1
孫紹張普惠
Sun Shao and Zhang Puhui.
2
孫紹，字世慶，昌黎人。 世仕慕容氏。 祖志入國，卒於濟陽太守。 父協，字文和，上黨太守。 紹少好學，通涉經史，頗有文才，陰陽術數，多所貫涉。 初為校書郎，稍遷給事中，自長兼羽林監為門下錄事。 朝廷大事，好言得失，遂為世知。 曾著釋典論，雖不具美，時有可存。 與常景等共修律令。
Sun Shao, courtesy name Shiqing, was a native of Changli. His family had served the Murong for generations. His grandfather Zhi entered Wei territory and died while serving as Administrator of Jiyang. His father Xie, courtesy name Wenhe, held the post of Administrator of Shangdang. From youth Shao loved study. He ranged widely through the classics and histories, showed real literary talent, and was thoroughly versed in yin-yang lore and numerological arts. He began as a Proofreader, was gradually promoted to Attendant-in-Ordinary, and rose from Chief of the Feathered Forest Guard to serve concurrently as Recorder of the Gate. On weighty matters of state he was fond of speaking frankly of what worked and what failed, and in this way he came to be widely known. He once wrote a Discussion on Explaining the Canon. Though not a finished masterpiece, parts of it are still worth preserving. Together with Chang Jing and others he helped revise the statutes and ordinances.
3
延昌中，紹表曰：
During the Yanchang period Shao submitted a memorial that read:
4
臣聞建國有計，雖危必安； 施化能和，雖寡必盛； 治乖人理，雖合必離； 作用失機，雖成必敗。 此乃古今同然，百王之定法也。 伏惟大魏應天明命，兆啟無窮，畢世後仁，祚隆七百。 今二虢京門，下無嚴防； 南、北二中，復闕固守。 長安、鄴城，股肱之寄； 穰城、上黨，腹背所憑。 四軍五校之軌，領、護分事之式，徵兵儲粟之要，舟車水陸之資，山河要害之權，緩急去來之用，持平赴救之方，節用應時之法，特宜修置，以固堂堂之基。 持盈之體，何得而忽？ 居安之辰，故應危懼矣。
I have heard that when a state is founded with a sound plan, it can remain secure even in peril; when transforming influence is applied harmoniously, even a small realm can grow mighty; when government runs counter to human reason, even a united realm must fall apart; when action misses its moment, even what seems accomplished is doomed to fail. This has been true in every age, the constant law of a hundred kings. I humbly consider that Great Wei answered Heaven's bright mandate, its auspicious signs opening without end, its benevolence extending through the ages, its fortune destined to tower for seven hundred years. Yet today at the twin Guo and the capital gates there is no strict defense below; and at the southern and northern secondary capitals solid garrisons are again lacking. Chang'an and Ye are the limbs on which the realm relies; Rangcheng and Shangdang are what the belly and back depend upon. The organization of the four armies and five commanderies, the division of duties between commandants and protectors, the essentials of levying troops and storing grain, the resources of river and road transport, control of strategic mountain passes, provisions for urgent dispatch and relief, methods of balanced response and timely economy — all these ought specially to be put in order to consolidate our imposing foundation. How can the state that holds its fullness be neglected? Precisely because we dwell in peace, we ought to fear danger.
5
且法開清濁，而清濁不平； 申滯理望，而卑寒亦免。 士庶同悲，兵徒懷怨。 中正賣望於下里，主按舞筆於上臺，真偽混淆，知而不糾，得者不欣，失者倍怨。 使門齊身等，而涇渭奄殊； 類應同役，而苦樂懸異。 士人居職，不以為榮； 兵士役苦，心不忘亂。 故有競棄本出，飄藏他土。 或詭名託養，散在人間； 或亡命山藪，漁獵為命； 或投仗強豪，寄命衣食。 又應遷之戶，逐樂諸州； 應留之徒，避寒歸暖。 兼職人子弟，隨逐浮遊，南北東西，卜居莫定。 關禁不修，任意取適。 如此之徒，不可勝數。 爪牙不復為用，百工爭棄其業。 混一之計，事實闕如； 考課之方，責辦無日。 流浪之徒，決須精校。 今強敵窺時，邊黎伺隙，內民不平，久戍懷怨，戰國之勢，竊謂危矣。 必造禍源者，北邊鎮戍之人也。
Moreover, though the law distinguishes pure from base ranks, pure and base are not treated equally; though it is meant to relieve stagnation and regulate expectations, the lowly and poor are also exempted. Gentry and commoners alike grieve, while soldiers and conscripts harbor resentment. Rectifiers sell favors in the villages while chief clerks manipulate the brush at the high desk. True and false are confused; those who know do not correct the abuse. The favored feel no joy, while the passed over are doubly resentful. Families of equal standing are treated as if Jing and Wei were utterly different; men who by category ought to share the same service find suffering and ease vastly unequal. Gentry who hold office no longer regard it as an honor; while soldiers, crushed by harsh service, cannot forget rebellion in their hearts. Hence some compete to abandon their native place and flee, drifting to hide in other regions. Some use false names and live under others' protection, scattered among the people; some flee into mountains and marshes and live by fishing and hunting; some cast aside their arms and throw themselves on powerful families, staking their lives for food and clothing. Again, households that ought to be relocated seek ease in other provinces; while those who ought to remain flee the cold and return to warmer lands. Sons of men holding concurrent posts drift wherever they please, roaming north, south, east, and west with no settled home. Because passes and prohibitions are not enforced, they go wherever they please. Such people are beyond counting. The state's claws and teeth are no longer put to use, while the hundred crafts compete to abandon their trades. The plan for unification is in fact nowhere to be found; and the method of examination and assessment has no day when responsibility can actually be fulfilled. Wandering persons must be rigorously registered and checked. Now strong enemies watch for their moment, frontier peoples watch for openings, the inner populace is unsettled, and long-garrisoned troops harbor resentment. The situation resembles that of the Warring States; I venture to say it is perilous. Those who will surely create the source of disaster are the men of the northern frontier garrisons.
6
若夫一統之年，持平用之者，大道之計也； 亂離之期，縱橫作之者，行權之勢也。 故道不可久，須文質以換情； 權不可恒，隨洿隆以收物。 文質應世，道形自安； 洿隆獲衷，權勢亦濟。 然則，王者計法之趣，化物之規，圓方務得其境，人物不失其地。 又先帝時，律令並議，律尋施行，令獨不出，十餘年矣。 臣以令之為體，即帝王之身也，分處百揆之儀，安置九服之節，經緯三才之倫，包羅六卿之職，措置風化之門，作用賞罰之要，乃是有為之樞機，世法之大本也。 然修令之人，亦皆博古，依古撰置，大體可觀，比之前令，精粗有在。 但主議之家，太用古制。 若全依古，高祖之法，復須昇降，誰敢措意有是非哉？ 以是爭故，久廢不理。 然律令相須，不可偏用，今律班令止，於事甚滯。 若令不班，是無典法，臣下執事，何依而行？ 臣等修律，非無勤止，署下之日，臣乃無名。 是謂農夫盡力，他食其秋，功名之所，實懷於悒。
In years of unified rule, to employ balanced and equitable measures is the plan of the great Way; in periods of disorder and separation, to act through shifting alliances is the momentum of exercising expedient power. Therefore the Way cannot long endure unchanged; culture and substance must alternate to meet the people's needs; nor can expedient power remain constant; one must follow rise and decline to gather the realm. When culture and substance respond to the age, the Way takes secure form; when rise and decline obtain the mean, expedient power also succeeds. Thus the aim of a king's planning and the rule for transforming the realm is that round and square each find their proper sphere, and persons and things do not lose their proper place. Again, in the late emperor's time statutes and ordinances were jointly deliberated. The statutes were soon put into effect, but the ordinances alone have not been issued — for more than ten years now. I consider that ordinances are the very body of the emperor: they apportion the rites of the hundred duties, arrange the regulations of the nine domains, weave the order of the three powers, embrace the duties of the six ministers, set up the gate of transforming influence, and apply the essentials of reward and punishment. They are the pivot of active governance and the great foundation of the law of the age. Those who revised the ordinances were all broadly learned in antiquity. Following ancient models they composed them, and the general outline is sound. Compared with earlier ordinances, there is real substance in both refinement and roughness. But the families leading the deliberation relied too heavily on ancient institutions. If one followed antiquity entirely, even the laws of Emperor Gaozu would again need raising and lowering. Who would dare express an opinion on what was right or wrong? Because of these disputes they have long lain abandoned and unratified. Yet statutes and ordinances depend on each other and cannot be used alone. Now the statutes are promulgated while the ordinances are halted, and affairs are greatly impeded. If the ordinances are not promulgated, there is no canonical law. On what basis are subordinates in office to act? We who revised the statutes were not without diligence, yet on the day they were signed and issued my name was nowhere to be found. It is as though the farmer exhausts his strength while another eats his autumn harvest. As to where merit and fame lie, I truly harbor distress.
7
未幾，出除濟陰太守。 還，歷司徒功曹參軍，步兵、長水校尉。 正光初，兼中書侍郎，使高麗。 還，為鎮遠將軍、右軍將軍。 久之，為徐兗和糴使。 還朝，大陳軍國利害，不報。 紹又表曰：「臣聞文質互用，治道以之緝熙； 洿隆得時，人物以之通濟。 故能事恢三靈，仁洽九服。 伏惟陛下應靈踐阼，沖明照物，宰輔忠純，伊霍均美，既致昇平之基，應成無為之業。 而漠北叛命，隴右構逆，中州驚擾，民庶竊議，其故何哉？ 皆由上法不通，下情怨塞故也。 臣雖愚短，具鑒始末。 往在代都，武質而治安； 中京以來，文華而政亂。 故臣昔於太和，極陳得失，具論四方華夷心態，高祖垂納，文應可尋。 延昌、正光，奏疏頻上，主者收錄，不蒙報問，即日事勢，乃至於此，盡微臣豫陳之驗。 今東南有竊號之豎，西北有逆命之寇，豈得怨天，實尤人矣。 臣今不憂荒外，正慮中畿，急須改張，以寧其意。 若仍持疑，變亂尋作，肘腋一乖，大事去矣。 然臣奉國四世，欣戚是同，但職在冗散，不關樞密，寧濟之計，欲陳無所，可謂經緯甚多，無機可織。 夫天下者，大器也。 一正難傾，一傾難正。 當今之危，躡足之急，臣備肉食，痛心無已。 泣血上陳，願垂採察。 若得言參執事，獻可替否，寇逆獲除，社稷稱慶，雖死如生，犬馬情畢。」
Before long he was sent out and appointed Administrator of Jiyin. On his return he served successively as Registrar in the Merit Section of the Minister of Education and as Commandant of the Footsoldiers and Commandant of the Long River. At the beginning of the Zhengguang era he concurrently served as Vice Director of the Secretariat and was sent as envoy to Koguryŏ. On his return he was made General Who Pacifies the Distant and General of the Right Army. After some time he was made Commissioner for Harmonious Grain Purchase in Xu and Yan. On his return to court he set forth at length the advantages and harms to army and state, but received no response. Shao again submitted a memorial saying: "I have heard that culture and substance are used in alternation, and by this the way of governance is brought to brightness; when rise and decline obtain their proper season, persons and things thereby pass through smoothly. Thus affairs can extend to the three numina and benevolence can pervade the nine domains. I humbly consider that Your Majesty answered the numina and ascended the throne, your pure clarity illuminating all things. Your chief ministers are loyal and upright, equal in renown to Yi Yin and Huo Guang. You have already laid the foundation of rising peace and ought to complete the enterprise of effortless rule. Yet the desert north rebels, Longyou raises treason, the central provinces are alarmed, and the people whisper in private — what is the reason? It is all because the law above does not penetrate and resentment below is blocked. Though I am foolish and short-sighted, I see the beginning and end clearly. Formerly at the capital in Dai, martial substance brought peace and order; since the move to the central capital, literary splendor but governmental disorder. Therefore I formerly in the Taihe era set forth gains and losses to the utmost and fully discussed the attitudes of Chinese and barbarian across the four directions. Emperor Gaozu accepted it, and the text can still be traced. In Yanchang and Zhengguang memorials were frequently submitted. The responsible offices received and recorded them but gave no response. The situation of the day has reached this point — all verification of what I foretold. Now in the southeast there is a petty man who has stolen a title, and in the northwest there are bandits who oppose our orders. How can one blame Heaven? In truth the blame lies with men. I do not now worry about the wild outer regions but rightly worry about the central domains. Reform must urgently be carried out to settle the people's minds. If you still hold to doubt, change and disorder will soon arise. Once those at your very side turn against you, the great affair is lost. Yet I have served the state for four generations and share its joy and sorrow. Only my post is among the redundant and scattered, with no access to vital secrets. Plans to bring peace have nowhere to be set forth. One may say there is much to weave but no loom on which to weave. The realm under Heaven is a great vessel. Once upright it is hard to overturn; once overturned it is hard to set upright. The peril of the present is the urgency of a misstep. Though I am provisioned with meat at court, my heart is endlessly pained. Weeping blood I submit this above and beg that you examine it. If I may join those who hold office, offering what is acceptable and replacing what is not, and the bandits and rebels are removed so that the altars of soil and grain rejoice, though dead it would be as living and my devotion as hound and horse would be fulfilled."
8
紹性抗直，每上封事，常至懇切，不憚犯忤。 但天性疏脫，言乍高下，時人輕之，不見採納。 紹兄世元早卒，世元善彈箏，紹後聞箏聲便涕泗嗚咽，捨之而去，世以此尚之。
Shao's nature was upright and direct. Each time he submitted a sealed memorial he spoke with earnest force and did not fear giving offense. But by nature he was loose and unguarded, his words suddenly rising and falling. Men of the time slighted him and did not adopt his views. Shao's elder brother Shiyuan died early. Shiyuan had been skilled at playing the zither. Later, when Shao heard the zither played he would weep and sob, then set it aside and leave. The world for this held him in esteem.
