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卷84 儒林:梁越 盧醜 張偉 梁祚 平恆 陳奇 常爽 劉獻之

Volume 84: Renowned Confucians - Liang Yue, Lu Chou, Zhang Wei, Liang Zuo, Ping Heng, Chen Qi, Chang Shuang, Liu Xianzhi

Chapter 90 of 魏書 · Book of Wei
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1
Liang Yue; Lu Chou; Zhang Wei; Liang Zuo; Ping Heng; Chen Qi; Chang Shuang; Liu Xianzhi; Zhang Wugui; Liu Lan; Sun Huiwei; Xu Zunming; Dong Zheng; Diao Chong; Lu Jingyu; Li Tonggui; Li Yexing
2
便 輿 殿
After the Yongjia era of the Jin dynasty, the times were struck by calamity and disorder. The realm split apart, and villains ran riot. The common people no longer saw ritual vessels; they saw only the tracks of warhorses. Rites, music, and learning were all but swept away. Yet what fate had ordained still held, and the Way itself endured. Men of talent and virtue strengthened themselves even in humble thatched cottages; while eminent scholars kept their learning close and lived in obscurity. When the Founder Emperor first secured the Central Plains, he had scarcely a moment to spare, yet as soon as he established his capital he made classical learning his first concern. He founded the Imperial Academy and enrolled more than a thousand students as doctoral candidates in the Five Classics. In the spring of the second year of Tianxing, enrollment in the National University and Imperial Academy was raised to three thousand. Did he not grasp that an empire may be won from horseback but cannot be ruled from horseback? To govern a state requires both civil and military means; to nurture talent and accomplish the work of government—was that not his purpose? Such sage foresight in statecraft reached far indeed. In the spring of the fourth year he ordered music masters into the academy to learn the ritual dances and offered vegetables in sacrifice to the ancient Sage and Teacher. Under Emperor Taizong the National University was renamed the Secretariat School, with professors and doctoral instructors appointed. In the spring of the third year of Shiguang under Emperor Shizu, a new Imperial Academy was built east of the city. Later he summoned Lu Xuan, Gao Yun, and others, and ordered each province and commandery to recommend men of learning and talent. Thereafter many took up the whetstone of learning, and the community of scholars flourished once more. At the opening of the Tian'an era under Emperor Xianzu, an edict established district schools. Each commandery was to have two doctoral instructors, two assistant teachers, and sixty students. A later edict specified that large commanderies should have two doctors, four assistant instructors, and one hundred students; secondary commanderies two doctors, two assistants, and eighty students; middle commanderies one doctor, two assistants, and sixty students; and small commanderies one doctor, one assistant, and forty students. During the Taihe era the Secretariat School was restored as the National University. The Bright Hall and Imperial Academy were built, the Three Elders and Five More-Honored were honored, and instruction was opened for the imperial princes. When the court moved the capital to Luoyang, an edict founded the National University, the Imperial Academy, and the Four Gates Elementary School. Emperor Gaozu was reverent toward antiquity and deeply devoted to the classics. Whether seated in his carriage or mounted on horseback, he never ceased lecturing on the Way. Liu Fang, Li Biao, and others rose by presenting the classics; Cui Guang, Xing Luan, and their peers distinguished themselves in letters and history. All who ranged through the canon or excelled in literary composition were bound to fine offices and showered with favor. Thus learning flourished luxuriantly, rivaling the heights of the Zhou and Han. Under Emperor Shizong an edict again ordered the National University rebuilt and an elementary school established at the Four Gates. Confucian scholars were chosen in large numbers as elementary-school doctors, forty in all. Though the school buildings were not yet finished, classical learning shone all the brighter. The realm was at peace, and learning flourished on every side. Between Yan, Qi, Zhao, and Wei, students seated with classics before them and names entered in school registers were beyond number. The largest schools had more than a thousand pupils; even the smallest still had several hundred. Provinces recommended outstanding scholars, commanderies sent up Filial and Incorrupt candidates, and each year more and more appeared at court to expound their learning before the throne. During the Shengui era, as the National University was about to be founded, an edict specified that sons of officials of the third rank and above, and of fifth-rank pure offices, should fill the student places. Before the selections could be made, the project was suspended once again. In the second year of Zhengguang the court at last performed the sacrifice at the National University, ordered Rector Cui Guang to lecture on the Classic of Filial Piety, and enrolled the first thirty-six National University students. After the Xiaochang era the realm fell into chaos, and few schools survived anywhere in the land. During the Yongxi era the sacrifice was again performed at the National University; and at the Xianyang Hall the court ordered Rector Liu Yin to lecture on the Classic of Filial Piety, Huangmen Li Yu to expound the Record of Rites, and Secretariat Gentleman Lu Jingxuan to lecture on the Xiaozheng chapter of the Elder Dai's Record of Rites; and enrolled seventy-two students anew. When the court moved the capital to Ye, the National University enrolled thirty-six students. By the eras of Xinghe and Wuding, once the invasions had been quelled, Confucian learning shone forth again.
3
In Han times Zheng Xuan annotated the classics, while Fu Qian and He Xiu each had their own schools of interpretation. Zheng Xuan's commentaries on the Changes, Documents, Odes, Rites, Analects, and Classic of Filial Piety, Fu Qian's Zuo Commentary, and He Xiu's Gongyang Commentary all flourished in Hebei. Wang Su's commentary on the Changes also circulated there at times. In Jin times Du Yu annotated the Zuo Commentary. His great-great-grandsons Tan and Ji both served as governors of Qing Province under Liu Yilong and transmitted the family tradition, so the Qi region largely followed Du Yu's school. From Liang Yue onward, very many transmitted and taught these traditions. Here we list the best known of them in what follows.
4
祿
Liang Yue, whose courtesy name was Xuanlan, came from Xinxing. From youth he loved learning and mastered the classics and their commentaries so thoroughly that nothing in them was closed to him. His nature was pure, gentle, and deeply sincere; in every action he did what was right without hesitation. At the founding of the dynasty he served as doctoral instructor in the Rites Classic. The Founder Emperor, finding him prudent and steadfast and his conduct worthy of imitation, appointed him Senior Grand Master and charged him with instructing the imperial princes in the classics. When Emperor Taizong ascended the throne, he rewarded Yue's service as tutor with the title Marquis of Zhu'e. He later served as governor of Yanmen, where he captured a white sparrow and presented it to the throne; he was then appointed Grand Master of Splendid Happiness. He died in office. His son Bi died young.
5
Bi's son Gong inherited the marquisate. The title was later reduced to Viscount of Yunzhong. He left no heir, and the title lapsed.
6
Lu Chou came from Tuhe in Changli and was a kinsman of Prince of Xiangcheng Lu Yuan. When Emperor Shizu was crown prince, Chou was summoned to instruct him in the classics on account of his solid learning and wide knowledge. Later, in gratitude for his service as tutor, the court granted him the title Duke of Jiyin. He was appointed General Who Pacifies the Army, made a minister of state, given the additional title of Regular Attendant of Scattered Cavalry, and later served as governor of Henei. He died in the winter of the second year of Yanhe. 〈Missing text〉 Earlier, Zhongshan had inherited the title; during the Taihe era he retired on account of age and illness.
