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隋書卷四十九列傳第十四
Book of Sui, Volume 49, Biographies 14
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○牛弘
Niu Hong
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牛弘，字裡仁，安定鶉觚人也，本姓裛氏。 祖熾，郡中正。 父允，魏侍中、工部尚書、臨涇公，賜姓為牛氏。 弘初在繈褓，有相者見之，謂其父曰：「此兒當貴，善愛養之。」 及長，須貌甚偉，性寬裕，好學博聞。 在周，起家中外府記室、內史上士。 俄轉納言上士，專掌文翰，甚有美稱。 加威烈將軍、員外散騎侍郎，修起居注。 其後襲封臨涇公。 宣政元年，轉內史下大夫，進位使持節、大將軍，儀同三司。 開皇初，遷授散騎常侍、秘書監。 弘以典籍遺逸，上表請開獻書之路，曰：
Niu Hong, courtesy name Liren, was a native of Chingui in Anding. His family originally bore the surname Yi. His grandfather Chi served as a district impartial judge. His father Yun served the Wei as Attendant-in-Ordinary, Minister of Works, and Duke of Linjing, and was granted the surname Niu. While Hong was still an infant, a physiognomist who saw him told his father, "This boy is destined for greatness. Raise him with care. When he grew up, he had a full beard and an imposing appearance. He was generous by nature, loved learning, and was widely read. Under the Northern Zhou, he entered service as recorder for the inner and outer prefectures and as Senior Clerk in the Inner Secretariat. He was soon transferred to Senior Clerk in the Secretariat, where he took charge of official documents and earned a fine reputation. He was further appointed General of Majestic Power and Supernumerary Attendant Cavalier, and worked on the Daily Records. He later inherited the title of Duke of Linjing. In the first year of Xuanzheng, he was transferred to Grand Master in the Inner Secretariat and promoted to Bearer of the Staff of Authority and Grand General with the privileges of the Three Excellencies. At the beginning of Kaihuang, he was appointed Regular Attendant Cavalier and Director of the Secretariat. Seeing that many classics and records had been lost, Hong submitted a memorial requesting that the court open a channel for book donations. He wrote:
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經籍所興，由來尚矣。 爻畫肇於庖羲，文字生於蒼頡。 聖人所以弘宣教導，博通古今，揚于王庭，肆于時夏。 故堯稱至聖，猶考古道而言； 舜其大智，尚觀古人之象。 《周官》外史掌三皇五帝之書，及四方之志。 武王問黃帝、顓頊之道，太公曰：「在《丹書》。」 是知握符禦曆，有國有家者，曷嘗不以《詩》、《書》而為教，因禮樂而成功也。 昔周德既衰，舊經紊棄。 孔子以大聖之才，開素王之業，憲章祖述，制《禮》刊《詩》，正五始而修《春秋》，闡《十翼》而弘《易》道。 治國立身，作範垂法。 及秦皇馭宇，吞滅諸侯，任用威力，事不師古，始下焚書之令，行偶語之刑。 先王墳籍，掃地皆盡。 本既先亡，從而顛覆。 臣以圖讖言之，經典盛衰，信有徵數。 此則書之一厄也。 漢興，改秦之弊，敦尚儒術，建藏書之策，置校書之官，屋壁山岩，往往間出。 外有太常、太史之藏，內有延閣、秘書之府。 至孝成之世，亡逸尚多，遣謁者陳農求遺書於天下，詔劉向父子讎校篇籍。 漢之典文，于斯為盛。 及王莽之末，長安兵起，宮室圖書，並從焚燼。 此則書之二厄也。 光武嗣興，尤重經誥，未及下車，先求文雅。 於是鴻生巨儒，繼踵而集，懷經負帙，不遠斯至。 肅宗親臨講肄，和帝數幸書林，其蘭台、石室，鴻都、東觀，秘牒填委，更倍於前。 及孝獻移都，吏民擾亂，圖書縑帛，皆取為帷囊。 所收而西，裁七十餘乘。 屬西京大亂，一時燔蕩。 此則書之三厄也。 魏文代漢，更集經典，皆藏在秘書、內外三閣，遣秘書郎鄭默刪定舊文。 時之論者，美其硃紫有別。 晉氏承之，文籍尤廣。 晉秘書監荀勖定魏《內經》，更著《新簿》。 雖古文舊簡，猶雲有缺，新章後錄，鳩集已多，足得恢弘正道，訓範當世。 屬劉、石憑陵，京華覆滅，朝章國典，從而失墜。 此則書之四厄也。 永嘉之後，寇竊競興。 因河據洛，跨秦帶趙。 論其建國立家，雖傳名號，憲章禮樂，寂滅無聞。 劉裕平姚，收其圖籍，五經子史，才四千卷，皆赤軸青紙，文字古拙。 僭偽之盛，莫過二秦，以此而論，足可明矣。 故知衣冠軌物，圖畫記注，播遷之餘，皆歸江左。 晉、宋之際，學藝為多，齊、梁之間，經史彌盛。 宋秘書丞王儉，依劉氏《七略》，撰為《七志》。 梁人阮孝緒，亦為《七錄》。 總其書數，三萬餘卷。 及侯景渡江，破滅梁室，秘省經籍，雖從兵火，其文德殿內書史，宛然猶存。 蕭繹據有江陵，遣將破平侯景，收文德之書，及公私典籍，重本七萬餘卷，悉送荊州。 故江表圖書，因斯盡萃於繹矣。 及周師入郢，繹悉焚之於外城，所收十才一二。 此則書之五厄也。 後魏爰自幽方，遷宅伊、洛，日不暇給，經籍闕如。 周氏創基關右，戎車未息。 保定之始，書止八千，後加收集，方盈萬卷。 高氏據有山東，初亦採訪，驗其本目，殘缺猶多。 及東夏初平，獲其經史，四部重雜，三萬餘卷。 所益舊書，五千而已。 今禦書單本，合一萬五千餘卷，部帙之間，仍有殘缺。 比梁之舊目，止有其半。 至於陰陽河洛之篇，醫方圖譜之說，彌複為少。 臣以經書自仲尼已後，迄於當今，年逾千載，數遭五厄，興集之期，屬膺聖世。 伏惟陛下受天明命，君臨區宇，功無與二，德冠往初。 自華夏分離，彝倫攸斁，其間雖霸王遞起，而世難未夷，欲崇儒業，時或未可。 今土宇邁于三王，民黎盛於兩漢，有人有時，正在今日。 方當大弘文教，納俗升平，而天下圖書，尚有遺逸，非所以仰協聖情，流訓無窮者也。 臣史籍是司，寢興懷懼。 昔陸賈奏漢祖雲「天下不可馬上治之」，故知經邦立政，在於典謨矣。 為國之本，莫此攸先。 今秘藏見書，亦足披覽，但一時載籍，須令大備。 不可王府所無，私家乃有。 然士民殷雜，求訪難知，縱有知者，多懷吝惜，必須勒之以天威，引之以微利。 若猥發明詔，兼開購賞，則異典必臻，觀閣斯積，重道之風，超於前世，不亦善乎！ 伏願天鑒，少垂照察。
The rise of the classics and written records has been honored since antiquity. The trigram lines originated with Paoxi, and writing was invented by Cangjie. The sages used them to spread teaching and guidance, to master past and present, to proclaim learning in the royal court, and to disseminate it throughout the realm. Even Yao, called the supreme sage, still spoke by studying the ways of antiquity; and Shun, for all his great wisdom, still studied the symbolic models of the ancients. The Outer Scribe in the Offices of Zhou was charged with keeping the writings of the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors and the records of the four quarters. When King Wu asked about the Way of the Yellow Emperor and Zhuanxu, Taigong replied, "It is recorded in the Cinnabar Book. From this we know that every ruler who has held the mandate and governed the realm has taken the Odes and Documents as the basis of instruction and achieved success through rites and music. In former times, when the virtue of Zhou had waned, the old classics fell into disorder and were cast aside. Confucius, with the talent of a great sage, took up the work of the uncrowned king. He modeled himself on the ancients, compiled the Rites, edited the Odes, established the five beginnings and revised the Spring and Autumn Annals, and expounded the Ten Wings to develop the Way of the Changes. In governing the state and ordering one's life, he set the standard and handed down the law. When the First Emperor of Qin ruled the realm, conquered the feudal lords, and relied on brute force rather than the lessons of antiquity, he issued the order to burn books and imposed the death penalty for private discussion. The writings of the former kings were swept away entirely. The foundation was destroyed first, and collapse followed. If one speaks by the prognostic charts, the rise and fall of the classics truly follow a fixed pattern of signs. This was the first great calamity for books. When Han arose, it corrected the abuses of Qin, earnestly promoted Confucian learning, established policies for collecting books, and appointed officials to collate texts. Hidden texts often emerged from house walls and mountain caves. Outside the court were the archives of the Grand Master of Ceremonies and the Grand Astrologer; inside were the Yange Hall and the Secretariat. By the reign of Emperor Xiaocheng, many texts were still missing. The emperor sent the usher Chen Nong to search the realm for lost books and ordered Liu Xiang and his son to collate the collections. The canonical writings of Han reached their greatest abundance at this time. At the end of Wang Mang's reign, war broke out in Chang'an, and the palace buildings and books were all consumed by fire. This was the second great calamity for books. When Emperor Guangwu restored the dynasty, he placed special weight on the classics and edicts. Before he had even stepped down from his carriage, he began seeking out learned men. Great scholars and eminent Confucians then gathered in succession, carrying classics and bundles of texts from far and near. Emperor Suzong personally attended lectures, and Emperor He often visited the libraries. At the Orchid Terrace, Stone Chamber, Hongdu, and Eastern View, secret archives