Volume 132 Biographies 57: Liu, Wu, Wei, Jiang, Liu, Shen

25%劉子玄劉子玄，名知幾，以玄宗諱嫌，故以字行。年十二，父藏器為授《古文尚書》，業不進，父怒，楚督之。及聞為諸兄講《春秋左氏》，冒往聽，退輒辨析所疑，嘆曰：「書如是，兒何怠！」父奇其意，許授《左氏》。逾年，遂通覽群史。與兄知柔俱以善文詞知名。擢進士第，調獲嘉主簿。

Liu Zixuan, whose personal name was Zhiji, avoided using it because it tabooed Emperor Xuanzong's given name, and was therefore known by his courtesy name instead. When he was twelve, his father Cangqi had him study the Old Text version of the Book of Documents, yet he made little progress, and his father, enraged, beat him with a cane. When he overheard his elder brothers being taught the Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn Annals, he would slip in to listen; afterward he would work through their questions and exclaim, "If learning is like this, how could a boy be lazy! His father, struck by the boy's keenness, allowed him to study the Zuo Commentary. Within a year he had read his way through the entire corpus of historical works. He and his elder brother Zhirou were both celebrated for their skill in literary writing. He passed the jinshi examination and was posted as chief clerk of Huojia.

武后證聖初，詔九品以上陳得失。子玄上書，譏「每歲一赦，或一歲再赦，小人之幸，君子之不幸」。又言：「君不虛授，臣不虛受。妄受不為忠，妄施不為惠。今群臣無功，遭遇輒遷，至都下有『車載鬥量，杷椎碗脫』之諺。」又謂：「刺史非三載以上不可徙，宜課功殿，明賞罰。」后嘉其直，不能用也。時吏橫酷，淫及善人，公卿被誅死者踵相及。子玄悼士無良而甘於禍，作《思慎賦》以刺時。蘇味道、李嶠見而嘆曰：「陸機《豪士》之流乎，周身之道盡矣！」子玄與徐堅、元行沖、吳兢等善，嘗曰：「海內知我者數子耳。」

Early in Empress Wu's Zhengsheng era, an edict called on officials of the ninth rank and above to submit critiques of what was working and what was not. Zixuan submitted a memorial attacking the practice: "An amnesty every year, or twice in one year, is the petty man's good fortune and the gentleman's misfortune." He also wrote: "A ruler must not grant rewards without cause, and ministers must not accept them without merit. To accept rewards one has not earned is not loyalty; to hand them out without cause is not benevolence. Today officials achieve nothing yet are promoted at every turn, until in the capital people say, 'They come by the cartload and are measured by the bushel—ladles and bowls worn smooth with use. He also argued: "Prefects should not be transferred before they have served three full years; their performance should be evaluated, and rewards and punishments should be made explicit." The Empress admired his blunt honesty but did not act on his advice. Officials at the time were brutal and overbearing, and even the virtuous suffered; among the highest ministers, those put to death followed one after another. Zixuan grieved that men of learning lacked sound judgment yet resigned themselves to ruin, and wrote the "Rhapsody on Thinking Cautiously" to satirize his times. Su Weidao and Li Jiao read it and exclaimed: "This is in the line of Lu Ji's 'Heroic Gentleman'—the art of keeping oneself whole is fully laid out! Zixuan was close to Xu Jian, Yuan Xingchong, Wu Jing, and others, and once said: "Under heaven, only a handful of men truly know me."

累遷鳳閣舍人，兼修國史。中宗時，擢太子率更令。介直自守，累歲不遷。會天子西還，子玄自乞留東都。三年，或言子玄身史臣而私著述，驛召至京，領史事。遷秘書少監。時宰相韋巨源、紀處訥、楊再思、宗楚客、蕭至忠皆領監脩，子玄病長官多，意尚不一，而至忠數責論次無功，又仕偃蹇，乃奏記求罷去。因為至忠言「五不可」，曰：「古之國史，皆出一家，未聞藉功於眾。唯漢東觀集群儒，纂述無主，條章不建。今史司取士滋多，人自為荀、袁，家自為政、駿。每記一事，載一言，閣筆相視，含毫不斷，頭白可期，汗青無日：一不可。漢郡國計書上太史，副上丞相，後漢公卿所撰，先集公府，乃上蘭臺，故史官載事為廣。今史臣唯自詢采，二史不註起居，百家弗通行狀：二不可。史局深籍禁門，所以杜顏面，防請謁也。今作者如林，儻示褒貶，曾未絕口，而朝野鹹知。孫盛取嫉權門，王劭見讎貴族，常人之情，不能無畏：三不可。古者史氏各有指歸，故司馬遷退處士，進奸雄；班固抑忠臣，飾主闕。今史官註記，類稟監脩，或須直辭，或當隱惡，十羊九牧，其令難行：四不可。今監者不肯指授，脩者又不遵奉，務相推避，以延歲月：五不可。」又言：「朝廷厚用其才而薄其禮。」至忠得書，悵惜不許。楚客等惡其言詆切，謂諸史官曰：「是子作書，欲致吾何地？」

He rose through repeated promotions to Attendant of the Phoenix Pavilion, while also serving on the staff compiling the national history. Under Emperor Zhongzong he was promoted to Director of the Heir Apparent's Office of the Director of Music. Scrupulous and self-contained, he went many years without advancement. When the emperor returned west to Chang'an, Zixuan asked on his own initiative to remain in the Eastern Capital. In the third year, someone reported that although Zixuan was a court historian he was also writing on his own; he was summoned by urgent relay to the capital to take charge of historiography. He was transferred to the post of Vice Director of the Secretariat. At the time the chief ministers Wei Juyuan, Ji Chuna, Yang Zaisi, Zong Chuke, and Xiao Zhizhong all held supervisory roles over the history project. Zixuan was vexed by the multitude of superiors and their lack of a unified vision, while Zhizhong repeatedly reproached the staff for failing to advance the compilation; with his own career also at a standstill, he submitted a memorial requesting release from the post. He therefore explained to Zhizhong the "five impossibilities," saying: "The state histories of old were all the work of a single author; one never hears of farming out the task to a crowd. Only under the Han did the Eastern Pavilion assemble many scholars, with no one in charge of the compilation and no clear rules established. Today the history office recruits ever more staff, until every man fancies himself a Xun Yue or Yuan Hong and every household its own Sima Qian or Ban Gu. Whenever a single event is to be recorded or a single remark set down, pens are laid aside and eyes meet across the room; brushes are held in the mouth but no line is written—one may expect to grow old, yet the day the work is finished in ink will never come: the first impossibility. Under the Han, the regional statistical reports went up to the Grand Historian with a copy to the Chancellor; under Later Han, writings by the chief ministers were first collected in the government offices and only then sent to the Orchid Terrace. For this reason the historians' records were comprehensive. Today the historians must gather material only by their own inquiries; the two imperial diaries are not annotated for them, and families do not circulate their official biographical accounts: the second impossibility. The history office lies deep within the palace gates precisely to cut off personal access and prevent lobbying. Today writers are as numerous as trees in a grove; if praise or blame is even hinted at, before the words have left one's lips the whole court and countryside already know. Sun Sheng earned the enmity of powerful clans; Wang Shao made enemies among the aristocracy—given ordinary human nature, who can be without fear? The third impossibility. In antiquity each historian's house had its own bent, so Sima Qian downgraded recluses and elevated scheming strongmen; Ban Gu slighted loyal ministers and glossed over the sovereign's failings. Today the historians' entries mostly follow instructions from supervising compilers; sometimes blunt truth is required, sometimes wrongdoing must be concealed—with ten sheep and nine shepherds, whose orders can be followed? The fourth impossibility. Today the supervisors refuse to give clear guidance, the compilers refuse to follow it, and all parties push responsibility onto one another to drag out the months: the fifth impossibility." He added: "The court exploits their talent heavily while honoring their office lightly." Zhizhong received the memorial, was moved but regretful, and did not approve his resignation. Chuke and his faction resented his sharp criticism and said to the other historians: "When this man writes his book, where does he intend to put us?"

始，子玄修《武后實錄》，有所改正，而武三思等不聽。自以為見用於時而誌不遂，乃著《史通》內外四十九篇，譏評今古。徐堅讀之，嘆曰：「為史氏者宜置此坐右也。」又嘗自比楊雄者四：「雄好雕蟲小伎，老而為悔；吾幼喜詩賦而壯不為，期以述者自名。雄準《易》作經，當時笑之；吾作《史通》，俗以為愚。雄著書見尤於人，作《解嘲》；吾亦作《釋蒙》。雄少為範逡、劉歆所器，及聞作經，以為必覆醬瓿；吾始以文章得譽，晚談史傳，由是減價。」其自感慨如此。

Earlier, when Zixuan worked on the Veritable Records of Empress Wu, he made corrections that Wu Sansi and his faction refused to accept. Convinced that although he was used by his times his historiographical aims had not been realized, he wrote the Shitong in forty-nine chapters, inner and outer, critiquing historians past and present. Xu Jian read it and exclaimed: "Anyone who would write history ought to keep this book at his right hand. He also once drew four parallels between himself and Yang Xiong: "Xiong loved ornamental minor arts and repented of them in old age; I delighted in poetry and rhapsody in youth but abandoned them in my prime, intending to make my name as a historian instead. Xiong modeled a classic on the Changes and was mocked in his own day; I wrote the Shitong, and ordinary people think me a fool. When Xiong's writings drew reproach, he wrote "Dispelling Ridicule"; I too wrote "Explaining Ignorance." In youth Xiong was esteemed by Fan Qun and Liu Xin, but when they heard he was writing a classic they assumed it would end up covering a sauce jar; I first won fame through belles lettres, but when in later years I turned to historical writing, my reputation accordingly declined. Such were the ways he lamented his own lot.