9
除驍騎將軍，使吐谷渾。 還，為太府少卿。 曾因朝見，靈太后謂曰：「卿年稍老矣。」 紹曰：「臣年雖老，臣卿乃少。」 [1]太后笑之。 遷右將軍、太中大夫。 紹曾與百僚赴朝，東掖未開，守門候旦。 紹於眾中引吏部郎中辛雄於眾外，竊謂之曰：「此中諸人，尋當死盡，唯吾與卿猶享富貴。」 雄甚駭愕，不測所以。 未幾有河陰之難。 紹善推祿命，事驗甚多，知者異之。
He was appointed General of Valiant Cavalry and sent as envoy to Tuyuhun. On his return he was made Vice Director of the Imperial Treasury. Once during an audience at court, Empress Dowager Ling said to him, "You are getting somewhat old." Shao said, "Though my years are old, my qing is still young." The Empress Dowager laughed at this. He was transferred to General of the Right and Grand Master of Palace Counsel. Shao once went to court with the hundred officials. The eastern side gate was not yet open, and he waited at the gate for dawn. Among the waiting officials, Shao drew Xin Xiong, Master of the Palace in the Ministry of Personnel, aside from the crowd and whispered to him: "Everyone here will soon be dead to the last man. Only you and I will still enjoy wealth and honor." Xin was deeply shaken and could not guess what Shao meant. Before long came the massacre at River Yin. Shao was skilled at reading fate from salary and destiny, and many of his predictions came true. Those who knew of it were astonished.
10
建義初，除衞尉少卿，將軍如故。 轉金紫光祿大夫。 永安中，拜太府卿。 以前參議正光壬子曆，賜爵新昌子。 太昌初，遷左衞將軍、右光祿大夫。 永熙二年卒，時年六十九。 贈都督冀瀛滄三州諸軍事、驃騎大將軍、尚書左僕射、冀州刺史，諡曰宣。
At the beginning of the Jianyi era, he was appointed Vice Director of the Court for the Palace Guard, retaining his generalship as before. He was transferred to Grand Master of Splendid Happiness with Golden Seal and Purple Tassel. During the Yong'an era, he was appointed Director of the Imperial Treasury. For his earlier participation in deliberating on the Zhenguang renszi calendar, he was granted the title Marquis of Xinchang. At the beginning of the Taichang era, he was transferred to General of the Left Guard and Grand Master of Splendid Happiness of the Right. He died in the second year of Yongxi, at the age of sixty-nine. Posthumously he was granted command over all military affairs of Ji, Ying, and Cang provinces, the title General-in-Chief of Fast Cavalry, Left Vice Director of the Imperial Secretariat, and Governor of Ji Province. His posthumous name was Xuan.
11
子伯元，襲。 齊受禪，例降。
His son Boyuan inherited the title. When Qi received the abdication, his rank was reduced according to precedent.
12
伯元弟叔利，右將軍、太中大夫。
Boyuan's younger brother Shuli served as General of the Right and Grand Master of Palace Counsel.
13
紹從父弟瑜，濟州長史。
Shao's father's younger cousin's son Yu served as Chief Clerk of Ji Province.
14
瑜弟彝，字鳳倫。 太和中，舉秀才。 稍遷步兵校尉。 卒於武邑太守。 贈征虜將軍、營州刺史。
Yu's younger brother Yi, courtesy name Fenglun. During the Taihe era, he was recommended as a Cultivated Talent. He was gradually promoted to Colonel of the Foot Soldiers. He died while serving as Administrator of Wuyi. Posthumously he was granted the title General Who Pacifies the Barbarians and Governor of Ying Province.
15
子伯融，出繼瑜後。 武定末，□□太守。
His son Borong was given in adoption to continue Yu's line. At the end of the Wuding era, he served as [title missing] Administrator.
16
伯融嫡弟子寬，開府田曹參軍。
Borong's eldest legitimate nephew Kuan served as Army Clerk of the Field Office under an Opening General.
17
張普惠，字洪賑，常山九門人。 身長八尺，容貌魁偉。 父曄，為齊州中水縣令，隨父之縣，受業齊土，專心墳典，克厲不息。 及還鄉里，就程玄講習，精於三禮，兼善春秋，百家之說，多所窺覽，諸儒稱之。
Zhang Puhui, courtesy name Hongzhen, was a native of Jiumen in Changshan. He stood eight feet tall, with an imposing and striking appearance. His father Ye served as Magistrate of Zhongshui County in Qi Province. Puhui followed his father to the county, studied in Qi territory, devoted himself to the classics, and disciplined himself without rest. When he returned home, he studied under Cheng Xuan. He mastered the Three Rites, was also skilled in the Spring and Autumn Annals, and read widely among the teachings of the hundred schools. The Confucian scholars praised him.
18
太和十九年，為主書，帶制局監，與劉桃符、石榮、劉道斌同員共直，頗為高祖所知。 轉尚書都令史。 任城王澄重其學業，為其聲價，僕射李沖曾至澄處，見普惠言論，亦善之。 世宗初，轉積射將軍。 澄為安西將軍、雍州刺史，啟普惠為府錄事參軍，尋行馮翊郡事。
In the nineteenth year of Taihe, he served as Master of Documents and concurrently as Supervisor of the Bureau of Regulations. He shared roster and duty rotation with Liu Taofu, Shi Rong, and Liu Daobin, and came to be well regarded by Emperor Gaozu. He was transferred to Chief Clerk of the Imperial Secretariat. Prince Cheng of Rencheng valued his learning and helped raise his reputation. Vice Director Li Chong once visited Cheng's residence, heard Puhui speak, and was also impressed. At the beginning of Emperor Xuanwu's reign, he was transferred to General of Accumulated Arrows. When Cheng became General Who Pacifies the West and Governor of Yong Province, he recommended Puhui as Recorder of the Headquarters Staff and soon had him administer the affairs of Fengyi Commandery.
19
澄功衰在身，欲於七月七日集會文武，北園馬射。 普惠奏記於澄曰：「竊聞三殺九親，別疏昵之敍； 五服六術，等衰麻之心。 皆因事飾情，不易之道者也。 然則莫大之痛，深於終身之外； 書策之哀，除於喪紀之內。 外者不可無節，故斷之以三年； 內者不可遂除，故敦之以日月。 禮，大練之日，鼓素琴。 蓋推以即吉也。 小功以上，非虞祔練除不沐浴，此拘之以制也。 曾子問曰：『相識有喪服，可以與於祭乎？』 孔子曰：『緦不祭，又何助於人。』 祭既不與，疑無宴食之道。 又曰：『廢喪服，可以與於饋奠之事乎？』 子曰：『脫衰與奠，非禮也。』 注云：『為其忘哀疾。』 愚謂除喪之始，不與饋奠，小功之內，其可觀射乎？ 雜記云：『大功以下，既葬適人，人食之，其黨也食之，非黨也不食。』 食猶擇人，於射為惑。 伏見明教，立射會之限，將以二七令辰，集城中文武，肄武藝於北園，行揖讓於中否。 時非大閱之秋，景涉妨農之節，國家縞禫甫除，殿下功衰仍襲，釋而為樂，以訓百姓，便是易先王之典教，忘哀戚之情，恐非所以昭令德、視子孫者也。 按射儀，射者以禮樂為本，忘而從事，不可謂禮，鍾鼓弗設，不可謂樂。 捨此二者，何用射為？ 又七日之戲，令制無之，班勞所施，慮違事體。 庫府空虛，宜待新調，二三之趣，停之為便。 乞至九月，備飾盡行，然後奏狸首之章，宣矍相之令，聲軒懸，建雲鉦，神民忻暢於斯時也。 伏惟慈明遠被，萬民是望，舉動所書，發言唯則，願更廣訪，賜垂曲採，昭其管見之心，恕其讜言之責，則芻蕘無遺歌，輿人有獻誦矣。」 澄意納其言，託辭自罷，乃答曰：「文武之道，自昔成規； 明耻教戰，振古常軌。 今雖非公制，而此州承前，已有斯式，既不勞民損公，任其私射，復何失也？ 且纂文習武，人之常藝，豈可於常藝之間，要須令制乎？ 比適欲依前州府相率，王務之暇，肄藝良辰，亦未言費用庫物也。 禮，兄弟內除，明哀已殺； 小功，客至主不絕樂。 聽樂則可，觀武豈傷？ 直自事緣須罷，先以令停，方獲此請，深具來意。」
Cheng was still in gong-shuai mourning, yet planned on the seventh day of the seventh month to gather civil and military officials for mounted archery in the Northern Garden. Puhui submitted a memorial to Cheng, saying: "I have heard that the 'three kills' and 'nine kin' distinguish the order between distant and close relations; the five grades of mourning garments and six techniques equalize the heart that wears sackcloth. All of these adapt outward expression to inward feeling — the unchanging Way. The greatest grief, then, extends beyond a lifetime; while the sorrow set down in written ordinances is discharged within the mourning period. What is outward cannot be without measure, and so it is cut off at three years; what is inward cannot be immediately cast off, and so it is sustained through months and days. The Rites say that on the day of the da-lian, one may strike the plain zither. That is presumably a step toward returning to auspicious living. For mourning of xiao-gong and above, one does not bathe except at the yu, fu, and lian removals. This is restraint by regulation. Zengzi asked: "If an acquaintance is in mourning garments, may one take part in a sacrifice with him?" Confucius said: "One in si mourning does not sacrifice. How then could one assist others?" If one may not take part in sacrifice, it seems there should be no way to feasting and dining either. He asked again: "If one has cast off mourning garments, may one take part in presenting offerings?" The Master said: "Putting off reduced mourning and presenting offerings is not in accord with ritual." The commentary says: "Because one has cast off grief too hastily." I venture to say that at the very start of removing mourning one does not take part in presenting offerings. Within the period of xiao-gong mourning, how can one watch archery? The Miscellaneous Records say: "Below da-gong mourning, after the burial when visiting others, if the host eats, those of his party may eat; those not of his party may not." Even in eating one still chooses one's company. Archery would be all the more doubtful. I humbly observe Your Bright Instruction setting a date for an archery assembly on the twenty-seventh day, gathering civil and military officials within the city to drill martial skills in the Northern Garden and perform the bowing and yielding in the central court. This is not the season for the great autumn review, and the season already encroaches on the time that hampers farming. The state has only just ended its white-hemp mourning, yet Your Highness still wears gong-shuai mourning. To cast mourning aside for pleasure in order to instruct the common people would be to alter the canonical teaching of the former kings and forget grief and sorrow. I fear this is not the way to display fine virtue and set an example for posterity. According to the Archery Rites, archers take ritual and music as their foundation. To forget these and proceed cannot be called ritual; if bells and drums are not set out, it cannot be called music. If these two are set aside, what is archery for? Moreover, the games of the seventh day are not provided for in current regulations. The distribution of rewards and honors, I fear, would violate the substance of the affair. The treasury is empty, and one ought to wait for new allocations. As for this plan, it would be better to suspend it. I beg that it be postponed until the ninth month, when all preparations are complete, and then perform the "Li Shou" chapter, proclaim the commands of the archery master, hang the bell frame, and erect the cloud gongs, so that spirits and people may rejoice together at that time. May Your Benevolent Clarity extend far, for the myriad people look to you. Every act you record and every word you speak serves as a standard. I beg you to consult more widely and grant your gracious acceptance, making manifest this narrow vision and pardoning this duty of frank counsel. Then even the firewood-gatherer's song will not be left unsung, and the common traveler will have a verse to offer." Cheng was inclined to accept his words and used an excuse to cancel the event himself. He then replied: "The way of civil and military affairs has been a fixed rule since ancient times; to make clear the shame of warfare and teach battle has been the constant path from time immemorial. Though it is not now an official regulation, this province, following precedent, already has this practice. Since it neither burdens the people nor harms the public treasury, letting them shoot privately — what harm is there? Moreover, studying literature and practicing martial arts are ordinary human skills. Must ordinary skills always require official regulations? I had merely wished to follow the former practice of the provincial government gathering together, in the leisure from princely duties, to drill skills at an auspicious time. I had not even spoken of spending treasury goods. The Rites say that inner removal for a brother shows that grief has already diminished; in xiao-gong mourning, when a guest arrives the host does not stop the music. If hearing music is permitted, how could watching martial display do harm? It is simply that the matter itself required cancellation. I had already ordered it stopped, and only now receive this request. I deeply appreciate the intent behind it."
20
澄轉揚州，啟普惠以羽林監領鎮南大將軍開府主簿，尋加威遠將軍。 普惠既為澄所知，歷佐二藩，甚有聲譽。 旋京之日，裝束藍縷，澄賚絹二十匹以充行資。 還朝，仍羽林監。
Cheng was transferred to Yang Province and recommended Puhui to serve concurrently as Chief of the Feathered Forest Guard and Chief Clerk of the Opening Staff of the General Who Guards the South. Soon he was additionally appointed General Who Displays Distant Might. Once Puhui had won Cheng's esteem, he served successively at two princely establishments and gained considerable renown. On the day he returned to the capital, his clothing was in rags. Cheng bestowed twenty bolts of silk to supply his travel expenses. After returning to court, he resumed his post as Chief of the Feathered Forest Guard.
21
又澄遭太妃憂，臣僚為立碑頌，題碑欲云「康王元妃之碑。」 澄訪於普惠。 答曰：「謹尋朝典，但有王妃，而無元字。 魯夫人孟子稱『元妃』者，欲下與『繼室聲子』相對。 今烈懿太妃作配先王，更無聲子、仲子之嫌，竊謂不假『元』字以別名位。 且以氏配姓，愚以為在生之稱。 故春秋，『夫人姜氏至自齊』，既葬，以諡配姓，故經書『葬我小君文姜氏』，[2]又曰『來歸夫人成風之襚』。 皆以諡配姓。 古者婦人從夫諡。 今烈懿太妃德冠一世，故特蒙褒錫，乃萬代之高事，豈容於定名之重，而不稱烈懿乎？」 澄從之。
Again, when Cheng was in mourning for the Grand Consort, his officials proposed erecting a commemorative stele. They wished to inscribe it: "Stele of the Primary Consort of Prince Kang." Cheng consulted Puhui. He replied: "I have carefully examined the court regulations. They provide for 'royal consort,' but not for the character yuan, 'primary. When Mencius called the Lady of Lu the 'Primary Consort,' he wished to set her below and in contrast with 'the successor consort Shengzi. Now the Grand Consort Lieyi was matched to the former king, with none of the complications of a successor consort such as Shengzi or Zhongzi. I venture to say there is no need to borrow the character yuan to distinguish rank. Moreover, pairing the clan name with the surname — I think that is a form of address used while one is alive. Thus in the Spring and Autumn Annals, "The Lady Jiang arrived from Qi." After the burial, with the posthumous name paired with the clan name, the classic records "We buried our lesser lady, Lady Wen Jiang," [2] and again says "They came back with the funeral offerings for the lady Chengfeng." In all cases the posthumous name is paired with the clan name. In antiquity women took their husbands' posthumous names. Now the Grand Consort Lieyi's virtue surpassed her age, and she was specially granted this honored epithet — a matter lofty enough to last ten thousand generations. How could one, in settling so weighty a name, fail to use Lieyi?" Cheng followed his advice.
