Biographies of the Marquis of Pingjin and Zhufu

丞相公孫弘者，齊菑川國薛縣人也，字季。少時為薛獄吏，有罪，免。家貧，牧豕海上。年四十餘，乃學春秋雜說。養後母孝謹。

Chancellor Gongsun Hong hailed from Xue County in the State of Zichuan, within the lands of Qi. His courtesy name was Ji. As a young man, he served as a prison clerk in Xue, but was dismissed after committing some offense. His family was destitute, and he made his living herding pigs along the seashore. Only after he had passed forty did he begin studying the Spring and Autumn Annals and various commentaries. He cared for his stepmother with devoted filial piety.

建元元年，天子初即位，招賢良文學之士。是時弘年六十，徵以賢良為博士。使匈奴，還報，不合上意，上怒，以為不能，弘乃病免歸。

In the first year of the Jianyuan era, the newly enthroned Emperor issued a call for men of worth and scholarly talent. Gongsun Hong was already sixty by then; he was summoned as a worthy scholar and appointed Academician. He was dispatched on a mission to the Xiongnu, but upon his return, his report displeased the Emperor. Furious, the Emperor deemed him incompetent. Gongsun Hong pleaded illness, secured his release, and went home.

元光五年，有詔徵文學，菑川國復推上公孫弘。弘讓謝國人曰：「臣已嘗西應命，以不能罷歸，願更推選。」國人固推弘，弘至太常。太常令所徵儒士各對策，百餘人，弘第居下。策奏，天子擢弘對為第一。召入見，狀貌甚麗，拜為博士。是時通西南夷道，置郡，巴蜀民苦之，詔使弘視之。還奏事，盛毀西南夷無所用，上不聽。

In the fifth year of the Yuanguang era, an imperial edict went out summoning men of learning, and once again the State of Zichuan put forward Gongsun Hong's name. Gongsun Hong demurred, telling his countrymen: 'I once answered the summons to the capital, only to be sent home for incompetence. Please select another candidate.' But the people of his state insisted on putting him forward, and so Gongsun Hong presented himself before the Grand Master of Ceremonies. The Grand Master of Ceremonies ordered all the summoned scholars to submit policy essays. Among more than a hundred candidates, Gongsun Hong was ranked last. Yet when the essays reached the Emperor, the Son of Heaven himself elevated Gongsun Hong's response to first place. Summoned for an audience, his bearing and appearance greatly impressed the court, and he was appointed Academician. At that time, the court was opening roads into the lands of the southwestern tribes and establishing new commanderies. The people of Ba and Shu groaned under the burden, and the Emperor dispatched Gongsun Hong to investigate. Upon his return, he reported vigorously that the southwestern tribes were of no use to the empire, but the Emperor would not heed his counsel.

弘為人恢奇多聞，常稱以為人主病不廣大，人臣病不儉節。弘為布被，食不重肉。后母死，服喪三年。每朝會議，開陳其端，令人主自擇，不肯面折庭爭。於是天子察其行敦厚，辯論有餘，習文法吏事，而又緣飾以儒術，上大說之。二歲中，至左內史。弘奏事，有不可，不庭辯之。嘗與主爵都尉汲黯請閒，汲黯先發之，弘推其後，天子常說，所言皆聽，以此日益親貴。嘗與公卿約議，至上前，皆倍其約以順上旨。汲黯庭詰弘曰：「齊人多詐而無情實，始與臣等建此議，今皆倍之，不忠。」上問弘。弘謝曰：「夫知臣者以臣為忠，不知臣者以臣為不忠。」上然弘言。左右幸臣每毀弘，上益厚遇之。

Gongsun Hong was a man of wide and remarkable learning. He was fond of saying that a ruler's failing lay in a lack of magnanimity, while a minister's failing lay in a lack of frugality. Gongsun Hong slept under coarse cloth quilts and never had more than a single dish of meat at his table. When his stepmother passed away, he observed the full three years of mourning. In every court deliberation, he would lay out the essential issues and let the Emperor decide, never once confronting anyone or arguing openly before the assembled officials. The Emperor thus observed that his conduct was sincere and generous, his reasoning more than persuasive, and that he was well versed in legal and administrative matters, all of which he deftly adorned with Confucian learning. The Emperor was delighted. Within two years, he had risen to the rank of Left Prefect of the Capital. Whenever one of Gongsun Hong's proposals was rejected, he never argued about it at court. On one occasion, he and Ji An, the Commandant of the Palace Guard, jointly sought a private audience. Ji An spoke first, and Gongsun Hong followed up with supporting arguments. The Emperor was invariably pleased and accepted everything they said. In this way, Gongsun Hong's standing grew day by day. There were times when he would reach an agreement with the other ministers beforehand, only to abandon the consensus once before the Emperor, aligning himself instead with the imperial will. Ji An confronted him before the entire court: 'Men of Qi are full of deceit and devoid of sincerity. He joined us in drafting this proposal, and now he has reversed himself entirely. This is disloyalty.' The Emperor turned to Gongsun Hong for his response. Gongsun Hong bowed and replied: 'Those who truly know me regard me as loyal; those who do not know me regard me as disloyal.' The Emperor accepted his answer. Though the imperial favorites continually maligned Gongsun Hong, the Emperor only treated him with greater generosity.

元朔三年，張歐免，以弘為御史大夫。是時通西南夷，東置滄海，北筑朔方之郡。弘數諫，以為罷敝中國以奉無用之地，願罷之。於是天子乃使朱買臣等難弘置朔方之便。發十策，弘不得一。弘乃謝曰：「山東鄙人，不知其便若是，願罷西南夷、滄海而專奉朔方。」上乃許之。

In the third year of the Yuanshuo era, Zhang Ou was removed from office, and Gongsun Hong was appointed Imperial Secretary. At that time, the court was opening routes to the southwestern tribes, establishing the Canghai Commandery in the east, and constructing the Shuofang Commandery in the north. Gongsun Hong remonstrated repeatedly, arguing that these ventures were exhausting the heartland in service of worthless territories, and urged that they be abandoned. The Emperor then dispatched Zhu Maichen and others to debate Gongsun Hong on the merits of establishing the Shuofang Commandery. They put forward ten arguments, and Gongsun Hong could not counter a single one. Gongsun Hong conceded: 'I am but a rustic from east of the mountains and did not realize the advantages were so compelling. I would propose abandoning the southwestern tribes and Canghai to devote our resources entirely to Shuofang.' The Emperor granted his request.