子玄內負有所未盡，乃委國史於吳兢，別撰《劉氏家史》及《譜考》。上推漢為陸終苗裔，非堯後；彭城叢亭裏諸劉，出楚孝王囂曾孫居巢侯般，不承元王。按據明審，議者高其博。嘗曰：「吾若得封，必以居巢紹司徒舊邑。」後果封居巢縣子。鄉人以其兄弟六人俱有名，號其鄉曰高陽，裏曰居巢。

Still inwardly burdened by what he had left undone, Zixuan handed the national history over to Wu Jing and set about writing separately the Liu Clan Family History and Genealogical Studies. Tracing the line upward, he argued that the Han house descended from Lu Zhong rather than from Yao; and that the Liu clans of Congting Lane in Pengcheng descended from Ban, Marquis of Juchao, a great-great-grandson of King Xiao of Chu, rather than from the King of Yuan. His evidence was precise and thorough, and critics praised his learning. He once said: "If I am granted a fief, it must be Juchao, renewing the old domain of the Minister of Works. In the end he was indeed enfeoffed as Viscount of Juchao County. Because all six brothers were celebrated, their neighbors named the township Gaoyang and the lane Juchao.

累遷太子左庶子、兼崇文館學士。皇太子將釋奠國學，有司具儀：從臣著衣冠，乘馬。子玄議：「古大夫以上皆乘車，以馬為騑服。魏、晉後以牛駕車。江左尚書郎輒輕乘馬，則御史劾治。顏延年罷官，乘馬出入閭裏，世稱放誕。此則乘馬宜從褻服之明驗。今陵廟巡謁、王公冊命、士庶親迎，則盛服冠履，乘輅車。他事無車，故貴賤通乘馬。比法駕所幸，侍臣皆馬上朝服。且冠履惟可配車，故博帶褒衣、革履高冠，是車中服。襪而鐙，跣而鞍，非唯不師於古，亦自取驚流俗。馬逸人顛，受嗤行路。」太子從之，因著為定令。

He rose through repeated promotions to Left Assistant to the Heir Apparent and concurrent Academician of the Chongwen Pavilion. When the Crown Prince was to perform the libation at the National University, the relevant offices drew up the ritual: attendant ministers were to wear formal caps and robes while riding horses. Zixuan argued: "In antiquity officials of grandee rank and above all rode in carriages, with horses serving as outriders. After the Wei and Jin periods, oxen were used to draw carriages. In the southeast, if a Secretariat Gentleman rode a horse lightly caparisoned, the censor would bring charges against him. After Yan Yannian left office, he rode a horse through his neighborhood lanes, and his contemporaries called it eccentric. This is clear evidence that riding a horse should go with informal dress. Today, for visits to imperial tombs and temples, for the investiture of princes and dukes, and for commoners welcoming a bride, one wears full ceremonial dress with cap and shoes and rides in the state carriage. For other occasions there is no carriage, so men of every rank commonly ride horses. Recently, when the imperial procession set out, attendant ministers all wore court dress on horseback. Moreover, caps and shoes belong only with carriages; the broad belt, full robe, leather shoes, and tall cap are clothing meant for riding in a carriage. Wearing socks in stirrups or going barefoot against the saddle not only breaks with ancient practice but also shocks ordinary people. When horses bolt and riders are thrown, passersby laugh. The Crown Prince accepted his view and had it enacted as a fixed regulation.

開元初，遷左散騎常侍。嘗議《孝經》鄭氏學非康成註，舉十二條左證其謬，當以古文為正；《易》無子夏傳，《老子》書無河上公註，請存王弼學。宰相宋璟等不然其論，奏與諸儒質辯。博士司馬貞等阿意，共黜其言，請二家兼行，惟子夏《易傳》請罷。詔可。會子貺為太樂令，抵罪，子玄請於執政，玄宗怒，貶安州別駕。卒，年六十一。

Early in the Kaiyuan era he was promoted to Left Regular Attendant. He once argued that the Zheng-school tradition of the Classic of Filial Piety was not Zheng Xuan's commentary, offering twelve proofs of its errors, and that the Old Text version should be authoritative; that the Changes had no transmission from Zixia and the Laozi had no commentary by the Duke of the River, and asked that Wang Bi's tradition be retained. Chief Minister Song Jing and others rejected his position and memorialized for a formal debate among the scholars. Erudite Sima Zhen and others flattered the court, jointly dismissed his views, and asked that both traditions be followed, requesting only that the Zixia transmission of the Changes be set aside. The emperor approved. When his son Kuang, serving as Director of the Imperial Music Office, was convicted of an offense, Zixuan appealed to those in power; Emperor Xuanzong was angered and demoted him to Vice-Prefect of Anzhou. He died at the age of sixty-one.

子玄領國史且三十年，官雖徙，職常如舊。禮部尚書鄭惟忠嘗問：「自古文士多，史才少，何耶？」對曰：「史有三長：才、學、識。世罕兼之，故史者少。夫有學無才，猶愚賈操金，不能殖貨；有才無學，猶巧匠無楩柟斧斤，弗能成室。善惡必書，使驕君賊臣知懼，此為無可加者。」時以為篤論。子玄善持論，辯據明銳，視諸儒皆出其下，朝有論著輒豫。歿後，帝詔河南就家寫《史通》，讀之稱善。追贈工部尚書，謚曰文。

Zixuan directed the national history for nearly thirty years; although his titles changed, his duties remained essentially the same. Minister of Rites Zheng Weizhong once asked him: "From antiquity there have been many men of letters but few true historians—why is that? He answered: "History demands three excellences: talent, learning, and discernment. Few men in any age combine all three, and that is why historians are rare. Learning without talent is like a dull trader who holds capital yet cannot turn a profit; talent without learning is like a skilled craftsman without fine timber, axe, and adze, unable to finish a house. Good and evil must be recorded so that arrogant rulers and treacherous ministers know fear—that is the historian's supreme duty." His contemporaries regarded this as profound doctrine. Zixuan excelled at debate; his reasoning was lucid and incisive, and he considered himself above the other scholars; whenever the court took up a question of doctrine, he was involved. After his death, the emperor ordered the Shitong copied at his home in Henan; on reading it, he praised the work. He was posthumously honored as Minister of Works and given the posthumous name Wen.