22
及王師大舉，重征鍾離，普惠為安樂王詮別將長史。 班師，除揚烈將軍、相州安北府司馬。 遷步兵校尉。 後以本官領河南尹丞。 世宗崩，坐與甄楷等飲酒遊從，免官。 驍騎將軍刁整，家有舊訓，將營儉葬。 普惠以為矯時太甚，與整書論之。 事在刁雍傳。 故事：免官者，三載之後降一階而敍，若才優擢授，不拘此限。 熙平中，吏部尚書李韶奏普惠有文學，依才優之例，宜特顯敍，敕除寧遠將軍、司空倉曹參軍。 朝議以不降階為榮。 時任城王澄為司空，表議書記，多出普惠。
When the royal army launched its great campaign and again marched against Zhongli, Puhui served as Chief Clerk to the Separate Commander under Prince Anle, Yuan Quan. After the army withdrew, he was appointed General Who Displays Majesty and Army Aide of the Northern Pacification Headquarters in Xiang Province. He was transferred to Colonel of the Foot Soldiers. Later, while retaining his original office, he served concurrently as Assistant to the Administrator of Henan. When Emperor Xuanwu died, he was dismissed from office for drinking and carousing with Zhen Kai and others. General of Valiant Cavalry Diao Zheng, whose family had an old instruction, was about to arrange a frugal burial. Puhui thought this bent too far to the fashion of the times and wrote Diao Zheng a letter arguing the point. The matter is recorded in the biography of Diao Yong. Precedent held that those dismissed from office, after three years, had their rank reduced one grade upon reappointment. But if talent was outstanding, promotion was not bound by this limit. During the Xiping era, Minister of the Interior Li Shao memorialized that Puhui had literary learning and, following the precedent for outstanding talent, ought to receive a special conspicuous reappointment. By edict he was appointed General of Distant Pacification and Army Clerk of the Granary Bureau under the Minister of Works. Court discussion held that not having one's rank reduced was an honor. At the time Prince Cheng of Rencheng served as Minister of Works, drafts for memorials and deliberations mostly came from Puhui.
23
廣陵王恭、北海王顥，疑為所生祖母服期與三年，博士執意不同，詔羣僚會議。 普惠議曰：「謹按二王祖母，皆受命先朝，為二國太妃，可謂受命於天子，為始封之母矣。 喪服『慈母如母』，在三年章。 傳曰：『貴父命也。』 鄭注云：『大夫之妾子，父在為母大功，則士之妾子為母期。 父卒則皆得申。』 此大夫命其妾子，以為母所慈，猶曰貴父命，為之三年，況天子命其子為列國王，命其所生母為國太妃，反自同公子為母練冠之與大功乎？ 輕重顛倒，不可之甚者也。 傳曰，『始封之君，不臣諸父昆弟』，則當服其親服。 若魯衞列國，相為服期，判無疑矣。 何以明之？ 喪服，『君為姑姊妹女子嫁於國君者』，傳曰：『何以大功？ 尊同也。 尊同，則得服其親服。 諸侯之子稱公子，公子不得禰先君。』 然則兄弟一體。 位列諸侯，自以尊同得相為服，不可還準公子，遠厭天王。 故降有四品，君、大夫以尊降，公子、大夫之子以厭降。 名例不同，何可亂也。 禮，大夫之妾子，以父命慈己，申其三年。 太妃既受命先帝，光昭一國，二王胙土茅社，顯錫大邦，舍尊同之高據，附不禰之公子，雖許蔡失位，亦不是過。 服問曰：『有從輕而重，公子之妻為其皇姑。』 公子雖厭，妻尚獲申，況廣陵、北海，論封則封君之子，語妃則命妃之孫。 承妃纂重，遠別先皇，更以先后之正統，厭其所生之祖嫡，方之皇姑，不以遙乎？ 今既許其申服，而復限之以期，比之慈母，不亦爽歟！ 經曰，『為君之祖父母父母妻長子』，傳曰：『何以期？ 父母長子君服斬，妻則小君。 父卒，然後為祖後者服斬。』 今祖乃獻文皇帝，諸侯不得祖之，母為太妃，蓋二王三年之證。 議者近背正經以附非類，差之毫毛，所失或遠。 且天子尊則配天，莫非臣妾，何為命之為國母而不聽子服其親乎？ 記曰：『從服者，所從亡，則已。』 又曰：不為君母之黨服，則為其母之黨服。 [3]今所從既亡，不以親服服其所生，則屬從之服於何所施？ 若以諸王入為公卿，便同大夫者，則當今之議，皆不須以國為言也。 今之諸王，自同列國，雖不之國，別置臣僚，玉食一方，不得以諸侯言之。 敢據周禮，輒同三年。」
Princes Gong of Guangling and Hao of Beihai questioned whether the mourning period for their biological grandmothers should match the three-year term. The Erudites held conflicting views, and an edict ordered the assembled officials to deliberate. Puhui argued: "I respectfully consider that the grandmothers of both princes received their appointments from the former court and served as Grand Consorts of two states. They may be said to have received their charge from the Son of Heaven and to have been the founding mothers of those fiefs. In the Mourning Garments, "a nurturing mother is treated as a mother" appears in the chapter on three-year mourning. The commentary says: "This honors the father's command." Zheng's commentary says: "For a great officer's son by a concubine, while the father lives he wears second-grade mourning for his mother; for a serviceman's son by a concubine, it is one-year mourning for his mother." When the father dies, both may extend their mourning. Here a great officer commands his son by a concubine; because the mother nurtured him, one still honors the father's command and wears three-year mourning for her. How much more so when the Son of Heaven appoints his son king of a feudal state and appoints the prince's biological mother Grand Consort of the state — yet one would equate this with a prince's son wearing the dyed cap or second-grade mourning for his mother? Light and heavy inverted — there could be no greater error. The commentary says: "The first enfeoffed lord does not treat his father's brothers and own brothers as subjects." Therefore one ought to wear mourning according to the kinship grade. If it were feudal states like Lu and Wei, wearing one-year mourning for each other would clearly be beyond doubt. How may this be demonstrated? In Mourning Garments, "For the lord's father's sisters and the women of his clan married to feudal lords," the commentary asks: "Why second-grade mourning?" Because their ranks are equal. When ranks are equal, one may wear mourning according to the kinship grade. A feudal lord's son is called a prince; a prince may not enshrine the former lord in his temple. Therefore brothers are of one body. Once ranked among the feudal lords, they by virtue of equal rank may wear mourning for one another. One cannot still apply the standard of a prince and apply distant reduction toward the Son of Heaven. Therefore there are four grades of reduction: lords and great officers reduce by rank; princes and great officers' sons reduce by surfeit. The categories differ in name and rule — how can they be confused? By ritual, a great officer's son by a concubine, because the father commanded that he be nurtured, extends to three-year mourning. The Grand Consort already received her appointment from the former emperor, her honor illuminating an entire state. The two princes were granted fiefs with earth and ceremonial insignia, conspicuously bestowed great domains. To abandon the high ground of equal rank and attach oneself to the category of a prince who cannot enshrine his ancestor — even the demotion of Xu and Cai would not be excessive. Mourning Questions says: "There are cases where mourning goes from light to heavy: a prince's wife for her imperial mother-in-law." Though a prince is subject to surfeit reduction, his wife may still extend her mourning. How much more for Guangling and Beihai: speaking of their fiefs they are sons of enfeoffed lords; speaking of the Grand Consort they are grandsons of the appointed consort. Inheriting the Grand Consort's weighty succession, distantly separated from the late emperor, yet further applying the orthodox line of the empress to suppress mourning for the biological grandmother's full relation — compared to the imperial mother-in-law, is this not even more remote? Now that extension of mourning is granted, yet it is again limited to one year — compared to a nurturing mother, is this not contradictory! The canon says: "For the lord's grandparents, parents, and wife's eldest son." The commentary asks: "Why one year?" The lord's parents and eldest son wear highest mourning; the wife is the lesser lord. When the father dies, then the heir of the grandfather wears highest mourning. Now the grandfather is Emperor Xianwen — feudal lords cannot enshrine him as ancestor. Their mother is Grand Consort — this is surely proof of the two princes' three-year mourning. Those in the debate lately abandon the orthodox canon to attach themselves to improper categories. A hair's breadth of error may lead to far-reaching loss. Moreover, when the Son of Heaven is supreme he matches Heaven — all are his subjects. Why appoint her Grand Consort of the state yet not allow the sons to mourn their kin as kin? The Record says: "For derivative mourning, when the one followed is gone, it ceases." It also says: If one does not mourn the lord's mother's kinsmen, then one mourns one's own mother's kinsmen. [3] Now that the one followed is gone, if one does not wear kin mourning for the biological relation, then to what is derivative mourning to be applied? If princes entering office as high ministers were treated the same as great officers, then in the present debate there would be no need to speak in terms of feudal states at all. Today's princes are themselves equivalent to feudal states. Though they do not go to their domains, they separately appoint officials and ministers and enjoy the bounty of a region — they cannot be discussed simply as feudal lords. I dare rely on the Zhou Rites and apply the same three-year mourning."
24
當時議者亦有同異。 國子博士李郁於議罷之後，書難普惠。 普惠據禮還答，鄭重三返，郁議遂屈。 轉諫議大夫。 澄謂普惠曰：「不喜君得諫議，唯喜諫議得君。」
Among those debating at the time there were also agreements and disagreements. After the debate concluded, Imperial University Erudite Li Yu wrote challenging Puhui. Puhui replied on the basis of ritual, seriously and three times in succession; Li Yu's argument was thus defeated. He was transferred to Remonstrating Advisor. Cheng said to Puhui: "I do not rejoice that you obtained Remonstrating Advisor; I only rejoice that Remonstrating Advisor obtained you."
25
臣聞優名寶位，王者之所光錫； 尊君愛親，臣子所以慎終。 必使勳績相侔，號秩相可，然後能顯揚當時，傳徽萬代者矣。 竊見故侍中、司徒胡公，懷道含靈，實誕聖后，載育至尊，母儀四海，近樞克唯允之寄，居槐體論道之明。 故以功餘九錫，褒假鑾纛，深聖上之加隆，極慈后之至愛，憲章天下，不亦可乎？ 而「太上」之號，竊謂未衷。 何者？ 易稱：「天尊地卑，乾坤定矣。」 故曰「大哉乾元」，又曰「至哉坤元」。 明乾坤不可並大。 禮記曰：「天無二日，土無二王。 嘗禘郊社，尊無二上。」 明君臣不可並上。 伏見詔書，以司徒為太上秦公，夫人為太上秦君。 夫人蒙號於前，司徒繫之於後，尊光之美盛矣。 竊惟高祖受禪於獻文皇帝，故仰尊為太上皇，此因上上而生名也。 皇太后稱令以繫敕下，蓋取三從之道，遠同文母，列於十亂，則司徒之為太上，恐乖繫敕之意。 春秋傳曰：葬稱公，臣子辭。 明不可復加上也。 書曰：「茲予大饗于先王，爾祖其從與饗之。」 司徒位尊屬重，必當配饗先朝，稱太上以為臣，以事太上皇，恐非司徒翼翼之心。
Your servant has heard that excellent titles and honored ranks are what the king lavishly bestows; honoring the lord and cherishing kin are how ministers and sons see duty through to the end. Merit and achievement must be matched, titles and ranks must be fitting — only then can one glorify the present age and transmit luster through ten thousand generations. I have observed the late Attendant-in-Ordinary and Minister of Works Duke Hu: he embraced the Way and bore spiritual virtue, truly the one who gave birth to the Sacred Empress, who nurtured the Supreme Sovereign, whose maternal example filled the four seas. Near the pivot of power he fulfilled the charge of sole trust, and as Minister of Works embodied the clarity of discourse on the Way. Therefore, with merit beyond the Nine Bestowals, honored with imperial regalia and battle standards, deeply exalted by the Sacred Sovereign and receiving the utmost love of the Benevolent Empress — to proclaim this as law throughout the realm, would that not be fitting? Yet the title "Supreme" — I respectfully consider it not yet apt. Why? The Changes says: "Heaven is lofty and earth is lowly — thus Qian and Kun are fixed." Therefore it says "How great is the primal power of Qian," and again "How perfect is the primal power of Kun." This shows that Qian and Kun cannot both be supreme. The Record of Rites says: "Heaven has no second sun; earth has no second king. At the seasonal sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, honor admits no second apex." This shows that lord and minister cannot both stand at the apex. I have seen in the edict that the Minister of Works is styled Supreme Duke of Qin, and his lady Supreme Lady of Qin. The lady received her title first, the Minister of Works was attached afterward — the splendor of honor is indeed magnificent. I consider that Emperor Gaozu received the abdication from Emperor Xianwen, and therefore raised him in honor as Supreme Emperor — this title arose from the supreme one above the supreme. The Empress Dowager uses the term "Order" to attach her commands below — this takes the way of the three followings, far matching Wen Mu, ranked among the Ten Disordered. For the Minister of Works to be styled Supreme — I fear this goes against the intent of attaching commands below. The Spring and Autumn commentary says: At burial one styles him Duke — the minister and son declines. This shows that one cannot add further titles. The Documents say: "Now I shall greatly feast at the former kings — may your ancestor follow and share in the feast." The Minister of Works' rank is lofty and his relation weighty — he must surely share in the sacrificial feast of the former court. To style him Supreme yet treat him as a minister serving the Supreme Emperor — I fear this is not what the Minister of Works earnestly desired in his heart.