汲黯曰：「弘位在三公，奉祿甚多。然為布被，此詐也。」上問弘。弘謝曰：「有之。夫九卿與臣善者無過黯，然今日庭詰弘，誠中弘之病。夫以三公為布被，誠飾詐欲以釣名。且臣聞管仲相齊，有三歸，侈擬於君，桓公以霸，亦上僭於君。晏嬰相景公，食不重肉，妾不衣絲，齊國亦治，此下比於民。今臣弘位為御史大夫，而為布被，自九卿以下至於小吏，無差，誠如汲黯言。且無汲黯忠，陛下安得聞此言。」天子以為謙讓，愈益厚之。卒以弘為丞相，封平津侯。

Ji An declared: 'Gongsun Hong holds one of the highest offices in the realm, and his salary is exceedingly generous. Yet he sleeps under coarse cloth quilts—this is nothing but fraud.' The Emperor put the question to Gongsun Hong. Gongsun Hong bowed and replied: 'It is true. Among all the Nine Ministers, none is closer to me than Ji An, yet today he has confronted me before the court and truly struck at the heart of my failing. For one of the Three Excellencies to sleep under coarse cloth is indeed an affectation designed to fish for a reputation. Moreover, I have heard that when Guan Zhong served as chief minister of Qi, he possessed the Three Gui estates and lived in extravagance rivaling his lord's. Duke Huan achieved hegemony through him, yet Guan Zhong also overstepped the ruler's prerogatives. When Yanzi served as minister to Duke Jing, he ate no more than a single dish of meat, and his concubines wore no silk, yet Qi was equally well governed—he had lowered himself to the level of the common people. Now I hold the office of Imperial Secretary, yet I sleep under the same coarse cloth quilts as everyone from the Nine Ministers down to the lowliest clerk. It is exactly as Ji An says. And yet, were it not for Ji An's loyalty, how would Your Majesty ever have heard such words?' The Emperor regarded this as a display of modesty and self-effacement, and favored him all the more. In the end, Gongsun Hong was elevated to Chancellor and enfeoffed as the Marquis of Pingjin.

弘為人意忌，外寬內深。諸嘗與弘有卻者，雖詳與善，陰報其禍。殺主父偃，徙董仲舒於膠西，皆弘之力也。食一肉脫粟之飯。故人所善賓客，仰衣食，弘奉祿皆以給之，家無所餘。士亦以此賢之。

By nature, Gongsun Hong was suspicious and jealous—outwardly magnanimous, but inwardly scheming. Anyone who had ever crossed him would find that, even as Gongsun Hong feigned goodwill, he was secretly engineering their downfall. The execution of Zhufu Yan and the banishment of Dong Zhongshu to Jiaxi were both the work of Gongsun Hong. His meals consisted of a single dish of meat and coarsely hulled millet. Old friends and the guests he favored all depended on him for their clothing and food. Gongsun Hong spent his entire salary supporting them, leaving nothing for his own household. For this, the scholars of his day considered him a man of virtue.

淮南、衡山謀反，治黨與方急。弘病甚，自以為無功而封，位至丞相，宜佐明主填撫國家，使人由臣子之道。今諸侯有畔逆之計，此皆宰相奉職不稱，恐竊病死，無以塞責。乃上書曰：「臣聞天下之通道五，所以行之者三。曰君臣，父子，兄弟，夫婦，長幼之序，此五者天下之通道也。智，仁，勇，此三者天下之通德，所以行之者也。故曰『力行近乎仁，好問近乎智，知恥近乎勇』。知此三者，則知所以自治；知所以自治，然後知所以治人。天下未有不能自治而能治人者也，此百世不易之道也。今陛下躬行大孝，鑒三王，建周道，兼文武，厲賢予祿，量能授官。今臣弘罷駑之質，無汗馬之勞，陛下過意擢臣弘卒伍之中，封為列侯，致位三公。臣弘行能不足以稱，素有負薪之病，恐先狗馬填溝壑，終無以報德塞責。願歸侯印，乞骸骨，避賢者路。」天子報曰：「古者賞有功，襃德，守成尚文，遭遇右武，未有易此者也。朕宿昔庶幾獲承尊位，懼不能寧，惟所與共為治者，君宜知之。蓋君子善善惡惡，（君宜知之）君若謹行，常在朕躬。君不幸罹霜露之病，何恙不已，乃上書歸侯，乞骸骨，是章朕之不德也。今事少閒，君其省思慮，一精神，輔以醫藥。」因賜告牛酒雜帛。居數月，病有瘳，視事。

When the Kings of Huainan and Hengshan plotted rebellion, the investigation of their co-conspirators was pressed with great urgency. Gongsun Hong's illness grew grave. He reflected that he had been enfeoffed without merit and had risen to the rank of Chancellor; it was his duty to assist the wise sovereign in pacifying the realm and guiding the people along the path of loyal subjects. Now feudal lords had hatched treasonous plots—all because he, as Chancellor, had failed in his duties. He feared that if he died quietly of illness, he would have no way to atone for his failure. He therefore submitted a memorial: 'Your servant has heard that there are five universal principles governing all under Heaven, and three virtues by which they are put into practice. They are: the bond between ruler and subject, between father and son, between elder and younger brother, between husband and wife, and the proper ordering of seniors and juniors. These five constitute the universal principles of all under Heaven. Wisdom, benevolence, and courage—these three are the universal virtues of all under Heaven, and the means by which the five principles are carried out. Thus it is said: "To act with diligence approaches benevolence; to love inquiry approaches wisdom; to know shame approaches courage." One who understands these three virtues understands how to govern himself; and one who knows how to govern himself will then know how to govern others. Never in all the world has there been a man unable to govern himself who could govern others. This is a principle unchanged through a hundred generations. Now Your Majesty personally exemplifies the highest filial piety, takes the Three Kings as his mirror, follows the Way of Zhou, unites the virtues of both the civil and the martial, rewards the worthy with emoluments, and assigns office according to ability. Your servant Hong is a man of worn and mediocre talent, with no battlefield merit to his name. Yet Your Majesty has, beyond all reason, raised me from the common ranks, enfeoffed me as a marquis, and elevated me to the highest echelons of government. My conduct and ability fall far short of the honor bestowed upon me. I have long suffered from an ailment of the back, and I fear I shall die like a worn-out beast discarded in a ditch, never having repaid Your Majesty's grace or discharged my responsibilities. I beg to return the seal of my marquisate and retire in my old age, clearing the path for worthier men.' The Emperor replied: 'Since antiquity, the meritorious have been rewarded and the virtuous honored. In times of stability, the civil arts are prized; in times of crisis, martial valor is exalted. This has never changed. Ever since I was fortunate enough to inherit this exalted throne, I have lived in fear of failing to bring peace. It is only through those who share the burden of governance with me that the realm can be ordered—and this you should know well. A true gentleman commends the good and condemns the wicked. If you continue to conduct yourself with care, you shall always remain at my side. You have had the misfortune of falling ill from exposure to the elements. Why has the ailment not yet healed? Yet to submit a memorial returning your marquisate and begging to retire would only proclaim my lack of virtue to the world. Now that the press of affairs has eased somewhat, you should set aside your anxieties, gather your strength, and attend to your recovery with the help of physicians.' The Emperor thereupon granted him leave and presented him with gifts of cattle, wine, and assorted silks. After several months, his condition improved and he resumed his duties.

元狩二年，弘病，竟以丞相終。子度嗣為平津侯。度為山陽太守十餘歲，坐法失侯。

In the second year of the Yuanshou era, Gongsun Hong fell ill once more and died in office as Chancellor. His son Du inherited the title of Marquis of Pingjin. Du served as the Governor of Shanyang for more than ten years before being convicted of a legal offense and stripped of his marquisate.