六子：貺、餗、匯、秩、迅、迥。子玄子貺貺，字惠卿。好學，多通解。子玄卒，有詔訪其後，擢起居郎。歷右拾遺內供奉。獻《續說苑》十篇，以廣漢劉向所遺，而刊落怪妄。貺嘗以《竹書紀年》序諸侯列會皆舉謚，後人追修，非當時正史。如齊人殲於遂，鄭棄其師，皆孔子新意，《師春》一篇錄卜筮事，與左氏合，知按《春秋》經傳而為也，因著《外傳》云。子滋、浹。貺子滋滋，字公茂。通經術，喜持論。以蔭歷漣水令。楊綰薦材堪諫官，累授左補闕。久之，去，養親東都。河南尹李廙奏補功曹，母喪解。服除，以司勛員外郎判南曹，勤職奉法，進至給事中。興元元年，以吏部侍郎知南選。時大盜後，旱蝗相仍，吏不能詣京師，故命滋至洪州調補，以振職聞。貞元二年，擢左散騎常侍、同中書門下平章事。為相無所設施，廉抑畏慎而已。明年罷。又明年，復為吏部侍郎，遷尚書。會御史中丞韋貞伯劾奏：「吏選不實，澄覆疏舛，吏因得為奸。」詔與侍郎杜黃裳奪階。卒，贈陜州大都督，謚曰貞。貺子浹浹亦有學稱。生子敦儒，家東都。母病狂易，非笞掠人不能安，左右皆亡去，敦儒日侍疾，體常流血，母乃能下食，敦儒怡然不為痛隱。留守韋夏卿表其行，詔標闕於閭。元和中，權德輿復薦之，乃授左龍武軍兵曹參軍，分司東都。在母喪，毀瘠幾死。時謂劉孝子。後為起居郎，達禮好古，有祖風云。子玄子餗餗，字鼎卿。天寶初，歷集賢院學士，兼知史官。終右補闕。父子三人更蒞史官，著《史例》，頗有法。子玄子匯匯，左散騎常侍，終荊南節度使。子贊，以蔭仕為鄠丞。杜鴻漸自劍南還，過鄠，廚驛豐給。楊炎薦匯名儒子，擢浙西觀察判官。炎入相，進歙州刺史，政幹強濟。野媼將為虎噬，幼女呼號搏虎，俱免。觀察使韓滉表贊治有異行，加金紫，徙常州。滉輔政，分所統為三道，以贊為宣州刺史、都團練觀察使，治宣十年。贊本無學，弟以剛猛立威，官吏重足一跡。宣既富饒，即厚斂，廣貢奉以結恩。又不能訓子，皆驕傲不度，素業衰矣。卒，贈吏部尚書，謚曰敬。子玄子迥迥以剛直稱，第進士，歷殿中侍御史，佐江淮轉運使。時新更安史亂，迥饋運財賦，力於職。大歷初，為吉州刺史，治行尤異。累遷給事中。子玄子秩秩，字祚卿。開元末，歷左監門衛錄事參軍事，稍遷憲部員外郎。坐小累，下除隴西司馬。安祿山反，哥舒翰守潼關，楊國忠欲奪其兵，秩上言：「翰兵天下成敗所系，不可忽。」房琯見其書，以比劉更生。至德初，遷給事中。久之，出為閬州刺史。貶撫州長史，卒。所著《政典》、《止戈記》、《至德新議》等凡數十篇。子玄子迅迅，字捷卿。歷京兆功曹參軍事。常寢疾，房琯聞，憂不寐，曰：「捷卿有不諱，天理欺矣！」陳郡殷寅名知人，見迅嘆曰：「今黃叔度也！」劉晏每聞其論，曰：「皇王之道盡矣！」上元中，避地安康，卒。迅續《詩》、《書》、《春秋》、《禮》、《樂》五說。書成，語人曰：「天下滔滔，知我者希。」終不以示人云。吳兢吳兢，汴州浚儀人。少厲誌，貫知經史，方直寡諧比，惟與魏元忠、朱敬則遊。二人者當路，薦兢才堪論撰，詔直史館，修國史。遷右拾遺內供奉。

He had six sons: Kuang, Su, Hui, Zhi, Xun, and Jiong. Zixuan's son Kuang, whose courtesy name was Huiqing. He loved learning and had wide-ranging understanding. After Zixuan's death, an edict sought out his descendants and promoted Kuang to Attendant for Drafting. He served in succession as Right Reminder and Inner Attendant. He submitted a ten-chapter Continuation of the Shuo Yuan to supplement what the Han scholar Liu Xiang had left incomplete, while excising fantastic and unreliable material. Kuang once argued that in the Bamboo Annals, the preface's lists of feudal lords at their gatherings all cite posthumous titles, showing that later hands had revised the text—it was not contemporary official history. Passages like the destruction of the Qi at Sui and Zheng's abandonment of its army were all Confucius's own innovations; the "Shi Chun" chapter records divination, matching the Zuo Commentary—from which he knew the work was based on the Spring and Autumn canon and its commentaries, and so he wrote his Outer Commentary. His sons were Zi and Jia. Kuang's son Zi, whose courtesy name was Gongmao. He was thoroughly versed in the classics and loved to argue his views. Through hereditary privilege he rose through the post of magistrate of Lianshui. Yang Wan recommended him as qualified for remonstrance, and he was repeatedly appointed Left Reminder. After some years he resigned and went to the Eastern Capital to support his parents. Henan Intendant Li Yi petitioned to have him appointed chief clerk, but he resigned when his mother died. After the mourning period he served as Deputy Director of Personnel with charge of the Southern Bureau; diligent and law-abiding, he was promoted to Supervising Censor. In the first year of the Xingyuan era, as Vice Minister of Personnel he oversaw official selection in the south. In the aftermath of the great rebellion, drought and locust plagues came in succession and officials could not travel to the capital, so Zi was sent to Hongzhou to adjust appointments and fill vacancies, earning a reputation for restoring order to his duties. In the second year of Zhenyuan he was elevated to Left Regular Attendant and Grand Councilor of the Secretariat and Chancellery. As chief minister he accomplished little beyond practicing modesty, restraint, and caution. The next year he was removed from office. The year after that he returned as Vice Minister of Personnel and was then promoted to Minister. Vice Censor-in-Chief Wei Zhenbo submitted an impeachment: "Official appointments are not honest, vetting and review are sloppy and contradictory, and clerks exploit the gaps to commit fraud. An edict demoted both him and Vice Minister Du Huangshang in rank. He died and was posthumously honored as Grand Governor of Shanzhou, with the posthumous name Zhen. Kuang's son Jia was also known for his scholarship. He had a son named Dunru, and the family resided in the Eastern Capital. His mother was afflicted with violent madness and could not be calmed unless someone was beaten; all the attendants fled. Dunru attended her daily, his body often bleeding from her blows, yet only then would she eat—and Dunru bore it calmly, never showing his pain. Left-behind Commissioner Wei Xiaqing memorialized his conduct to the throne, and an edict ordered a commemorative plaque erected at his gate. During the Yuanhe era Quan Deyu recommended him again, and he was appointed military staff officer of the Left Imperial Dragon Martial Guard, serving at the Eastern Capital branch office. While mourning his mother he grew so emaciated he nearly died. People of the time called him Filial Son Liu. He later served as Attendant of the Imperial Diary; well versed in ritual and devoted to antiquity, he carried something of his grandfather's character. Zixuan's son Su, whose courtesy name was Dingqing. In the early Tianbao era he served as an academician of the Hall of Assembled Worthies and concurrently oversaw the history office. He ended his career as Right Reminder. Father and three sons served as historians in succession; they authored Historical Precedents, a work of considerable methodological rigor. Zixuan's son Hui, who had served as Left Regular Attendant, ended his career as military commissioner of Jingnan. His son Zan entered office through hereditary privilege as assistant magistrate of E County. When Du Hongjian returned from Jiannan and passed through E, Zan lavishly supplied his kitchen and post station. Yang Yan recommended him as the son of the renowned scholar Hui, and he was promoted to administrative officer under the Zhexi observation commissioner. When Yang Yan became chief minister, Zan was promoted to prefect of Shezhou, where his administration was vigorous and effective. An old peasant woman in the countryside was about to be killed by a tiger when a young girl screamed and fought the tiger off—they both escaped unharmed. Observation Commissioner Han Huang memorialized Zan's extraordinary conduct in office, and Zan was awarded the golden seal and purple robe and transferred to Changzhou. When Han Huang entered the central government, he divided his jurisdiction into three circuits and appointed Zan prefect of Xuanzhou and overall training and observation commissioner; Zan governed Xuan for ten years. Zan had little learning of his own; he and his younger brother ruled through harsh severity, and officials were so terrified they scarcely dared to move. Xuan was already prosperous, so he levied heavy taxes and sent lavish tribute to court to win favor. He also failed to discipline his sons, who grew arrogant and unrestrained, and the family's longstanding reputation declined. He died and was posthumously honored as Minister of Personnel, with the posthumous name Jing. Zixuan's son Jiong was known for his firm integrity; a jinshi graduate, he served as palace investigating censor and assisted the Jiang-Huai transport commissioner. In the immediate aftermath of the An Lushan rebellion, Jiong worked tirelessly to supply and transport revenue and provisions. In the early Dali era he served as prefect of Jizhou, where his record of governance was especially distinguished. He was promoted in stages to Supervising Censor. Zixuan's son Zhi, whose courtesy name was Zuoqing. In the late Kaiyuan period he served as clerk of the Left Gate Guard and gradually rose to deputy director in the Ministry of Justice. After a minor infraction he was demoted to military adjutant of Longxi. When An Lushan rebelled, Geshu Han held Tong Pass while Yang Guozhong sought to strip him of his command; Zhi submitted a memorial: "General Han's army holds the fate of the empire in the balance—it must not be treated lightly. Fang Guan, reading the memorial, compared Zhi to Liu Gengsheng. In the early Zhide era he was promoted to Supervising Censor. After some years he was sent out to serve as prefect of Langzhou. He was demoted to senior administrator of Fuzhou, where he died. His writings included the Administrative Canon, Record of Ceasing Arms, New Discussions of the Zhide Era, and several dozen other works. Zixuan's son Xun, whose courtesy name was Jieqing. He served as administrative aide of the Capital Metropolitan Prefecture. When Xun lay chronically ill, Fang Guan heard the news and lay awake in distress, saying: "If anything should happen to Jieqing, Heaven itself will have been deceived! Yin Yin of Chen Commandery, renowned for judging character, met Xun and sighed: "Here is a Huang Shudu for our age!" Whenever Liu Yan heard him speak he would say: "The way of sage-kingship is fully embodied here!" During the Shangyuan era he took refuge in Ankang, where he died. Xun wrote continuations to the Five Expositions on the Odes, Documents, Spring and Autumn, Rites, and Music. When the work was complete he told others: "The world flows on in turmoil—few will understand me. He never showed it to anyone before he died. Wu Jing was a native of Junyi in Bian Prefecture. From youth he cultivated high ambition and mastered the classics and histories; upright and not given to casual alliances, he associated only with Wei Yuanzhong and Zhu Jingze. When the two men came to power, they recommended Jing as qualified for scholarly writing; an edict appointed him to the History Office to compile the national history. He was transferred to Right Reminder with inner palace attendance.