26
漢祖創有天下，尊父曰「太上皇」，母曰「昭靈后」，乃帝者之事。 晉有「小子侯」，尚曰僭之於天子。 司徒，三公也，其可同號於帝乎？ 孔子曰：「必也正名，名不正則言不順，言不順則事不成，事不成則禮樂不興，禮樂不興則刑罰不中，刑罰不中則民無所措手足。」 易曰「有大者不可以盈，故受之以謙」，「謙尊而光，卑而不可踰」，「天道虧盈而益謙，地道變盈而流謙，鬼神害盈而福謙，人道惡盈而好謙」。 又曰：「困於上者必反於下，故受之以井。」 比剋吉定兆，而以淺改卜，羣心悲惋，亦或天地神靈所以垂至戒，啟聖情。 伏願聖后回日月之明，察微臣之請，停司徒逼同之號，從卑下不踰之稱，畏困上之鑒，邀謙光之福，則天下幸甚。
The Founder of Han created the realm and honored his father as "Supreme Emperor" and his mother as "Empress Zhao Ling" — these are matters for emperors. In Jin there was the "Lesser Son Marquis" — even so it was said to usurp the Son of Heaven. The Minister of Works is one of the Three Dukes — how can he share the same title as an emperor? Confucius said: "One must rectify names. If names are not correct, speech will not be in order; if speech is not in order, affairs will not succeed; if affairs do not succeed, rites and music will not flourish; if rites and music do not flourish, punishments will not hit the mark; if punishments do not hit the mark, the people will have nowhere to set hand or foot." The Changes says: "When one who is great cannot be filled, therefore Humility follows." "Humility: honored yet radiant, lowly yet not to be overstepped." "The Way of Heaven diminishes the full and benefits the humble; the Way of Earth transforms the full and pours into the humble; ghosts and spirits harm the full and bless the humble; the Way of Man hates the full and loves the humble." It also says: "One trapped above must turn back below — therefore the Well follows." Recently a propitious site was chosen and the omen fixed, yet the burial was changed to a shallower location — the hearts of the multitude grieved and lamented. Perhaps this too is how Heaven and Earth and the spirits show their utmost warning and awaken the Sacred One's feelings. I humbly wish that the Sacred Empress would turn back the brilliance of sun and moon, examine this humble servant's plea, halt the Minister of Works' forced equal title, follow the designation that is lowly and not to be overstepped, fear the warning of being trapped above, and seek the blessing of radiant humility — then the realm would be greatly fortunate.
27
臣聞見災修德，災變成善。 此太戊所以興殷，桑穀以之自滅。 況今卜遷方始，當修革之會，愚以為無上之名，不可假之，脫譏於千載，恐貽不言之咎。 且君之於臣，比葬三臨之，禮也。 司徒誠為后父，實人臣也。 雖子尊不加於父，乃天下母以義斷恩，不可遂在室之意，故曰「女子有行，遠父母兄弟」。 況乃應坤之載，承天之重，而朔望於司徒之殯，晨昏於郊墓之間，雖聖思蒸蒸，其不虞宜戒。 離宸極之嚴居，疲雲蹕於道路，此亦億兆蒼生，瞻仰失圖。 伏願尋載馳之不歸，存靜方之光大，則草木可繁，人靈斯穆。 臣職忝諫司，敢獻狂瞽，謹冒上聞，不敢宣露，乞垂省覽，昭臣微款，脫得奉謁聖顏，曲盡愚衷者，死且不朽。
Your servant has heard that when one sees calamity one cultivates virtue, and calamity turns into good. This is why Tai Jia revived Yin, and why Sang Gu perished by it. Moreover, now that the divination for relocation has just begun, at a moment when reform ought to be undertaken — I am of the view that the title of "none above" cannot be lent out. If one invites ridicule for a thousand years, I fear one will incur blame that cannot be spoken. Moreover, when a lord faces a minister at burial, he thrice attends in person — this is ritual. The Minister of Works is indeed the empress's father, but in truth he is a subject. Though a son's honor does not exceed his father's, as Mother of the Realm she must sever affection by righteousness and cannot indulge the feelings of one still in her maiden home — hence it is said: "When a woman has a destination, she is distant from parents and brothers." How much more when she bears the burden of Kun and carries the weight of Heaven — yet at the new and full moon attends the Minister of Works' bier, morning and evening between the suburban tombs. Though the Sacred One's thoughts are warm and earnest, ought one not guard against the unforeseen? Leaving the strict abode of the imperial pole, exhausting the imperial escort on the roads — this too is the myriad masses looking up and losing their compass. I humbly wish you would recall how the carriage that raced forth did not return, and preserve the radiance of stillness and rectitude — then vegetation may flourish and the people's spirits will be at peace. Your servant's office disgraces the remonstrance bureau; I dare offer this reckless blindness and respectfully presume to report upward, yet dare not disclose it openly. I beg you to examine it and make clear this humble servant's sincere intent. If I may be granted audience with the Sacred Countenance and fully express my foolish loyalty, I would die without regret.
28
太后覽表，親至國珍宅，召集王公、八座、卿尹及五品已上，博議其事，遣使召普惠與相問答，又令侍中元叉、中常侍賈璨監觀得失。 任城王澄問普惠曰：「漢高作帝，尊父為太上皇。 今聖母臨朝，贈父太上公，求之故實，非為無準。 且君舉作則，何必循舊。」 對曰：「天子稱詔，太后稱令，故周臣十亂，文母預焉。 仰思所難，竊謂非匹。」 澄曰：「前代太后亦有稱詔，聖母自欲存謙光之義，故不稱耳，何得以詔令之別，而廢嚴父之孝？」 對曰：「后父太上，自昔未有。 前代母后豈不欲尊崇其親，王何以不遠謨古義，而近順今旨。 未審太后何故謙於稱詔，而不謙於太上。 竊願聖后終其謙光。」 太傅、清河王懌曰：「昔在僭晉，褚氏臨朝，殷浩遺褚裒書曰『足下，今之太上皇也』，況太上公而致疑。」 對曰：「褚裒以女輔政辭不入朝。 淵源譏其不恭，故有太上之刺。 本稱其非，不記其是。 不謂殿下以此賜難。」 侍中崔光曰：「張生表中引晉有小子侯，出自鄭注，非為正經。」 對曰：「雖非正經之文，然述正經之旨。 公好古習禮，復固斯難？」 御史中尉元匡因謂崔光曰：「張表云，晉之小子侯，以號同稱僭。 今者，太上公名同太上皇，比晉小子，義似相類。 但不學不敢辨其是非。」 普惠對曰：「中丞既疑其是，不正其非，豈所望於三獨。」 尚書崔亮曰：「諫議所見，正以太上之號不應施於人臣。 然周有太公尚父，亦兼二名。 人臣尊重之稱，固知非始今日。」 普惠對曰：「尚父者，有德可尚； 太上者，上中之上。 名同義異，此亦非並。」 亮又曰：「古有文王、武王，亦有文子、武子。 然則，太上皇、太上公亦何嫌其同也？」 普惠對曰：「文武者，德行之迹，故迹同則諡同。 太上者，尊極之位，豈得通施於臣下！」 廷尉少卿袁翻曰：「周官：上公九命，上大夫四命。 命數雖殊，同為上，何必上者皆是極尊？」 普惠厲聲訶翻曰：「禮有下卿上士，[4]何止大夫與公！ 但今所行，以太加上，二名雙舉，不得非極。 雕蟲小藝，微或相許，至於此處，豈卿所及！」 翻甚有慚色，默不復言。 任城王澄曰：「諫諍之體，各言所見，至於用捨，固在應時。 卿向答袁氏，聲何太厲？」 普惠對曰：「所言若是，宜見採用； 所言若非，懼有罪及。 是非須辨，非為苟競。」 澄曰：「朝廷方開不諱之門，以廣忠言之路。 卿今意在向義，何云乃慮罪罰。」 議者咸以太后當朝，志相崇順，遂奏曰：「張普惠辭雖不屈，然非臣等所同。 渙汗已流，請依前詔。」 太后復遣元叉、賈璨宣令謂普惠曰：「朕向召卿與羣臣對議，往復既終，皆不同卿表。 朕之所行，孝子之志； 卿之所陳，忠臣之道。 羣公已有成議，卿不得苦奪朕懷。 後有所見，勿得難言。」 普惠於是拜令辭還。
The Empress Dowager read the memorial, personally went to Hu Guozhen's residence, summoned princes, the Eight Seats, ministers and administrators, and all of fifth rank and above to broadly deliberate the matter. She sent envoys to summon Puhui for mutual questioning and answering, and further ordered Attendant-in-Ordinary Yuan Cha and Palace Attendant Jia Can to supervise and observe gains and losses. Prince Cheng of Rencheng asked Puhui: "When Emperor Gaozu of Han became emperor, he honored his father as Supreme Emperor. Now the Sacred Mother holds court and posthumously honors her father as Supreme Duke — searching ancient precedents, this is not without standard. Moreover, when the lord acts, he establishes the norm — why must one follow the old?" He replied: "The Son of Heaven styles his words Edict; the Empress Dowager styles hers Order — therefore among the Zhou ministers in the Ten Disordered, Wen Mu participated. Looking up and pondering what is difficult, I respectfully consider it not a match." Cheng said: "Former empresses dowager also styled their words Edict. The Sacred Mother herself wished to preserve the meaning of radiant humility, and therefore did not style them so. How can one, on the basis of the Edict-Order distinction, abandon filial piety toward one's stern father?" He replied: "An empress's father styled Supreme — from antiquity there has never been such a thing. Did former empresses dowager not wish to honor their kin? Why does Your Highness not consult distant ancient meaning, but instead closely follow the present intent? I do not understand why the Empress Dowager was humble in styling Edict, yet not humble regarding Supreme. I respectfully wish the Sacred Empress would carry her radiant humility through to the end." Grand Tutor Prince Yi of Qinghe said: "Formerly under usurping Jin, the Chu clan held court. Yin Hao sent Chu Pou a letter saying 'You, sir, are today's Supreme Emperor' — how much more Supreme Duke, yet you raise doubts." He replied: "Chu Pou, because his daughter assisted in government, declined to enter court. Huan Yuan mocked his lack of respect — therefore there was the barb of Supreme. It originally marked his fault, not recorded his correctness. I did not expect Your Highness to use this as a challenge." Attendant-in-Ordinary Cui Guang said: "In Scholar Zhang's memorial he cites Jin's Lesser Son Marquis — this comes from Zheng's commentary and is not the orthodox canon." He replied: "Though it is not text of the orthodox canon, it yet expounds the orthodox canon's intent. You love antiquity and study ritual — will you again stubbornly raise this challenge?" Censor-in-Chief Yuan Kuang thereupon said to Cui Guang: "Scholar Zhang's memorial says that Jin's Lesser Son Marquis was deemed usurpation because the title was the same. Now the title Supreme Duke is the same as Supreme Emperor — compared to Jin's Lesser Son, the meaning seems similar. But lacking learning, I dare not distinguish right from wrong." Puhui replied: "Since the Censor-in-Chief already suspects it is correct, why not correct what is wrong — is this what is expected of one of the Three Solitary Remonstrators?" Minister of the Household Cui Liang said: "The Remonstrance Counselor is right — the title Supreme ought not be bestowed on a minister. Yet the Zhou had the Grand Duke called Father Venerable — he bore two honorifics at once. Respectful titles for ministers are nothing new, as everyone knows." Puhui replied: "'Father Venerable' means virtue worthy of reverence; "Supreme" means the highest of the high. The words may sound alike, but their meaning is not the same — these cannot be lumped together." Liang went on: "Ancient times had King Wen and King Wu — and also sons styled Wenzi and Wuzi. By that logic, what harm if Supreme Emperor and Supreme Duke share the same prefix?" Puhui replied: "'Wen' and 'Wu' denote deeds of virtue — when the deeds match, the posthumous epithets match. But 'Supreme' denotes the summit of honor — it cannot be handed out to subjects below!" Vice Director Yuan Fan of the Court of Judicial Review said: "The Rites of Zhou set nine commands for a grand duke and four for a senior grandee. The numbers differ, yet both use 'supreme' — not every 'supreme' need mean the highest dignity." Puhui raised his voice and rebuked Fan: "The rites speak of a lower grandee ranking above a senior serviceman — [4] the word 'supreme' applies far beyond grandee and duke! What is proposed pairs 'Supreme' with 'Duke' — two superlatives at once. That can only mean the highest rank. Trifling scholarly quibbles I might indulge — but on a matter of this weight, it is beyond your ken!" Fan flushed with shame and said nothing more. Prince Cheng of Rencheng said: "Remonstrance means each man speaks his mind; whether advice is taken turns on the moment. Why did you answer Master Yuan in so fierce a tone just now?" Puhui replied: "If a point is sound, it should be heeded; if it is unsound, I fear the kingdom will suffer for it. Right and wrong must be settled — I was not quarreling for sport." Cheng said: "The court has only just opened its doors to frank speech, widening the way for loyal counsel. Your heart is set on what is right — why speak as though you dread punishment?" The council, knowing the Empress Dowager reigned and eager to align with her wishes, reported: "Zhang Puhui has not yielded in argument, but we cannot join him. The decree has already been issued — let it stand as before." The Empress Dowager sent Yuan Cha and Jia Can with a message for Puhui: "We called you to debate the ministers. The exchange is over, and none side with your petition. What I do follows a filial son's duty; what you urged follows a loyal minister's path. The lords have decided. Do not try to wrench my resolve. When you have further views, speak plainly — do not hold back. Puhui bowed, accepted the command, and withdrew.
29
初，普惠被召，傳詔馳驊騮馬來，甚迅速，佇立催去，普惠諸子憂怖涕泣。 普惠謂曰：「我當休明之朝，掌諫議之職，若不言所難言，諫所難諫，便是唯唯，曠官尸祿。 人生有死，死得其所，夫復何恨。 然朝廷有道，汝輩勿憂。」 及議罷，旨勞還宅，親故賀其幸甚。 時中山莊弼遺書普惠曰：[5]「明侯淵儒碩學，身負大才，秉此公方，來居諫職，謇謇如也，諤諤如也。 一昨承胡司徒第，當面折庭諍，雖問難鋒至，而應對響出，宋城之帶始縈，魯門之柝裁警，終使羣后逡巡，庶僚拱默，雖不見用於一時，固已傳美於百代。 聞風快然，敬裁此白。」 普惠美其此書，每為口實。
Earlier, when Puhui was summoned, a messenger spurred a sorrel stallion to the door and pressed him to leave at once. His sons wept in terror. Puhui told them: "In this bright age I hold the remonstrance. If I will not speak the unspeakable and warn where warning is hard, I am a yes-man — a deadweight on the payroll. All men die. To die in the right cause — what regret could there be? And this court holds to the Way. Have no fear. When the debate ended, an imperial message of reassurance sent him home. Relatives and friends hailed his deliverance. Then Zhongshan Zhuang Bi wrote Puhui: [5] "Your Excellency — a scholar of depth and stature, great talent and public rectitude in the remonstrator's chair, steadfast and outspoken alike. Yesterday at Vice Minister Hu's house you disputed face to face in open court. Questions flew like spear-points; your answers rang clear as bells — the belt of Song of Cheng newly girded, the watchman's clapper at Lu's gate just struck — until the lords wavered and the officials stood mute. Though the court did not heed you today, your name will shine for a hundred generations. Your courage lifts my heart. I write this in admiration. Puhui treasured the letter and retold its lines often.