主父偃者，齊臨菑人也。學長短縱橫之術，晚乃學易、春秋、百家言。游齊諸生閒，莫能厚遇也。齊諸儒生相與排擯，不容於齊。家貧，假貸無所得，乃北游燕、趙、中山，皆莫能厚遇，為客甚困。孝武元光元年中，以為諸侯莫足游者，乃西入關見衛將軍。衛將軍數言上，上不召。資用乏，留久，諸公賓客多厭之，乃上書闕下。朝奏，暮召入見。所言九事，其八事為律令，一事諫伐匈奴。其辭曰：

Zhufu Yan hailed from Linzi in the land of Qi. He first studied the arts of persuasion and diplomatic strategy, and only later turned to the Book of Changes, the Spring and Autumn Annals, and the writings of the Hundred Schools. He traveled among the scholars of Qi, but none would offer him patronage. The Confucian scholars of Qi banded together to ostracize him, and he found no welcome in the land of Qi. His family was destitute, and he could obtain no loans. He traveled north to the states of Yan, Zhao, and Zhongshan, but nowhere did he find generous patronage, and his life as a wandering guest was one of great hardship. Midway through the first year of the Yuanguang era under Emperor Wu, he concluded that no feudal lord was worth his service, and so he traveled west through the passes to seek out General Wei Qing. General Wei recommended him to the Emperor on several occasions, but the Emperor would not summon him. His funds ran dry, and after lingering so long, the patrons and their guests had grown weary of him. At last, he submitted a memorial directly at the palace gate. He submitted his memorial in the morning, and by evening the Emperor had summoned him for an audience. His memorial addressed nine topics: eight concerned laws and regulations, and one was an argument against waging war on the Xiongnu. The text of his remonstrance read:

臣聞明主不惡切諫以博觀，忠臣不敢避重誅以直諫，是故事無遺策而功流萬世。今臣不敢隱忠避死以效愚計，願陛下幸赦而少察之。

I have heard that a wise ruler does not resent blunt counsel, for it broadens his perspective, and a loyal minister does not shrink from the threat of execution to speak the truth. In this way, no policy goes unconsidered and achievements endure through the ages. Now I dare not conceal my loyalty or shrink from death as I present my humble counsel. I beg Your Majesty to pardon my boldness and give these words some consideration.

《司馬法》曰：「國雖大，好戰必亡；天下雖平，忘戰必危。」天下既平，天子大凱，春蒐秋狝，諸侯春振旅，秋治兵，所以不忘戰也。且夫怒者逆德也，兵者凶器也，爭者末節也。古之人君一怒必伏尸流血，故聖王重行之。夫務戰勝窮武事者，未有不悔者也。昔秦皇帝任戰勝之威，蠶食天下，并吞戰國，海內為一，功齊三代。務勝不休，欲攻匈奴，李斯諫曰：「不可。夫匈奴無城郭之居，委積之守，遷徙鳥舉，難得而制也。輕兵深入，糧食必絕；踵糧以行，重不及事。得其地不足以為利也，遇其民不可役而守也。勝必殺之，非民父母也。靡獘中國，快心匈奴，非長策也。」秦皇帝不聽，遂使蒙恬將兵攻胡，辟地千里，以河為境。地固澤（咸）鹵，不生五穀。然後發天下丁男以守北河。暴兵露師十有餘年，死者不可勝數，終不能踰河而北。是豈人眾不足，兵革不備哉？其勢不可也。又使天下蜚芻芻粟，起於黃、腄、瑯邪負海之郡，轉輸北河，率三十鐘而致一石。男子疾耕不足於糧馕，女子紡績不足於帷幕。百姓靡敝，孤寡老弱不能相養，道路死者相望，蓋天下始畔秦也。

The Sima Fa states: 'Though a state be great, if it delights in war it will surely perish; though the world be at peace, if it forgets war it will surely court danger.' When the realm was at peace and the Son of Heaven held grand celebrations, the spring hunts and autumn military reviews continued. The feudal lords mustered their troops in spring and drilled them in autumn—all to ensure that war was never forgotten. Moreover, wrath runs counter to virtue, weapons are instruments of ill omen, and conflict is a matter of last resort. Whenever an ancient ruler gave way to rage, corpses fell and blood flowed. For this reason, the sage kings were exceedingly cautious in resorting to force. Those who pursued military conquest and exhausted themselves in martial affairs have never escaped regret. The First Emperor of Qin rode the momentum of military conquest, devouring the realm like a silkworm through a leaf, swallowing up the Warring States, and uniting all within the seas. His achievements rivaled those of the Three Dynasties. Yet he pursued conquest without pause and wished to attack the Xiongnu. Li Si remonstrated: 'This must not be done. The Xiongnu have no walled cities to shelter in and no granaries to defend. They shift their camps and scatter like flocks of birds—they are nearly impossible to seize and subdue. Should a light force penetrate deep into their territory, its provisions will inevitably be exhausted; should supply trains follow behind, the weight of the baggage will bog down the campaign. Conquering their land yields no profit, and their people can be neither conscripted nor garrisoned. To conquer them means slaughtering them—this is not the way of a ruler who is father and mother to his people. To exhaust the heartland for the momentary satisfaction of punishing the Xiongnu is no strategy for the long term.' The First Emperor would not listen. He dispatched Meng Tian to lead an army against the northern tribes, carving out a thousand li of territory and establishing the Yellow River as the frontier. But the land was nothing more than marshes and salt flats where the five grains could not grow. He then conscripted able-bodied men from throughout the empire to garrison the northern bank of the Yellow River. For more than ten years the troops endured harsh conditions in the open. The dead were beyond counting, yet the army could never advance north beyond the river. Was it for lack of manpower, or because the army's weapons and armor were inadequate? The situation itself made it impossible. He further ordered fodder and grain to be rushed from the coastal commanderies of Huang, Chui, and Langya, transported to the northern frontier. For every thirty zhong shipped, only a single dan arrived. Men labored at the plow but could not produce enough grain to feed the army; women spun and wove but could not produce enough cloth for tents and curtains. The common people were utterly exhausted. Orphans, widows, the aged, and the infirm could no longer sustain one another. The dead littered the roads as far as the eye could see. It was then that all under Heaven first turned against Qin.

及至高皇帝定天下，略地於邊，聞匈奴聚於代谷之外而欲擊之。御史成進諫曰：「不可。夫匈奴之性，獸聚而鳥散，從之如搏影。今以陛下盛德攻匈奴，臣竊危之。」高帝不聽，遂北至於代谷，果有平城之圍。高皇帝蓋悔之甚，乃使劉敬往結和親之約，然後天下忘干戈之事。故兵法曰「興師十萬，日費千金」。夫秦常積眾暴兵數十萬人，雖有覆軍殺將系虜單于之功，亦適足以結怨深讎，不足以償天下之費。夫上虛府庫，下敝百姓，甘心於外國，非完事也。夫匈奴難得而制，非一世也。行盜侵驅，所以為業也，天性固然。上及虞夏殷周，固弗程督，禽獸畜之，不屬為人。夫上不觀虞夏殷周之統，而下（修）［循］近世之失，此臣之所大憂，百姓之所疾苦也。且夫兵久則變生，事苦則慮易。乃使邊境之民獘靡愁苦而有離心，將吏相疑而外市，故尉佗、章邯得以成其私也。夫秦政之所以不行者，權分乎二子，此得失之效也。故《周書》曰「安危在出令，存亡在所用」。願陛下詳察之，少加意而熟慮焉。