7
使
His son Sheng'tou inherited the title and was later demoted by the usual precedent. Zhang Wei, whose courtesy name was Zhongye and childhood name Cuichi, came from Zhongdu in Taiyuan. His ancestor Min had served as Director of the Secretariat under the Jin. Wei mastered all the classics and taught in his home district, where his students often numbered several hundred. Confucian in bearing, prudent and open-handed, he was tireless in teaching. Even when dull students failed to understand and questioned him dozens of times, he explained with patient care and never showed irritation. He always grounded his teaching in the classics, instructing his pupils in filial piety and brotherly duty. Moved by his humane influence, they treated him as a father. His nature was calm and even; he did not change his conduct for ease or danger. Refined and deeply prudent, he would speak only what was lawful. Under Emperor Shizu he was summoned to court with Gao Yun and others and appointed Doctor of the Secretariat. He was transferred to Gentleman of the Secretariat, then served as Attendant Gentleman to General-in-Chief Prince Fan of Le'an, and later as governor of Fengyi. On returning to court he again served as Gentleman of the Secretariat and as Grand Rectifier of his native commandery. He was dispatched to Jiuquan to console Juqu Wuhui. On his return he was promoted to Gentleman of Scattered Cavalry. After returning from an embassy to Liu Yilong, he was appointed Palace Attendant and General Who Establishes Might and granted the title Viscount of Chenggao. He served as General Who Pacifies the East and governor of Ying Province, and was advanced to Duke of Jian'an. He died and was posthumously honored as General Who Conquers the South and governor of Bing Province, with the posthumous name Kang. In provincial office he put benevolence first and did not rely on punishments. By keeping himself pure he led his subordinates, and local officials did not dare misconduct themselves.
8
使使
His son Zhonglü, at the opening of the Taihe era, served provisionally as Palace Attendant and deputy envoy to Goguryeo, and soon after as Regular Attendant of Scattered Cavalry and envoy to Goguryeo. He later served as governor of Zhangwu with the additional title General Who Pacifies the Distance.
9
西
Zhonglü's younger brother Zhongji inherited his father's scholarly manner and was skilled in the glossaries known as Cang, Ya, and Lin. During the Taihe era he rose to Chief of Palace Attendants, but was banished to the western frontier for an offense and died on the journey.
10
退
Liang Zuo came from Niyang in Beidi. His father Shao submitted to the Wei state in the second year of Huangshi, was appointed Gentleman of the Ministry of Personnel, and later served as governor of Jiyang. By Zuo's time the family had settled in Zhao Commandery. Zuo was devoted to learning and studied all the classics in turn. He was especially skilled in the Gongyang Commentary and Zheng Xuan's Changes, which he taught throughout his life. He had the bearing of a Confucian scholar but lacked the talent to make his mark in public life. He was an old friend of Ping Heng, Administrator of You Province, and his elder sister had earlier married into the Li family of Fanyang. He therefore moved his household to Ji as sojourners. For more than ten years, though living abroad in poverty, he never wearied of writing. Ping Heng often invited him to stay and discuss the classics and histories with him. He was summoned as Secretariat Attendant and gradually rose to Director of the Secretariat. Li Xin forced him aside and he was demoted to Doctor of the Secretariat. He later served as Administrator of Tongwan Garrison and was recalled as Scattered Cavalry Commandant. He compiled a merged edition of Chen Shou's Records of the Three Kingdoms under the title National Succession. He also wrote a Rhapsody on the Capital of Dai, which circulated widely in his day. Poor but upright, he kept to simplicity and would not court the powerful. He died in the twelfth year of Taihe at the age of eighty-seven.
11
His son Yuanji inherited his father's manner.
12
His youngest son Chong served in minor posts and later became Staff Officer of the Northern Garrison Headquarters of Xiang Province.
13
Ping Heng, whose courtesy name was Jishu, came from Ji in Yan Commandery. His grandfather Shi and his father Ru had both served the Murong as general-purpose court officials. Heng applied himself tirelessly to reading and recitation, mastered the classics through deep and far-reaching study, and became a man of broad learning. From the Zhou dynasty down through the Wei, he compiled and ranked the reasons dynasties rose and fell and the careers of great ministers rose and declined, judged their merits and faults, and called the work Brief Notes—more than a hundred chapters in all. Readers who took an interest in such matters all agreed that it was excellent. He was content with poverty and devoted to the Way, and never altered his principles even when his household was repeatedly destitute. He was summoned to court and appointed Doctor of the Secretariat. After some time he was posted out of the capital as Administrator of You Province. Incorruptible and abstemious, he made no effort to build up his estate; food and clothing were often scarce, and his wife and children still knew hunger and cold. Later he was appointed Editing Assistant and then promoted to Assistant Director of the Imperial Secretariat.
14
[2]駿
At that time Gao Yun was Supervisor, while Xing You of Hejian, Yang Gu of Beiping, Pei Ding of Hedong, Cheng Jun of Guangping, Zhao Yuanshun of Jincheng, and others served as Editing Assistants. Their talents varied, yet all were regarded as competent and were known as men of standing. Gao Yun always maintained that no one surpassed Heng in thorough mastery of the classics.
15
忿
Heng was a nephew by marriage of Liu Yu's general Wang Xuamo. Heng's three sons all abandoned their father's path and, given to drink, wasted themselves. Heng often grieved that his sons' generation had fallen away; leaning on his staff he would walk the ridge beside his home and weep. He would not arrange their marriages and let them marry as officials saw fit, so their official matches grew coarse and unworthy, and none could uphold the family's standing. Heng's brother-in-law Deng Zongqing, his sister's son Sun Xuanming, and others often remonstrated with him about it. Heng said, "That bunch are sure to sink into ruin—why should I bother with them?" So he built a separate refined retreat and kept his classics there; a single servant attended him, his wife and children were forbidden to visit, and he no longer shared meals with them. Whenever there were choice delicacies, he would call the venerable Duke of Dong'an, Diao Yong, and others to share the feast; his family was never allowed a taste. In the tenth year of Taihe he was appointed Director of the Imperial Secretariat, but Heng insisted on taking a provincial post; before the appointment could be made he died, at the age of seventy-six. He was posthumously honored as General Who Pacifies the East, Governor of You Province, and Marquis of Duchang, with the posthumous name Kang.
16
His son Shouchang served in the early Taihe era as Clerk to the Director of the Imperial Secretariat. He was gradually promoted to Recording Secretary in the Jing Province headquarters of the General Who Conquers Barbarians.
17
Chen Qi, whose courtesy name was Xiuqi, came from Hebei and claimed descent from Xiang, Governor of Liang Province under the Jin, eight generations back. His grandfather Ren had served Murong Chui. Qi was orphaned young; his family was poor, yet he served his mother with exemplary filial devotion. Even as a child he was bright and perceptive, showing the promise of precocious talent. He was by nature forceful and upright, and kept apart from ordinary company. He loved the classics and mastered the ancient texts, often faulting Ma Rong and Zheng Xuan for misreading the true intent of the scriptures, and set his heart on writing commentaries on the Five Classics. He began with commentaries on the Classic of Filial Piety and the Analects, which gained wide circulation and won praise from the gentry.
18
西西 綿 西 [3]
He was summoned to the capital together with Xing You of Hejian. At that time You Ya, Supervisor of the Imperial Secretariat, had long known his reputation; he initially took a strong liking to him, brought him into the secretariat, and intended to give him a post in historiography. Later, when he discussed the Canon of Documents and the Classic of Poetry with Qi, Ya spoke in praise of Ma Rong and Zheng Xuan. When they came to the Song hexagram in the Book of Changes—"Heaven and water move contrary to each other"—Ya said, "West of the Congling Mountains all waters flow westward; if we follow that logic, the Book of Changes applies only to lands east of the Congling Mountains." Qi replied, "The principles of the Changes are vast and broad; they encompass the whole cosmos. If what you say were true, west of the Congling Mountains would people not still look eastward to behold Heaven?" Qi stood by his own reading and opposed Ya; on points like these he never simply yielded. Ya was by nature quick to shield his own shortcomings, and from this he came to resent Qi. On one occasion he publicly humiliated Qi, sometimes addressing him with familiar pronouns and sometimes calling him a petty man. Qi said, "Your lordship is a gentleman; I am but a petty man." Ya said, "You call yourself a petty man—then what sort of man was your grandfather?" Qi replied, "My grandfather was Chi, Eastern Marquis of Yan." Ya pressed him: "What office was Marquis Chi?" Qi said, "The Three Sovereigns did not hand down the rites—how could official titles remain the same? That is why antiquity knew such titles as Cloud Master, Fire Rectifier, and Bird Master. From this it follows that when the age changes offices differ, and when the times turn rites change as well. Your lordship served as Attendant Chief of the Eastern Palace under Great Wei—what office, after all, is Attendant Chief?" From that point Ya came to hate him deeply. An earlier edict had placed Qi under Ya's supervision for appointment in the secretariat, but Ya, who now despised him, never gave him a post.