神龍中，改右補闕。節閔太子難，奸臣誣構安國相王與謀，朝廷大恐。兢上言：「文明後，皇運不殊如帶。陛下龍興，恩被骨肉，相王與陛下同氣，親莫加焉。今賊臣日夜陰謀，必欲寘之極法。相王仁孝，遭荼苦哀毀，以陛下為命，而自托於手足。若信邪佞，委之於法，傷陛下之恩，失天下望。芟刈股肱，獨任胸臆，可為寒心。自昔翦伐宗支，委任異姓，未有不亡者。秦任趙高，漢任王莽，晉家自相魚肉，隋室猜忌子弟，海內麋沸，驗之覆車，安可重跡？且根朽者葉枯，源涸者遊竭。子弟，國之根源，可使枯竭哉！皇家枝幹，夷芟略盡。陛下即位四年，一子弄兵被誅，一子以罪謫去，惟相王朝夕左右。『鬥粟』之刺，《蒼蠅》之詩，不可不察。伏願陛下全常棣之恩，慰罔極之心，天下幸甚！」累遷起居郎，與劉子玄、徐堅等並職。

During the Shenlong era his title was changed to Right Reminder. During the crisis surrounding Crown Prince Jiemin, treacherous ministers falsely implicated the Prince of Guo in a conspiracy, throwing the court into great alarm. Jing submitted a memorial: "Since the Civil Brilliance era, the imperial house's fortunes have been as narrow as a belt. When Your Majesty ascended the throne, you extended grace to your kin; the Prince of Guo shares your very breath—no one is closer to you in blood. Now villainous ministers plot against him day and night, bent on having him punished by the severest law. The Prince of Guo is benevolent and filial; crushed by grief, he holds Your Majesty as his very life and trusts himself to you as he would his own limbs. If you heed the wicked and surrender him to the law, you will wound your own kindness and forfeit the hopes of the empire. To cut away your own arms and legs and rely only on your own judgment—this is something to chill the heart over. From antiquity onward, dynasties that cut down their own clans and entrusted power to outsiders have never escaped ruin. Qin placed trust in Zhao Gao, Han in Wang Mang; the Jin turned on their own kin, the Sui grew suspicious of their sons and brothers—and the realm boiled over. The overturned cart lies before us; how can we follow that same road again? When the root rots, the leaves wither; when the source runs dry, the stream fails. Sons and brothers are the root of the state—can we let that root wither away? The trunk and branches of the imperial house have been nearly cut away altogether. In the four years since Your Majesty's accession, one son took up arms and was put to death, another was banished for his crimes—only the Prince of Guo remains at your side day and night. The satire of "Brothers quarreling over a peck of millet" and the ode "Blue Flies"—these warnings must not go unheeded. I humbly beg Your Majesty to preserve brotherly affection and comfort your boundless heart—the whole realm would be the better for it! He rose in stages to Attendant of the Imperial Diary, serving alongside Liu Zixuan, Xu Jian, and others.

玄宗初立，收還權綱，銳於決事，群臣畏伏。兢慮帝果而不及精，乃上疏曰：

When Xuanzong first took the throne, he reclaimed the reins of power, decided matters with sharp dispatch, and the ministers submitted in fear. Jing worried that the Emperor was decisive but not sufficiently careful in his judgments, and submitted a memorial that read:

自古人臣不諫則國危，諫則身危。臣愚，食陛下祿，不敢避身危之禍。比見上封事者，言有可采，但賜束帛而已，未嘗蒙召見，被拔擢。其忤旨，則朝堂決杖，傳送本州，或死於流貶。由是臣下不敢進諫。古者設誹謗木，欲聞己過；今封事，謗木比也。使所言是，有益於國；使所言非，無累於朝。陛下何遽加斥逐，以杜塞直言？道路流傳，相視怪愕。夫漢高帝赦周昌桀、紂之對，晉武帝受劉毅桓、靈之譏，況陛下豁達大度，不能容此狂直耶？夫人主居尊極之位，顓生殺之權，其為威嚴峻矣。開情抱，納諫諍，下猶懼不敢盡，奈何以為罪？且上有所失，下必知之。故鄭人欲毀鄉校，而子產不聽也。陛下初即位，猶有褚無量、張廷珪、韓思復、辛替否、柳澤、袁楚客等數上疏爭時政得失。自頃上封事，往往得罪，諫者頓少。是鵲巢覆而鳳不至，理之然也。臣誠恐天下骨鯁士以讜言為戒，橈直就曲，斫方為刓，偷合茍容，不復能盡節忘身，納君於道矣。

From antiquity, when ministers did not remonstrate the state fell into danger; when they did remonstrate they themselves fell into danger. I am a foolish man, but having eaten Your Majesty's salary I dare not shrink from the peril that remonstrance brings upon myself. Lately I have seen that when men submit sealed memorials with sound advice, they receive only a gift of silk—they are never summoned or promoted. If they offended the throne, they were beaten with rods in open court and sent back to their home provinces, or died in exile. Because of this, officials below dare not speak up. In antiquity rulers erected a post for criticism so they might hear their own faults; sealed memorials today serve the same purpose as that post of criticism. If what is said is right, the state is the better for it; if what is said is wrong, the court is none the worse. Why then does Your Majesty so quickly reject and banish them, cutting off honest speech? Rumors spread along the roads, and people stare at one another in stunned disbelief. Emperor Gaozu of Han pardoned Zhou Chang even after he compared the empress to the tyrants Jie and Zhou; Emperor Wu of Jin accepted Liu Yi's barbs comparing him to the worthless emperors Huan and Ling. Surely Your Majesty, who is broad-minded and generous, can tolerate this blunt outspokenness as well? The ruler sits at the apex of power and holds exclusive authority over life and death; his majesty is already awe-inspiring enough. Even when the throne opens its heart to criticism, subordinates still hesitate to speak their minds fully. How, then, can frank speech be treated as a crime? Besides, whenever those above make mistakes, those below are sure to know. That is why, when the people of Zheng wanted to tear down the village school, Zichan refused to allow it. When Your Majesty first took the throne, men such as Chu Wuliang, Zhang Tinggui, Han Sifu, Xin Tifou, Liu Ze, and Yuan Chuke still submitted memorial after memorial debating the rights and wrongs of current policy. Lately, however, those who submit sealed memorials have often been punished, and the number of people willing to speak up has dropped sharply. It is like overturning the magpie's nest so that the phoenix will not come—such an outcome follows naturally. I truly fear that every outspoken man in the empire will take honest speech as a warning, bend what is straight to what is crooked, trim what is square into what is round, and quietly trim his words to please others—until no one can any longer give his full loyalty, risk himself without hesitation, and lead the ruler back to the right path.

夫帝王之德，莫盛於納諫。故曰：「木從繩則正，後從諫則聖。」又曰：「朝有諷諫，猶發之有梳。猛虎在山林，藜藿為之不采。」忠諫之有益如此。自古上聖之君，恐不聞己過，故堯設諫鼓，禹拜昌言。不肖之主，自謂聖智，拒諫害忠，桀殺關龍逢而滅於湯，紂殺王子比幹而滅於周，此其驗也。夫與治同道罔不興，與亂同道罔不亡。人將疾，必先不甘魚肉之味；國將亡，必先不甘忠諫之說。嗚呼，惟陛下深監於茲哉！隋煬帝驕矜自負，以為堯、舜莫己若，而諱亡憎諫。乃曰：「有諫我者，當時不殺，後必殺之。」大臣蘇威欲開一言，不敢發，因五月五日獻《古文尚書》，帝以為訕己，即除名。蕭瑀諫無伐遼，出為河池郡守。董純諫無幸江都，就獄賜死。自是蹇諤之士，去而不顧，外雖有變，朝臣鉗口，帝不知也。身死人手，子孫剿絕，為天下笑。太宗皇帝好悅至言，時有魏徵、王珪、虞世南、李大亮、岑文本、劉洎、馬周、褚遂良、杜正倫、高季輔，鹹以切諫，引居要職。嘗謂宰相曰：「自知者為難。如文人巧工，自謂己長，若使達者、大匠詆訶商略，則蕪辭拙跡見矣。天下萬機，一人聽斷，雖甚憂勞，不能盡善。今魏徵隨事諫正，多中朕失，如明鑒照形，美惡畢見。」當是時，有上書益於政者，皆黏寢殿之壁，坐望臥觀，雖狂瞽逆意，終不以為忤。故外事必聞，刑戮幾措，禮義大行。陛下何不遵此道，與聖祖繼美乎？夫以一人之意，綜萬方之政，明有所不燭，智有所不周，上心未諭於下，下情未達於上。伏惟以虛受人，博覽兼聽，使深者不隱，遠者不塞，所謂「辟四門、明四目」也。其能直言正諫不避死亡之誅者，特加寵榮，待以不次，則失之東隅，冀得之桑榆矣。