When Emperor Gaozu had pacified the realm and was campaigning along the frontier, he learned that the Xiongnu had massed beyond the valley of Dai and wished to strike them. The Imperial Censor Cheng Jin remonstrated: 'This must not be done. The Xiongnu gather like herds of beasts and scatter like flocks of birds. To pursue them is like trying to catch a shadow. For Your Majesty to risk his great virtue by attacking the Xiongnu—I secretly tremble at the danger of it.' Emperor Gaozu would not listen and marched north to the valley of Dai, where he was indeed trapped in the siege of Pingcheng. Emperor Gaozu bitterly regretted his decision and sent Liu Jing to negotiate a marriage alliance with the Xiongnu. Only then did the empire at last set aside the business of war. As the military classics say: "To mobilize an army of a hundred thousand costs a thousand in gold each day." Qin regularly deployed hundreds of thousands of troops under the harshest conditions. Even had they destroyed armies, slain enemy generals, and captured the Chanyu himself, it would only have deepened the enmity and blood feuds—it could never have repaid the cost to the empire. To drain the treasury above and exhaust the common people below, all for the satisfaction of punishing foreign nations—this is no sound course of action. The Xiongnu have been impossible to subdue—and not just for a single generation. Raiding, invading, and plundering are their livelihood—it is their very nature. Going back to the reigns of Yu, Xia, Yin, and Zhou, the Xiongnu were never governed or supervised; they were treated as wild animals, not reckoned among civilized peoples. To ignore the precedents of Yu, Xia, Yin, and Zhou and instead repeat the mistakes of more recent times—this is what I fear most deeply, and what inflicts the greatest suffering upon the people. Moreover, when war drags on, upheaval follows; when hardship deepens, loyalties waver. The border people are driven to exhaustion and despair, breeding disaffection, while generals and officials suspect one another and seek advantage for themselves abroad. It was precisely this that allowed Commandant Tuo and Zhang Han to carve out their own domains. The reason Qin's authority collapsed was that power had been divided between these two men. This is the very lesson of success and failure. Thus the Book of Zhou declares: "Safety and peril depend upon the orders a ruler issues; survival and ruin depend upon the men he employs." I beg Your Majesty to examine this matter with care, to give it due attention, and to deliberate thoroughly.

是時趙人徐樂、齊人嚴安俱上書言世務，各一事。徐樂曰：

At that time, Xu Yue of Zhao and Yan An of Qi each submitted a memorial addressing the affairs of the day, each on a single topic. Xu Yue wrote:

臣聞天下之患在於土崩，不在於瓦解，古今一也。何謂土崩？秦之末世是也。陳涉無千乘之尊，尺土之地，身非王公大人名族之后，無鄉曲之譽，非有孔、墨、曾子之賢，陶朱、猗頓之富也，然起窮巷，奮棘矜，偏袒大呼而天下從風，此其故何也？由民困而主不恤，下怨而上不知（也），俗已亂而政不修，此三者陳涉之所以為資也。是之謂土崩。故曰天下之患在於土崩。何謂瓦解？吳、楚、齊、趙之兵是也。七國謀為大逆，號皆稱萬乘之君，帶甲數十萬，威足以嚴其境內，財足以勸其士民，然不能西攘尺寸之地而身為禽於中原者，此其故何也？非權輕於匹夫而兵弱於陳涉也，當是之時，先帝之德澤未衰而安土樂俗之民眾，故諸侯無境外之助。此之謂瓦解，故曰天下之患不在瓦解。由是觀之，天下誠有土崩之勢，雖布衣窮處之士或首惡而危海內，陳涉是也。況三晉之君或存乎！天下雖未有大治也，誠能無土崩之勢，雖有彊國勁兵不得旋踵而身為禽矣，吳、楚、齊、趙是也。況群臣百姓能為亂乎哉！此二體者，安危之明要也，賢主所留意而深察也。

I have heard that the true peril of an empire lies in its foundation crumbling from below, not in its tiles breaking apart from above—this has been true since antiquity. What does it mean for the foundation to crumble? The final years of Qin are the very example. Chen She commanded neither the authority of a lord of a thousand chariots nor a single foot of territory. He was no descendant of kings or dukes or men of noble lineage. He had no reputation in his home village, nor the wisdom of Confucius, Mozi, or Master Zeng, nor the wealth of Tao Zhu or Yi Dun. Yet he rose from a wretched alleyway, seized a thorny staff, bared his shoulder, let out a great shout, and the entire empire followed him like wind bending the grass. What was the reason? It was because the people were in distress and their ruler showed no concern; resentment festered below while those above remained ignorant of it; customs had fallen into disorder and the government did nothing to set them right. These three conditions were the capital upon which Chen She drew. This is what it means for the foundation to crumble. Therefore I say that the true peril of an empire lies in its foundation crumbling. And what does it mean for the tiles to break apart? The rebellion of Wu, Chu, Qi, and Zhao is the example. The Seven Kingdoms plotted the gravest treason. Each styled himself a lord of ten thousand chariots, commanding hundreds of thousands of armored soldiers. Their might was sufficient to overawe their own domains; their wealth was sufficient to rally their people. Yet they could not seize a single inch of territory to the west and were themselves captured in the heartland. What was the reason? It was not that their authority was less than a commoner's or their forces weaker than Chen She's. At that time, the grace and beneficence of the former emperors had not yet faded, and the great mass of the people remained content with their land and customs. The rebellious lords therefore found no allies beyond their own borders. This is what it means for the tiles to break apart. And that is why I say that the true peril of an empire does not lie in tiles breaking apart. Seen from this perspective, when the empire truly faces a crumbling foundation, even a commoner from the most obscure corner can rise as the chief instigator and imperil the entire realm—Chen She is the proof. How much more dangerous would it be if the lords of the old Three Jin states still survived! Even if the empire has not yet achieved perfect governance, so long as its foundations remain intact, even powerful states with formidable armies cannot so much as turn around before they are themselves captured—the fates of Wu, Chu, Qi, and Zhao prove this. Still less could the ministers and common people ever create disorder! These two paradigms are the clearest keys to understanding safety and peril—the very things a wise ruler must attend to and examine with the greatest care.

閒者關東五穀不登，年歲未復，民多窮困，重之以邊境之事，推數循理而觀之，則民且有不安其處者矣。不安故易動。易動者，土崩之勢也。故賢主獨觀萬化之原，明於安危之機，修之廟堂之上，而銷未形之患。其要，期使天下無土崩之勢而已矣。故雖有彊國勁兵，陛下逐走獸，射蜚鳥，弘游燕之囿，淫縱恣之觀，極馳騁之樂，自若也。金石絲竹之聲不絕於耳，帷帳之私俳優侏儒之笑不乏於前，而天下無宿憂。名何必湯武，俗何必成康！雖然，臣竊以為陛下天然之聖，寬仁之資，而誠以天下為務，則湯武之名不難侔，而成康之俗可復興也。此二體者立，然後處尊安之實，揚名廣譽於當世，親天下而服四夷，餘恩遺德為數世隆，南面負扆攝袂而揖王公，此陛下之所服也。臣聞圖王不成，其敝足以安。安則陛下何求而不得，何為而不成，何征而不服乎哉！嚴安上書曰：