piled up to more than twice their former number. When Emperor Xian moved the capital, officials and commoners fell into disorder, and books, maps, and silk scrolls were all seized for curtains and sacks. Of what was collected and taken west, barely more than seventy cartloads remained. Then the Western Capital fell into great disorder, and everything was burned at once. This was the third great calamity for books. When Emperor Wen of Wei replaced Han, he gathered the classics anew and stored them in the Secretariat and the inner and outer Three Pavilions. He sent Secretariat Gentleman Zheng Mo to revise the old texts. Commentators of the time praised him for clearly distinguishing authentic from spurious texts. The Jin dynasty inherited this work, and its written records became especially extensive. Xun Xu, Director of the Secretariat under Jin, revised the Wei Inner Classic and compiled the New Catalogue. Although ancient texts and old bamboo slips were still incomplete, newly compiled works had already been gathered in great number, enough to expand the correct Way and provide models for the age. When the Liu and Shi regimes overran the land, the capital was destroyed, and court regulations and state statutes were lost with it. This was the fourth great calamity for books. After the Yongjia era, bandits and usurpers rose one after another. They held the Yellow River, occupied Luoyang, and stretched across Qin and Zhao. For all their founding of states and dynasties, although titles were handed down, their statutes, rites, and music vanished without a trace. When Liu Yu pacified the Yao regime, he collected its maps and records. The Five Classics, masters, and histories amounted to only four thousand scrolls, all on red rollers and blue paper, with ancient and crude characters. Among the usurping regimes, none was greater than the two Qin dynasties. Judged by this, the point is clear enough. Thus we know that after the great scattering, robes and caps, ritual objects, paintings, records, and annotations all ended up in the lands south of the Yangtze. Between Jin and Song, learning and the arts flourished; between Qi and Liang, classics and histories grew ever more abundant. Wang Jian, Assistant Director of the Song Secretariat, following Liu's Seven Summaries, compiled the Seven Records. Ruan Xiaoxu of Liang also compiled the Seven Bibliographies. Altogether, the number of books exceeded thirty thousand scrolls. When Hou Jing crossed the Yangtze and destroyed the Liang dynasty, the classics in the Secretariat were consumed by war, but the books and histories in the Hall of Literary Virtue remained largely intact. Xiao Yi held Jiangling, sent generals to defeat Hou Jing, and collected the books of the Hall of Literary Virtue along with public and private collections—more than seventy thousand duplicate scrolls in all—and sent them to Jingzhou. Thus the books and maps south of the Yangtze were all gathered under Xiao Yi. When Zhou armies entered Ying, Xiao Yi burned them all in the outer city. Of what was saved, barely one or two in ten remained. This was the fifth great calamity for books. Later Wei came from the northern frontier and moved its capital to the Yi and Luo rivers. With not a day's leisure, its classics and records remained deficient. The Zhou dynasty founded its base west of the Pass, and war chariots had not yet ceased. At the beginning of Baoding, books numbered only eight thousand scrolls. After further collection, they barely reached ten thousand. The Gao regime held Shandong. At first it also searched and collected books, but when the original catalogues were checked, many gaps still remained. When eastern Xia was first pacified, its classics and histories were obtained—more than thirty thousand scrolls in the four categories, many of them duplicates. Of genuinely new additions to the old collection, there were only five thousand scrolls. Today the imperial collection in single copies totals more than fifteen thousand scrolls, and gaps remain among the sections and fascicles. Compared with the old Liang catalogue, it amounts to only half. Writings on yin and yang, the River Chart and Luo Writing, medical formulas, and illustrated treatises are even scarcer. Your servant considers that from Confucius until today, more than a thousand years have passed and the classics have suffered five great calamities. The time for gathering and restoring them has now arrived in this sage age. Your Majesty has received Heaven's bright mandate and rules the realm. Your achievements are unmatched, and your virtue surpasses that of all former rulers. Since the realm was divided, the constant norms have been disrupted. Although hegemons and kings rose in succession, the troubles of the age were not yet settled, and there were times when exalting Confucian learning was not yet possible. Now the territory surpasses that of the Three Kings, and the people are more numerous than in the two Han dynasties. The men and the moment are both at hand—precisely today. Just as culture and teaching are to be greatly expanded and the people brought to peace, books throughout the realm still remain lost. This is not the way to accord with Your Majesty's intent or to spread instruction without end. Your servant is charged with the historical records, and whether sleeping or waking I am filled with anxiety. Formerly Lu Jia told Emperor Gaozu of Han that "the realm cannot be governed from horseback." Thus we know that governing the state and establishing policy depend on the classics and counsels. As the foundation of governing the state, nothing comes before this. The books now in the secret archives are enough for perusal, but the records of the age must be made fully complete. It must not be that the royal house lacks what private families possess. Yet scholars and commoners are numerous and mixed, and it is hard to know where to search. Even when someone knows of a text, many are reluctant to part with it. They must be compelled by imperial authority and enticed by modest reward. If Your Majesty broadly issues an edict and also opens purchase and reward, then rare classics will surely arrive, the viewing halls will be filled, and the esteem for learning will surpass former ages. Would this not be excellent! Your servant humbly hopes that Heaven's mirror will deign to cast a little light upon this proposal.
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上納之，於是下詔：獻書一卷，賚縑一匹。 一二年間，篇籍稍備。 進爵奇章郡公，邑千五百戶。
The emperor accepted the proposal and issued an edict: for each scroll presented, one bolt of silk was given as reward. Within one or two years, the collections were gradually made complete. He was advanced in rank to Duke of Qizhang Commandery with a fief of one thousand five hundred households.