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普惠以天下民調，幅度長廣，尚書計奏，復徵綿麻，恐其勞民不堪命，上疏曰：
Puhui saw that tax quotas nationwide had swelled in measure, weight, and length, and that the Ministry of Revenue had petitioned to restore the hemp-and-flax levy. Fearing the people would be crushed, he memorialized the throne:
31
伏聞尚書奏復綿麻之調，尊先皇之軌，夙宵惟度，忻戰交集。 何者？ 聞復高祖舊典，所以忻惟新； 俱可復而不復，所以戰違法。 仰惟高祖廢大斗，去長尺，改重秤，所以愛萬姓，從薄賦。 知軍國須綿麻之用，故云幅度之間，億兆應有綿麻之利，故絹上稅綿八兩，布上稅麻十五斤。 萬姓得廢大斗，去長尺，改重秤，荷輕賦之饒，不適於綿麻而已，[6]故歌舞以供其賦，奔走以役其勤，天子信於上，億兆樂於下。 故易曰：悅以使民，民忘其勞。 此之謂也。
I have learned that the Ministry memorializes to restore the hemp-and-flax levy, honoring my late father's standard. Day and night I weigh this — my joy and my dread come at once. How so? To hear Gaozu's old measure restored fills me with hope for renewal; yet what could all be restored is not — and that terrifies me as a breach of law. Gaozu abolished oversized pecks, shortened the foot, lightened the steelyard — all to spare the people and keep taxes lean. Knowing the army and state still needed hemp and flax, he held that within proper measures the realm could spare it — eight ounces of floss per bolt of silk, fifteen pounds of hemp per bolt of cloth. The people gained lighter pecks, shorter feet, and lighter steelyards, and enjoyed leaner taxes — not only on hemp and flax, [6] so they sang as they paid and hurried to their labor; the Son of Heaven stood trusted above, and the masses rejoiced below. Hence the Book of Changes: "Win the people with joy, and they forget their fatigue." Such is the meaning.
32
自茲以降，漸漸長闊，百姓嗟怨，聞於朝野。 伏惟皇太后未臨朝之前，陛下居諒闇之日，宰輔不尋其本，知天下之怨綿麻，不察其輻廣、度長、秤重、斗大，革其所弊，存其可存，而特放綿麻之調，以悅天下之心，此所謂悅之不以道，愚臣所以未悅者也。 尚書既知國少綿麻，不惟法度之□易，[7]民言之可畏，便欲去天下之大信，棄已行之成詔，追前之非，遂後之失，奏求還復綿麻，以充國用。 不思庫中大有綿麻，而羣官共竊之。 愚臣以為於理未盡。 何者？ 今宮人請調度，[8]造衣物，必度忖秤量。 絹布，匹有尺丈之盈，一猶不計其廣； 絲綿，斤兼百銖之剩，未聞依律罪州郡。 若一匹之濫，一斤之惡，則鞭戶主，連三長，此所以教民以貪者也。 今百官請俸，人樂長闊，并欲厚重，無復準極。 得長闊厚重者，便云其州能調，絹布精闊且長，橫發美譽，以亂視聽； 不聞嫌長惡廣，求計還官者。 此百司所以仰負聖明也。
Since then the quotas have grown ever wider. The people's groans reach court and countryside alike. Before the Empress Dowager assumed the regency, while Your Majesty was in mourning, the chief ministers never addressed the root of the problem. They knew the realm resented the hemp-and-flax levy, yet never examined swollen measures, long feet, heavy steelyards, and oversized pecks. They kept the abuses and lifted only the hemp-and-flax tax to win hearts — delight without principle. That is why I cannot rejoice. The Ministry, knowing stores of hemp and flax run low, ignored how hard it is to change the law, [7] ignored how dangerous popular outrage can be, and now seeks to break the empire's trust, revoke a settled edict, undo a past mistake by repeating it, and restore the hemp-and-flax levy to fill the treasury. They never reckoned that the granaries hold ample hemp and flax — while officials steal it among themselves. I submit that this reasoning is incomplete. How so? When palace staff requisition cloth, [8] every garment is cut to official measure and weighed on the steelyard. If a bolt of silk runs wide by inches, no one counts the surplus; if a pound of floss or hemp weighs a hundred zhu heavy, no one punishes the prefectures by statute. But let one bolt be short or one pound be shoddy, and the household head is flogged while the local chiefs are punished — thus the state teaches the people to cheat. Officials drawing salaries now all prefer bolts that are wide, thick, and heavy — with no fixed standard left. Whoever gets the widest, thickest bolts declares his prefecture an expert levier — fine silk, broad and long — and floods the court with praise to dazzle the eye and ear; yet no one is ever heard complaining of excess length or width and returning the surplus to the state. That is why every office lives off Your Majesty's forbearance.
33
今若必復綿麻者，謂宜先令四海知其所由，明立嚴禁，復本幅度，新綿麻之典，依太和之稅。 其在庫絹布并及絲綿，不依典制者，請遣一尚書與太府卿、左右藏令，依今官度、官秤，計其斤兩、廣長，折給請俸之人。 總常俸之數，千俸所出，以布綿麻，亦應其一歲之用。 [9]使天下知二聖之心，愛民惜法如此，則高祖之軌中興於神龜，明明慈信照布於無窮，則孰不幸甚。 伏願亮臣悾悾之至，下慰蒼生之心。
If the hemp-and-flax levy must return, let the realm first know why: set strict rules, restore the original measures, and model the new levy on the Taihe standard. Silk, cloth, floss, and hemp in the storehouses that fall short of the standard should be measured by a Minister of the Household, the Grand Storehouse Director, and the Left and Right Storehouse Directors with official rule and steelyard — weighed, measured, and paid out to salary claimants in kind. Count the regular salaries: what a thousand stipends require in cloth, floss, and hemp should cover a full year's need. [9] Let the realm see that the Two Sages love the people and honor the law — then Gaozu's standard will rise again in the Shengui reign, bright mercy and trust shining without end, and who would not call himself blessed? I beg Your Majesty to weigh my earnest plea and ease the hearts of the people below.
34
普惠又表乞朝直之日，時聽奉見。 自此之後，月一陛見。 又以肅宗不親視朝，過崇佛法，郊廟之事，多委有司，上疏曰：「臣聞明德卹祀，成湯光六百之祚； 嚴父配天，孔子稱周公其人也。 故能馨香上聞，福傳遐世。 伏惟陛下重暉纂統，欽明文思，天地屬心，百神佇望，故宜敦崇祀禮，咸秩無文。 而告朔朝廟，不親於明堂； 嘗禘郊社，多委於有司。 觀射遊苑，躍馬騁中，危而非典，豈清蹕之意。 殖不思之冥業，損巨費於生民。 減祿削力，近供無事之僧； 崇飾雲殿，遠邀未然之報。 昧爽之臣，稽首於外； 玄寂之眾，遨遊於內。 愆禮忤時，人靈未穆。 愚謂從朝夕之因，[10]求秖劫之果，未若先萬國之忻心，以事其親，使天下和平，災害不生者也。 伏願淑慎威儀，萬邦作式，躬致郊廟之虔，親紆朔望之禮，釋奠成均，竭心千畝，明發不寐，潔誠禋祼。 孝悌可以通神明，德教可以光四海，則一人有喜，兆民賴之。 然後精進三寶，信心如來。 道由禮深，故諸漏可盡； 法隨禮積，故彼岸可登。 量撤僧寺不急之華，還復百官久折之秩。 已興之構，務從簡成； 將來之造，權令停息。 仍舊亦可，何必改作。 庶節用愛人，法俗俱賴。 臣學不經遠，言多孟浪，忝職其憂，不敢默爾。」 尋別敕付外，議釋奠之禮。
Puhui also petitioned to be received in audience on his regular court days. After that he was granted an audience once a month. Seeing that Emperor Suzong no longer held court in person, lavished favor on Buddhism, and left suburban rites and temple affairs mostly to subordinates, he memorialized: "I have read that enlightened virtue nourishes sacrifice — Cheng Tang secured six centuries of rule; honoring one's father as Heaven's peer — Confucius said the Duke of Zhou was such a man. Thus offerings rise to Heaven, and blessings reach far generations. Your Majesty inherits a doubled radiance and a weighty mandate; Heaven and Earth look to you, the hundred spirits await — you should therefore exalt every rite in its proper season, omitting none. Yet the monthly temple announcements — You do not perform them in person at the Bright Hall; seasonal suburban and state sacrifices — mostly left to subordinates. Watching archery, roaming the parks, spurring horses in reckless sport — dangerous and unbefitting — is this what clearing the imperial path means? Heaping up thoughtless merit for the afterlife while draining the living. Salaries are cut and labor withheld to feed idle monks nearby; cloud halls are lavishly gilded to buy blessings not yet earned. At dawn ministers kowtow in the outer court; while silent monks wander inside. Rites are breached and the age is unsettled — spirits and men alike are disturbed. I hold that chasing kalpa-long rewards through daily devotions [10] cannot match winning the joy of the realm and serving one's parents — bringing peace under Heaven and warding off disaster. I beg Your Majesty to guard your dignity as a model to all lands: attend the suburban altars yourself, perform the monthly and new-moon rites, offer at the Imperial Academy, labor at the sacred field, rise before dawn, and pour your heart into every sacrifice. Filial piety can reach the spirits; moral teaching can light the four seas — when the ruler rejoices, the masses prosper with him. Only then advance the Three Treasures and trust in the Buddha as he deserves. When the Way grows from deep roots in rites, every defilement can be drained; when the Law builds on accumulated rites, the farther shore can be reached. Trim needless splendor from the temples and restore the salaries long withheld from officials. What is already under construction should be finished plainly; what is not yet begun should be halted for now. The old ways would suffice — why rebuild at all? Then thrift and care for the people would benefit both law and custom alike. My learning is shallow and my words rash, but holding this office I dare not stay silent. Soon an edict went out to the outer court to debate the Imperial Academy libation rite.
35
時史官剋日蝕，豫敕罷朝。 普惠以逆廢非禮，上疏陳之。 又表論時政得失。 一曰，審法度，平斗尺，租調務輕，賦役務省。 二曰，聽輿言，察怨訟，先皇舊事有不便於政者，請悉追改。 三曰，進忠謇，退不肖，任賢勿貳，去邪勿疑。 四曰，興滅國，繼絕世，勳親之胤，所宜收敍。 書奏，肅宗、靈太后引普惠於宣光殿，隨事難詰，延對移時。 令曰：「寧有先皇之詔，一一翻改！」 普惠僶俛不言。 令曰：「卿似欲致諫，故以左右有人，不肯苦言。 朕為卿屏左右，卿其盡陳之。」 對曰：「聖人之養庶物，愛之如傷，況今二聖纂承洪緒，妻承夫，子承父，夫、父之不可，安然仍行，豈先帝傳委之本意？ 仰惟先帝行事，或有司之謬，或權時所行，在後以為不可者，皆追而正之。 聖上忘先帝之自新，不問理之伸屈，一皆抑之，豈蒼生黎庶所仰望於聖德？」 太后曰：「小小細務，一一翻動，更成煩擾。」 普惠曰：「聖上之養庶物，若慈母之養赤子。 今赤子幾臨危壑，將赴水火，以煩勞而不救，豈赤子所望於慈母！」 太后曰：「天下蒼生，寧有如此苦事？」 普惠曰：「天下之親懿，莫重於太師彭城王，然遂不免枉死。 微細之苦，何可得無？」 太后曰：「彭城之苦，吾已封其三子，何足復言！」 普惠曰：「聖后封彭城之三子，天下莫不忻至德，知慈母之在上。 臣所以重陳者，凡如此枉，乞垂聖察。」 太后曰：「卿云『興滅國，繼絕世』，滅國絕世，竟復誰是？」 普惠曰：「昔淮南逆終，漢文封其四子，蓋骨肉之不可棄，親親故也。 竊見故太尉咸陽王、冀州刺史京兆王，乃皇子皇孫，一德之虧，自貽悔戾，沉淪幽壤，緬焉弗收，豈是興滅繼絕之意？ 乞收葬二王，封其子孫，愚臣之願。」 太后曰：「卿言有理，朕深戢之，當命公卿博議此事。」
The court astronomers predicted an eclipse and preemptively canceled audience. Puhui held that canceling court in advance violated ritual and memorialized against it. He also submitted a memorial on the strengths and failings of current policy. First, enforce fair laws and uniform measures, keep land taxes light, and reduce labor levies wherever possible. Second, heed public opinion and investigate complaints; any precedent from the late emperor that harms governance should be reviewed and corrected. Third, promote the loyal and remove the unfit; trust the worthy completely and purge the corrupt without wavering. Fourth, revive fallen houses and restore broken lines — especially the descendants of honored imperial kin, who deserve reinstatement. Once the memorial was in, Emperor Suzong and Empress Dowager Ling brought Puhui to Xuanguang Hall and pressed him on each point until the session ran long. The edict read: "Would you overturn every edict of the late emperor? Puhui bowed his head and said nothing. The edict continued: "You wish to remonstrate, I think, but with others watching you hold back. I shall dismiss everyone — say whatever you mean to say." He answered: "The sage nurtures all living things as if each wound pained him. Now the Two Sages inherit a vast enterprise — as wife succeeds husband and son succeeds father — policies a husband and father would never have tolerated continue unchanged. Is this what the late emperor intended when he entrusted you with the realm? Under the late emperor, whether through official error or temporary expedient, anything later judged wrong was revisited and set right. Your Majesty has forgotten that the late emperor reformed himself, does not weigh the merits of each grievance, and rejects them all — is this what the people expect of sagely rule? The Empress Dowager said: "Fussing over every petty detail would only breed more disorder." Puhui said: "Your Majesty cares for the people as a loving mother cares for her infant. That infant now teeters over a chasm, about to fall into fire — if the mother refuses rescue because it is inconvenient, what infant would call her loving? The Empress Dowager said: "Surely the people of the realm do not suffer so terribly?" Puhui said: "Of all imperial kin, none was closer than the Prince of Pengcheng, Grand Preceptor — yet even he died unjustly. Can lesser wrongs not exist as well? The Empress Dowager said: "I have already enfeoffed Pengcheng's three sons — there is nothing more to say!" Puhui said: "When Your Majesty enfeoffed Pengcheng's three sons, the realm rejoiced at your supreme virtue and knew a loving mother sat above them. I repeat myself only because I ask Your Majesty to examine every such wrong. The Empress Dowager said: "You speak of raising fallen states and continuing broken lines — who exactly do you mean?" Puhui answered: "When the Prince of Huainan's revolt ended, Emperor Wen enfeoffed his four sons — flesh and blood must not be cast aside; such is the principle of honoring kin. I note that the late Prince of Xianyang, Grand Commandant, and the Prince of Jingzhao, Jizhou inspector — both imperial sons and grandsons — lost their way and brought ruin on themselves, yet lie unburied in dark graves, forgotten without recall. Is this what it means to raise the fallen and restore broken lines? I beg that the two princes be gathered and buried and their descendants enfeoffed — this is my humble plea. The Empress Dowager said: "You make sense. I take your point to heart and will have the high ministers debate the matter."