Among all the virtues of an emperor, none is greater than the willingness to accept remonstrance. As the saying goes, "Wood that follows the carpenter's line becomes straight; a ruler who heeds remonstrance becomes sage. It is also said, "When the court has indirect remonstrance, it is like hair having a comb. When a fierce tiger prowls the mountains and forests, people do not even gather common greens there." Such is the benefit of loyal remonstrance. From ancient times, the greatest sage rulers feared that they might never hear of their own faults; that is why Yao set up a drum for remonstrance and Yu bowed in gratitude to good counsel. Unworthy rulers, convinced of their own wisdom, rejected remonstrance and destroyed the loyal: Jie killed Guan Longfeng and was overthrown by Tang; Zhou killed Prince Bi Gan and was overthrown by the Zhou dynasty. History has proved the point again and again. Those who follow the ways of good government always prosper; those who follow the ways of disorder always perish. When a person is about to fall ill, he first loses his appetite for fish and meat; when a state is about to fall, it first loses its taste for loyal remonstrance. Alas, may Your Majesty take this deeply to heart! Emperor Yang of Sui was proud and self-satisfied, believing that not even Yao or Shun could equal him, and he dreaded talk of ruin while loathing all remonstrance. He even declared, "Anyone who remonstrates with me may not die immediately, but I will kill him later. The minister Su Wei wanted to offer a word of advice but did not dare speak plainly; on the fifth day of the fifth month he presented the Old Text version of the Book of Documents, and the emperor took it as a personal satire and immediately stripped him of office. Xiao Yu remonstrated against the Liaodong campaign and was sent out to serve as prefect of Hechi. Dong Chun remonstrated against the imperial visit to Jiangdu and was ordered to die in prison. After that, blunt-spoken men left and never looked back; though crises broke out beyond the palace, the court officials kept silent, and the emperor knew nothing. He died at another man's hands, his line was wiped out, and he became a laughingstock throughout the empire. Emperor Taizong loved to hear the plainest truth; in his day Wei Zheng, Wang Gui, Yu Shinan, Li Daliang, Cen Wende, Liu Ji, Ma Zhou, Chu Suiliang, Du Zhenglun, and Gao Jifu all offered sharp remonstrance and were placed in important posts. He once told his chief ministers, "It is hard to know oneself. It is like a clever writer who thinks himself accomplished: let a master critic examine his work, and his clumsy phrasing and poor craftsmanship will be exposed at once. The myriad affairs of the empire are decided by one man's judgment; no matter how hard he works, he cannot get everything right. Now Wei Zheng remonstrates with me on every matter and often hits my faults exactly, like a bright mirror showing every flaw and virtue plainly. At that time, any memorial that might improve governance was pasted on the walls of the imperial sleeping quarters, where he read it sitting up or lying down; even when a submission was reckless, blind, or contrary to his wishes, he never took offense. As a result, affairs beyond the palace were always brought to his attention, executions nearly ceased, and ritual and righteousness flourished. Why should Your Majesty not follow that example and carry forward the glorious legacy of your sage ancestor? When one man's will governs the policies of the whole realm, even the brightest mind has blind spots and even the wisest judgment has its limits; what the ruler thinks may never reach those below, and what those below feel may never reach the ruler. I humbly pray that Your Majesty receive people with an open mind, read widely, and listen to all sides, so that what is deep is not concealed and what is distant is not shut out—what the ancients called "opening the four gates and making clear the four eyes." Those who speak plainly and remonstrate rightly without fearing death should be specially honored and promoted out of turn; then, though something is lost in the morning, it may yet be recovered at dusk.

尋以母喪去官。服除，自陳修史有緒，家貧不能具紙筆，願得少祿以終余功。有詔拜諫議大夫，復修史。睿宗崩，實錄留東都，詔兢馳驛取進梓宮。以父喪解，宰相張說用趙冬曦代之。終喪，為太子左庶子。

Not long afterward he left office to observe mourning for his mother. When his mourning period ended, he reported that his work on the history had made progress but that his family was too poor to afford paper and ink, and he asked for a small stipend so he could finish what remained. An edict appointed him Remonstrance Grand Master, and he returned to writing history. When Emperor Ruizong died, the Veritable Record was still at the Eastern Capital, and Jing was ordered to ride post-haste to fetch it and deliver it to the imperial coffin. He resigned when his father died, and Chief Minister Zhang Yue had Zhao Dongxi replace him. After mourning ended, he was appointed Left Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary of the Heir Apparent.

開元十三年，帝東封太山，道中數馳射為樂。兢諫曰：「方登岱告成，不當逐狡獸，使有垂堂之危、朽株之殆。」帝納之。明年六月，大風，詔群臣陳得失。兢上疏曰：「自春以來，亢陽不雨，乃六月戊午，大風拔樹，壞居人廬舍。傳曰：『敬德不用，厥災旱。上下蔽隔，庶位逾節，陰侵於陽，則旱災應』。又曰：『政悖德隱，厥風發屋壞木。』風，陰類，大臣之象。恐陛下左右有奸臣擅權，懷謀上之心。臣聞百王之失，皆由權移於下，故曰：『人主與人權，猶倒持太阿，授之以柄。』夫天降災異，欲人主感悟，願深察天變，杜絕其萌。且陛下承天後、和帝之亂，府庫未充，冗員尚繁，戶口流散，法出多門，賕謁大行，趨競彌廣。此弊未革，實陛下庶政之闕也，臣不勝惓惓。願斥屏群小，不為慢遊，出不禦之女，減不急之馬，明選舉，慎刑罰，杜僥幸，存至公，雖有旱風之變，不足累聖德矣。」

In the thirteenth year of Kaiyuan, the emperor went east to perform the feng sacrifice on Mount Tai, and along the way he repeatedly galloped and hunted for sport. Jing remonstrated, "You are on your way to Mount Tai to announce the completion of your reign; you should not chase wild game and risk the old proverbial dangers of standing beneath a high eave or stumbling over a rotten stump. The emperor accepted his advice. The following year, in the sixth month, a great windstorm struck, and an edict ordered the officials to set forth what was right and wrong in current policy. Jing submitted a memorial saying, "Since spring there has been drought without rain; then on the wuwu day of the sixth month a great wind uprooted trees and destroyed people's homes. The commentary says, 'When reverent virtue is not put to use, the calamity is drought.' When ruler and subjects are cut off from one another, lesser offices overstep their bounds, and yin encroaches upon yang, drought follows.' It also says, 'When government turns perverse and virtue is concealed, the calamity is wind that tears off roofs and breaks trees.' Wind belongs to the yin category and symbolizes great ministers. I fear that treacherous ministers by Your Majesty's side have seized power and harbor designs against the throne. I have heard that the failures of kings through the ages all come from power slipping down to others; hence the saying, 'When a ruler gives others his authority, it is like holding the sword Tai'e by the blade and handing them the hilt.' Heaven sends omens and disasters so that the ruler may awaken; I pray Your Majesty examine these heavenly warnings closely and cut off evil at its root. Moreover, Your Majesty took the throne amid the turmoil left by Empress Wu and Emperor He: the treasuries remain empty, redundant officials are still numerous, households have scattered, laws issue from too many sources, bribery and favor-seeking run rampant, and the scramble for advancement grows ever fiercer. That these abuses remain unreformed is truly a flaw in Your Majesty's governance, and I cannot keep from pressing my earnest concern upon you. I pray that Your Majesty drive away petty men, refrain from idle roaming, release palace women who are not needed, reduce horses kept without urgent need, make selection and promotion transparent, punish with care, shut the door to opportunism, and preserve perfect fairness; then even drought and violent winds would not tarnish your sage virtue."

始，兢在長安、景龍間任史事，時武三思、張易之等監領，阿貴朋佞，釀澤浮辭，事多不實。兢不得誌，私撰《唐書》、《唐春秋》，未就。至是，丐官筆劄，冀得成書。詔兢就集賢院論次。時張說罷宰相，在家修史。大臣奏國史不容在外，詔兢等赴館撰錄。進封長垣縣男。久之，坐書事不當，貶荊州司馬，以史草自隨。蕭嵩領國史，奏遣使者就兢取書，得六十餘篇。

At first, while Jing was handling historiography in Chang'an during the Jinglong era, Wu Sansi, Zhang Yizhi, and others supervised the work; they fawned on the powerful, gathered flatterers around them, and produced slick, inflated prose, so that much of what was written was untrue. Unable to do the work as he wished, Jing privately drafted a Book of Tang and Annals of Tang, but neither was completed. At this time he asked for official paper and writing supplies, hoping to finish the book. An edict ordered Jing to go to the Hall of Assembled Worthies to organize and compile the history. At that time Zhang Yue had left the chief ministership and was compiling history at home. The chief ministers memorialized that the national history could not be kept outside the official archive, and an edict ordered Jing and the others to go to the academy to compile it. He was enfeoffed as Baron of Changyuan. After some time he was demoted to military administrator of Jingzhou for improper entries in the history, and he took his draft manuscripts with him. When Xiao Song took charge of the national history, he memorialized that an envoy be sent to Jing to collect his manuscripts, and more than sixty chapters were recovered.