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三年，拜禮部尚書，奉敕修撰《五禮》，勒成百卷，行於當世。 弘請依古制修立明堂，上議曰：
In the third year, he was appointed Minister of Rites. By imperial order he compiled the Five Rites in one hundred scrolls, and they were put into practice in his own time. Hong requested that the Bright Hall be built according to ancient institutions and submitted a memorial saying:
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竊謂明堂者，所以通神靈，感天地，出教化，崇有德。 《孝經》曰：「宗祀文王於明堂，以配上帝。」 《祭義》雲：「祀於明堂，教諸侯孝也。」 黃帝曰合宮，堯曰五府，舜曰總章，布政興治，由來尚矣。 《周官·考工記》曰：「夏後氏世室，堂修二七，廣四修一。」 鄭玄注雲：「修十四步，其廣益以四分修之一，則堂廣十七步半也。」 「殷人重屋，堂修七尋，四阿重屋。」 鄭雲：「其修七尋，廣九尋也。」 「周人明堂，度九尺之筵，南北七筵，五室，凡室二筵。」 鄭雲：「此三者，或舉宗廟，或舉王寢，或舉明堂，互言之，明其同制也。」 馬融、王肅、幹寶所注，與鄭亦異，今不具出。 漢司徒馬宮議雲：「夏後氏世室，室顯於堂，故命以室。 殷人重屋，屋顯於堂，故命以屋。 周人明堂，堂大於夏室，故命以堂。 夏後氏益其堂之廣百四十四尺，周人明堂，以為兩序間大夏後氏七十二尺。」 若據鄭玄之說，則夏室大於周堂，如依馬宮之言，則周堂大於夏室。 後王轉文，周大為是。 但宮之所言，未詳其義。 此皆去聖久遠，禮文殘缺，先儒解說，家異人殊。 鄭注《玉藻》亦雲：「宗廟路寢，與明堂同制。」 《王制》曰：「寢不逾廟。」 明大小是同。 今依鄭玄注，每室及堂，止有一丈八尺，四壁之外，四尺有餘。 若以宗廟論之，祫享之時，周人旅酬六屍，並後稷為七，先公昭穆二屍，先王昭穆二屍，合十一屍，三十六主，及君北面行事於二丈之堂，愚不及此。 若以正寢論之，例須朝宴。 據《燕禮》：「諸侯宴，則賓及卿大夫脫屨升坐。」 是知天子宴，則三公九卿並須升堂。 《燕義》又雲：「席，小卿次上卿。」 言皆侍席。 止於二筵之間，豈得行禮？ 若以明堂論之，總享之時，五帝各於其室。 設青帝之位，須於木室之內，少北西面。 太昊從食，坐於其西，近南北面。 祖宗配享者，又於青帝之南，稍退西面。 丈八之室，神位有三，加以簠簋籩豆，牛羊之俎，四海九州美物鹹設，複須席上升歌，出樽反坫，揖讓升降，亦以隘矣。 據茲而說，近是不然。
Your servant considers that the Bright Hall is what communicates with the spirits, moves Heaven and Earth, brings forth teaching and transformation, and honors the virtuous. The Classic of Filial Piety says, "Perform the ancestral sacrifice to King Wen in the Bright Hall, to match with the Supreme Lord. The Meaning of Sacrifice says, "Sacrificing in the Bright Hall teaches the feudal lords filial piety." The Yellow Emperor called it the Harmonious Palace, Yao called it the Five Chambers, and Shun called it the General Banner. Proclaiming government and raising order has been honored since antiquity. The Record of Crafts in the Offices of Zhou says, "The Hall of Generations of the Xia had a hall fourteen units long and four and one-quarter units wide. Zheng Xuan's commentary says, "Fourteen paces in length; adding one-fourth of the length to the width, the hall is seventeen and a half paces wide." The people of Yin had a layered hall; the hall was seven xun in length, with four eaves and layered roofs. Zheng says, "Its length is seven xun, and its width nine xun." The Zhou people had the Bright Hall, measured in mats of nine chi: seven mats north and south, five chambers, each chamber two mats in size. Zheng says, "These three sometimes refer to the ancestral temple, sometimes to the king's sleeping quarters, and sometimes to the Bright Hall. Speaking of them interchangeably shows that they share the same institution." The commentaries of Ma Rong, Wang Su, and Gan Bao also differ from Zheng's, but they are not fully set forth here. In his memorial, Han Chancellor of State Ma Gong wrote, "The Hall of Generations of the Xia had chambers that stood out from the hall, and so it was named for chambers. The people of Yin had a layered hall; the roof structure stood out from the hall, and so it was named for the roof. The Zhou people had the Bright Hall; the hall was larger than the Xia chambers, and so it was named for the hall. The Xia added one hundred forty-four chi to the width of their hall. The Zhou Bright Hall took the space between the two side corridors of the Xia hall as seventy-two chi. If one follows Zheng Xuan's explanation, the Xia chambers are larger than the Zhou hall; if one follows Ma Gong's words, the Zhou hall is larger than the Xia chambers. Later kings turned to refined learning, and the view that the Zhou hall was larger is correct. But Ma Gong's explanation is not fully clear in meaning. All this is far removed from the sages. Ritual texts are incomplete, and the explanations of earlier Confucians differ from school to school and scholar to scholar. Zheng's commentary on the Jade Regalia also says, "The ancestral temple and the imperial sleeping quarters share the same institution as the Bright Hall. The Royal Regulations say, "The sleeping quarters do not exceed the temple in size." This shows that their sizes are the same. Now according to Zheng Xuan's commentary, each chamber and hall is only one zhang and eight chi; beyond the four walls there is a little more than four chi of space. If one speaks of the ancestral temple, at the unified sacrifice the Zhou had six corpse-figures receiving toasts in sequence, seven including Houji; two corpse-figures for the former dukes in zhao and mu order and two for the former kings in the same order—eleven corpse-figures in all and thirty-six spirit tablets—and the ruler facing north performing rites in a hall only two zhang high: this is beyond what your servant can comprehend. If one speaks of the principal sleeping quarters, by rule there must be court audiences and banquets. According to the Banquet Rites, "When feudal lords hold a banquet, the guest and the grand masters and grand officers remove their shoes and ascend to be seated. From this we know that when the Son of Heaven holds a banquet, the Three Excellencies and Nine Ministers must all ascend the hall. The Meaning of the Banquet also says, "In seating, the junior grand masters are placed next to the senior grand masters. This means that all attend at the mats. Confined to the space of two mats, how could rites be performed? If one speaks of the Bright Hall, at the general sacrifice each of the Five Emperors occupies his own chamber. To set the seat of the Green Emperor, it must be inside the Wood Chamber, slightly to the north and facing west. Great Hao shares the offering and sits to its west, nearly facing south. The ancestors who share the sacrifice are placed further south of the Green Emperor, slightly withdrawn and facing west. In a chamber one zhang and eight chi, there are three spirit seats; add the grain vessels, baskets, and stands, the trays of oxen and sheep, and all the fine offerings of the four seas and nine provinces; moreover there must be ascending to the mats to sing, bringing out wine jars and returning them to the stand, and bowing and yielding in ascent and descent—the space is far too cramped. Judged by this, the view is nearly certainly wrong.