In recent years, the five grains have failed east of the passes and the harvests have not recovered. The people are sinking into poverty, burdened further by the ongoing border campaigns. If one traces the pattern and follows the logic, there will soon be people who can no longer remain content where they are. Those who are not content are easily stirred to revolt. When the people are easily stirred, the conditions for the foundation to crumble are already in place. A wise ruler therefore discerns the origins of all change, grasps the pivotal moment between safety and peril, addresses the matter from the court, and eliminates threats before they take shape. The essence of his task is simply to ensure that the empire's foundations never crumble. Thus, even were there powerful states with formidable armies, Your Majesty could chase running game, shoot at soaring birds, roam the grand parks at leisure, indulge in the most extravagant pleasures, and revel in the thrill of the hunt—all without a care. The music of bells, chimes, strings, and flutes would never leave your ears; the pleasures of the bedchamber and the laughter of jesters and entertainers would never be lacking—and the empire would have no lingering worries. Why would your fame need to match that of Kings Tang and Wu? Why would your customs need to rival those of the reigns of Cheng and Kang? Even so, I privately believe that with Your Majesty's natural sagacity and generous nature, if you truly take the welfare of the realm as your foremost concern, then the fame of Tang and Wu would not be hard to match, and the prosperous customs of the Cheng and Kang reigns could yet be revived. Once these two paradigms are established, Your Majesty will enjoy the substance of a secure and exalted throne, spread renown and glory across the age, win the devotion of all under Heaven and the submission of the four barbarian peoples. The blessings of your benevolence and virtue will endure through the generations. Facing south with your back to the imperial screen, you will graciously receive the salutations of lords and dukes—this is what Your Majesty truly deserves. I have heard that even if the pursuit of true kingship does not fully succeed, its lesser effects are still sufficient to bring stability. With stability, what could Your Majesty seek and not obtain? What could you undertake and not accomplish? What campaign could you wage that would not end in submission? Yan An submitted a memorial that read:

臣聞周有天下，其治三百餘歲，成康其隆也，刑錯四十餘年而不用。及其衰也，亦三百餘歲，故五伯更起。五伯者，常佐天子興利除害，誅暴禁邪，匡正海內，以尊天子。五伯既沒，賢聖莫續，天子孤弱，號令不行。諸侯恣行，彊陵弱，眾暴寡，田常篡齊，六卿分晉，并為戰國，此民之始苦也。於是彊國務攻，弱國備守，合從連橫，馳車擊轂，介胄生蟣蝨，民無所告愬。

I have heard that the Zhou dynasty held the empire and governed well for over three hundred years. The reigns of Kings Cheng and Kang marked its zenith—for more than forty years, punishments were set aside and never needed. Its decline likewise lasted over three hundred years, during which the Five Hegemons rose in succession. The Five Hegemons assisted the Son of Heaven by advancing the public good and eliminating harm, punishing tyrants, suppressing the wicked, restoring order to the realm, and thereby upholding the dignity of the throne. After the Five Hegemons passed from the scene, no worthy successor carried on their work. The Son of Heaven was left isolated and weak, and his decrees went unenforced. The feudal lords acted without restraint: the strong trampled the weak, and the many tyrannized the few. Tian Chang usurped the throne of Qi, and the Six Ministers carved Jin among themselves, ushering in the era of the Warring States. This was when the suffering of the people truly began. The powerful states devoted themselves to aggression, while the weak braced for defense. Vertical and horizontal alliances were forged, war chariots raced until their hubs clashed. Lice bred in the soldiers' armor and helmets, and the people had no one to whom they could bring their grievances.

及至秦王，蠶食天下，并吞戰國，稱號曰皇帝，主海內之政，壞諸侯之城，銷其兵，鑄以為鐘虡，示不復用。元元黎民得免於戰國，逢明天子，人人自以為更生。向使秦緩其刑罰，薄賦斂，省繇役，貴仁義，賤權利，上篤厚，下智巧，變風易俗，化於海內，則世世必安矣。秦不行是風而修其故俗，為智巧權利者進，篤厚忠信者退；法嚴政峻，諂諛者眾，日聞其美，意廣心軼。欲肆威海外，乃使蒙恬將兵以北攻胡，辟地進境，戍於北河，蜚芻芻粟以隨其后。又使尉[佗]屠睢將樓船之士南攻百越，使監祿鑿渠運糧，深入越，越人遁逃。曠日持久，糧食絕乏，越人擊之，秦兵大敗。秦乃使尉佗將卒以戍越。當是時，秦禍北構於胡，南掛於越，宿兵無用之地，進而不得退。行十餘年，丁男被甲，丁女轉輸，苦不聊生，自經於道樹，死者相望。及秦皇帝崩，天下大叛。陳勝、吳廣舉陳，武臣、張耳舉趙，項梁舉吳，田儋舉齊，景駒舉郢，周市舉魏，韓廣舉燕，窮山通谷豪士并起，不可勝載也。然皆非公侯之后，非長官之吏也。無尺寸之勢，起閭巷，杖棘矜，應時而皆動，不謀而俱起，不約而同會，壤長地進，至于霸王，時教使然也。秦貴為天子，富有天下，滅世絕祀者，窮兵之禍也。故周失之弱，秦失之彊，不變之患也。

Then came the King of Qin, who devoured the realm like a silkworm through a leaf, swallowed up the Warring States, assumed the title of Emperor, and took command of all governance within the seas. He tore down the walls of the feudal lords, melted their weapons, and cast them into bells and bell stands as a sign they would never be needed again. The common people were delivered from the chaos of the Warring States and met what they believed to be an illustrious ruler. Every person felt as though they had been granted a new life. Had Qin relaxed its punishments, lightened the burden of taxation, reduced the demands of corvée labor, prized benevolence and righteousness over cunning and profit, honored sincerity in those above and discouraged deviousness in those below, and transformed the customs of the entire realm—peace would surely have endured for generations. But Qin refused to adopt this course and clung to its old ways. The cunning and the power-hungry were advanced, while the sincere and the loyal were pushed aside; the laws grew harsher, governance more severe, and flatterers multiplied. The ruler heard only praise from morning to night, and his ambitions swelled beyond all bounds. Wishing to project his might beyond the seas, he dispatched Meng Tian to lead an army northward against the Hu, carving out territory, pushing the frontier forward, and establishing garrisons along the northern river, with fodder and grain rushed in their wake. He also dispatched Commandant Tu Sui to lead the naval forces south against the Hundred Yue, and sent Superintendent Lu to dig canals for transporting grain. They penetrated deep into Yue territory, but the Yue people fled into the wilderness. The campaign dragged on interminably, provisions ran dry, and the Yue people struck back, inflicting a devastating defeat on the Qin army. Qin then sent Commandant Tuo to lead a garrison force into the Yue lands. At that time, Qin's troubles mounted: in the north against the Hu, in the south entangled with the Yue. Troops were garrisoned in worthless lands—they could advance but never withdraw. This went on for more than ten years. Able-bodied men donned armor while able-bodied women hauled the supply wagons. The suffering was unbearable—people hanged themselves from trees along the roadsides, and the dead stretched as far as the eye could see. When the First Emperor died, the entire empire erupted in revolt. Chen Sheng and Wu Guang raised the banner in Chen; Wu Chen and Zhang Er in Zhao; Xiang Liang in Wu; Tian Dan in Qi; Jing Ju in Ying; Zhou Shi in Wei; Han Guang in Yan. From every remote mountain and hidden valley, men of ambition rose up simultaneously—too many to record. Yet not one of them was the descendant of a duke or marquis, nor the holder of any senior office. Without a scrap of authority, they rose from the back alleys, armed with nothing but thorny staffs. They responded to the times, moving as one—rising without conspiracy, converging without agreement, expanding their territory step by step until they achieved hegemony and even kingship. The times themselves had driven them to it. Qin held the most exalted title under Heaven and possessed the wealth of the entire realm, yet its dynasty was extinguished and its sacrifices cut off—all because of the catastrophe of endless military campaigns. Zhou fell through weakness, Qin through an excess of force—both suffered the same malady of failing to adapt.