36
及任城王澄薨，普惠以吏民之義，又荷其恩待，朔望奔赴，至於禫除，雖寒暑風雨，無不必至。 初澄嘉賞普惠，臨薨，啟為尚書右丞。 靈太后既深悼澄，覽啟從之。 詔行之後，尚書諸郎以普惠地寒，不應便居管轄，相與為約，並欲不復上省，紛紜多日乃息。
When Prince of Rencheng Chen died, Puhui — bound by duty and deep in his debt — attended every new and full moon through the full mourning period, never missing a visit regardless of weather. Chen had long admired Puhui and on his deathbed recommended him for Right Vice Director of the Masters of Writing. Empress Dowager Ling, grieving deeply for Chen, read the recommendation and assented. After the edict, the bureau chiefs protested that Puhui's humble origins disqualified him from a supervisory post; they conspired to boycott court and the uproar lasted days before subsiding.
37
正光二年，詔遣楊鈞送蠕蠕主阿那瓌還國。 普惠謂遣之將貽後患，上疏曰：「臣聞乾元以利貞為大，非義則不動； 皇王以博施為功，非類則不從。 故能始萬物而化天下者也。 伏惟陛下叡哲欽明，道光虞舜，八表宅心，九服清晏。 蠕蠕相害於朔垂，妖師扇亂於江外，此乃封豕長蛇，不識王度，天將悔其罪，所以奉皇魏。 故荼毒之，辛苦之，令知至道之可樂也。 宜安民以悅其志，恭己以懷其心。 而先自勞擾，艱難下民，興師郊甸之內，遠投荒塞之外，救累世之勁敵，可謂無名之師。 諺曰『唯亂門之無過』，愚情未見其可。 當是邊將窺竊一時之功，不思兵為凶器，不得已而用之者也。 夫白登之役，漢祖親困之。 樊噲欲以十萬眾橫行匈奴中，季布以為不可，請斬之。 千載以為美。 況今旱酷異常，聖慈降膳，乃以萬五千人使楊鈞為將而欲定蠕蠕，忤時而動，其可濟乎？ 阿那瓌投命皇朝，撫之可也，豈容困疲我兆民以資天喪之虜。 昔莊公納子糾，以致乾時之敗； 魯僖以邾國，而有懸冑之耻。 今蠕蠕時亂，後主繼立，雖云散亡，姦虞難抑。 脫有井陘之慮，楊鈞之肉其可食乎！ 高車、蠕蠕，連兵積年，飢饉相仍，須其自斃，小亡大傷，然後一舉而并之。 此卞氏之高略，所以獲兩虎，不可不圖之。 今土山告難，簡書相續，蓋亦無能為也，正與今舉相會，天其或者欲以告戒人，不欲使南北兩疆，並興大眾。 脫狂狡構間於其間，而復事連中國，何以寧之？ 今宰輔專欲好小名，不圖安危大計，此微臣所以寒心者也。 那瓌之不還，負何信義？ 此機之際，北師宜停。 臣言不及義，文書所經過，不敢不陳。 兵猶火也，不戢將自焚。 二虜自滅之形，可以為殷鑒。 伏願輯和萬國，以靜四疆，混一之期，坐而自至矣。 臣愚昧多違，必無可採，匹夫之智，願以呈獻。」 表奏，詔答曰：「夫窮鳥歸人，尚或興惻，況那瓌嬰禍流離，遠來依庇，在情在國，何容弗矜。 且納亡興喪，有國大義，皇魏堂堂，寧廢斯德。 後主亂亡，似當非謬，此送彼迎，想無拒戰。 國義宜表，朝算已決，卿深誠厚慮，朕用嘉戢。 但此段機略，不獲相從，脫後不逮，勿憚匡言。」
In Zhengguang year 2, an edict ordered Yang Jun to escort Ana-kwei, the Rouran khan, back to his realm. Puhui warned that repatriating him would bring future disaster and memorialized: "I have heard that Heaven's virtue rests on steadfast benefit — it does not act without justice; and that rulers achieve merit through generous governance — they do not embrace what is alien. Only thus can they nurture all things and transform the realm. Your Majesty is sage and brilliant, your virtue rivaling Shun's; the far reaches of the realm look to you and all lands enjoy peace. The Rouran fight among themselves on the northern marches while sorcerers foment disorder south of the Yangtze — bloated boars and great serpents who know no king's law; Heaven will soon punish their crimes, which is why they now submit to Wei. Heaven afflicts and toils them so they may learn the joy of the true Way. You should ease your people to win their hearts and govern with humility to win theirs. Yet you first exhaust yourselves and burden the people — raising armies at home to march beyond the frontier wilderness and rescue a hereditary foe. This is an army without cause. The proverb says only chaos at your own gate is trouble enough — I see no wisdom in this plan. Border generals must be grasping for quick glory, forgetting that war is a weapon of last resort. At Baideng, Emperor Gaozu of Han was himself besieged. Fan Kuai proposed leading a hundred thousand men to sweep through the Xiongnu; Ji Bu called it folly and demanded his execution. History has honored that judgment for a millennium. Today drought is extraordinary and even the court has trimmed its meals — yet you send fifteen thousand men under Yang Jun to subdue the Rouran. Acting against the season, how can this succeed? Ana-kwei has cast himself on the court's mercy — shelter him. How can you exhaust our people to succor enemies Heaven itself has condemned? Duke Zhuang of Lu once sheltered Prince Jiu and brought on the defeat at Ganshi; Duke Xi of Lu leaned on Zhu and suffered the shame of inverted helmets. The Rouran are in turmoil and a new khan has risen; though they appear scattered, treachery is hard to suppress. If disaster strikes as at Jingxing, what would become of Yang Jun and his men? Gaoche and Rouran have warred for years amid endless famine; wait until they destroy each other — the weaker gone, the stronger crippled — then conquer both in one stroke. This is Lady Bian's stratagem of letting two tigers fight — it cannot be ignored. Tushan now sends urgent dispatches — it can barely cope — which coincides with this expedition. Perhaps Heaven warns us not to raise great armies on both frontiers at once. If schemers sow discord between them and drag China into it, how will you restore peace? The chief ministers now chase petty glory and ignore the great question of security — that is why my heart grows cold. What breach of faith if Ana-kwei did not return? At this critical moment the northern expedition should be halted. My words may fall short of wisdom, but as documents cross my desk I dare not stay silent. War is like fire — unchecked, it consumes those who wield it. The two barbarians' self-destruction is a lesson from history. I pray you harmonize all lands and pacify the frontiers — unification will come without forcing it. I am ignorant and often wrong; surely nothing here merits adoption — yet I offer this humble counsel. The memorial was answered: "A bird in distress returning to humans still stirs pity — how much more Ana-kwei, afflicted and exiled, coming from afar to seek refuge. In humanity and in statecraft alike, how can we show no compassion? To shelter the fallen and restore the ruined is a great duty of state — how can majestic Wei abandon such virtue? The successor khan's collapse is real enough; escorting Ana-kwei home while welcoming him should meet no resistance. Our duty demands this display and the court's decision stands; your earnest concern I gratefully acknowledge. But on this strategy I cannot agree; if events prove me wrong, do not hesitate to speak again."
38
時蕭衍義州刺史文僧明舉城歸順，揚州刺史長孫稚遣別駕封壽入城固守，衍將裴邃、湛僧率眾攻逼，詔普惠為持節、東道行臺，攝軍司赴援之。 軍始渡淮，而封壽已棄城單馬而退。 軍罷還朝。 蕭衍弟子西豐侯正德詐稱降款，朝廷頗事當迎，普惠上疏，請赴揚州，移還蕭氏，不從。 俄而，正德果逃還。 涼州刺史石士基、行臺元洪超並贓貨被繩，以普惠為右將軍、涼州刺史，即為西行臺。 以病辭免。 除光祿大夫，右丞如故。
When Wen Sengming, Yizhou inspector under Xiao Yan, surrendered his city, Yangzhou inspector Zhangsun Zhi sent vice director Feng Shou to hold it. Yan's generals Pei Sui and Zhan Seng besieged them. Puhui was ordered as Eastern Route commissioner, acting army controller, to relieve the city. The army had barely crossed the Huai when Feng Shou fled the city alone on horseback. The expedition ended and the army returned to court. Xiao Yan's nephew, Marquis of Xifeng Zhengde, feigned defection and the court nearly sent a welcome; Puhui memorialized to go to Yangzhou and send him back to the Xiao — overruled. Soon Zhengde fled back as predicted. Liangzhou inspector Shi Shiji and mobile staff chief Yuan Hongchao were prosecuted for bribery; Puhui was made General of the Right and Liangzhou inspector, concurrently Western Route commissioner. He declined on account of illness. He was appointed Grand Master for Splendid Happiness, retaining his post as right vice director.
39
先是，仇池武興羣氐數反，西垂郡戍，租運久絕。 詔普惠以本官為持節、西道行臺。 給秦、岐、涇、華、雍、豳、東秦七州兵武三萬人，任其召發，送南秦、東益二州兵租，分付諸戍，其所部將統，聽於關西牧守之中隨機召遣，軍資板印之屬，悉以自隨。 普惠至南秦，停岐、涇、華、雍、豳、東秦六州兵武，召秦州兵武四千人，分配四統； 令送租兵連營接柵，相繼而進，運租車驢，隨機輸轉。 別遣中散大夫封答慰喻南秦，員外常侍楊公熙宣勞東益氐民。 於時，南秦氐豪吳富聚合兇類，所在邀劫。 公熙既至東益州，刺史魏子建密與普惠書，言公熙舊是蕃國之胤，而諸氐與相見者，必有陰私言，宜加圖防。 普惠乃符攝公熙，令赴南秦。 公熙果已密遣其從兄山虎與吳富同逆，又妄自說鄉里，紛動羣氐，託云與崔南秦有隙，拒而不赴。 租達平落，吳富等果脅車營，實公熙所潛遣也。 後吳富雖為左右所殺，而徒黨猶盛。 秦□所綰武都、武階，租頗得達。 東益羣氐先款順，故廣業、仇鳩、河池三城粟便得入。 其應入東益十萬石租，皆稽留費盡，升斗不至，鎮戍兵武，遂致飢虛，咸恨普惠經略不廣。 事訖，普惠拜表按劾公熙。 還朝，賜絹布一百段。
Earlier, the Di of Chouci and Wuxing had rebelled repeatedly; grain shipments to western garrisons had long been cut off. Puhui was ordered in his existing rank as Western Route commissioner with full credentials. He received thirty thousand troops from seven prefectures with authority to mobilize them, orders to deliver grain levies from Southern Qin and Eastern Yi to the garrisons, freedom to draft commanders from western governors, and full control of military supplies and seals. At Southern Qin, Puhui stood down troops from six prefectures, summoned four thousand from Qin prefecture, and divided them into four commands; Grain convoys marched in linked camps and palisades while carts and pack animals rotated supplies as needed. He sent palace attendant Feng Da to reassure Southern Qin and extraordinary attendant Yang Gongxi to mollify the Di of Eastern Yi. Meanwhile Wu Fu, a Di magnate of Southern Qin, gathered outlaws and preyed on travelers everywhere. When Gongxi reached Eastern Yi, inspector Wei Zijian secretly warned Puhui that as a descendant of a frontier kingdom, Gongxi would hold private talks with the Di and should be watched closely. Puhui issued a summons ordering Gongxi to report to Southern Qin. Gongxi had already secretly sent his cousin Shanhu to rebel with Wu Fu; he agitated the Di with false tales of hometown grievances, claimed a feud with Cui of Southern Qin, and refused to appear. When grain reached Pingluo, Wu Fu raided the convoys — exactly as Gongxi had secretly arranged. Wu Fu was later killed by his own men, but the band remained powerful. In the Qin prefecture area he held Wudu and Wujie, and much of the grain got through. Because the Di of Eastern Yi had submitted first, grain reached Guangye, Qiuchou, and Hechi without trouble. The hundred thousand shi owed Eastern Yi was consumed in delays — not a grain reached the garrisons, troops went hungry, and all blamed Puhui's narrow strategy. When the campaign ended, Puhui memorialized to impeach Gongxi. On returning to court he was rewarded with a hundred bolts of silk and cloth.