19
Qi remained idle and without appointment for several years. Gao Yun worked with him collating ancient texts, admired his far-reaching insight, and declared that Qi's comprehensive learning lay beyond ordinary scholarship. Gao Yun gently urged Ya, saying, "Your standing at court is widely watched—why wrangle over textual minutiae with rustic scholars?" Ya assumed Gao Yun was privately favoring Qi and said, "So you would actually take the side of a petty man!" He then took Qi's commentaries on the Analects and the Classic of Filial Piety and burned them in a pit. Qi said, "Your lordship is a man of rank and cannot lack firewood—why burn Qi's Analects?" Ya grew still angrier and forbade the younger scholars of the capital to transmit or teach Qi's works. Yet Qi did not soften his stance and continued to criticize Ya's mistakes. Ya composed an epitaph for Empress Dowager Zhao, praising the beauty of the empress's name and drawing a comparison with Empress Zhen of Former Wei. Qi exposed the mistake, and word of it reached the throne. An edict ordered the Minister of Education to verify the historical facts in the epitaph; the empress in question proved to be Empress Guo, and Ya was shown to be in error.
20
Someone circulated a seditious tract full of grievances against the age, and it spoke with some sympathy of Qi's thwarted ambitions. Ya then hinted to officials in charge, saying, "This book says Qi did not succeed in life—it must have been written by Qi through an accomplice. Under the law, anyone who composes a seditious book is liable to execution extending to his whole family." On that basis Qi was charged with the crime. At that time the Minister of Education, Prince of Pingyuan Lu Li, knew Qi had been wronged and valued his learning, so the case was delayed for years in the hope of mercy. But the prosecutors insisted the case was closed, and in the end he was executed, and punishment extended to his family as well. Qi was especially skilled in the Book of Changes; while in prison he once cast a divination for himself, and before it was finished he tore the lines apart and sighed, "I do not expect to live through next winter!" When Qi met his death, events unfolded exactly as he had foreseen.
21
When Qi was first summoned, he dreamed that a star fell and crushed his foot; the next morning he told others, "Stars bring wind, stars bring rain—a dream of a star crushing one's foot can hardly be a good sign. But the summons was urgent, and I dared not refuse to go." Qi's younger sister married into the Chang clan and bore a son named Jiaozhi, who served in turn as prefect of several commanderies. During the Shengui era he submitted a memorial on what current policy ought to be; his words were notably loyal and forthright, and Prince of Qinghe Yuan Yi praised them. Qi's commentary on the Analects was handed down by Jiaozhi but never gained wide circulation; its readings often diverged from Zheng Xuan and frequently agreed with those of the Minister of Education Cui Hao.
22
Chang Shuang, whose courtesy name was Shiming, came from Wen in Henei and was the sixth-generation descendant of Lin, Grand Master of Ceremonies under Wei. His grandfather Zhen had been Administrator of Nan'an under Fu Jian; amid the chaos of the times he settled in Liang Province. His father Tan, under the Qifu regime, held the titles General Who Pacifies the Distance, Garrison Commander of Daxia, and Marquis of Xianmei. Shuang was clever from childhood, stern and upright with a strong sense of purpose; even family and servants never saw him wear a lax or playful look. He was deeply committed to learning, possessed broad knowledge and a strong memory, was well versed in apocryphal texts and celestial portents, and had extensively mastered the Five Classics and the hundred schools of thought. He declined every honorable summons issued by provinces and commanderies.
23
西
When Emperor Shizu marched west against Liang, Shuang and his elder brother Shiguo came over to the army and surrendered; Emperor Shizu praised them for it. Shiguo was granted a fifth-rank noble title and made Baron of Xianmei; Shuang received the sixth rank and was appointed General Who Proclaims Might. At that time campaigns followed one upon another and war was the order of the day; the sons of great families had no time for study. Shuang founded a school on the east bank of the Wen River and taught more than seven hundred disciples, and learning in the capital swiftly revived. The rules Shuang set down included clear rewards and punishments, and his disciples served him as they would a strict father. Left Vice Director of the Imperial Secretariat Yuan Zan, Administrator of Pingyuan Sima Zhen'an, and Editing Gentleman Cheng Lingqiu were all trained under Shuang. Cui Hao and Gao Yun both praised Shuang's rigorous teaching and his effective methods of encouragement. Gao Yun said, "Wen Weng prevailed through gentleness; the Master prevails through firmness. Their ways of establishing a school differ, yet both succeed in shaping mature men." Such was the admiration he won from men of broad and deep learning.
24
In his spare time from teaching he wrote Brief Notes on the Six Classics to enlarge the body of scholarly work, and they were admirably well ordered. Its preface reads: "Tradition says, 'Establishing Heaven's Way means yin and yang; establishing Earth's Way means soft and hard; establishing Man's Way means benevolence and righteousness. Thus benevolence and righteousness belong to human nature, and the classics are the cultivation of the person; both serve to shape the spirit and awaken the mind. No one completes his capacity without study, and no one perfects his work without practice. Zilu was a man of force, yet by embracing the Way he attained the stature of loyal heroism; Ning Yue was an ordinary man, yet by pursuing learning he preserved a noble integrity. What one follows is practice; what one relies on is the foundation. When the foundation is set, the Way emerges; when the person is cultivated, virtue is complete. In antiquity, when the sage kings instructed all under Heaven, they always guided the people with the Poetry and Documents, taught them with Rites and Music, transformed their customs, and brought their people into harmony. To be reverent, frugal, dignified, and respectful without becoming weary—that is teaching rooted deeply in the Rites; to be broad-minded, approachable, and good without falling into excess—that is teaching rooted deeply in Music; to be gentle, sincere, and generous without becoming foolish—that is teaching rooted deeply in the Poetry; to be penetrating, discerning, and far-sighted without deceit—that is teaching rooted deeply in the Documents; to be pure, still, subtle, and precise without doing injury—that is teaching rooted deeply in the Changes; to connect language with events and compare cases without confusion—that is teaching rooted deeply in the Spring and Autumn Annals. Music harmonizes the spirit; the Book of Songs sets language right; ritual clarifies conduct; the Documents widen one's hearing; Spring and Autumn passes judgment on affairs. These five embody the Way of the five constants, each indispensable to the rest—and the Book of Changes is their wellspring. Hence the saying: "If the Changes cannot be seen, Heaven and Earth would nearly fall still." From this it follows that the Six Classics are the lasting legacy of the ancient kings—the supreme work of the sages. How could one not give one's heart and eyes to them, shaping character and refining the self! Not long ago, in idle hours, I devoted myself to the forest of learning, sketching what I had heard and probing their foundations. I called the work Brief Notes on the Six Classics, to train my disciples." His Brief Notes circulated widely.
25
Shuang would not attend on princes or nobles. He lived apart in quiet, lecturing on the classics for more than twenty years, until contemporaries called him Master of the Confucian Grove. He died at home at sixty-three.
26
西西
His son Wentong served in turn as General Who Stabilizes the West, Administrator of Southern Tianshui, and Colonel of the Western Wing. Wentong's son Jing is treated in another biography.
27
使
Liu Xianzhi came from Raoyang in Boling commandery. Orphaned and poor from boyhood, he cherished the Odes and the chronicle tradition. He studied under Cheng Xuan of Bohai, then ranged widely through the canon. When he came upon the words of the legalists, he would shut the book and laugh: "Had the Yang and Mo schools never penned this text, who a thousand years hence would know how small they were?" He once told his intimates: "Read Qu Yuan's Encountering Sorrow and you see a madman from the first. He deserved to die—why mourn him? I have always thought that washing the cap-tassel and washing the ears belong to men apart from the world; while feeding on dregs and drinking the sour lees shows a spirit at one with the herd. Yet Confucius said, "As for me, I am not like that—I may go either way, or neither." How true that is—it is precisely what I feel."