8
案劉向《別錄》及馬宮、蔡邕等所見，當時有《古文明堂禮》、《王居明堂禮》、《明堂圖》、《明堂大圖》、《明堂陰陽》、《太山通義》、《魏文侯孝經傳》等，並說古明堂之事。 其書皆亡，莫得而正。 今《明堂月令》者，鄭玄雲：「是呂不韋著，《春秋十二紀》之首章，禮家鈔合為記。」 蔡邕、王肅雲：「周公所作《周書》內有《月令》第五十三，即此也。 各有證明，文多不載。 束皙以為夏時之書。」 劉獻雲：「不韋鳩集儒者，尋于聖王月令之事而記之。 不韋安能獨為此記？」 今案不得全稱《周書》，亦未可即為秦典，其內雜有虞、夏、殷、周之法，皆聖王仁恕之政也。 蔡邕具為章句，又論之曰：「明堂者，所以宗祀其祖以配上帝也。 夏後氏曰世室，殷人曰重屋，周人曰明堂。 東曰青陽，南曰明堂，西曰總章，北曰玄堂，內曰太室。 聖人南面而聽，向明而治，人君之位莫不正焉。 故雖有五名，而主以明堂也。 制度之數，各有所依。 堂方一百四十四尺，坤之策也，屋圓楣徑二百一十六尺，乾之策也。 太廟明堂方六丈，通天屋徑九丈，陰陽九六之變，且圓蓋方覆，九六之道也。 八闥以象卦，九室以象州，十二宮以應日辰。 三十六戶，七十二牖，以四戶八牖乘九宮之數也。 戶皆外設而不閉，示天下以不藏也。 通天屋高八十一尺，黃鐘九九之實也。 二十八柱布四方，四方七宿之象也。 堂高三尺，以應三統，四向五色，各象其行。 水闊二十四丈，象二十四氣，於外以象四海。 王者之大禮也。」 觀其模範天地，則象陰陽，必據古文，義不虛出。 今若直取《考工》，不參《月令》，青陽總章之號不得而稱，九月享帝之禮不得而用。 漢代二京所建，與此說悉同。
According to Liu Xiang's Separate Records and what Ma Gong, Cai Yong, and others saw, at that time there were works such as the Ancient Text Bright Hall Rites, the King's Residence Bright Hall Rites, the Bright Hall Diagram, the Great Bright Hall Diagram, Bright Hall Yin and Yang, Mount Tai Comprehensive Meaning, and the Wei Marquis Wen Commentary on the Classic of Filial Piety, all describing matters of the ancient Bright Hall. Those books are all lost and cannot be verified. As for the Bright Hall Monthly Ordinances, Zheng Xuan says, "This was written by Lü Buwei, the opening chapter of the Twelve Annals of the Spring and Autumn, copied and assembled by ritualists into a record. Cai Yong and Wang Su say, "Within the Book of Zhou composed by the Duke of Zhou there is the Monthly Ordinances as the fifty-third section—this is it. Each side has proofs, but the texts are mostly not recorded here. Shu Xi considered it a book of Xia times." Liu Xian says, "Lü Buwei gathered Confucians and recorded the monthly ordinances of the sage kings. How could Lü Buwei alone have composed this record?" Your servant considers that it cannot wholly be called the Book of Zhou, nor can it immediately be taken as a Qin classic. Within it are mixed the laws of Yu, Xia, Yin, and Zhou—all policies of benevolence and forbearance of the sage kings. Cai Yong fully made chapter and sentence divisions and further discussed it, saying, "The Bright Hall is what is used to perform the ancestral sacrifice to one's forebears and match them with the Supreme Lord. The Xia called it the Hall of Generations, the Yin people called it the Layered Hall, and the Zhou people called it the Bright Hall. The east is called Green Yang, the south Bright Hall, the west General Banner, the north Dark Hall, and the center Great Chamber. The sage faces south to listen and turns toward the light to govern; nowhere is the ruler's position more correct. Thus although there are five names, Bright Hall is taken as the principal name. The numbers of the institution each have their basis. The hall is one hundred forty-four chi square—the number of Kun; the round roof beam has a diameter of two hundred sixteen chi—the number of Qian. The Great Temple and Bright Hall are six zhang square; the roof reaching Heaven has a diameter of nine zhang—the transformation of yin and yang's nine and six. The round cover and square foundation embody the Way of nine and six. Eight doorways symbolize the trigrams; nine chambers symbolize the provinces; and twelve palaces correspond to the days and hours. Thirty-six doors and seventy-two windows—four doors and eight windows multiplied by the number of the nine palaces. All doors are set outward and not closed, showing the realm that nothing is hidden. The roof reaching Heaven is eighty-one chi high—the product of nine times nine of the Yellow Bell pitch. Twenty-eight pillars are distributed in the four directions—the image of the seven lodges in each direction. The hall is three chi high, corresponding to the three systems; the four directions and five colors each symbolize their phases. The water is twenty-four zhang wide, symbolizing the twenty-four seasonal nodes; on the outside it symbolizes the four seas. This is the great rite of the king. Observing that it models Heaven and Earth and symbolizes yin and yang, it must be based on ancient texts; its meaning does not arise without foundation. Now if one takes only the Record of Crafts and does not consult the Monthly Ordinances, the names Green Yang and General Banner cannot be used, and the rite of sacrificing to the Emperor in the ninth month cannot be performed. What was built in the two capitals of Han accorded entirely with this explanation.
9
建安之後，海內大亂，京邑焚燒，憲章泯絕。 魏氏三方未平，無聞興造。 晉則侍中裴頠議曰：「尊祖配天，其義明著，而廟宇之制，理據未分。 宜可直為一殿，以崇嚴父之祀，其餘雜碎，一皆除之。」 宋、齊已還，鹹率茲禮。 此乃世之通儒，時無思術，前王盛事，於是不行。 後魏代都所造，出自李沖，三三相重，合為九室。 簷不覆基，房間通街，穿鑿處多，迄無可取。 及遷宅洛陽，更加營構，五九紛競，遂至不成，宗配之事，於焉靡托。
After the Jian'an era, the realm fell into great disorder, the capital was burned, and statutes and regulations were lost. The Wei house had not yet pacified the three regions, and nothing was heard of new construction. Under Jin, Attendant-in-Ordinary Pei Wei memorialized, saying, "Honoring the ancestors and matching Heaven—the meaning is clear; but the institution of temple buildings, its principles and evidence, are not yet distinguished. It would be fitting to make simply one hall to exalt the sacrifice to the honored father; all the rest, miscellaneous and fragmentary, should be entirely removed. From Song and Qi onward, all followed this rite. These were the universal Confucians of the age. The times lacked thoughtful methods, and the great affairs of former kings were thereby not carried out. What was built at the capital of Later Wei came from Li Chong: three by three layered together, making nine chambers in all. The eaves did not cover the foundation; rooms opened onto streets; there were many drilled and carved places—nothing in it was acceptable. When they moved the capital to Luoyang, they further undertook construction. Disputes over five chambers and nine chambers arose, and in the end it was not completed; the affairs of ancestral sacrifice and matching had nowhere to rest.