40
時詔訪冤屈，普惠上疏曰：
When an edict solicited cases of injustice, Puhui submitted a memorial:
41
詩稱「文王孫子，本枝百世」，易曰「大君有命，開國承家」。 皆所以明德睦親，維城作翰。 漢祖封爵之誓曰：「使黃河如帶，太山如礪，國以永存，爰及苗裔。」 又申之以丹書之信，重之以白馬之盟。 其以強大分王，罪犯蹙邑者，蓋有之矣，未聞父基子構，世載忠賢，一死一削，用為恒典者也。 故尚書令臣肇，未能遠稽古義，近究成旨，以初封之詔，有親王二千戶、始蕃一千戶、二蕃五百戶、三蕃三百戶，謂是親疏世減之法； 又以開國五等，有所減之言，以為世減之趣。 遂立格奏奪，稱是高祖本意，仍被旨可。 差謬之來，亦已甚矣。 遂使勳親懷屈，幽顯同冤，紛訟彌年，莫之能息。
The Odes praise "King Wen's descendants — root and branch for a hundred generations"; the Changes declare "The great lord commands: establish states and inherit houses." Both serve to display virtue, bind kin close, and make the royal house a fortress. Emperor Gaozu's enfeoffment oath ran: "May the Yellow River become a ribbon and Mount Tai a grindstone — may the state endure forever, down to our descendants. He sealed it with red-scroll edicts and the covenant of the white horse. Powerful lords have been enfeoffed and criminals stripped of fiefs — but never has a line built by father and son, generation after generation of loyal service, been cut on every death as fixed rule. Minister of Works Ling failed to consult antiquity or the original intent, and read the initial enfeoffment quotas — two thousand households for imperial princes, one thousand for first-rank vassal princes, five hundred for second-rank, three hundred for third-rank — as a law of diminishing fiefs by generation according to kinship distance. And from the phrase about reduction among the five ranks of enfeoffment he inferred a policy of hereditary reduction. They then codified the rules, memorialized confiscations, and claimed this reflected Emperor Gaozu's original intent — and the edict was approved. The errors had already become egregious. Meritorious kin were left aggrieved, the living and dead alike wronged; lawsuits dragged on for years with no end in sight.
42
臣輒遠研旨格，深窮其事，世變減奪，今古無據。 又尋詔書，稱昔未可采，今始列辭，[11]豈得混一，罔分久近也。 [12]故樂良、樂安，同蕃異封； 廣陽、安豐，屬別戶等。 安定之嫡，邑齊親王； 河間戚近，更從蕃食。 是乃太和降旨，初封之倫級，勳親兼樹，非世減之大驗者也。 博陵襲爵，亦在太和之年，時不世減，以父嘗全食，足戶充本，同之始封，減從今式。 如此，則減者減其所足之外，足者足其所減之內。 減足之旨，乃為所貢所食耳。 欲使諸王開國，弗專其民，賦役之差，貴賤有等。 蓋準擬周禮公侯伯子男貢稅之法，王食其半，公食三分之一，侯、伯四分之一，子、男五分之一。 是以新興得足充本，清淵吏多減戶。 故始封承襲俱稱。 所減謂減之以貢，食謂食之於國，斯實高祖霈然之詔。 減實之理，聖明自釋，求之史帛，猶有未盡。 時尚書臣琇疑減足之參差，旨又判之，以開訓所減之旨，可以不疑於世減矣。 而臣肇弗稽往事，曰五等有所減之格，用為世減之法； 以王封有親疏之等，謂是代削之條。 妄解成旨，雷同世奪。 以此毒天下，民其從乎！ 故太傅、任城文宣王臣澄樞弼累朝，識洞今古，為尚書之日，殷勤執請，孜孜於重議。 被旨不許，於此遂停。
I have examined the edict provisions at length and investigated the matter thoroughly: hereditary reduction and confiscation has no warrant in past or present. The edicts also state that earlier cases were not to be cited and only now should arguments be recorded — [11] how can old and recent cases be treated alike without regard to when they arose. [12] Yue Liang and Yue'an held the same vassal-prince rank but received different fiefs; Guangyang and Anfeng were dependent on separate household registers, and so on. Anding's legitimate heir received a fief equal to an imperial prince; Hejian, a close imperial kinsman, additionally drew sustenance as a vassal prince. These reflect Taihe-era decrees on the hierarchy of initial enfeoffment, enfeoffing both meritorious ministers and kin — not evidence of a policy of hereditary reduction. Boling's succession also occurred in the Taihe era, when hereditary reduction did not apply: because his father had once enjoyed full sustenance with households sufficient to fill the original quota, matching the initial enfeoffment, reduction followed today's formula. Under this scheme, reduction applied only beyond what was sufficient, and sufficiency was maintained within what was reduced. The policy of reduction-and-sufficiency concerned only tribute owed and sustenance consumed. The goal was to prevent enfeoffed princes from monopolizing their subjects and to maintain graded distinctions in taxes and corvée according to rank. It followed the Zhou Rites scheme of graded tribute: the king took half, dukes a third, marquises and earls a quarter, viscounts and barons a fifth. Hence Xinxing received enough to fill its original quota, while Qingyuan saw many households reduced. Both initial enfeoffment and hereditary succession were governed by the same terminology. "Reduction" meant cutting tribute payments; "sustenance" meant consuming revenues from the state — this was Emperor Gaozu's generous decree. The principle of reduction has been explained by the sage emperor himself, yet searching the historical records, some points remain unclear. Minister Xiu once questioned discrepancies in the reduction-and-sufficiency policy; another imperial judgment clarified the intent of reduction, which should have settled any doubt about hereditary reduction. Yet Minister of Works Ling failed to verify past precedents, holding that the five ranks' regulations on reduction constituted a law of hereditary reduction; and because princely enfeoffments had grades of kinship distance, treated this as a rule of reduction by generation. He misread the established edicts and applied hereditary confiscation across the board. To poison the realm thus — would the people comply! Grand Tutor Yuan Cheng, Prince Wenxuan of Rencheng — a pillar of successive reigns with penetrating knowledge of past and present — when he headed the Ministry of Works, earnestly petitioned and persistently sought redeliberation. The edict refused; and the matter stopped there.
43
又律罪例減，及先帝之緦麻； 令給親恤，止當世之有服。 律、令相違，威澤異品。 使七廟曾玄，不治未恤，嫡封則爵祿無窮，枝庶則屬內貶絕。 儀刑作孚，億兆何觀。 夫一人吁嗟，尚曰虧治。 今諸王五等，各稱其冤； 七廟之孫，並訟其切。 陳訴之案，盈於省曹，朝言巷議，咸云其苦。 恐非先王所以建萬國，親諸侯，睦九族之義也。
Moreover, the code's provisions on mitigating punishment extended to the late emperor's distant kin in fine-hemp mourning; while the ordinance granting kin condolence allowances applied only to those in mourning in the present generation. The code and ordinance contradicted each other, and imperial favor fell unevenly. Great-great-grandsons of the ancestral temple received no condolence allowances; legitimate heirs enjoyed endless rank and salary, while collateral branches were degraded and cast out. When the model of conduct fails to inspire trust, what example do the masses have. Even a single person's lament is said to mar good governance. Now the princes of five ranks each proclaim their grievance; and descendants of the ancestral temple all plead their distress. Petitions overflowed the ministries; at court and in the streets alike, all spoke of their plight. This scarcely accords with the ancient purpose of establishing myriad states, drawing feudal lords close, and harmonizing the nine kin-groups.
44
臣猥忝今任，於茲五年，推尋旨格，謂無世減之理。 請近遵高祖減食之謨，遠循百代象賢之誥，退由九伐，進從九儀，則刑罰有倫，封不虛黜。 斯乃文王所以克慎，不敢侮於鰥寡，而況於公侯伯子男乎？ 今旨訪冤滯，愚以此為大者。 求尋光錫之詔，并諸條格，所奪所請，事事窮審。 諸王開國，非犯罪削奪者，並求還復。 其昔嘗全食，足戶充本，減從令式者，從前則力多於親懿，全奪則減足之格不行，愚謂祿力並應依所□之食而食之。 若是則力少蕃王，粟帛仍本戶邑雖盈之減。 兩秦既有全食足戶之異，[13]故不得同於新封之力耳。 親恤所裒，請依律斷。 伏惟親親尊賢，位必功立。 尊賢以司民，可不慎乎？ 親親以牧族，其可棄乎？ 如脫蒙允，求以旨判為始，其前來吏秩，悉年久不追。
In the five years I have humbly held this post, examining the edict provisions, I find no basis for hereditary reduction. I urge adherence to Emperor Gaozu's plan for reducing sustenance and, looking to antiquity, the injunction to honor worthy successors; demotions by the Nine Punishments, promotions by the Nine Etiquettes — then punishments would be orderly and fiefs would not be stripped without cause. This is the caution of King Wen, who did not wrong widowers and widows — how much more should we not wrong dukes, marquises, earls, viscounts, and barons? Now that the throne seeks unresolved grievances, I consider this the greatest issue. I urge a thorough review of edicts of glorious bestowal and all regulations — every confiscation and every petition investigated to the end. For enfeoffed princes stripped without criminal cause, I ask full restoration. For those who once enjoyed full sustenance with households filling the original quota, with reduction following present formula — in the past their salary quota exceeded that of close imperial kin; total confiscation would nullify the reduction-and-sufficiency rule. I hold that salary and quota should both follow the allotted sustenance □ and be consumed accordingly. Thus princes would receive smaller salary quotas than other vassal kings, while grain and silk would still come from their original household fiefs — subject to reduction even when ample. The two Qin princes already differ in full sustenance and sufficient households — [13] they cannot be equated with the salary quotas of newly enfeoffed princes. For withheld kin condolence allowances, I ask judgment according to the code. Drawing kin close and honoring the worthy — rank must be earned through merit. To honor the worthy in governing the people — can one be anything but cautious? To draw kin close in shepherding the clan — can one cast this aside? If this is granted, I ask that the imperial judgment mark a fresh start; prior salary and rank adjustments from years past should not be pursued.
45
臣又聞明德慎罰，文王所以造周； 咸有一德，殷湯所以革夏。 故能上令下從，風動草偃，畏之如雷電，敬之如明神。 是以天子家天下，綏萬國，若天之無不覆，地之無不載。 遷都之構，庶方子來，汎澤所沾，降及陪皂。 寧有岳牧、二千石、縣令、丞、尉、治中、別駕及諸軍幢，受命於朝廷，而可不預乎？ 此之班駁，雲雨之不平，謂是當時有司出納之未允。 何以明之？ 仰尋世宗詔書，百官普進一級，中有朝臣刺史登時褒授，則內外貴賤，莫不同澤。 又覆奏稱爰及陪皂，明無不逮。 自後人率其心紛綸，盈庭嫌少，誤惑視聽。 [14]限以汎前，更為年斷。 六年、三年之考，以意折之； 汎前、汎後之歲，隔而絕之。 遂使如綸之旨，頓於一朝。 汎前六年上第者全不得汎，三年上第者蒙半階而已。 汎前汎後合考者隔絕而不得，無考者無折而全。 汎前汎後，有考無考，並蒙全汎。 與否乖違，勤舊彌屈。 差若毫釐，謬以千里，其此之謂乎？ 易曰：「言行，君子之所以動天下，[15]可不慎歟！」 言之不從，無以抑之，遂奏奪牧守外祿，全不與汎。 散官改為四年之考，汎前者八年一階。 政令不一，冤訟惟甚，與而復奪，其本在茲。 致使邀駕擊鼓者，無理以加其罪； 誹謗公聽者，無辭以抑其言。 噂𠴲所由生，慢勃所由起。
I further recall that bright virtue and careful punishment — this is how King Wen founded Zhou; sharing one virtue throughout — this is how King Tang overthrew the Xia. Thus commands from above met compliance below like wind bending grass; the people feared them as thunder and revered them as spirits. The Son of Heaven treats the realm as his household and pacifies all states, like heaven covering all and earth bearing all. When the capital was moved, lords and commoners came from all directions; the general bounty reached even the lowliest attendants. Surely provincial governors, two-thousand-shi officials, magistrates and their deputies, provincial aides, and military commanders — all commissioned by the court — were included? This patchwork of unequal treatment — this imbalance of rain — stemmed from officials' unjust disbursements. How can this be demonstrated? Emperor Shizong's edict promoted all officials one rank; court ministers and inspectors received immediate commendation — noble and humble, inside and outside, all shared the same bounty. The follow-up memorial explicitly extended the bounty even to attendants and menials — clearly omitting none. Afterward officials followed their own inclinations in confusion; the court complained the bounty was too small, misleading judgment. [14] They imposed limits based on pre-promotion service and converted them to year-based cutoffs. Six-year and three-year performance reviews were arbitrarily discounted; years before and after the general promotion were separated and cut off. Thus edicts as authoritative as imperial commands collapsed overnight. Those with six years of top ratings before the general promotion received no promotion at all; those with three years received only half a rank. Combined pre- and post-promotion reviews were severed and denied; those without reviews faced no discount and received full promotion. Before and after the general promotion, with or without reviews — all should have received the full promotion. Grants and denials contradicted each other; the diligent and long-serving grew ever more wronged. A hairsbreadth of error leading to a thousand-li mistake — is this not the case? The Changes says: "Words and conduct — how the gentleman moves the realm — [15] can one not be cautious!" When the edict went unheeded, nothing restrained them; they memorialized stripping provincial governors of external salaries and denied them general promotion entirely. Unattached offices were given four-year reviews; pre-promotion officials advanced one rank every eight years. Policies were inconsistent; grievances multiplied; benefits granted then withdrawn — the root cause lies here. Those who blocked the imperial procession to beat the grievance drum could not be punished; and those who criticized openly could not be silenced. From this slander arises; from this insolence and rebellion.
46
夫琴瑟不調，澆而更張。 [16]善人，國之本也，其可棄乎？ 詩云：「樂只君子，邦家之基。」 堯典曰：「克明俊德。」 呂刑曰：「何擇非人。」 周官曰：「官弗必備惟其人。」 咎繇曰：「無曠庶官，天工人其代之。」 詩云：「人之云亡，邦國殄悴。」 又曰：「雨我公田，遂及我私。」 孔子曰：「不患貧而患不均。」 [17]如此，則官必擇人，汎則宜溥。 請遠遵正始元旨，近準聖明二汎，內外百官，悉同一階，不以汎前折考，不以散任增年，則同雲共澍，四海均洽。 如謂未可，宜以權理折之。
When the lute and zither are out of tune, restring them. [16] Good men are the foundation of the state — can they be cast aside? The Odes says: "Happy is the noble lord — foundation of state and family." The Canon of Yao says: "He was able to illumine lofty virtue." The Punishments of Lü says: "How choose unworthy men." The Offices of Zhou says: "Offices need not all be filled — only the right men." Gao Yao said: "Let no office be vacant — Heaven's work, men must fulfill it." The Odes says: "When good men depart, state and realm wither." It also says: "Rain on our lord's field reaches our private plots too." Confucius said: "Do not worry about poverty but worry about inequality." [17] From this it follows that offices must select the right men, and general promotion should be broad. I urge adherence to the original Zhengshi policy and the two sage general promotions: all officials within and without advanced one rank uniformly, without discounting reviews for pre-promotion service or extending years for unattached posts — then bounty would fall like rain across the four seas. If this cannot be adopted outright, a reasonable compromise should be found.