28
[4]
Whenever anyone sought instruction from Xianzhi, he would say: "To stand in the world, the hundred paths may diverge, but judged by the four categories of the sage, moral conduct must lead. If you can be filial within and deferential without—loyal, trustworthy, humane, and modest—the world will know you before you step outside. If you cannot, then even if you study behind closed curtains, jab your thigh to stay awake, and chase after masters in straw shoes, you will merely amass facts—no better than a clay dragon invoked for rain, fooling generations yet unborn. What profit is that for the art of living? Even the followers of Confucius did not grasp this at first; only after Gaoyu's lament did they go home to nourish their parents. Alas, you elders of the past—why did you see it only so late! The gift of dried meat is not given lightly, nor is it easy to receive such teaching. I speak frankly from the heart—ponder it well." After this, learners everywhere admired his integrity and yearned to study at his door.
29
便
Xianzhi was master of Spring and Autumn and the Mao version of the Odes. In lecturing on the Zuo commentary he always ended at the eighth year of Duke Yin, declaring the pattern of meaning complete and further explanation unnecessary. His students therefore could never exhaust his doctrine. Later his commandery nominated him as Filial and Incorrupt, which did not suit his taste. They forced him to go; he obeyed, but once he reached the capital he claimed illness and went home. When Emperor Gaozu toured Zhongshan, an edict called him to supervise collation in the inner archives. Xianzhi sighed: "I am nothing like Zhuang Zhou's worthless timber! To be cut once is already too much—how could it happen twice?" He steadfastly refused, pleading sickness. In those days Zhang Wugui of Zhongshan stood equal in renown with Xianzhi; across the empire both were hailed as pillars of Confucian learning. Each time Wugui held forth, a thousand students gathered, but scarcely any among them had conduct or accomplishment worth mention. Xianzhi's roster held only a few hundred names, every one a scholar who had truly mastered the classics. Perceptive observers therefore judged which of the two was superior. The Wei state, rising after generations of turmoil, preserved oral traditions of the Five Classics, yet students throughout the land remained tangled in doubt—and Xianzhi settled every question. He did not annotate every line of the six arts, yet the doctrines he emphasized often broke with received opinion. He wrote Great Meaning of the Three Rites in four scrolls, Brief Patterns of the Three Commentaries in three scrolls, and Notes on the Prefaces of the Mao Odes in one scroll, all still in circulation, together with three scrolls of glosses on individual passages. He was midway through a commentary on the Nirvana Sutra when he died. He left four sons—Fanggu, Aigu, Cangu, and Xiugu.
30
Fanggu was gifted even as a boy. He became a commandery staff officer and died early.
31
Aigu and Cangu carried on their father's teaching of the Odes but never attained his depth.
32
便 便
Zhang Wugui, styled Wuzi, was a native of Zhongshan. Clever and quick-tongued from boyhood, he stood eight feet tall, with a singular, commanding presence. At eighteen his commandery presented him as a doctoral lecturer at the Imperial Academy. Wugui had not read deeply at first. He took Rites from Li Quan and the Changes from Niu Tianyou. Quan and You merely opened the door for him, but Wugui read each text once and immediately built a structure of his own. Scholars everywhere flocked to him. Once, at the summer school, he assembled a thousand pupils but never expounded any commentary. His students murmured that Zhang seemed unable to lecture on the Zuo tradition. Wugui heard the talk and told his followers: "I am pausing lectures for the summer. Next I will expound the commentary—you must all bring your books tomorrow." The students were puzzled but waited. Wugui said to Liu Lan, "You have studied the Zuo commentary—lecture it for me." Lan did so. In thirty days Wugui read both Du Yu and Fu Qian, trimmed and compared the two houses, and noted every agreement and divergence. When the students gathered again, he lectured immediately—principles without limit, mostly new and startling. Lan listened, prostrate with admiration. The scholarly world wondered at him all the more. Yet he used debate to gloss over error and delighted in paradox, so his school did not last. Overbearing toward local officials, refusing to yield to nobles, he never held office and died as he had lived.
33
便
Liu Lan came from Wuyi. Not until his thirties did he begin elementary schooling, practicing the Rapid Composition Primer. His kin noticed his sharp mind and sent him to teachers. From Wang Bao'an of Zhongshan he learned Spring and Autumn, the Odes, and Rites. His household was destitute; he alternated plowing with study. After three years he told his elder brother, "Lan wants to teach the classics." His brother laughed but indulged him, built a hall, and enrolled two hundred students. Lan read through the Zuo commentary every five days and came to know all five classics. Before this, Zhang Wugui's brilliance outshone others, yet his interpretations did not anchor in the old masters. Lan alone traced how classic and commentary fit together, staying true to the commentators' purpose and weighing apocryphal texts, omens, and earlier Ru lore—work of rare precision. From then on, deep learning in the classics flowed from Lan. He also understood yin and yang, knew nature's myriad forms, and was honored among Confucians. Pei Zhi, governor of Ying province, invited Lan to teach at the south lodge of the prefectural seat. Zhi acted as patron, the student body swelled, and fame spread across the land. Prince Ying of Zhongshan held him in particular regard. Ying kept him in residence and set him to teach his sons Xi, You, Lue, and the others. Thousands passed through Lan's school and many finished their training, but he attacked the Gongyang commentary and belittled Dong Zhongshu, and for this the world scorned him. In the Yongping era he was assistant lecturer at the Imperial University. In the Yanxing era, as he sat reading in silence, someone knocked. A pupil reported the visitor and Lan bade him enter. The stranger wore a hemp headcloth and single-layer robe. He came in, sat beside Lan, and said: "You are a man of learning—why do you endure such abuse? We know whose reasoning stands and whose falls—yet you are trampled without respect. I mean to summon you now and settle the matter with you." With that he left. When the man was gone, Lan described the visit to his household. Before long he fell ill and died suddenly.
34
Sun Huiwei, styled Shubing, came from Wusui in Wuyi; his pet name was Tuoluo. He traced six generations back to Dao Gong, Director of Palace Attendants under Jin; from Dao Gong to Huiwei the family handed down Confucian learning. At thirteen Huiwei had a working knowledge of the Odes, Documents, Filial Classic, and Analects; at eighteen he studied the Changes with Dong Daoji; at nineteen he read the Ritual Canon and the three commentaries on Spring and Autumn under Cheng Xuan. He traveled the halls of learning and was known throughout Ji province.
35
宿
Early in the Taihe reign his commandery nominated him Filial and Incorrupt; he sat for the palace examination at the Secretariat. Gao Lu, Director of the Secretariat, had long known of Huiwei's brilliance and praised his sharp speech. After they talked, Lu recommended him as a Secretariat erudite. He was moved to erudite of the imperial clan school. Lu received orders to codify the court ritual music, and Huiwei assisted. When the music was complete, Lu submitted a memorial asking that high officials gather at the Music Bureau to debate what was correct. Li Biao, Director of the Secretariat, trusting his own eloquence, challenged the work on the spot. Lu had Huiwei answer him—and Biao could not prevail. Zhang Yi, Attendant at the Yellow Gate, often kept his company; when Yi drafted memorials on state affairs he consulted Huiwei. In the seventeenth year, during Emperor Gaozu's southern campaign, the court deliberated the rites of reporting victory to Heaven and Earth. When Grand Preceptor Feng Xi died, Huiwei supervised the funeral rites and memorialized that Xi's sons, though not yet capped, should wear adult mourning dress. Huiwei and Li Biao were friends in the classics; when Biao advanced to Minister of the Secretariat, Huiwei still held the modest post of Director of the Imperial Temple. Emperor Gaozu once remarked casually: "Dao Gu has leapt the Dragon Gate, yet Sun Wei still lingers in the shallows—I have always felt ashamed of that." Though he languished in low office, he understood fortune and setback and never burned with ambition; Confucians admired him for it.