10
今皇猷遐闡，化覃海外，方建大禮，垂之無窮。 弘等不以庸虛，謬當議限。 今檢明堂必須五室者何？ 《尚書帝命驗》曰：「帝者承天立五府，赤曰文祖，黃曰神鬥，白曰顯紀，黑曰玄矩，蒼曰靈府。」 鄭玄注曰：「五府與周之明堂同矣。」 且三代相沿，多有損益，至於五室，確然不變。 夫室以祭天，天實有五，若立九室，四無所用。 布政視朔，自依其辰。 鄭司農雲：「十二月分在青陽等左右之位。」 不雲居室。 鄭玄亦言：「每月于其時之堂而聽政焉。」 《禮圖》畫個，皆在堂偏，是以須為五室。 明堂必須上圓下方者何？ 《孝經援神契》曰：「明堂者，上圓下方，八窗四達，布政之宮。」 《禮記·盛德篇》曰：「明堂四戶八牖，上圓下方。」 《五經異義》稱講學大夫淳于登亦雲：「上圓下方。」 鄭玄同之。 是以須為圓方。 明堂必須重屋者何？ 案《考工記》，夏言「九階，四旁兩夾窗，門堂三之二，室三之一。」 殷、周不言者，明一同夏制。 殷言「四阿重屋」，周承其後不言屋，制亦盡同可知也。」 其「殷人重屋」之下，本無五室之文，鄭注雲：「五室者，亦據夏以知之。」 明周不雲重屋，因殷則有，灼然可見。 《禮記·明堂位》曰：「太廟天子明堂。」 言魯為周公之故，得用天子禮樂，魯之太廟與周之明堂同。 又曰：「複廟重簷，刮楹達向，天子之廟飾。」 鄭注：「複廟，重屋也。」 據廟既重屋，明堂亦不疑矣。 《春秋》文公十三年：「太室屋壞。」 《五行志》曰：「前堂曰太廟，中央曰太室，屋其上重者也。」 服虔亦雲：「太室，太廟太室之上屋也。」 《周書·作洛篇》曰：「乃立太廟宗宮路寢明堂，咸有四阿反坫，重亢重廊。」 孔晁注曰：「重亢累棟，重廊累屋也。」 依《黃圖》所載，漢之宗廟皆為重屋。 此去古猶近，遺法尚在，是以須為重屋。 明堂必須為辟雍者何？ 《禮記·盛德篇》雲：「明堂者，明諸侯尊卑也。 外水曰辟雍。」 《明堂陰陽錄》曰：「明堂之制，周圜行水，左旋以象天，內有太室以象紫宮。」 此明堂有水之明文也。 然馬宮、王肅以為明堂、辟雍、太學同處，蔡邕、盧植亦以為明堂、靈台、辟雍、太學同實異名。 邕雲：「明堂者，取其宗祀之清貌，則謂之清廟，取其正室，則曰太室，取其堂，則曰明堂，取其四門之學，則曰太學，取其周水圜如璧，則曰璧雍。 其實一也。」 其言別者，《五經通義》曰：「靈台以望氣，明堂以布政，辟雍以養老教學。」 三者不同。 袁准、鄭玄亦以為別。 歷代所疑，豈能輒定？ 今據《郊祀志》雲：「欲治明堂，未曉其制。 濟南人公玉帶上黃帝時《明堂圖》，一殿無壁，蓋之以茅，水圜宮垣，天子從之。」 以此而言，其來則久。 漢中元二年，起明堂、辟雍、靈台於洛陽，並別處。 然明堂亦有壁水，李尤《明堂銘》雲「流水洋洋」是也。 以此須有辟雍。
Now the imperial plan extends far, and transformation reaches beyond the seas. Great rites are about to be established and handed down without end. Hong and others, though unworthy, have been placed within the limits of deliberation. Now, examining why the Bright Hall must have five chambers: The Verification of the Emperor's Mandate in the Book of Documents says, "The emperor, receiving Heaven, establishes five chambers: the red is called Literary Ancestor, the yellow Spirit Dipper, the white Manifest Record, the black Dark Rule, and the green Spirit Storehouse. Zheng Xuan's commentary says, "The five chambers are the same as the Zhou Bright Hall." Moreover, the three dynasties followed one another with many additions and subtractions; as for five chambers, they remained certainly unchanged. Chambers are for sacrificing to Heaven, and Heaven truly has five aspects. If nine chambers are established, four are useless. Proclaiming government and observing the new moon each follow their own season. Zheng the Minister of Agriculture says, "The twelve months are distributed in the positions to the left and right of Green Yang and the others. He does not speak of dwelling chambers. Zheng Xuan also says, "Each month the ruler hears government affairs in the hall of that season. The Ritual Diagrams depict figures all at the sides of the hall; therefore five chambers are required. Why must the Bright Hall be round above and square below? The Classic of Filial Piety's Aid to the Spirit Covenant says, "The Bright Hall is round above and square below, with eight windows opening in four directions—the palace for proclaiming government. The chapter on Abundant Virtue in the Record of Rites says, "The Bright Hall has four doors and eight windows, round above and square below." The Dissenting Opinions on the Five Classics says Lecturer Chunyu Deng also said, "Round above and square below." Zheng Xuan agreed. Therefore it must be round above and square below. Why must the Bright Hall have layered roofs? According to the Record of Crafts, the Xia speak of "nine steps, windows flanking on four sides, the gate hall two-thirds, the chambers one-third. Yin and Zhou do not speak of it, showing clearly that they shared the Xia institution. Yin speaks of "four eaves and layered roofs." Zhou inherited afterward and does not speak of roofs—the institution is entirely the same, as can be known. Below "the Yin people had layered halls" there is originally no text about five chambers. Zheng's commentary says, "The five chambers are also known by reference to the Xia." This shows that although Zhou does not speak of layered roofs, because Yin had them, the point is clearly visible. The Bright Hall Position in the Record of Rites says, "The Great Temple is the Son of Heaven's Bright Hall. This means that because of the Duke of Zhou, Lu was allowed to use the Son of Heaven's rites and music. Lu's Great Temple is the same as Zhou's Bright Hall. It also says, "Double temple and layered eaves, planed pillars reaching the direction—the ornament of the Son of Heaven's temple. Zheng's commentary says, "Double temple means layered roofs." Since the temple has layered roofs, the Bright Hall also certainly has them. The Spring and Autumn Annals, thirteenth year of Duke Wen, records, "The roof of the Great Chamber collapsed. The Treatise on the Five Phases says, "The front hall is called the Great Temple; the center is called the Great Chamber—the roof above it is the layered one." Fu Qian also says, "The Great Chamber is the roof above the Great Temple's Great Chamber." The chapter on Building Luo in the Book of Zhou says, "Then they established the Great Temple, Ancestral Palace, Road Sleeping Quarters, and Bright Hall—all had four eaves, wine stands, layered ridgepoles, and layered corridors." Kong Chao's commentary says, "Layered ridgepoles are accumulated beams; layered corridors are accumulated roofs." According to what is recorded in the Yellow Diagram, all the ancestral temples of Han had layered roofs. This is still close to antiquity, and the surviving institutions remain. Therefore layered roofs are required. Why must the Bright Hall have a Bi Yong enclosure? The chapter on Abundant Virtue in the Record of Rites says, "The Bright Hall makes clear the precedence of the feudal lords. The outer water is called Bi Yong. The Record of Bright Hall Yin and Yang says, "The institution of the Bright Hall has water circling round, turning left to symbolize Heaven. Within is the Great Chamber to symbolize the Purple Palace." This is explicit text that the Bright Hall has water. Yet Ma Gong and Wang Su considered the Bright Hall, Bi Yong, and Imperial Academy to occupy the same place. Cai Yong and Lu Zhi also considered the Bright Hall, Spirit Terrace, Bi Yong, and Imperial Academy to be the same institution under different names. Cai Yong says, "The Bright Hall—taking its pure aspect for ancestral sacrifice, it is called the Pure Temple; taking its principal chamber, it is called the Great Chamber; taking its hall, it is called the Bright Hall; taking its four-gate academy, it is called the Imperial Academy; taking its encircling water round like a jade disk, it is called Bi Yong. In reality it is one institution. Those who speak of them as separate—the Comprehensive Meaning of the Five Classics says, "The Spirit Terrace is for observing qi; the Bright Hall is for proclaiming government; the Bi Yong is for honoring the aged and teaching." The three are different. Yuan Zhun and Zheng Xuan also considered them separate. What generations have doubted—how can it be settled hastily? Now according to the Treatise on Suburban Sacrifices, "Wishing to build the Bright Hall, they did not understand its institution. Gong Yudai of Jinan presented the Bright Hall Diagram from the time of the Yellow Emperor: one hall without walls, covered with thatch, with water circling the palace walls—and the Son of Heaven followed it. Judged by this, its origin is ancient. In the second year of Zhongyuan of Han, the Bright Hall, Bi Yong, and Spirit Terrace were built in Luoyang, each in a separate location. Yet the Bright Hall also had encircling water. Li You's Bright Hall Inscription says "flowing water vast and wide"—this is the evidence. For this reason a Bi Yong is required.