累遷洪州刺史，坐累下除舒州。天寶初，入為恒王傅。雖年老衰僂甚，意猶願還史職。李林甫嫌其衰，不用。卒，年八十。

He rose through successive promotions to prefect of Hongzhou, but after accumulated offenses was demoted to prefect of Shuzhou. At the beginning of the Tianbao era he entered court as tutor to the Prince of Heng. Though he had grown very old and was badly stooped, he still hoped in his heart to return to historiography. Li Linfu, disliking his aged infirmity, would not use him. He died at the age of eighty.

兢敘事簡核，號良史。晚節稍疏牾。時人病其太簡。初與劉子玄撰定《武后實錄》，敘張昌宗誘張說誣證魏元忠事，頗言「說已然可，賴宋璟等邀勵苦切，故轉禍為忠，不然，皇嗣且殆。」後說為相，讀之，心不善，知兢所為，即從容謬謂曰：「劉生書魏齊公事，不少假借，奈何？」兢曰：「子玄已亡，不可受誣地下。兢實書之，其草故在。」聞者嘆其直。說屢以情蘄改，辭曰：「徇公之情，何名實錄？」卒不改。世謂今董狐云。韋述韋述，弘機曾孫。家廚書二千卷，述為兒時，誦憶略遍。父景駿，景龍中為肥鄉令，述從到官。元行沖，景駿姑子也，為時儒宗，常載書數車自隨。述入其室觀書，不知寢食，行沖異之，試與語前世事，孰復詳諦，如指掌然。使屬文，受紙輒就。行沖曰：「外家之寶也。」舉進士，時述方少，儀質陋侻，考功員外郎宋之問曰：「童子何業？」述曰：「性嗜書，所撰《唐春秋》三十篇，恨未畢，它唯命。」之問曰：「本求茂才，乃得遷、固。」遂上第。

Jing wrote history in a concise and exact style and was acclaimed as a fine historian. In his later years he became somewhat inconsistent. Contemporaries criticized him for being too terse. Early on, together with Liu Zixuan he compiled the Veritable Record of Empress Wu, recounting how Zhang Changzong induced Zhang Yue to give false testimony against Wei Yuanzhong; the account states that Zhang Yue had already gone along, but that Song Jing and others urgently pressed him with fierce earnestness until he turned treachery into loyalty—otherwise the heir apparent would have been placed in grave danger. Later, when Zhang Yue became chief minister and read the passage, he was displeased; knowing Jing had written it, he casually and falsely remarked, "Master Liu wrote about Duke Wei's affair without much lenience—what can be done about that?" Jing replied, "Master Zixuan is already dead and cannot be falsely accused in the world below. I, Jing, was the one who actually wrote it, and the draft is still in my possession. Those who heard the exchange admired his integrity. Zhang Yue repeatedly pleaded with him to revise the account, but Jing refused, saying, "If I indulged private feeling, how could the work be called a veritable record? In the end he did not change a word. People of the time called him the Dong Hu of his age. Wei Shu was a great-grandson of Wei Hongji. There were two thousand volumes of books in the family kitchen, and as a boy Shu could recite and recall nearly all of them. His father Jingjun served as magistrate of Feixiang during the Jinglong era, and Shu accompanied him to his post. Yuan Xingchong, Jingjun's nephew by marriage, was the leading Confucian scholar of the day and always traveled with several cartloads of books. Shu would enter his study to read and forget to eat or sleep; Xingchong was astonished by him and tested him with questions about past events, and Shu's answers were so detailed and precise that they seemed as clear as the lines on his palm. He asked him to compose a piece, and as soon as paper was placed before him Shu wrote it at once. Xingchong said, "He is a treasure of our wife's family. He passed the jinshi examination while still very young; his appearance was plain and unassuming. Song Zhiwen, Vice Director of Examining Affairs, asked him, "Young man, what is your field of study? Shu replied, "By nature I love books. I have written thirty chapters of Annals of Tang, though I regret they are not yet complete; beyond that, I am at your command. Zhiwen said, "I was looking for an outstanding candidate and instead found Sima Qian and Ban Gu. He then ranked Shu at the top of the list.

開元初，為櫟陽尉。秘書監馬懷素奏述與諸儒即秘書續《七志》，五年而成。述好譜學，見柳沖所撰《姓族系錄》，每私寫懷之，還舍則又繕錄，故於百氏源派為詳，乃更撰《開元譜》二十篇。累除右補闕。張說既領集賢院，薦述為直學士，遷起居舍人。從封太山，奏《東封記》，有詔褒美。先是，詔修《六典》，徐堅構意歲餘，嘆曰：「吾更修七書，而《六典》歷年未有所適。」及蕭嵩引述撰定，述始摹周六官領其屬，事歸於職，規制遂定。初，令狐德棻、吳兢等撰武德以來國史，皆不能成。述因二家參以後事，遂分紀、傳，又為例一篇。嵩欲蚤就，復奏起居舍人賈登、著作佐郎李銳助述紬績。逮成，文約事詳，蕭穎士以為譙周、陳壽之流。改國子司業，充集賢學士，累遷工部侍郎，封方城縣侯。

Early in the Kaiyuan era he served as marshal of Liyang. Secretariat Director Ma Huaisu memorialized that Shu, together with various scholars at the Secretariat, should continue the Seven Records; the work was completed in five years. Shu loved the study of genealogies; whenever he saw Liu Chong's Genealogical Record of Clans he would secretly copy it and carry the copy on his person, then copy it again at home, so that he became thoroughly versed in the origins and branches of the hundred clans and went on to compose twenty chapters of Kaiyuan Genealogies. Through successive promotions he was appointed Right Supplementation Omissioner. Once Zhang Yue was put in charge of the Hall of Assembled Worthies, he recommended Shu as a direct academician, and Shu was promoted to diarist of the imperial bedchamber. He accompanied the emperor to Mount Tai for the feng sacrifice, submitted a Record of the Eastern Feng, and received an imperial edict commending his work. Earlier, when an edict ordered the compilation of the Six Statutes, Xu Jian worked out the plan for more than a year and finally sighed, "I have already revised the Seven Histories, yet after all these years the Six Statutes still have not come together. When Xiao Song brought Shu in to draft and finalize the work, Shu modeled it on the Zhou system of six offices each overseeing its subordinates, with every affair assigned to the proper office, and the regulations were at last settled. Earlier, Linghu Defen, Wu Jing, and others had tried to compile the national history from the Wude reign onward, but none succeeded in finishing it. Shu drew on the work of both earlier compilers, added later events, divided the history into annals and biographies, and also wrote a chapter of editorial precedents. Wanting to finish quickly, Xiao again memorialized that Diarist Jia Deng and Assistant Compiler Li Rui should help Shu with the editorial work. When the work was finished, the prose was concise and the events fully detailed; Xiao Yingshi ranked Shu with Qiao Zhou and Chen Shou. He was made vice director of the Directorate of Education and academician of the Hall of Assembled Worthies, promoted in succession to vice minister of works, and enfeoffed as Marquis of Fangcheng County.

述典掌圖書，余四十年，任史官二十年，淡榮利，為人純厚長者，當世宗之。接士無貴賤與均。蓄書二萬卷，皆手校定，黃墨精謹，內秘書不逮也。古草隸帖、秘書、古器圖譜無不備。安祿山亂，剽失皆盡，述獨抱國史藏南山。身陷賊，汙偽官。賊平，流渝州，為刺史薛舒所困，不食死。廣德初，甥蕭直為李光弼判官，詣闕奏事稱旨。因理述「蒼卒奔逼，能存國史，賊平，盡送史官於休烈，以功補過，宜蒙恩宥。」有詔贈右散騎常侍。

Shu oversaw the imperial library for more than forty years and served as a historiographer for twenty. Indifferent to rank and profit, he was by nature upright, generous, and worthy of respect, and men of his time held him in high esteem. In receiving scholars he treated the high and the low alike. He amassed twenty thousand scrolls of books, every one collated by his own hand in careful yellow and black ink—work the inner secretariat itself could not equal. Ancient cursive and clerical copybooks, secretarial documents, and illustrated catalogues of antiquities—he had them all. When the An Lushan rebellion broke out, everything that could be looted was lost; Shu alone clutched the national history to him and hid it in the Southern Mountains. He fell into rebel hands and accepted a post under the puppet regime. After the rebellion was suppressed he was exiled to Yuzhou, where Prefect Xue Shu harassed him until he died by refusing food. In the early Guangde era his nephew Xiao Zhi, serving as aide to Li Guangbi, went to court to report on affairs and pleased the emperor. Thereupon he argued on Shu's behalf: "In the sudden chaos of flight Shu was still able to preserve the national history; when the rebels were suppressed he sent it all to the historiographer Yu Xiulie. His merit should offset his fault, and he deserves imperial clemency. An edict was issued posthumously appointing him Right Regular Attendant.