36
In the twenty-second year he became reader to the crown prince in the Eastern Palace. Earlier the seven ancestral temples had honored Emperor Pingwen as founding ancestor; Emperor Gaozu reconsidered the imperial line and set Emperor Daowu as founding ancestor instead. The imperial ancestors had been fixed, but the left-right ordering of spirit tablets in the temple had not yet been changed. After Gaozu's death, when his spirit tablet was placed in the ancestral temple, Secretariat Director Cui Guang, who also served as Minister of Ceremonies, argued that with the change of founding ancestor the zhao-mu order should be rearranged in sequence. Censor-in-Chief and Palace Attendant Xing Luan maintained that even though the founding ancestor had changed, the zhao-mu arrangement ought not to shift; he prepared an impeachment draft to accuse Guang. Guang told Huiwei, "This is ritual law, but the enforcement official wants to impeach me—I am looking to you, as a master of learning, for support." Huiwei replied, "That reading fits the principle of adapting ritual to changed circumstances." He soon sent Guang a letter explaining the case and endorsing his view. Guang submitted Huiwei's letter to the chief ministers and called Huiwei and Luan to argue the issue at court; Wang Su, head of the Ministry of Works, again backed Luan, yet Luan lost the debate and the impeachment came to nothing.
37
Once Shizong acceded, Huiwei still attended him to expound the classics; he rose from supernumerary vice director of the retinue to secretary in the imperial library and commandery rectifier for Wuoyi. Having entered the Eastern Pavilion, Huiwei found the library holdings incomplete and memorialized: "I understand that a sage ruler in governing the world inwardly upholds the human classics, models himself on heaven and earth, takes precedent as law, and follows the grand plan. The Book of Changes says: 'Look to the heavens to observe seasonal change; look to human culture to transform the realm.' The Six Classics, the hundred philosophers, books and secret texts are heaven's proper arts and the enduring standards for ruling people. Thus through gentle distance come the teachings of the Odes and Documents; respect, frugality, ease, and integrity are the path of Ritual and Music. The Changes' component texts find their divinity in refinement; the Spring and Autumn achieves transformation through layered phrasing. Great instruction blazes in the eastern hall; literary treasures gleam in the Qilin Pavilion. It is the hinge of great peace, the key to overcoming violence, the spiritual base of dynasties, and the crowning work of sage rulers. Securing the throne and quieting the people, refining custom and elevating morals—does this not begin here? Under the Qin, when scholarship was cast aside, the ritual canon was lost. The Han, on rising, searched them out; canonical writings were collected anew and the sages' legacy lived again. Even Guangwu, amid rebellion, scarcely had time to eat, yet books entering Luoyang filled more than two thousand carts. Wei and Jin especially treasured the canon; gathering what had vanished, they restored the nine traditions. They collated histories, bought classics and commentaries, and on paper and bamboo little was left missing. I am no comprehensive scholar; my vision is narrow—I can only follow lines and clauses and hold to no wider insight. Yet Your Majesty's grace placed me in the secret archive; I serve in a gap-filling post with books alone as my charge. The Pavilion and Archive collections had never had a fixed catalogue; old and new were jumbled and many volumes lacked beginnings or ends. Some titles filled dozens of fascicles; others went years without being copied at all. Some volumes lost sections; openings and closings were destroyed; others had broken text and mistaken characters, error piled on error. Titles were plentiful, but fully intact editions were rare. I propose to follow Director Lu Chang's new catalogue in jia and yi ranks—to mend gaps, merge redundancies, collate punctuation into a definitive edition, copy it in sequence, and fix it as the permanent standard. Where a department lacks a text, search widely until the collection is complete. The canon is vast and the philosophers many; with countless fascicles and tangled chapters, one or two collators cannot finish the work in a year. I request forty Four Gates erudites and capital scholars to work in the Secretariat full-time on collation and agreed readings. With Your Majesty's consent, the canon will be set right and the library fully gathered." The emperor granted the request.
38
祿 使 [5]
He also served as Palace Attendant, was promoted to palace counsellor, and retained that attendant appointment. Later he became regular palace attendant and succeeded Cui Guang as compiler; he lacked gift for historiography and produced nothing except a few lines of self-commentary on his biography. He rose to director of the National University and superintendent of the Secretariat, still managing historical work. In Yan chang year two his lecturing service was rewarded; he received the barony of Zaoqiang with two hundred households. When Suzong began his reign, Huiwei left the capital as general who pacifies the east and governor of Ji. On return he was made grand master of splendid happiness. From early Wei onward, no Confucian from a modest background had risen as high as Huiwei. Originally named Wei alone, during Zhengshi he lectured in the inner palace; his nightly exposition of Buddhist sutras pleased the emperor, who added Hui to his name and called him Dharma Master Huiwei. In Shen gui year one he died in office at sixty-seven. He received five hundred bolts of silk; posthumously he was made grand general and governor of Ying, with posthumous name Dai.
39
His son Bolí succeeded to the fief. Bolí excelled at clerical calligraphy. He held posts as court gentleman for attendance, supernumerary palace cadre gentleman, general who pacifies the north, colonel of the footsoldiers, and national university erudite. At his death he was posthumously general who assists the state and governor of Ba.
40
His son Chantong succeeded. Talented and learned from youth, he died early—to contemporaries' sorrow.
41
便
Xu Zunming, styled Zipan, came from Huayin. Eight feet in height, orphaned early, he devoted himself to study. At seventeen he went east with townsman Mao Linghe and others to find masters. In Shangdang he studied the Mao Odes, Documents, and Record of Ritual under Wang Cong of Tunliu. After a year he left Cong for Yan and Zhao to study under Zhang Wugui. Wugui had a huge following; Zunming studied under him for months, then told a friend privately, "Zhang is famous but undisciplined; his teaching does not suit me—I must change teachers." With Tian Menglue of Pingyuan he went to Fan Yang to study under Sun Maide. A year later he wanted to move on again. Menglue said, "You are still young; with each master you never finish; you haul your books a thousand li—why this constant moving? At this rate you may never accomplish anything." Zunming replied, "I have finally found where the real teacher is." Menglue asked, "Where?" Zunming pointed to his heart: "Here." He sought out Tang Qian of Pingyuan, who accepted him and housed him in a silkworm shed. For six years he never left the compound, reading Filial Piety, Analects, Mao Odes, Documents, and the three Rituals, sometimes playing zither and flute for solace. Learning that Zhao Shiye of Guantao in Yangping owned the Fu clan Spring and Autumn, a Jin Yongjia-era text, he went to study it. Several years later he compiled his own Explications of the Spring and Autumn in thirty fascicles.
42
When he began to teach, disciples were few; only after long years did his school flourish. Each time he lectured he held classic and commentary in hand before speaking—a habit his students still observe. He taught away from home for over twenty years; all under heaven revered him. He liked to gather money, which sat ill with the Confucian ideal.
43
退 使
Prince Huai of Guangling later summoned him on hearing his fame. He came but soon left, having no taste for the capital. Near the end of Xiaochang he crossed south of the river and stayed in Rencheng. Old connections in Yan Province led him to settle there. In Yong'an's opening year Yuan Luo as eastern commissioner recommended him, but no office was conferred. In year two, as Yuan Hao entered Luoyang, Prefect Li Zhan of Rencheng planned to raise loyal troops and Zunming joined him. Going among the people by night, he was slain by disorderly troops at fifty-five.