11
夫帝王作事，必師古昔，今造明堂，須以《禮經》為本。 形制依于周法，度數取於《月令》，遺闕之處，參以餘書，庶使該詳沿革之理。 其五室九階，上圓下方，四阿重屋，四旁兩門，依《考工記》、《孝經》說。 堂方一百四十四尺，屋圓楣徑二百一十六尺，太室方六丈，通天屋徑九丈，八達二十八柱，堂高三尺，四向五色，依《周書·月令》論。 殿垣方在內，水周如外，水內徑三百步，依《太山盛德記》、《覲禮經》。 仰觀俯察，皆有則象，足以盡誠上帝，祗配祖宗，弘風布教，作范於後矣。 弘等學不稽古，輒申所見，可否之宜，伏聽裁擇。
When emperors and kings undertake affairs, they must take antiquity as their teacher. In building the Bright Hall now, the Ritual Classics must be taken as the foundation. The form and institution should follow Zhou law; measurements should be taken from the Monthly Ordinances; where there are gaps, other books should be consulted, so that the principles of evolution may be fully detailed. Its five chambers and nine steps, round above and square below, four eaves and layered roofs, and two doors on four sides should follow the explanations in the Record of Crafts and the Classic of Filial Piety. The hall one hundred forty-four chi square, the round roof beam two hundred sixteen chi in diameter, the Great Chamber six zhang square, the roof reaching Heaven nine zhang in diameter, eight openings and twenty-eight pillars, the hall three chi high, and four directions with five colors should follow the discussion in the Monthly Ordinances of the Book of Zhou. The palace wall square within, water circling without, and the inner diameter of the water three hundred paces should follow the Record of Mount Tai's Abundant Virtue and the Classic of the Tribute of Yu. Looking up and looking down, all have their models and symbols, enough to express full sincerity to the Supreme Lord, reverently match the ancestors, spread culture and disseminate teaching, and set the pattern for posterity. Hong and others, whose learning does not fully investigate antiquity, presumptuously state what they have seen. Whether it is suitable or not, your servant humbly awaits Your Majesty's decision.
12
上以時事草創，未遑製作，竟寢不行。
The emperor, because affairs of state were still being established, had no leisure for construction, and in the end the plan was shelved and not carried out.
13
六年，除太常卿。 九年，詔改定雅樂，又作樂府歌詞，撰定圓丘五帝凱樂，並議樂事。 弘上議雲：
In the sixth year, he was appointed Grand Master of Splendid Happiness. In the ninth year, an edict ordered the revision of court music. He also composed Music Bureau lyrics, compiled the victory music for the Round Altar and Five Emperors, and deliberated on musical affairs. Hong submitted a memorial saying:
14
謹案《禮》，五聲、六律、十二管還相為宮。 《周禮》奏黃鐘，歌大呂，奏太簇，歌應鐘，皆是旋相為宮之義。 蔡邕《明堂月令章句》曰：「孟春月則太簇為宮，姑洗為商，蕤賓為角，南呂為徵，應鐘為羽，大呂為變宮，夷則為變徵。 他月放此。」 故先王之作律呂也，所以辯天地四方陰陽之聲。 揚子雲曰：「聲生於律，律生於辰。」 故律呂配五行，通八風，曆十二辰，行十二月，迴圈轉運，義無停止。 譬如立春木王火相，立夏火王土相，季夏餘分，土王金相，立秋金王水相，立冬水王木相。 還相為宮者，謂當其王月，名之為宮。 今若十一月不以黃鐘為宮，十三月不乙太簇為宮，便是春木不王，夏王不相，豈不陰陽失度，天地不通哉？ 劉歆《鐘律書》雲：「春宮秋律，百卉必凋； 秋宮春律，萬物必榮； 夏宮冬律，雨雹必降； 冬宮夏律，雷必發聲。」 以斯而論，誠為不易。 且律十二，今直為黃鐘一均，唯用七律，以外五律，竟複何施？ 恐失聖人製作本意。 故須依禮作還相為宮之法。
Your servant respectfully considers the Rites: the five tones, six pitch-standards, and twelve tubes cyclically generate one another as the tonic. The Rites of Zhou says to play the Yellow Bell and sing the Great Mould, play the Great Cluster and sing the Responding Bell—all embody the principle of cyclically generating the tonic. Cai Yong's chapter and sentence divisions on the Bright Hall Monthly Ordinances say, "In the first month of spring, the Great Cluster is the tonic, Maiden Wash is the second, Luxuriant Guest is the third, Southern Pitch is the fourth, Responding Bell is the fifth, Great Mould is the altered tonic, and Barren Rule is the altered fourth. Other months follow this pattern. Therefore when the former kings made the pitch-standards, it was to distinguish the sounds of Heaven and Earth, the four directions, and yin and yang. Yang Ziyun says, "Sound is born from pitch-standards; pitch-standards are born from the hours. Therefore the pitch-standards match the five phases, penetrate the eight winds, pass through the twelve hours, and move through the twelve months, turning in cycles without cease. For example, at the Beginning of Spring wood is dominant and fire is secondary; at the Beginning of Summer fire is dominant and earth is secondary; in the last month of summer earth is dominant and metal is secondary; at the Beginning of Autumn metal is dominant and water is secondary; at the Beginning of Winter water is dominant and wood is secondary. Cyclically generating the tonic means that in the month when a phase is dominant, it is named the tonic. Now if in the eleventh month the Yellow Bell is not taken as the tonic, and in the thirteenth month the Great Cluster is not taken as the tonic, then spring wood is not dominant and summer's dominant phase has no secondary—would not yin and yang lose their measure and Heaven and Earth fail to communicate? Liu Xin's Treatise on Bells and Pitch-Standards says, "A spring tonic with autumn pitch-standards—all plants will wither; an autumn tonic with spring pitch-standards—all things will flourish; a summer tonic with winter pitch-standards—rain and hail will surely fall; a winter tonic with summer pitch-standards—thunder will surely sound. Judged by this, the principle is truly not to be changed lightly. Moreover there are twelve pitch-standards, yet now only the Yellow Bell key is used, employing only seven standards. What use are the remaining five? I fear this loses the original intent of the sages' creation. Therefore the method of cyclically generating the tonic must be established according to the Rites.
15
上曰：「不須作旋相為宮，且作黃鐘一均也。」 弘又論六十律不可行：
The emperor said, "There is no need to make cyclically generating the tonic. For now use only the Yellow Bell key. Hong further argued that the sixty pitch-standards could not be implemented:
16
謹案《續漢書·律曆志》，元帝遣韋玄成問京房于樂府，房對：「受學故小黃令焦延壽。 六十律相生之法，以上生下，皆三生二，以下生上，皆三生四。 陽下生陰，陰上生陽，終於中呂，而十二律畢矣。 中呂上生執始，執始下生去滅，上下相生，終於南事，六十律畢矣。 十二律之變至於六十，猶八卦之變至於六十四也，冬至之聲，以黃鐘為宮，太簇為商，姑洗為角，林鐘為徵，南呂為羽，應鐘為變宮，蕤賓為變徵。 此聲氣之元，五音之正也。 故各統一日。 其餘以次運行，當日者各自為宮，而商徵以類從焉。」 房又曰：「竹聲不可以度調，故作準以定數。 准之狀如瑟，長一丈而十三弦，隱間九尺，以應黃鐘之律九寸。 中央一弦，下畫分寸，以為六十律清濁之節。」 執始之類，皆房自造。 房雲受法于焦延壽，未知延壽所承也。 至元和年，待詔候鐘律殷肜上言：「官無曉六十律以准調音者。 故待詔嚴崇具以准法教其子宣，願召宣補學官，主調樂器。」 大史丞弘試宣十二律，其二中，其四不中，其六不知何律，宣遂罷。 自此律家莫能為准施弦。 熹平年，東觀召典律者太子舍人張光問准意。 光等不知，歸閱舊藏，乃得其器，形制如房書，猶不能定其弦緩急，故史官能辨清濁者遂絕。 其可以相傳者，唯大榷常數及候氣而已。 據此而論，京房之法，漢世已不能行。 沈約《宋志》曰：「詳案古典及今音家，六十律無施于樂。」 《禮》雲「十二管還相為宮」，不言六十。 《封禪書》雲：「大帝使素女鼓五十弦瑟而悲，破為二十五弦。」 假令六十律為樂，得成亦所不用。 取「大樂必易，大禮必簡」之意也。