韋氏之顯者，孝友、詞學則承慶、嗣立，邃音樂有萬石，達禮儀則叔夏，史才博識有述。所著書二百餘篇行於時。弟逌、迪，學業亦亞述。與逌對為學士，與迪並禮官，搢紳高之。時趙冬曦兄弟亦各有名。張說嘗曰「韋、趙兄弟，人之杞梓」云。蔣乂蔣乂，字德源，常州義興人，徙家河南。祖瑰，開元中弘文館學士。父將明，天寶末，辟河中使府。安祿山反，以計佐其帥，全並、潞等州。兩京陷，被拘，乃陽狂以免。虢王巨引致幕府，歷侍御史，擢左司郎中、國子司業、集賢殿學士。乂性銳敏，七歲時，見庾信《哀江南賦》，再讀輒誦。外祖吳兢位史官，乂幼從外家學，得其書，博覽強記。逮冠，該綜群籍，有史才，司徒楊綰尤稱之。將明在集賢，值兵興，圖籍殽舛，白宰相請引乂入院，助力整比。宰相張鎰亦奇之，署集賢小職。乂料次逾年，各以部分，得善書二萬卷。再遷王屋尉，充太常禮院修撰。貞元九年，擢右拾遺、史館修撰。德宗重其職，先召見延英，乃命之。

Among the distinguished members of the Wei clan, Chengqing and Siliz excelled in filial piety, friendship, and literary learning; Wanshi in deep mastery of music; Shuxia in ritual; and Shu in historiographical talent and broad learning. More than two hundred works he wrote circulated in his day. His younger brothers You and Di were only slightly less accomplished in scholarship than Shu. He and You served together as academicians, and he and Di served together as ritual officials; the gentry held them in high regard. At the time the brothers of Zhao Dongxi were also each celebrated in their own right. Zhang Yue once said, "The Wei and Zhao brothers are the finest timber among men." Jiang Yi, courtesy name Deyuan, was a native of Yixing in Changzhou and later moved his household to Henan. His grandfather Gui was an academician of the Hongwen Hall during the Kaiyuan era. His father Jiangming, in the late Tianbao era, was recruited onto the staff of the Hezhong military commissioner. When An Lushan rebelled, he used stratagems to assist the commander and preserved Bing and Lu among other prefectures. When the two capitals fell he was detained, and feigned madness to escape harm. Prince Guo Ju brought him onto his staff; he served as investigating censor and was promoted to left department director, vice director of the Directorate of Education, and academician of the Hall of Assembled Worthies. Yi was sharp and quick by nature; at seven, when he saw Yu Xin's Lament for the South, he could recite it after reading it only twice. His maternal grandfather Wu Jing served as historiographer; Yi studied from childhood in his mother's family, gained access to his books, and read widely with a formidable memory. By the time he came of age he had mastered the corpus of books and showed historiographical talent; Minister of Works Yang Guan especially praised him. Jiangming was serving at the Hall of Assembled Worthies; when war broke out the library collections were thrown into disorder, and he asked the chief minister to bring Yi into the academy to help sort and collate them. Chief Minister Zhang Yi also considered him remarkable and gave him a minor post in the Hall of Assembled Worthies. Yi spent more than a year cataloguing them by category and recovered twenty thousand scrolls of fine books. He was transferred again to magistrate of Wangwu and appointed a compiler in the Court of Imperial Sacrifices Ritual Office. In the ninth year of the Zhenyuan era he was promoted to right reminder and historiographer of the History Office. Emperor Dezong valued the post highly; he first summoned Yi to the Yanying Hall for an audience and only then issued the appointment.

張孝忠子茂宗尚義章公主，母亡，遺言丐成禮。帝念孝忠功，即日召為左衛將軍，許主下降。乂上疏，以為：「墨缞禮本緣金革，未有奪喪尚主者。繆盩典禮，違人情，不可為法。」帝令中使者諭茂宗之母之請，乂意殊堅。帝曰：「卿所言，古禮也。今俗借吉而婚不為少。」對曰：「俚室窮人子，旁無至親，乃有借吉以嫁，不聞男冒兇而娶。陛下建中詔書，郡、縣主當婚，皆使有司循典故，毋用俗儀。公主春秋少，待年不為晚，請茂宗如禮便。」帝曰：「更思之。」會太常博士韋彤、裴堪諫曰：「婚禮，主人几筵聽命，稱事立文，謂之嘉，所以承宗廟，繼後嗣也。喪禮，創巨者日久，痛甚者愈遲，二十五月而畢，謂之兇，所以送死報終，示有節也。故夫義婦聽，父慈子孝。昔魯侯改服，晉襄墨缞，緣金革事則有權變。安有釋缞服，衣冕裳，去堊室，行親迎，以兇瀆嘉，為朝廷爽法？」疏入，帝迂其言，促行前詔，然心嘉乂有守。

Zhang Xiaozhong's son Maozong was betrothed to Princess Yizhang; when his mother died, her dying wish was that the marriage rites still be completed. Mindful of Xiaozhong's service, the emperor that same day summoned Maozong to be General of the Left Guard and permitted the princess to marry him. Yi submitted a memorial arguing: "The rites of black hemp mourning originally arise from military campaigns; there has never been a case of marrying a princess while cutting short mourning. To grossly confuse the canonical rites, violate human feeling, and set this as a precedent is unacceptable. The emperor sent a palace envoy to explain Maozong's mother's request, but Yi remained especially firm. The emperor said, "What you say follows the ancient rite. In present custom, borrowing an auspicious day for marriage is hardly uncommon. He replied, "In common households, when a poor man's daughter has no close kin nearby, there are cases of borrowing an auspicious day to marry her off—but one never hears of a man marrying while still in mourning. Your Majesty's Jianzhong edict stated that when commandery and county princesses marry, the relevant offices should follow canonical precedents and not resort to popular custom. The princess is still young; waiting until she comes of age would not be too late—please let Maozong observe the rites properly. The emperor said, "I will think further about this. Just then Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices Wei Tong and Pei Kan remonstrated, saying, "In the marriage rites the host sets out the spirit tablet and mat to receive commands and establishes the text according to the occasion—this is called auspicious, for it carries on the ancestral temple and continues the line. In mourning rites, the greater the wound the longer the time, the deeper the grief the slower the recovery; after twenty-five months it is complete—this is called mourning, for it sends off the dead and completes the rites, showing that there are limits. Thus husbands are righteous and wives compliant, fathers kind and sons filial. Formerly the Marquis of Lu changed his garb and Duke Xiang of Jin wore black hemp mourning—because military campaigns sometimes require expedient changes. How can one cast off hemp mourning, put on court robes, leave the white-washed mourning chamber, and go to meet the bride in person—using mourning to profane what is auspicious and making the court violate its own law? When the memorial was submitted, the emperor set their words aside and hurried forward the earlier edict, yet in his heart he admired Yi's integrity.

十八年，遷起居舍人，轉司勛員外，皆兼史任。帝嘗登淩煙閣，視左壁頹剝，題文漫缺，行才數字，命錄以問宰相，無能知者。遽召乂至，答曰：「此聖歷中侍臣圖贊。」帝前口以誦補，不失一字。帝嘆曰：「雖虞世南默寫《列女傳》，不是過。」會詔問神策軍建置本末，中書討求不獲，時集賢學士甚眾，悉亡以對。乃訪乂，乂條據甚詳。宰相高郢、鄭珣瑜嘆曰：「集賢有人哉！」明日，詔兼判集賢院事。父子為學士，儒者榮之。

In the eighteenth year he was transferred to diarist of the imperial bedchamber and then to outer-section director of the Ministry of Personnel, in both cases while retaining his historiographical duties. The emperor once ascended the Lingyan Pavilion and saw the left wall crumbling and peeling, the inscribed text blurred and missing with only a few characters per line; he ordered it copied and shown to the chief ministers, but none could identify it. He immediately summoned Yi, who answered, "This is the portrait eulogy of attendant ministers from the Shengli era. Before the emperor he recited from memory to fill in the missing parts, not missing a single character. The emperor sighed and said, "Even Yu Shinan's silent transcription of the Biographies of Exemplary Women would not surpass this. Soon an edict asked about the origins and development of the Shence Army; the Secretariat searched but could not find the answer, and though many academicians of the Hall of Assembled Worthies were present, none could reply. They then consulted Yi, and he set forth the evidence in great detail. Chief ministers Gao Yi and Zheng Xunyu exclaimed, "The Hall of Assembled Worthies has its man! The next day an edict appointed him concurrently to administer the affairs of the Hall of Assembled Worthies. Father and son both served as academicians—a glory for scholars.