44
西
In Yongxi year two his disciple Li Yexing, regular palace attendant, memorialized: "To practice the Way and cultivate virtue is not to seek reward in life; to hold to righteousness and walk in humanity is not to court favor after death. Yet heaven's nobility, once possessed, may win village-gate honors; the people's regard can at last bring ancestral shrine and tomb glory. I observe that the late recluse Xu Zunming of Yan lived by quiet waters without a great clan's base; he grew in the wilds, not on inlaid floors. He fixed his mind on depth and openness, his spirit on calm refinement; in solitude he was untroubled, in modest living untroubled by care. Behind closed curtains he perfected himself; alone under the study screen he mastered the classics' subtlest phrases and the sages' deepest intent. All who came entered his gate and inner hall; he was hailed a great Confucian under heaven and a leading teacher of the age. From far corners, kindred spirits craned their necks for his virtue and stood on tiptoe in his wake. When his study briefly opened, disciples would travel a thousand li without hesitation; with presentation gifts they came to study—nearly ten thousand names in the rolls. He stood beside the glory of Xihe and the lofty footsteps of the North Sea. Like the host who cherishes talent and honors guests, who leaves office to roam—students gathered in ranks. Zunming, eminent in virtue and name, was first called with full ceremony; he was honored as a guest for whom wine is placed. Li Yu of the palace staff knew him and was about to recommend him, but Zunming chose seclusion and joy in the Way and departed, never to return. When the Prince of Beihai entered Luoyang and the realm swayed, Zunming held firm, loyal and unstained, and with Prefect Li Zhan plotted against the rebels. By ill chance he fell in violent death. Supreme loyalty and high principle sank unknown; officials and commoners alike grieved. Your Majesty, aligned with the dragon's reign and holding heaven's intent, listens until sunset is forgotten and sits in thought awaiting dawn. Even the smallest merit, the briefest word or act, wins added robes and gifts at one's door. All the more for Zunming, foremost in rank and example in his day—struck down in silence, his memorials left bare. The dead do not return; yet to order civilization and instruct the world is to exalt and inspire the living. I stand among his students and received his guidance; bound by reverence and triple obligation, I overstep rank to speak before the throne. I ask a posthumous title and noble rank, that the court's esteem for virtue shine forth and students see the reward of classical learning. Should Your Majesty look with favor, his humble grave will for a millennium honor his life. No posthumous honors were given.
45
祿
Dong Zheng, styled Wenfa, came from Weiguo in Dunqiu. Grandfather Ying served as administrator of Gaoping. His father Qiu was commandery merit officer. He stood seven feet two inches, loved the ancients, and studied in refined plainness. At seventeen he studied the Analects, Mao Odes, Spring and Autumn, and Changes under Jian Boyang of Qinghe; the Offices of Zhou under Gao Wangchong of Henei; and all classics under Liu Xianzhi of Boling. In a few years he mastered the classics in depth and began teaching disciples. At Taihe's end he became erudite at the Four Gates elementary school. Shizong summoned him to the Jade Flower Palace for examination on the Six Classics by Sun Huiwei, had him tutor four princes, and later appointed him supernumerary palace cadre gentleman. When Prince Yi of Qinghe became minister of works and then minister over the masses, he took Zheng as senior adjutant. When Yi became grand commandant, Zheng served as granary bureau adjutant. He left the capital as administrator of Pei, with the additional rank general who raises the array. He returned as vice minister under the grand commandant and soon gained the additional title general who assists the state. Shortly he was made governor of An with that general's rank. Traveling to his post he stopped at home, feasted the district elders, and said, "To return home wearing the provincial seal was called honor of old; to come back with imperial credentials—why would one not rejoice?" He told his younger relatives, "This rank and wealth did not drop from the sky—it came from hard study alone." Contemporaries admired him for this. He became vice minister of revenue and grand master of splendid happiness. His rise from province to court owed not only to scholarship—Prince Yue of Runan also petitioned out of respect as his former teacher. In Yong'an's opening he received general who pacifies the east; soon he retired for age. He died in Yongxi year two. The deposed emperor, remembering Zheng had taught his father, posthumously made him regular palace attendant, area commander, general of chariots and cavalry with three-duke honors, left vice minister of works, and governor of Xiang, with posthumous name Wenlie.
46
His son Zhongyao at Wuding's end served on a staff with chief commandant credentials.
47
便 [6]簿
Diao Chong, styled Wenlang, of Rao'an in Bohai, was great-grandson of General Who Guards the East Yong. Orphaned at thirteen, his mourning devotion surpassed others. His grandmother, daughter of Minister of Works Gao Yun, pitying his early loss, raised him with special care. When mourning ended he wished to study away; the Gaos wept and begged him to stay, but he would not. Though his clan was eminent, he studied outside like any common student. School rules required students to supervise the kitchen in rotation; Chong had servants but cooked for himself. In study he gave himself utterly, day and night, heedless of season. He mastered the classics, especially Zheng's commentaries, and also yin-yang lore, prognostic texts, mathematics, astronomy, and wind omen books—esteemed for depth and breadth. Governor Guo Zuo sought him out with hard questions; Chong's replies always cleared old doubts. Administrators Lu Shangzhi and Governor Pei Zhi summoned him as merit officer and chief clerk; he accepted titles but did not handle business. He lectured only; hundreds of students came each year from all quarters.
48
A Confucian by trade, he was bold and unafraid of the mighty. During Yan chang, Gao Zhao, the emperor's uncle, abused power; Chong memorialized against him in blunt, loyal language. Grand Tutor Prince Yi of Qinghe read it and sighed.
49
退
His great-grandfather Yong had written a discourse on filial conduct for his heirs: "Ancient burials used firewood wraps without mound or tree; later sages introduced coffins. In life they fail to care for parents; in death they bury with wasteful splendor. At civilization's end some wrapped bodies in rush mats and buried them bare. To insist on either extreme misses the middle way. Knowing both fail, one should follow neither blindly. Coffins should be no more than three inches thick and three feet high, without brocade, the body dressed in ordinary clothes. The hearse should have a white cloth canopy only, unpainted—the "clear and plain cart." Omit dirges, exorcist masks, and grave goods as well." When grandfather Zun lay dying he ordered descendants to obey Yong's will. Henan assistant director Zhang Puhui deemed it too austere and wrote Chong's uncle Zheng to debate the matter. Zheng consulted fellow students; Chong wrote the national university scholars, who could not refute him.
50
[7]
As eldest heir Chong inherited the marquisate of Dong'an. When Prince Ji of Jingzhao became minister of works he repeatedly chose Chong as secretariat recorder. As Suzong prepared to sacrifice in person, Han Shengu and other scholars recommended Chong to Director Jingyu and Minister Zhen Chen; he was summoned on memorial. At his death erudites Gao Liang, Lu Daokan, and Lu Jingyu memorialized for posthumous title Master Anxian and grand victim sacrifice. His son Qin, styled Zhiru. He died young.
51
涿
Lu Jingyu, styled Zhongru, nicknamed Whitehead, came from Zhuo in Fanyang. He was nephew of Marquis of Zhangwu Tong. Clever from youth, he devoted himself to the classics. On the Juma River one old servant cooked for him; his family did not live with him. Fleeing chaos on Mount Daning, he shunned affairs and did nothing but write commentaries. While uncle Tong held high office, Jingyu lived in a garden cottage, plain as the countryside, humble and content on the Way. Hence men called him the Recluse.
52
Under the former deposed emperor he became national university erudite to help fix the pitch pipes, favored and treated almost as an equal. At Yongxi's opening he left office under routine. In Tianping he went home, then with Xing Zicai, Wei Jijing, Wei Shou, and Xing Xin was summoned to Ye. He stayed at a monastery and never ceased teaching and listening. Soon he returned to his commandery.
53
使 調
Xing Monuo of Hejian and cousin Zhongli rebelled locally and forced Jingyu's circle to join Yuan Baoju. Prince Xianwu of Qi sent Heba Ren to put down the revolt. Learning Jingyu was eminent in learning and conduct, he summoned him by post horse, then set him to teach the princes. Every ten days in the princes' household he went home, attended with rich food. His manner and speech won elegant praise. He had commented on the Changes, Documents, Filial Piety, Analects, Record of Ritual, and Laozi; Mao Odes and Zuo Commentary remained incomplete. When Prince Wenxiang became chancellor he lectured at home, gathered talent, and had Jingyu explain his Changes commentary. His reasoning was fine and his speech calm and polished. Some challengers shouted abuse, yet Jingyu stayed serene and answered without opening. Scholars admired him for it.