47
易曰：「聖人之大寶曰位，何以守位曰仁。」 春秋傳曰：「一曰擇人。」 如此，則乃可無汎，不可無考。 守宰之汎，既以追奪，則百官之汎，不應獨霑。 溥澤既收，復誰敢怨！ 夫三載之考，興於太和； 再周之陟，通於景明。 閑劇祿力，自有加減。 陪臣以事省降，而考則三年； 朝官既祿等平曹，更四周乃陟。 考祿參差，各稱其枉。 且一日從軍征戍，苦於煩任終年； 專使決斷，重於陪臣恒上。 若通為三載之考，無汎隔折，則各盈其分，亦足以近塞羣口，遠綏四方。
The Changes says: "The sage's great treasure is position — how does one guard position? By benevolence." The Zuo Commentary says: "First: select men." From this it follows that general promotion may be omitted, but performance review cannot. If provincial governors' promotions were retroactively revoked, other officials should not alone keep theirs. Once the broad bounty is withdrawn, who would dare complain! The three-year performance review originated in the Taihe era; promotion every two cycles was established in the Jingming era. Salary quotas for lighter and heavier posts naturally varied. Attendant officials were reduced for lighter duties, yet their review remained three years; Court officials, whose salaries matched their bureau peers, required four full cycles before advancement. Performance reviews and salaries were uneven, and each man claimed he had been wronged. Moreover, a single day on campaign with the army was as exhausting as a full year of onerous office work; special envoys with decision-making authority counted for more than attendant officials who served regularly at court. If everyone were subject to a uniform three-year review, without broad exemptions or deductions, each would receive his full due — enough to silence critics at court and reassure the realm from afar.
48
日昳求賢，猶有所失，況不遵擇人之訓，唯以停久而進乎？ 自今已後，考黜願以三宅革心，選進願以三儁居德。 書曰：「舉能其官，惟爾之能，稱非其人，惟爾弗任。」 斯周道所以佑辟康民，敢不敬守。 臣忝官樞副，毗察冤訟，寤寐惟省，謂宜追正，愚固所陳，萬無可採。
Even when seeking the worthy from dawn to dusk one still misses some — how much less when one ignores the teaching to select men and promotes solely on the basis of long service? From this day forward, I ask that dismissals after review follow the Three Dwellings principle of reforming the heart, and that selections and promotions follow the Three Excellences principle of matching virtue to office. The Documents say: "Raise men who can fulfill their office — that shows your ability; praise men unfit for their post — that shows you refuse the task." This is how the Zhou way supported the sovereign and brought peace to the people — how could I fail to respect and uphold it? I hold a deputy post at the chief secretariat, assisting in the examination of wrongful lawsuits; waking and sleeping I reflect on this and believe the system ought to be corrected. What this fool has put forward has not a single point worth adopting.
49
出除左將軍、東豫州刺史。 淮南九戍、十三郡，猶因蕭衍前弊，別郡異縣之民錯雜居止。 普惠乃依次括比，省減郡縣，上表陳狀。 詔許之。 宰守因此綰攝有方，姦盜不起，民以為便。 蕭衍遣將胡廣來寇安陽，軍主陳明祖等脅白沙、鹿城二戍，衍又遣定州刺史田超秀、田僧達等竊陷石頭戍，徑據安陂城。 郢州新塘之賊，近在州西數十里。 普惠前後命將拒戰，並破之。
He was appointed outside the capital as Left General and Governor of Eastern Yuzhou. The nine garrisons and thirteen commanderies of Huainan still suffered from the disorder left by Xiao Yan's earlier rule, with people from different commanderies and counties living intermingled. Puhui then conducted a sequential census and comparison, reduced the number of counties and commanderies, and submitted a memorial describing the situation. The edict approved it. As a result the governors and prefects gained effective control, banditry and theft ceased, and the people found the arrangement convenient. Xiao Yan sent General Hu Guang to attack Anyang; Garrison Commander Chen Mingzu and others pressured the garrisons at Baisha and Lucheng; Yan also sent the Governor of Dingzhou Tian Chaoqiu, Tian Sengda, and others to seize Shitou Garrison by stealth and occupy Anpi City directly. The bandits at Xintang in Ying Province were just a few dozen li west of the provincial capital. Puhui repeatedly sent generals to resist the attacks and defeated them all.
50
普惠不營財業，好有進舉，敦於故舊。 冀州人侯堅固少時與其遊學，早終，其子長瑜，普惠每於四時請祿，無不減贍給其衣食。 及為豫州，啟長瑜解褐，攜其合門拯給之。 孝昌元年三月，在州卒，時年五十八。 贈平北將軍、幽州刺史，諡曰宣恭。
Puhui did not pursue personal wealth, took pleasure in advancing worthy men, and was devoted to old friends. A man of Jizhou named Hou Jiangu had studied with him in youth and died young; his son Changyu — every season when Puhui requested his salary he always set aside a portion to provide the boy with food and clothing. When he became Governor of Yuzhou, he recommended Changyu for initial appointment and supported his entire household. In the third month of the first year of Xiaochang he died in office, aged fifty-eight. He was posthumously granted the titles General Who Pacifies the North and Governor of You Province, with the posthumous name Xuangong.
51
長子榮儁，武定末，齊王相府屬。
His eldest son Rongjun, at the end of the Wuding era, was an aide in the Prince of Qi's chancellery.
52
榮儁弟龍子，揚州驃騎府長史。
Rongjun's younger brother Longzi was chief administrator on the staff of the Yangzhou General of Agile Cavalry.
53
史臣曰：孫紹關右之士，[18]又能指論世務，亦其志也。 張普惠明達典故，強直從官，侃然不撓，其有王臣之風矣。
The historian says: Sun Shao was a man of Guanzhong, [18] and could also discuss affairs of the age — that was his ambition. Zhang Puhui had clear mastery of precedent and ritual, was upright as a court official, and spoke boldly without yielding — he had the bearing of a true minister.
54
校勘記
Collation Notes
55
臣卿乃少諸本「卿」作「節」，北史卷四六孫紹傳、冊府卷九四六 〈一一一四二頁〉 作「卿」。 按孫紹這時官太府少卿，故作此語，「節」字訛，今據改。
Regarding "Your subject, the Director, is young": various editions read "Director" (qing) as "Controller" (jie); the biography of Sun Shao in juan 46 of the History of the Northern Dynasties and juan 946 of the Cefu Yuangui 〈Page 11142〉 read "Director." Sun Shao at this time held the post of Vice Director of the Grand Treasury, hence this wording; "Controller" is corrupt, and the text is corrected here accordingly.
56
葬我小君文姜氏北史卷四六張普惠傳無「氏」字。 按春秋莊公二十二年經文本無「氏」字，這裏當是衍文。
Regarding "Bury my young lady Wen Jiang shi": the biography of Zhang Puhui in juan 46 of the History of the Northern Dynasties lacks the character "shi." The canonical text of the Spring and Autumn Annals, Duke Zhuang, year 22, has no character "shi"; here it is probably a superfluous addition.
57
又曰不為君母之黨服則為其母之黨服按禮記未見此語，唯服問云：「為其母之黨服，則不為繼母之黨服。」 疑普惠即用此文而倒其辭，則「君」字當是「繼」字之訛。 普惠諸奏疏中引經文與今傳本間有出入，或是誤記，或當時傳抄本有異文，不悉出校記。
It also says: "If one does not wear mourning for the mother's kin on the father's side, then one wears mourning for the mother's kin on the mother's side." This phrase is not found in the Book of Rites; only the Fu Wen says: "If one wears mourning for the mother's kin on the mother's side, then one does not wear mourning for the mother's kin on the stepmother's side." Puhui probably drew on this passage and reversed its wording; the character "lord" (jun) should be the corrupt form of "step" (ji). In Puhui's various memorials, quotations from the classics sometimes differ from current transmitted texts — whether through misquotation or variant readings in copies of his day — and not all such cases are noted in the collation.
58
禮有下卿上士冊府卷五四一 〈六四九四頁〉 「下卿」作「上卿」。 按這是張普惠駁袁翻「上公」「上大夫」的話，所重在「上」字，諸本作「下卿」當訛。
Regarding "In ritual there are lower grandees and upper servicemen": Cefu Yuangui juan 541 〈Page 6494〉 reads "lower grand master" as "upper grand master." This is Zhang Puhui's rebuttal of Yuan Fan's "upper duke" and "upper grand master"; the emphasis is on the character "upper"; various editions reading "lower grand master" are probably corrupt.
59
時中山莊弼遺書普惠曰北史卷四六「莊」作「杜」。 按北齊書卷二四杜弼傳云：「中山曲陽人也。」 當即其人。 這裏「莊」字當是形近而訛。
Regarding "At that time Zhuang Bi of Zhongshan sent a letter to Puhui saying": in juan 46 of the History of the Northern Dynasties "Zhuang" is written as "Du." The biography of Du Bi in juan 24 of the History of the Northern Qi says: "A native of Quyang in Zhongshan." He must be the same man. Here the character "Zhuang" is probably a corruption through graphic similarity.
60
不適於綿麻而已通鑑卷一四八 〈四六三六頁〉 「適」作「啻」，疑是。
Regarding "It does not extend beyond hempen mourning alone": Zizhi Tongjian juan 148 〈Page 4636〉 reads "extend to" (shi) as "merely" (chi); this is probably correct.
61
不惟法度之□易冊府卷五三０ 〈六三三六頁〉 所闕字作「幅」，不可解，今不補。
Regarding "It is not only that legal standards are □ easy": Cefu Yuangui juan 530 〈Page 6336〉 The missing character is given as "width" (fu), which makes no sense; it is not supplied here.
62
今宮人請調度按上云「羣官共竊之」，下云「百官請俸」，疑「宮人」乃「官人」之訛。
Regarding "Now palace women request allotments": above it says "the officials all steal them together," below it says "the hundred officials request salaries" — "palace women" (gong ren) is probably the corrupt form of "officials" (guan ren).
63
總常俸之數千俸所出以布綿麻亦應其一歲之用按語意晦澀，疑有訛脫。
Regarding "The total of regular salaries — the thousands of salaries disbursed in cloth, cotton, and hemp should also meet one year's needs": the sense is obscure; there is probably corruption or omission.
64
愚謂從朝夕之因通鑑卷一四八 〈四六三六頁〉 「從」作「修」，疑是。
Regarding "This fool suggests following the precedent of morning and evening": Zizhi Tongjian juan 148 〈Page 4636〉 reads "follow" (cong) as "cultivate" (xiu); this is probably correct.
65
今始列辭諸本「辭」作「璧」，旁注「疑」字，冊府卷四七二 〈五六三七頁〉 作「辭」。 按「列璧」無義，今據改，並刪「疑」字。
Regarding "Now for the first time the ranks are set forth in writing": various editions read "writing" (ci) as "jade disk" (bi), with a marginal note reading "doubtful"; Cefu Yuangui juan 472 〈Page 5637〉 reads "writing." "Setting forth jade disks" makes no sense; the text is corrected here accordingly, and the note "doubtful" is deleted.
66
豈得混一罔分久近也諸本「罔」訛「內」，今據冊府 〈同上卷頁〉 改。
Regarding "How can they be lumped together without distinguishing long from recent service?": various editions wrongly read "without" (wang) as "within" (nei); the text is corrected here according to the Cefu Yuangui 〈Same juan and page as above〉 reading.
67
若是則力少蕃王 〈至〉 既有全食足戶之異按語不可解，疑有訛脫。
Regarding "If so, then the strength is less for princes of the frontier 〈to〉 yet there are differences between full rations and complete households": the wording is unintelligible; there is probably corruption or omission.
68
自後人率其心紛綸盈庭嫌少誤惑視聽冊府卷四七二 〈五六三八頁〉 無「嫌少」二字。 按「嫌少」上下疑有脫文，冊府恐是以讀不可通，刪二字，但讀作「其心紛綸，盈庭嫌少」，亦可通，今仍之。
Regarding "Afterward people follow their own inclinations, confusion fills the court, too few are suspected, and sight and hearing are misled": Cefu Yuangui juan 472 〈Page 5638〉 lacks the two characters "too few suspected." Above and below "too few suspected" there is probably missing text; the Cefu Yuangui perhaps deleted the two characters because the reading was unintelligible, but reading it as "their hearts are confused, the court is full and too few are suspected" also makes sense; the text is retained as is.
69
易曰言行君子之所以動天下冊府卷四七二 〈五六三九頁〉 「天下」作「天地」。 按今傳本易繫辭作「天地」。 然或是冊府據今傳本改，今仍之。
Regarding "The Changes say: words and conduct are how the noble man moves the realm": Cefu Yuangui juan 472 〈Page 5639〉 reads "the realm" as "Heaven and Earth." The Appended Remarks of the Changes in current transmitted texts read "Heaven and Earth." But the Cefu Yuangui may have altered the text according to current transmitted versions; the text is retained as is.
70
澆而更張冊府卷四七二 〈五六三九頁〉 「澆」作「弛」，疑是。
Regarding "When the lute string is slack, retune it": Cefu Yuangui juan 472 〈Page 5639〉 reads "slack" (jiao) as "loose" (chi); this is probably correct.
71
不患貧而患不均冊府 〈同上卷〉 宋本同，明本「貧」作「寡」。 按論語季氏作「寡」，與「不患貧而患不安」為對文，這裏「貧」字當誤。
Regarding "Do not worry about poverty but worry about inequality": Cefu Yuangui 〈Same juan as above〉 The Song edition agrees; the Ming edition reads "poverty" (pin) as "few" (gua). The Analects, Ji shi chapter, reads "few"; it forms a parallel with "do not worry about poverty but worry about unrest"; here the character "poverty" is probably an error.