知之，蓋善人也。〉 麋竺、孫乾、簡雍、伊藉，皆雍容風議，見禮于世。 秦宓始慕肥遁之高，而無若愚之實。 然專對有余，文藻壯美，可謂一時之才士矣。
The appraisal states: Xu Jing from early had name and integrity; both by thick earnestness was praised, and by judging men was minded; although deeds and movements were not all fitting and proper, Jiang Ji considered him "in the main a hall-and-temple vessel." 〈The Wan ji lun, discussing Xu Shao, says Xu Wenxiu was essentially material for the imperial court, yet Xu Shao underrated him. If he truly failed to value him, that showed poor judgment; if he did recognize his worth, then Xu Shao was a fair judge after all. Mi Zhu, Sun Qian, Jian Yong, and Yi Ji carried themselves with unhurried grace and were honored wherever they went. Qin Mi began by admiring the lofty reclusion of the hermit’s life, yet he never quite matched the substance of ‘wise folly.’ Still, he had more than enough wit for debate, and his prose was rich and strong—among the literary talents of his day he stood without peer.