54
[8] 退
When Yuan Hao entered Luoyang he was made palace secretary. At Putai's opening he again became national university erudite. Through promotion and demotion his face never changed. Clear and quiet by nature, indifferent to rank, in patched clothes and plain food, always dignified as before guests. In Xinghe he served Prince Qi as staff officer and died at Jinyang; Prince Xianwu grieved.
55
Though he did not maintain a school, his Changes commentary circulated widely. He also favored Buddhism and understood its core teachings. The Indian monk Daoxi always asked Jingyu to preface his sutra discussions. When Jingyu fell into trouble. Imprisoned at Jinyang, he chanted sutras devoutly and his shackles fell off. Another condemned man dreamed a monk taught him a sutra; he recited it a thousand times; at execution the blade broke and he was pardoned. That sutra spread as the High King Avalokitesvara Sutra.
56
殿 使 𣵀
Li Tonggui of Gaoyi in Zhao was younger brother of Yangxia administrator Yaci. Imposing in build, with a ten-span waist, he mastered many classics, read Buddhist texts, and studied medicine. At twenty-two he passed the presented scholar examination, became court gentleman for attendance and national university assistant erudite. He became compiler, handled ritual codes, edited national history, rose to national university erudite, and received general who subdues barbarians. In Yongxi year two the deposed emperor visited Pingdeng Temple for dharma debate and ordered Tonggui to argue; his voice was clear and the exchange pleased the emperor. In spring of year three, at the capped sacrifice, officials and scholars gathered at Xianyang Hall; Liu Yan lectured on Filial Piety, Li Yu on the Record of Ritual, and Lu Jingxuan on the Elder Dai Summer Offices. Many scholars were summoned to attend. Tonggui excelled in doctrine and debate yet could not lead the classic lecture—to his lasting regret. In Tianping he became vice director of the palace secretariat. In Xinghe he also served as regular palace attendant and envoy to Xiao Yan. Deep in Buddhist study, Xiao Yan gathered monks at Ai'jing and Tongtai to expound the Nirvana Sutra and seated Tonggui among them. He also had his ministers attend. Tonggui debated long; monks and laymen alike praised him. After Lu Jingyu's death, Prince Xianwu had Tonggui teach the princes in the lodge with high honor. Each day he taught from morning until evening. Those who sought teaching he instructed at night as well, year round, never weary. He died in summer, Wuding year four, at forty-seven. Contemporaries mourned him; Prince Xianwu grieved and gave rich funeral gifts. Posthumously he was general of agile cavalry and governor of Ying, posthumous name Kang.
57
便
Li Yexing came from Changzi in Shangdang. Grandfather Qiu and father Xuanji both became filial-and-incorrupt through Confucian study. Xuanji died as magistrate of Jinxiang. From youth he was stubborn and studious, bearing books to teachers without flinching from hardship. He brooded over lines and clauses and loved unorthodox texts. Only later did he study under Xu Zunming in Zhao and Wei. Xianyu Lingfu of Yuyang also taught, while Zunming's fame was still modest and his roster small. Yexing went to Lingfu's school posing as a student. Lingfu said, "You have long run after that Qiang master—what have you learned?" Yexing said nothing. When Lingfu lectured on the Zuo Commentary, Yexing asked major points Lingfu could not answer. He shook his robe, stood, and said, "So much for a Qiang master's pupil!" And went straight home. After that Lingfu's students flocked to Zunming. Zunming's school swelled—thanks to Yexing.
58
𢾺 [9]
Later he mastered the hundred schools, prognostics, wind omens, astronomy, and divination, especially calendrics. Though poor he held himself high; insufficient courtesy from the mighty he would not accept. He later served Wang Zunye as client. Nominated filial and incorrupt, he became collator. The reign used the Zhao Xian calendar with drifting solar terms; in Yan chang Yexing submitted the Wuzi Origin Calendar. Nine scholars including Zhang Hong and Zhang Longxiang each offered new calendars; Shizong ordered one unified calendar. They made Yexing lead author of the Wuzi calendar, enacted in Zheng guang year three. Recorded in the treatise on pitch pipes and calendars. He rose to court gentleman for attendance. Prince Yu of Linhuai took him as cavalry adjutant on a southern campaign. When Prince Yuan of Guangling marched north he again served as outer corps adjutant. He revised deficient Yin-era calendar tables in two fascicles that circulated.
59
祿西
At Jianyi's start he managed ritual codes; soon he became assistant compiler. In Yong'an year two he received the barony of Changzi for calendar work. He resigned for mourning but soon returned to office. When Yuan Ye seized the throne he became regular vice director of the palace cadre. In Putai year one, after an attendant purge, he kept his post with general who pacifies the north. He also became general who conquers barbarians and palace counsellor, still in the regular cadre. In Taichang he became vice director of the palace cadre, gained a rank for ritual service, and received eastern and western general titles. For helping at the deposed emperor's accession rites he received the viscounty of Tunliu, five hundred households. He became general of the central army and regular palace attendant. In Yongxi year three, month two, at the capped sacrifice Yexing, Wei Jijing, Wen Zisheng, and Dou Yuan chose texts. He later became lecturer-in-attendance.
60
調
When the court moved to Ye, Director of Construction Xin Shu memorialized that new capital building must follow central norms. It should follow former dynasties above and Luoyang below. Ye's foundations were ruined and maps conflicted—matters needed fixing. I dare not decide alone a matter of state. Li Yexing, regular palace attendant, should be consulted—a master of wide learning. Let him compare maps old and new, settle disputes, and draft approved plans with painters. Then builders will act without doubt. The emperor agreed. In Tianping year two he became general who guards the south, then lecturer-in-attendance. Gao Longzhi, repairing palace music and regalia, asked Yexing to assist.
61
[10]使
In year four he went as envoy to Xiao Yan with Li Xie and Lu Yuanming. Zhu Yi asked whether Mount Weisu near Luoyang was the southern suburb. Yexing said Weisu was the round mound altar, not the southern suburb. Yi said the north used Zheng's separate altar reading. In Liang they used Wang's reading." Yexing said Luoyang ritual sites followed Zheng alone. Yi asked whether women's mourning for collateral kin also followed Zheng. Yexing said not exclusively on that either. If Liang used Wang, why did Wang Jian's rites use twenty-seven months for end of mourning?" Yi had no reply. Yexing said the Bright Hall's square roof lacked five-by-nine chambers—Pei Ji's design. The classic Bright Hall is round above, square below; Pei removed inner chambers only. Why is yours not round on top?" Yi said classics never specify round and square—why object to square?" Yexing said the round-square doctrine is well attested—Yi had not seen it. Your own Filial Classic commentary says round above, square below—you contradict yourself!" Yi asked which classic taught round and square. Yexing cited the Filial Classic apocryphon Divine Covenant. Yi dismissed weft-text apocrypha. Yexing asked whether he also rejected omen texts with no canonical source. Yi was silent.