今欲招南夷，朝夜郎，降羌僰，略濊州，建城邑，深入匈奴，燔其蘢城，議者美之。此人臣之利也，非天下之長策也。今中國無狗吠之驚，而外累於遠方之備，靡敝國家，非所以子民也。行無窮之欲，甘心快意，結怨於匈奴，非所以安邊也。禍結而不解，兵休而復起，近者愁苦，遠者驚駭，非所以持久也。今天下鍛甲砥劍，橋箭累弦，轉輸運糧，未見休時，此天下之所共憂也。夫兵久而變起，事煩而慮生。今外郡之地或幾千里，列城數十，形束壤制，旁脅諸侯，非公室之利也。上觀齊晉之所以亡者，公室卑削，六卿大盛也；下觀秦之所以滅者，嚴法刻深，欲大無窮也。今郡守之權，非特六卿之重也；地幾千里，非特閭巷之資也；甲兵器械，非特棘矜之用也：以遭萬世之變，則不可稱諱也。

Now the court wishes to summon the southern tribes, bring Yelang to submission, subjugate the Qiang and Bo, seize the territory of the Hui, establish cities, penetrate deep into Xiongnu territory, and burn their encampments. Those who advocate this call it a fine plan. This may serve the interests of individual ministers, but it is no strategy for the long-term welfare of the empire. At present, the heartland is so tranquil there is not even a dog's bark of alarm, yet the state exhausts itself in preparations against distant frontiers. This is no way for a ruler to care for his people as a father cares for his children. To pursue boundless ambitions for the sake of momentary gratification and thereby provoke the enmity of the Xiongnu—this is no way to secure the frontier. When calamities pile up without resolution, when fighting ceases only to resume, when those nearby despair and those far away tremble—this is no way to sustain an empire. Now across the entire empire, armor is being forged, swords sharpened, arrows straightened, bows strung, and grain transported—with no end in sight. This is the shared anxiety of all the people under Heaven. When war drags on, upheaval follows; when burdens multiply, discontent breeds. Now the outer commanderies stretch for nearly a thousand li, with dozens of walled cities arrayed along them. Their terrain constrains the surrounding land and presses upon the feudal lords—this does not serve the interests of the imperial house. Looking at the reasons Qi and Jin fell: the ducal house was weakened while the Six Ministers grew overly powerful; looking at the reason Qin was destroyed: its laws were harsh, its punishments cruel, and its ambitions knew no bounds. Now the power held by the commandery governors is no less than that once held by the Six Ministers; their territories stretch nearly a thousand li—far beyond the resources of a mere alleyway; and their armor, weapons, and equipment are far more formidable than thorny staffs. Should they encounter the kind of upheaval that comes once in ten thousand generations, the consequences would be too terrible to speak of.

書奏天子，天子召見三人，謂曰：「公等皆安在？何相見之晚也！」於是上乃拜主父偃、徐樂、嚴安為郎中。偃數見，上疏言事，詔拜偃為謁者，遷為中大夫。一歲中四遷偃。

When these memorials reached the Emperor, he summoned all three men and exclaimed: 'Where have you all been hiding? Why has it taken so long for us to meet!' The Emperor then appointed Zhufu Yan, Xu Yue, and Yan An as Gentlemen of the Palace. Zhufu Yan was received in audience several times and submitted memorials on affairs of state. By imperial decree, he was first appointed Receptionist and then promoted to Palace Grandee. In the span of a single year, Zhufu Yan was promoted four times.

偃說上曰：「古者諸侯不過百里，彊弱之形易制。今諸侯或連城數十，地方千里，緩則驕奢易為淫亂，急則阻其彊而合從以逆京師。今以法割削之，則逆節萌起，前日晁錯是也。今諸侯子弟或十數，而適嗣代立，餘雖骨肉，無尺寸地封，則仁孝之道不宣。願陛下令諸侯得推恩分子弟，以地侯之。彼人人喜得所願，上以德施，實分其國，不削而稍弱矣。」於是上從其計。又說上曰：「茂陵初立，天下豪桀并兼之家，亂眾之民，皆可徙茂陵，內實京師，外銷姦猾，此所謂不誅而害除。」上又從其計。

Zhufu Yan advised the Emperor: 'In ancient times, a feudal lord's domain extended no more than a hundred li, and the balance of power between the strong and the weak was easy to control. Now some feudal lords command dozens of linked cities and territories stretching a thousand li. If the court is lenient, they grow arrogant and dissolute; if the court presses them, they rely on their strength and form alliances to resist the capital. Should we now try to reduce them through legal measures, rebellious impulses will flare up—the fate of Chao Cuo in the past is proof enough. Now some feudal lords have ten or more sons, yet only the legitimate heir inherits. The rest, though they are flesh and blood of the same family, receive not a foot of territory—and so the principles of benevolence and filial piety go unfulfilled. I beg Your Majesty to decree that the feudal lords be permitted to extend their grace and divide their lands among all their sons, enfeoffing each with his own domain. Every son would be delighted to receive his portion. From above, it would appear a generous bestowal of imperial grace; in reality, it would divide their kingdoms. Without a single decree of reduction, they would gradually weaken.' The Emperor adopted his plan. He further advised the Emperor: 'The Maoling estate has just been established. The powerful families and the land-engrossing houses across the empire, along with the troublemakers among the common people, could all be relocated there. This would strengthen the capital region from within and eliminate subversive elements from without—removing the danger without shedding a drop of blood.' Once again, the Emperor adopted his plan.

尊立衛皇后，及發燕王定國陰事，蓋偃有功焉。大臣皆畏其口，賂遺累千金。人或說偃曰：「太橫矣。」主父曰：「臣結發游學四十餘年，身不得遂，親不以為子，昆弟不收，賓客棄我，我阸日久矣。且丈夫生不五鼎食，死即五鼎烹耳。吾日暮途遠，故倒行暴施之。」

In the elevation of Empress Wei and the exposure of the secret crimes of Liu Dingguo, King of Yan, Zhufu Yan had played a significant role. Every great minister feared the sharpness of his tongue and showered him with bribes totaling thousands in gold. Someone warned him: 'You are being far too overbearing.' Zhufu Yan replied: 'Since I first bound up my hair as a youth, I have wandered as a scholar for more than forty years. I never achieved anything. My own parents refused to acknowledge me as their son, my brothers turned their backs on me, and my friends abandoned me. I have endured this hardship for a very long time. A real man—if he cannot dine from the five ceremonial cauldrons while alive, then let him be boiled in the five cauldrons when he dies. The sun is setting and the road ahead is long—so I act recklessly and without restraint.'