Your servant respectfully considers the Treatise on Pitch-Standards and the Calendar in the Continuation of the Book of Han: Emperor Yuan sent Wei Xuancheng to question Jing Fang at the Music Bureau, and Fang replied, "I received instruction from the former Magistrate of Xiaohuang, Jiao Yanshou. The method by which the sixty pitch-standards generate one another: generating downward from above, all are three generating two; generating upward from below, all are three generating four. Yang generates yin downward, yin generates yang upward, ending at Middle Pitch, and the twelve pitch-standards are complete. Middle Pitch generates upward to Holding Beginning; Holding Beginning generates downward to Departing Extinction; generating upward and downward, ending at Southern Affair, and the sixty pitch-standards are complete. The transformation of the twelve pitch-standards into sixty is like the transformation of the eight trigrams into sixty-four. The sounds of the winter solstice take the Yellow Bell as tonic, Great Cluster as second, Maiden Wash as third, Forest Bell as fourth, Southern Pitch as fifth, Responding Bell as altered tonic, and Luxuriant Guest as altered fourth. This is the origin of sound and qi, the correctness of the five tones. Therefore each governs one day. The rest operate in sequence. On its day each serves as tonic, and the second and fourth follow by kind. Fang further said, "Bamboo sounds cannot be measured for tuning; therefore a pitch-pipe standard was made to fix the numbers. The standard's form is like a se zither, one zhang long with thirteen strings. The hidden space is nine chi, corresponding to the nine cun of the Yellow Bell pitch-standard. On the central string, cun and fen are marked below to serve as the nodes of clear and muddy for the sixty pitch-standards." Names like Holding Beginning were all invented by Fang himself. Fang said he received the method from Jiao Yanshou, but it is not known from whom Yanshou received it. By the Yuanhe era, Awaiting-Edict Yin Rong, who observed bells and pitch-standards, memorialized, "There is no official who understands the sixty pitch-standards and uses the standard to tune sounds. Therefore Awaiting-Edict Yan Chong fully taught his son Xuan the method of the standard and asked that Xuan be summoned to fill a learning office and take charge of tuning instruments. Grand Astrologer Assistant Hong tested Xuan on the twelve pitch-standards: two were correct, four were incorrect, and six he could not identify—Xuan was then dismissed. From this time no pitch-standard specialist could apply the standard to string instruments. In the Xiping era, the Eastern View summoned Zhang Guang, Custodian of Pitch-Standards and Palace Attendant, to ask about the meaning of the standard. Guang and the others did not know. Returning to examine the old storehouse, they obtained the instrument, its form matching Fang's description, yet still could not determine the tightness or looseness of its strings. Thus the historiographers who could distinguish clear and muddy tones died out. What could be handed down was only the great pitch-pipe constants and the method of observing qi. Judged by this, Jing Fang's method could already not be implemented in Han times. Shen Yue's Song Treatise says, "Examining the ancient classics and today's music specialists in detail, the sixty pitch-standards have no application in music. The Rites say "the twelve tubes cyclically generate the tonic"—they do not speak of sixty. The Treatise on the Feng and Shan Sacrifices says, "The Great Emperor had the White Girl play the fifty-string se zither until it grew mournful, and it was broken into twenty-five strings. Even if the sixty pitch-standards were made into music, even if they could be completed they would not be used. This takes the meaning of "great music must be simple, great rites must be plain."
17
又議曰：
He further memorialized:
18
案《周官》雲：「大司樂掌成均之法。」 鄭眾注雲：「均，調也。 樂師主調其音。」 《三禮義宗》稱：「《周官》奏黃鐘者，用黃鐘為調，歌大呂者，用大呂為調。 奏者謂堂下四懸，歌者謂堂上所歌。 但一祭之間，皆用二調。」 是知據宮稱調，其義一也。 明六律六呂迭相為宮，各自為調。 今見行之樂，用黃鐘之宮，乃以林鐘為調，與古典有違。 晉內書監荀勖依典記，以五聲十二律還相為宮之法，制十二笛。 黃鐘之笛，正聲應黃鐘，下徵應林鐘，以姑洗為清角。 大呂之笛，正聲應大呂，下徵應夷則。 以外諸均，例皆如是。 然今所用林鐘，是勖下徵之調。 不取其正，先用其下，於理未通，故須改之。
According to the Offices of Zhou, "The Grand Master of Music is in charge of the method of completing the key. Zheng Zhong's commentary says, "Jun means tuning. The music masters chiefly tune the sounds." The Comprehensive Meaning of the Three Rites says, "When the Offices of Zhou play the Yellow Bell, they use the Yellow Bell as the key; when they sing the Great Mould, they use the Great Mould as the key. Playing refers to the four suspended sets below the hall; singing refers to what is sung above the hall. Yet within one sacrifice, two keys are used." From this we know that taking the tonic as the key—the meaning is the same. This shows that the six pitch-standards and six pitch-standards alternate as tonic, each serving as its own key. The music now in practice uses the Yellow Bell tonic, yet takes the Forest Bell as the key—this conflicts with the ancient classics. Jin Inner Secretariat Director Xun Xu, following the canonical records, made twelve flutes by the method of the five tones and twelve pitch-standards cyclically generating the tonic. The Yellow Bell flute: the principal sound responds to the Yellow Bell, the lower fourth responds to the Forest Bell, and Maiden Wash serves as the clear third. The Great Mould flute: the principal sound responds to the Great Mould, and the lower fourth responds to Barren Rule. The other keys all follow this pattern. Yet the Forest Bell now in use is Xun Xu's lower-fourth key. Not taking the principal but first using the lower—this is not coherent in principle. Therefore it must be changed.
19
上甚善其義，詔弘與姚察、許善心、何妥、虞世基等正定新樂，事在《音律志》。 是後議置明堂，詔弘條上故事，議其得失，事在《禮志》。 上甚敬重之。
The emperor greatly approved his reasoning and ordered Hong, together with Yao Cha, Xu Shanxin, He Tuo, Yu Shiji, and others to fix the new music. The matter is recorded in the Treatise on Pitch-Standards. After this, when the Bright Hall was deliberated, an edict ordered Hong to set forth precedents and discuss their merits and faults. The matter is recorded in the Treatise on Rites. The emperor greatly respected and honored him.
20
時楊素恃才矜貴，輕侮朝臣，唯見弘未當不改容自肅。 素將擊突厥，詣太常與弘言別。 弘送素至中門而止，素謂弘曰：「大將出征，故來敘別，何相送之近也？」 弘遂揖而退。 素笑曰：「奇章公可謂其智可及，其愚不可及也。」 亦不以屑懷。
At the time Yang Su relied on his talent and prized his eminence, treating court ministers lightly. Only when he saw Hong did he never fail to compose himself with reverence. When Su was about to attack the Turks, he went to the Grand Master of Splendid Happiness to take leave of Hong. Hong escorted Su only to the middle gate and stopped. Su said to Hong, "A great general is going on campaign and came to take leave—why is your escort so short? Hong bowed and withdrew. Su laughed and said, "Duke of Qizhang may be said to have wisdom that can be matched, but foolishness that cannot be matched. Hong also did not take it to heart.