62
[11]
Xiao Yan asked what he mastered among Confucian and Dark Learning. Yexing said he had read only the Five Classics and could not claim deep mastery. Yan asked why Zhou Nan, the king's wind, was tied to the Duke of Zhou; Shao Nan, wind of the worthy, to the Duke of Shao. What does 'attached' mean?" Yexing cited Zheng on the Ceremonies: King Da and King Ji at Qiyang taught Shao Nan to build the dynasty. King Wen then taught Zhou Nan and received the mandate. At Feng he divided the old domain between the two dukes. Hence 'attached.'" Yan asked why enfeoffment was needed if the land was already his. Yexing said as emperor Wen could no longer hold a feudal domain, so he enfeoffed the two dukes. Yan asked about the Qian hexagram's hidden, appearing, and flying dragon. At first could it be called tiger? The question was slightly skewed. Yexing demurred that his learning was too shallow. Yan asked which 'first month' the Documents meant at Wen the Ancestor. Yexing said the Xia calendar's first month. Yan asked how he knew. Yexing cited the Documents apocryphon Running Phases: 'sun and moon begin their circuit'—therefore the Xia first month. Yan asked which month Yao used as new year. Yexing said records before Yao do not say; he did not know. Yan said 'guest the rising sun at yin' is the first month. 'Midday, the Bird star, Yin mid-spring' is the second month. This is from the Canon of Yao—how can Yao not have known his calendar?" Yexing said though the three calendars differ, seasonal statements use Xia's first month. The Rites of Zhou gathers unmarried men and women in mid-spring's second month. Though a Zhou text, the month is Xia reckoning. Yao's calendar should be the same. My reading is too shallow to answer clearly. Yan cited Yuanrang's mother's funeral and Confucius helping with the coffin. Yuanrang tapped wood and sang that he had long been without music. [11] 'The otter-head pattern spread fair; I hold your coiled hand.' Confucius was a sage—yet befriended Yuanrang?" Yexing said Confucius explained that kin remain kin and old ties remain old ties. He asked where Yuanrang was from. Yexing cited Zheng: Yuanrang was Confucius's childhood friend—thus from Lu. So he was a Lu man. Yan said a sage's conduct must be exemplary. Yuanrang was unfilial—why keep an old friendship and ignore that great fault?" Yexing said Yuanrang's conduct spoke for itself. Their childhood tie was long-standing; without grave cause, why abandon him? Confucius deeply honored old friendship—rightly so." Why record Yuanrang for all posterity?" Yexing said later hands recorded it, not Confucius himself. Like joint burial at Fang—hundreds of such cases in the Record of Ritual." Yan asked whether the Supreme Pole was being or non-being. Yexing said tradition treats the Pole as being; he dared not dabble in Dark Learning.
63
便 便
He collected books endlessly, mended and labeled them himself—nearly ten thousand volumes at home. Reading ceaselessly he amassed rare learning; scholars admired his breadth. He was chivalrous and valued loyalty. Men in peril entrusted themselves to him and he hid them. With friends he gave himself fully and generously. When relations soured he reviled them loudly and abusively. Irascible in debate, he shouted without scholarly decorum. He said, "Call me good—even false praise beats speaking ill." Ambitious and jealous, heedless of consequences—contemporaries disliked him for it. In scholarly depth none of his age matched him.
64
His son Chongzu in Wuding was outer corps adjutant to the grand commandant.
65
In Taichang, Yexing passed his eldest son's baronial title to Zunzu, Chongzu's brother. When Qi took the throne, ranks were reduced by precedent.
66
The historian says: An old proverb holds that body, courage, clan, and ancestors count for little—yet fame that reaches the four quarters and outlives a man comes from learning alone. How true that is. Scholars like Liang and Yue, tireless in self-cultivation, won renown, disciples, and office through mastery of antiquity.
67
Collation notes
68
殿
Editions of Wei shu 84 mark the juan 'incomplete'; a Song note says Gao's Brief History lacks Diao Chong, Lu Jingyu, and Li Tonggui though the catalogue lists them. Here Diao Chong and Lu Jingyu are full North History copies, not Wei Shou; the historian's comment likewise comes from North History, which draws on Sui shu's biographical discussions. The Palace Edition incorporated the note into verification and rewrote the opening as 'Wei Shou's Ru lin zhuan is lost, supplemented from Gao's Brief History.' Chang Shuang, Diao Chong, Lu Jingyu, and Li Tonggui are missing from North History 81 Confucian Scholars. Chang Shuang has North History 42; the others appear as appendices elsewhere in North History. This juan's Chang Shuang also matches North History entirely—the Song note omitted it. Li Tonggui already appears in Wei shu 36 Li Shun—virtually duplicate with this biography. 〈North History Tonggui biography is briefer〉 Other shared figures are more detailed here than in North History. North History adds Xu Zunming's extortion and Li Yexing's speech quirks—likely later insertions. The biographical preface seems to underlie North History's Wei section. Apart from Chang, Diao, Lu, and the historian's comment, the rest appears to be original Wei shu. Song collators deemed only Diao and Lu non-Wei Shou; they treated the preface and other lives as original. Comparison with Gao's Brief History noted only the three missing there, not other supplements. The Brief History is lost—Qing scholars could not verify. If only incomplete, why do gaps align exactly with biographies missing from North History? Why do the three missing from Brief History also lack North History Confucian entries? Li Tonggui was already under Li Shun—why does the catalogue list him separately? Perhaps 'History catalogue' means Zong Jian's catalogue 〈see juan 86 Filial Conduct note〉 —then why supplement from other catalogues rather than this book's? Having split Tonggui into Confucian Scholars, why leave the duplicate under Li Shun? These problems resist easy explanation.
69
Xing You of Hejian: editions read Hu; North History 81 has You. Appendices in this book 65 and North History 43 Xing Luan also have You. Hu is erroneous; corrected to You. Same below.
70
輿
Marquis Director of the East of Yan: Zizhi tongjian juan 98 〈p. 3104〉 has Yan 'Central Director Marquis Murong Ju.' Jin shu 110 lacks this; the Mirror likely uses Sixteen Kingdoms or Fan Xiang's Yan shu. Turkic irkin and Khitan yilijin match this irkin; the character written hou is likely a corruption of yi (the graph for 'irkin').
71
殿
Gao Yu's sigh before returning to nurture parents: editions read Han for Gao. North History 81 Liu Xianzhi: southern and palace editions read Gao. Han shi waizhuan 9 tells of thirteen disciples leaving to nurture parents—matching this text. Han is erroneous; corrected to Gao.
72
Posthumous Grand General: North History 81 Sun Huiwei lacks those three characters. Grand general is exalted; even Cui Guang received only chariot or agile cavalry general—Sun Huiwei as pacifying-east general could hardly receive it. Likely interpolation, or da (grand) corrupt for ben (original).
73
Pei Zhi summoned Chong as merit officer: editions and North History 26 read Huan for Zhi. Zhang Senkai: Huan should be Zhi; see Zhi's biography 〈appended to juan 71 Pei Shuye〉 appoints him governor of Ying—at this time. Liu Lan's biography also mentions Governor Pei Zhi of Ying. Diao Chong was from Rao'an in Bohai. Geography 106, Yong and Fuyang Rao'an—in Xiping year two 〈517〉 before Yong Province was split, Rao'an was in Ying's Fuyang; 'Bohai' reflects Han-Jin affiliation. Pei Zhi governed Ying before Xiping; Rao'an was his county—Chong could be merit officer. Zhang is correct; emended accordingly.
74
Zhang Senkai argues the erudite's name should read Gao Liang (sincere), not Gao Liang (cool)— per Gao You's biography 〈juan 57〉 , Gao You's grandson Liang served as national university erudite under Xiaowen and Xuanwu alongside Diao Chong—surely the same person."
75
退
When Yuan Hao first entered Luoyang: editions omit the word 'first'; North History 30 Lu Jingyu has it. Yuan Hao belongs earlier; the text already reaches Gao Cheng's era—Li Ciming and Zhang Senkai deem this misplaced. Li also said the national university post was already recorded—repeating it is redundant; North History's added chu is wrong too. This is flashback to earlier appointments; 'never showing gain or loss' is not a formal office list. The biography derives from North History; dropping chu reversed the sequence—now restored.
76
On the Wuzi calendar: Treatise 107 cites Cui Guang combining nine schools into one calendar starting ren-zi with yellow bell. Yexing's first calendar began at wu-zi; the combined nine-household version began at ren-zi. Chang Jing's biography (juan 82) mentions the Zheng guang Renzi calendar—confirming this. Wu-zi here is a corruption of ren-zi.
77
With concurrent regular palace attendant Li Xie: editions drop san (cadre); restored from North History 81.
78
The line 'Long has it been since I was not entrusted to music' appears in editions as the shorter 'Long has it been—not entrusted to music.' Ce fu yuan gui juan 658 〈p. 7877〉 As in the quoted passage above. From Record of Ritual, Tan gong B; lacunae in editions—now restored.
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