偃盛言朔方地肥饒，外阻河，蒙恬城之以逐匈奴，內省轉輸戍漕，廣中國，滅胡之本也。上覽其說，下公卿議，皆言不便。公孫弘曰：「秦時常發三十萬眾筑北河，終不可就，已而棄之。」主父偃盛言其便，上竟用主父計，立朔方郡。

Zhufu Yan argued enthusiastically that the land of Shuofang was fertile and abundant, shielded on the outside by the Yellow River—Meng Tian had once fortified it to drive out the Xiongnu. Holding it would reduce the burden of supply transport and frontier garrisons, expand the heartland, and lay the foundation for defeating the northern barbarians. The Emperor reviewed his proposal and referred it to the ministers for deliberation. They unanimously declared it impractical. Gongsun Hong objected: 'In the Qin era, three hundred thousand men were deployed to build the northern river fortifications, yet the project could never be completed and was ultimately abandoned.' But Zhufu Yan argued forcefully for its merits, and in the end the Emperor adopted his plan and established the Shuofang Commandery.

元朔二年，主父言齊王內淫佚行僻，上拜主父為齊相。至齊，遍召昆弟賓客，散五百金予之，數之曰：「始吾貧時，昆弟不我衣食，賓客不我內門；今吾相齊，諸君迎我或千里。吾與諸君絕矣，毋復入偃之門！」乃使人以王與姊姦事動王，王以為終不得脫罪，恐效燕王論死，乃自殺。有司以聞。

In the second year of the Yuanshuo era, Zhufu Yan reported that the King of Qi was privately dissolute and of perverse conduct. The Emperor appointed Zhufu Yan as the Chancellor of Qi. Upon arriving in Qi, he summoned all his brothers and former acquaintances, distributed five hundred pieces of gold among them, and rebuked them: 'When I was destitute, my brothers would not clothe or feed me, and my friends barred their doors to me; now that I am Chancellor of Qi, some of you have traveled a thousand li to welcome me. I am severing all ties with you. Never set foot through my door again!' He then sent an agent to confront the King with the scandal of his incestuous affair with his sister. The King, convinced he could never escape punishment and fearing he would be sentenced to death as the King of Yan had been, took his own life. The officials duly reported the matter to the throne.

主父始為布衣時，嘗游燕、趙，及其貴，發燕事。趙王恐其為國患，欲上書言其陰事，為偃居中，不敢發。及為齊相，出關，即使人上書，告言主父偃受諸侯金，以故諸侯子弟多以得封者。及齊王自殺，上聞大怒，以為主父劫其王令自殺，乃徵下吏治。主父服受諸侯金，實不劫王令自殺。上欲勿誅，是時公孫弘為御史大夫，乃言曰：「齊王自殺無後，國除為郡，入漢，主父偃本首惡，陛下不誅主父偃，無以謝天下。」乃遂族主父偃。

When Zhufu Yan was still a commoner, he had traveled through the states of Yan and Zhao. After rising to prominence, he exposed the crimes of the King of Yan. The King of Zhao, fearing that Zhufu Yan would become a threat to his own state, wished to submit a memorial exposing his secret transgressions. But with Zhufu Yan positioned at the heart of the court, he dared not act. As soon as Zhufu Yan was appointed Chancellor of Qi and departed from the capital through the passes, the King of Zhao immediately dispatched someone to submit a memorial accusing Zhufu Yan of taking gold from the feudal lords, which was why so many of their sons had obtained fiefs. When the King of Qi took his own life, the Emperor was furious upon hearing the news, convinced that Zhufu Yan had coerced the King into killing himself. He ordered Zhufu Yan arrested and handed over to the judicial officials for trial. Zhufu Yan confessed to accepting gold from the feudal lords but maintained that he had not coerced the King into taking his own life. The Emperor was inclined to spare him. But at that time Gongsun Hong was serving as Imperial Secretary, and he spoke up: 'The King of Qi killed himself and left no heir. His kingdom has been abolished and absorbed as a commandery of the Han. Zhufu Yan was the root cause of it all. If Your Majesty does not execute Zhufu Yan, there will be no way to answer to the empire.' And so Zhufu Yan and his entire clan were put to death.

主父方貴幸時，賓客以千數，及其族死，無一人收者，唯獨洨孔車收葬之。天子后聞之，以為孔車長者也。

When Zhufu Yan was at the height of his favor, his guests and followers numbered in the thousands. Yet when his clan was executed, not a single person came to claim his body—only Kong Che of Xiao collected his remains and gave him a proper burial. When the Emperor later learned of this, he regarded Kong Che as a man of true integrity.

太史公曰：公孫弘行義雖修，然亦遇時。漢興八十餘年矣，上方鄉文學，招俊乂，以廣儒墨，弘為舉首。主父偃當路，諸公皆譽之，及名敗身誅，士爭言其惡。悲夫！

The Grand Historian remarks: Though Gongsun Hong cultivated his conduct and principles, he also benefited from fortunate timing. The Han dynasty had been established for over eighty years, and the Emperor was just then turning his attention to men of learning, recruiting the talented and the distinguished, and broadening the influence of the Confucian and Mohist traditions. Gongsun Hong stood at the head of those recommended. When Zhufu Yan held power, every man of rank sang his praises. But when his reputation was destroyed and he was executed, the scholars fell over one another to denounce his wickedness. How sorrowful it all is!

太皇太后詔大司徒大司空：「蓋聞治國之道，富民為始；富民之要，在於節儉。《孝經》曰『安上治民，莫善於禮』。『禮，與奢也寧儉』。昔者管仲相齊桓，霸諸侯，有九合一匡之功，而仲尼謂之不知禮，以其奢泰侈擬於君故也。夏禹卑宮室，惡衣服，后聖不循。由此言之，治之盛也，德優矣，莫高於儉。儉化俗民，則尊卑之序得，而骨肉之恩親，爭訟之原息。斯乃家給人足，刑錯之本也歟？可不務哉！夫三公者，百寮之率，萬民之表也。未有樹直表而得曲影者也。孔子不云乎，『子率而正，孰敢不正』。『舉善而教不能則勸』。維漢興以來，股肱宰臣身行儉約，輕財重義，較然著明，未有若故丞相平津侯公孫弘者也。位在丞相而為布被，脫粟之飯，不過一肉。故人所善賓客皆分奉祿以給之，無有所餘。誠內自克約而外從制。汲黯詰之，乃聞于朝，此可謂減於制度而可施行者也。德優則行，否則止，與內奢泰而外為詭服以釣虛譽者殊科。以病乞骸骨，孝武皇帝即制曰『賞有功，褒有德，善善惡惡，君宜知之。其省思慮，存精神，輔以醫藥』。賜告治病，牛酒雜帛。居數月，有瘳，視事。至元狩二年，竟以善終于相位。夫知臣莫若君，此其效也。弘子度嗣爵，后為山陽太守，坐法失侯。夫表德章義，所以率俗厲化，聖王之制，不易之道也。其賜弘後子孫之次當為後者爵關內侯，食邑三百戶，徵詣公車，上名尚書，朕親臨拜焉。」