21
尋授大將軍，拜吏部尚書。 時高祖又令弘與楊素、蘇威、薛道衡、許善心、虞世基、崔子發等並召諸儒，論新禮降殺輕重。 弘所立議，眾鹹推服之。 仁壽二年，獻皇后崩，三公已下不能定其儀注。 楊素謂弘曰：「公舊學，時賢所仰，今日之事，決在於公。」 弘了不辭讓，斯須之間，儀注悉備，皆有故實。 素歎曰：「衣冠禮樂，盡在此矣，非吾所及也！」 弘以三年之喪，祥禫具有降殺，期服十一月而練者，無所象法，以聞于高祖，高祖納焉。 下詔除期練之禮，自弘始也。 弘在吏部，其選舉先德行而後文才，務在審慎。 雖致停緩，所有進用，並多稱職。 吏部侍郎高孝基，鑒賞機晤，清慎絕倫，然爽俊有餘，跡似輕薄，時宰多以此疑之。 唯弘深識其真，推心委任。 隋之選舉，於斯為最。 時論彌服弘識度之遠。
He was soon appointed Grand General and Minister of Personnel. At the time Emperor Gaozu also ordered Hong, together with Yang Su, Su Wei, Xue Daoheng, Xu Shanxin, Yu Shiji, Cui Zifa, and others, to summon the Confucians and discuss the gradations of increase and decrease in the new rites. The positions Hong established were all admired and accepted by the assembly. In the second year of Renshou, Empress Xian died, and from the Three Excellencies downward no one could determine the ritual procedures. Yang Su said to Hong, "Your Lordship's long learning is admired by the worthies of the age. Today's affair is decided by you. Hong did not decline at all. In a moment the ritual procedures were all complete, each with its precedent. Su sighed and said, "Robes and caps, rites and music—all are here. This is beyond what I can reach! Hong held that in the three-year mourning, the xiang and chan sacrifices have their gradations, but the practice of wearing mourning for eleven months with a practice garment has no symbolic model. He reported this to Emperor Gaozu, and Gaozu accepted it. An edict was issued abolishing the practice-garment rite of the eleven-month mourning period. This reform began with Hong. When Hong was in the Ministry of Personnel, in selections he put virtue and conduct first and literary talent second, striving for careful judgment. Although this caused delays, most of those promoted and employed proved competent in their posts. Vice Minister of Personnel Gao Xiaoji had discerning judgment and quick wit, and his purity and caution were unmatched. Yet he had an excess of bold brilliance and his conduct seemed somewhat frivolous, and the chief ministers often doubted him for this. Only Hong deeply recognized his true worth and entrusted him with full confidence. The Sui dynasty's personnel selections reached their highest point at this time. Contemporary opinion increasingly admired Hong's far-reaching discernment.
22
煬帝之在東宮也，數有詩書遺弘，弘亦有答。 及嗣位之後，嘗賜弘詩曰：「晉家山吏部，魏世盧尚書，莫言先哲異，奇才並佐餘。 學行敦時俗，道素乃沖虛，納言雲閣上，禮儀皇運初。 彝倫欣有敘，垂拱事端居。」 其同被賜詩者，至於文詞讚揚，無如弘美。 大業二年，進位上大將軍。 三年，改為右光祿大夫。 從拜恆嶽，壇場珪幣，墠畤牲牢，並弘所定。 還下太行，煬帝嘗引入內帳，對皇后賜以同席飲食。 其禮遇親重如此。 弘謂其諸子曰：「吾受非常之遇，荷恩深重。 汝等子孫，宜以誠敬自立，以答恩遇之隆也。」 六年，從幸江都。 其年十一月，卒于江都郡，時年六十六。 帝傷惜之，贈甚厚。 歸葬安定，贈開府儀同三司、光祿大夫、文安侯，諡曰憲。
When Emperor Yang was crown prince, he often sent poems and letters to Hong, and Hong also replied. After he succeeded to the throne, he once bestowed a poem on Hong, saying, "The Jin dynasty had the Minister of the Mountain; the Wei age had Minister Lu—do not say the former sages differ; rare talents alike assist me. Learning and conduct solidify the customs of the age; the Way's plainness is serene and unassuming; as Attendant-in-Ordinary above the Cloud Pavilion, rites and propriety mark the beginning of the imperial fortune. The constant norms rejoice in good order; with hands draped in the sleeves, affairs are calmly settled. Of those who likewise received bestowed poems, in literary praise none was as beautiful as Hong's. In the second year of Daye, he was advanced to Grand General of the Upper Rank. In the third year, he was appointed Right Grand Master of Splendid Happiness. Accompanying the worship at Mount Heng, the altar grounds, jade and silks, the open-air altar and sacrificial animals—all were fixed by Hong. Returning down from the Taihang Mountains, Emperor Yang once brought him into the inner tent and, in the empress's presence, granted him food and drink at the same mat. His courtesy and intimate honor were such as this. Hong said to his sons, "I have received an extraordinary favor and bear a deep debt of grace. You, my sons and descendants, should establish yourselves with sincerity and reverence to repay this lofty favor. In the sixth year, he accompanied the emperor to Jiangdu. In the eleventh month of that year, he died in Jiangdu Commandery at the age of sixty-six. The emperor grieved for him and granted posthumous honors very generously. He was buried in Anding. He was posthumously granted the privileges of the Three Excellencies with an office, Grand Master of Splendid Happiness, and Marquis of Wen'an. His posthumous name was Xian.
23
弘榮寵當世，而車服卑儉，事上盡禮，待下以仁，訥於言而敏於行。 上嘗令其宣敕，弘至階下，不能言，退還拜謝，雲：「並忘之。」 上曰：「傳語小辯，故非宰臣任也。」 愈稱其質直。 大業之世，委遇彌隆。 性寬厚，篤志於學，雖職務繁雜，書不釋手。 隋室舊臣，始終信任，悔吝不及，唯弘一人而已。 有弟曰弼，好酒而酗，嘗因醉，射殺弘駕車牛。 弘來還宅，其妻迎謂之曰：「叔射殺牛矣。」 弘聞之，無所怪問，直答雲：「作脯。」 坐定，其妻又曰：「叔忽射殺牛，大是異事！」 弘曰：「已知之矣。」 顏色自若，讀書不輟。 其寬和如此。 有文集十三卷行於世。
Hong enjoyed glory and favor in his age, yet his carriage and robes were humble and plain. In serving his superiors he fulfilled all rites; in treating subordinates he used benevolence. He was slow of speech but quick in action. The emperor once ordered him to proclaim an edict. Hong reached the foot of the steps but could not speak. Returning, he bowed in apology and said, "I have forgotten it all. The emperor said, "Transmitting words is a minor skill; therefore it is not the task of a chief minister." He praised his plainness and directness all the more. In the Daye era, his entrustment and favor grew ever greater. His nature was generous and broad, and he was devoted to learning. Although his duties were numerous and complex, he never put down his books. Of the old ministers of the Sui house, only Hong alone was trusted from beginning to end without regret or remorse. He had a younger brother named Bi who loved wine and drank to excess. Once while drunk he shot and killed the ox that drew Hong's carriage. When Hong returned home, his wife met him and said, "Your younger brother has shot and killed the ox. Hearing this, Hong asked nothing in surprise and simply replied, "Make jerky." When he was seated, his wife again said, "Your younger brother suddenly shot and killed the ox—a most unusual affair!" Hong said, "I already know." His expression remained calm, and he did not stop reading. His generosity and mildness were such as this. He had collected writings in thirteen scrolls circulating in the world.
24
長子方大，亦有學業，官至內史舍人。 次子方裕，性兇險無人心，從幸江都，與裴虔通等同謀弑逆，事見《司馬德勘傳》。
His eldest son Fangda also had learning and reached the office of Secretariat Drafting Officer. His second son Fangyu had a fierce and treacherous nature devoid of human feeling. Accompanying the emperor to Jiangdu, he joined Pei Qiantong and others in plotting regicide. The matter is recorded in the biography of Sima Dekan.
25
史臣曰：牛弘篤好墳籍，學優而仕，有淡雅之風，懷曠遠之度，采百王之損益，成一代之典章，漢之叔孫，不能尚也。 綢繆省闥，三十餘年，夷險不渝，始終無際。 雖開物成務，非其所長，然澄之不清，混之不濁，可謂大雅君子矣。 子實不才，崇基不構，干紀犯義，以墜家風，惜哉！
The historian says: Niu Hong deeply loved the classics and records, entered office through superior learning, had a refined and plain style, and bore a broad and far-reaching measure. Gathering the additions and subtractions of a hundred kings, he completed the statutes of an age—even Shusun of Han cannot be placed above him. Attending closely in the inner court for more than thirty years, through peace and peril he did not change. From beginning to end there was no break. Although opening things and completing affairs were not his special strengths, yet clarified he was not made clear, mixed he was not made muddy—he may be called a great refined gentleman. His son was truly without talent, the lofty foundation was not built up, he violated the statutes and transgressed righteousness, and thereby ruined the family tradition—alas!