The Grand Empress Dowager issued an edict to the Grand Minister of Education and the Grand Minister of Works: 'I have heard that the way to govern a state begins with enriching its people; and the key to enriching the people lies in frugality. The Classic of Filial Piety states: "For securing peace among those above and governing the people below, nothing surpasses ritual propriety." "In matters of ritual, better to err on the side of frugality than extravagance." In ages past, Guan Zhong served as chief minister to Duke Huan of Qi, achieved hegemony over the feudal lords, and accomplished the feat of nine alliances and the restoration of order. Yet Confucius said Guan Zhong did not understand ritual propriety, for his extravagance rivaled that of his sovereign. The Great Yu of Xia kept his palaces humble and his garments plain—a standard that later sages failed to uphold. From this we may conclude that for the flourishing of good governance and the perfection of virtue, nothing surpasses frugality. When frugality transforms the customs of the people, the proper order between high and low is upheld, the bonds among kinfolk are strengthened, and the sources of conflict and litigation dry up. Is this not the very foundation upon which every household is well provided, every person content, and punishments may at last be set aside? How can we fail to devote ourselves to this! The Three Excellencies are the leaders of all officials and the standard by which the people measure themselves. No one has ever planted a straight pole and obtained a crooked shadow. Did not Confucius say: "If you lead by setting a straight example, who would dare to go crooked?" "If you elevate the good and instruct those who fall short, the people will be encouraged." Since the founding of the Han dynasty, among all the chief ministers who personally practiced frugality, prized righteousness over wealth, and stood out as shining examples, none has equaled the late Chancellor Gongsun Hong, the Marquis of Pingjin. Though he held the highest office in the land, he slept under cloth quilts, ate coarsely hulled millet, and never had more than a single dish of meat. He distributed his entire salary among his old friends and the guests he favored, leaving nothing for himself. He was truly a man who restrained himself within, while outwardly adhering to the proper regulations. When Ji An confronted him and the matter became known at court, it was recognized as going beyond what the regulations required—yet entirely worthy of emulation. When a man's virtue is genuine, he acts upon it; when it is not, he refrains. This is altogether different from those who live in private luxury while putting on a deceptive show of austerity to fish for empty praise. When he pleaded illness and begged to retire, Emperor Wu immediately issued an edict: "The meritorious are to be rewarded, the virtuous honored. To commend the good and condemn the wicked—this you should know well. Set aside your worries, conserve your strength, and attend to your recovery with the aid of physicians." The Emperor granted him leave to recover and presented him with gifts of cattle, wine, and assorted silks. After several months, his condition improved and he resumed his duties. In the second year of the Yuanshou era, he died peacefully while still holding the office of Chancellor. No one knows a minister better than his sovereign—and this is the proof. Gongsun Hong's son Du inherited the title. He later served as the Governor of Shanyang, but was convicted of a legal offense and stripped of his marquisate. To display virtue and make righteousness manifest, thereby leading customs and inspiring moral transformation—this is the system of the sage kings, a principle that never changes. Let the next descendant of Gongsun Hong in the line of succession be granted the rank of Marquis Within the Passes, with an estate of three hundred households. He is to be summoned to the capital, his name presented to the Imperial Secretariat, and I shall personally preside over his investiture.'

班固稱曰：公孫弘、卜式、兒寬皆以鴻漸之翼困於燕雀，遠跡羊豕之閒，非遇其時，焉能致此位乎？是時漢興六十餘載，海內乂安，府庫充實，而四夷未賓，制度多闕，上方欲用文武，求之如弗及。始以蒲輪迎枚生，見主父而嘆息。群臣慕向，異人并出。卜式試於芻牧，弘羊擢於賈豎，衛青奮於奴仆，日磾出於降虜，斯亦曩時版筑飯牛之朋矣。漢之得人，於茲為盛。儒雅則公孫弘、董仲舒、兒寬，篤行則石建、石慶，質直則汲黯、卜式，推賢則韓安國、鄭當時，定令則趙禹、張湯，文章則司馬遷、相如，滑稽則東方朔、枚皋，應對則嚴助、朱買臣，歷數則唐都、落下閎，協律則李延年，運籌則桑弘羊，奉使則張騫、蘇武，將帥則衛青、霍去病，受遺則霍光、金日磾。其餘不可勝紀。是以興造功業，制度遺文，後世莫及。孝宣承統，纂修洪業，亦講論六藝，招選茂異，而蕭望之、梁丘賀、夏侯勝、韋玄成、嚴彭祖、尹更始以儒術進，劉向、王褒以文章顯。將相則張安世、趙充國、魏相、邴吉、于定國、杜延年，治民則黃霸、王成、龔遂、鄭弘、邵信臣、韓延壽、尹翁歸、趙廣漢之屬，皆有功跡見述於後。累其名臣，亦其次也。

Ban Gu remarked: Gongsun Hong, Bu Shi, and Er Kuan all possessed the wings of the great wild goose but languished among sparrows, their footprints lost among sheep and swine. Had they not been born at the right moment, how could they ever have risen to such positions? At that time, the Han had been established for more than sixty years. The realm was peaceful and the treasury full, yet the four barbarian peoples had not submitted and the institutional framework remained incomplete. The Emperor was eager to employ men of both civil and martial talent, pursuing them as though he could never find enough. He first dispatched a rush-cushioned carriage to welcome Master Mei, and upon meeting Zhufu Yan, sighed with admiration. The ministers were inspired to follow this example, and extraordinary men came forward from every quarter. Bu Shi proved himself among the shepherds, Sang Hongyang was raised from the ranks of merchants, Wei Qing rose from the condition of a slave, and Jin Midi emerged from among surrendered captives. They were the heirs of those ancient men of humble station who pounded earthen walls and fed cattle. Never was the Han dynasty's gathering of talent more abundant than during this era. In Confucian scholarship, there were Gongsun Hong, Dong Zhongshu, and Er Kuan. In steadfast conduct, Shi Jian and Shi Qing. In forthright character, Ji An and Bu Shi. In advancing the worthy, Han Anguo and Zheng Dangshi. In codifying laws, Zhao Yu and Zhang Tang. In literary achievement, Sima Qian and Sima Xiangru. In wit and humor, Dongfang Shuo and Mei Gao. In eloquent debate, Yan Zhu and Zhu Maichen. In astronomy and calendrical science, Tang Du and Luoxia Hong. In harmonizing music, Li Yannian. In strategic finance, Sang Hongyang. In diplomatic missions, Zhang Qian and Su Wu. In military command, Wei Qing and Huo Qubing. In receiving the imperial testamentary charge, Huo Guang and Jin Midi. The rest are far too numerous to record. For this reason, the achievements accomplished, the institutions established, and the literary legacy bequeathed were unmatched by any later generation. Emperor Xuan inherited the line and continued the great work. He too lectured on the Six Arts and selected outstanding scholars. Xiao Wangzhi, Liangqiu He, Xiahou Sheng, Wei Xuancheng, Yan Pengzu, and Yin Gengshi rose through Confucian learning, while Liu Xiang and Wang Bao distinguished themselves through their literary accomplishments. Among the generals and chief ministers were Zhang Anshi, Zhao Chongguo, Wei Xiang, Bing Ji, Yu Dingguo, and Du Yannian. Among those skilled in governing the people were Huang Ba, Wang Cheng, Gong Sui, Zheng Hong, Shao Xinchen, Han Yanshou, Yin Wenggui, Zhao Guanghan, and others. All had notable achievements recorded in later accounts. The long roster of illustrious ministers that followed also merits mention, though they rank a step below.

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