順宗既葬，議祧廟，有司以中宗中興之君，當百代不遷。宰相問乂，乂曰：「中宗即位，春秋已壯，而母后篡奪以移神器，賴張柬之等國祚再復，蓋曰反正，不得為中興。凡非我失之，自我復之，為中興，漢光武、晉元是也。自我失之，因人復之，晉孝惠、孝安是也。今中宗與惠、安二帝同，不可為不遷主。」有司疑曰：「五王有安社稷功，若遷中宗，則配饗永絕。」乂曰：「禘袷功臣，乃合食太廟。中宗廟雖毀，而禘祫並陳太廟，此則五王配食與初一也。」由是遷廟遂定。遷兵部郎中。與許孟容、韋貫之刪正制敕三十篇，為《開元格後敕》。李锜誅，詔宗正削一房屬籍。宰相召乂問：「一房自大功可乎？」答曰：「大功，锜之從父昆弟。其祖神通有功，配饗於廟，雖裔孫之惡，而忘其勛，不可。」「自期可乎？」曰：「期者锜昆弟。其父若幽死社稷，今以锜連坐，不可。」執政然之。故罪止锜及子息，無旁坐者。

After Emperor Shunzong was buried, the court debated shifting the ancestral temples; the relevant offices held that Emperor Zhongzong was a restoration emperor whose tablet should never be moved for a hundred generations. The chief ministers asked Yi, and he said, "When Zhongzong took the throne he was already a grown man, yet the empress dowager usurped power and seized the imperial regalia; only through Zhang Jianzhi and others was the dynastic line restored—this is called setting right what was wrong, not a true restoration. Whenever what was lost was not by our own doing and what was restored was by our own doing, that is a true restoration—Emperor Guangwu of Han and Emperor Yuan of Jin are examples. What was lost by our own doing and restored through others—Emperors Xiaohui and Xiao'an of Jin are examples. Zhongzong falls into the same category as Emperors Hui and An; he cannot be treated as an emperor whose tablet is never moved. The relevant offices objected, saying, "The Five Princes had the merit of securing the state; if Zhongzong's tablet is moved, their joint sacrifice would be cut off forever. Yi said, "Meritorious ministers at the di and xia sacrifices jointly partake of offerings in the Grand Ancestral Temple. Although Zhongzong's temple would be removed, at the di and xia sacrifices all tablets are displayed together in the Grand Ancestral Temple—thus the Five Princes' joint sacrifice would remain as before. On this basis the shifting of the temples was settled. He was transferred to director of the Ministry of War. Together with Xu Mengrong and Wei Guanzhi he revised thirty chapters of edicts and regulations, producing the Post-Kaiyuan Edicts. When Li Yi was executed, an edict ordered the Director of the Imperial Clan to strike one branch from the clan register. The chief ministers summoned Yi and asked, "Would one branch from the great-great-grandfather's line suffice? He replied, "The great-great-grandfather's line would be Yi's father's cousins. His grandfather Shentong had merit and received joint sacrifice in the temple; though a descendant's crime was evil, to forget his achievement would be wrong." Would starting from Qi suffice? He said, "Qi was Yi's brother. Their father Ruoyou died for the state; to punish him now because of Yi's guilt by association would be wrong. The chief ministers agreed. Therefore punishment was limited to Yi and his sons; no collateral relatives were punished.

未幾，改秘書少監，復兼史館修撰，與獨孤郁、韋處厚修《德宗實錄》。以勞遷右諫議大夫。裴垍罷宰相，而李吉甫惡垍，以嘗監修，故授乂太常少卿。久之，遷秘書監，累封義興縣公。卒，年七十五，贈禮部尚書，謚曰懿。

Before long he was made vice director of the Secretariat and again concurrently historiographer of the History Office; together with Dugu Yu and Wei Chuhou he compiled the Veritable Records of Emperor Dezong. For his labors he was promoted to right remonstrance adviser. When Pei Ji was removed as chief minister and Li Jifu, who hated Ji, learned that Yi had once supervised the compilation, Yi was given the post of vice director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. After a long time he was transferred to director of the Secretariat and in succession was enfeoffed as Duke of Yixing County. He died at age seventy-five; posthumously he was given Minister of Rites, with the posthumous title Yi.

乂在朝廷久，居史職二十年。每有大政事議論，宰相未能決，必咨訪之，乂據經義或舊章以參時事，其對允切該詳。初以是被遇，終亦忤貴近，介介不至顯官。然資質樸直，遇權臣秉政，輒數歲不遷。嘗疏裴延齡罪惡及拒王叔文，當世高之。結髮誌學，老而不厭，雖甚寒暑，卷不釋於前，故能通百家學，尤明前世沿革。家藏書至萬五千卷。初名武，憲宗時因進見，請曰：「陛下今日偃武修文，群臣當順承上意，請改名乂。」帝悅。時討王承宗兵方罷，乂恐天子銳於武，亦因以諷。它日，帝見侍御史唐武曰：「命名固多，何必曰武？乂既改之矣。」更曰慶。群臣乃知帝且厭兵云。乂論撰百餘篇。

Yi had long served at court and held historiographical office for twenty years. Whenever great affairs of state were debated and the chief ministers could not decide, they always consulted him; Yi would draw on canonical principles or old regulations to address current affairs, and his replies were fair, apt, and comprehensive. At first he was favored for this, but in the end he also offended the powerful and the well-connected, and through scrupulous integrity never reached a high office. Yet by nature he was plain and upright; whenever powerful ministers held sway, he would go years without promotion. He once memorialized against the crimes of Pei Yanling and refused Wang Shuwen; men of his time held him in high esteem. From the time he tied his hair he resolved to study, and to old age he did not weary; even in extreme cold or heat he would not put down the scroll before him, and so he mastered the learning of the hundred schools, especially the institutional changes of earlier ages. The books in his household collection reached fifteen thousand scrolls. His original name was Wu; during Emperor Xianzong's reign, on an audience at court he requested, "Your Majesty today halts warfare and promotes culture; the ministers ought to follow and carry out the sovereign's intent—I beg to change my name to Yi." The emperor was pleased. At that time the campaign against Wang Chengzong had just ended; Yi feared the emperor was eager for war and used the occasion to offer an indirect admonition as well. Another day the emperor saw the attendant censor Tang Wu and said, "There are certainly many names to choose from—why must one be called Wu? Yi had already changed his." He changed it again to Qing. The ministers then understood that the emperor had grown weary of war. Yi wrote more than a hundred discursive essays.

五子：係、伸、偕知名，仙、佶皆位刺史。乂子係係善屬文，得父典實。大和初，授昭應尉，直史館。明年，拜右拾遺、史館修撰，與沈傳師、鄭澣、陳夷行、李漢參撰《憲宗實錄》。轉右補闕。宋申錫被誣，文宗怒甚，係與左常侍崔玄亮涕泣苦諍，申錫得不死。歷膳部員外、工禮兵三部郎中，皆兼史職。開成末，轉諫議大夫。宰相李德裕惡李漢，以係友婿，出為桂管觀察使，人安其治。復坐漢貶唐州刺史。宣宗立，召為給事中、集賢殿學士判院事。轉吏部侍郎，歷興元、鳳翔節度使。懿宗初，拜兵部尚書，以弟伸位丞相，懇辭，乃檢校尚書右仆射，節度山南東道，封淮陽郡公。徙東都留守，卒。子曙，字耀之。咸通末，由進士第署鄂嶽團練判官，除虞、工二部員外，改起居郎。黃巢之難，曙闔門無噍類，以是絕意仕進，隱居沈痛。中和二年，表請為道士，許之。乂子伸伸，字大直，第進士。大中二年，以右補闕為史館修撰，轉駕部郎中，知制誥。白敏中領邠寧節度，表伸自副，加右庶子。入知戶部侍郎。九年，為翰林學士，進承旨。十年，改兵部侍郎，判戶部。

He had five sons: Xi, Shen, and Xie were well known, while Xian and Ji both served as prefects. Jiang Yi's son Xi was skilled at literary composition and had mastered his father's store of documented facts. At the beginning of the Dahe era he was appointed Defender of Zhaoying and assigned to duty at the Historiography Institute. The following year he was appointed Right Reminder and Historiography Compiler and, together with Shen Chuanshi, Zheng Huan, Chen Yixing, and Li Han, helped compile the Veritable Records of Emperor Xianzong. He was transferred to Right Supplements Clerk. When Song Shenxi was falsely accused, Emperor Wenzong was furious; Xi and Left Regular Attendant Cui Xuanliang wept and remonstrated bitterly, and Shenxi was spared execution. He successively served as secretary in the boards of delicacies, works, rites, and war, all while retaining concurrent historian duties. Near the end of the Kaicheng era he was promoted to Remonstrance Grand Master. Chief Minister Li Deyu hated Li Han; because Xi was Han's friend and son-in-law, he was sent out as military commissioner of Guiguan Circuit, where the people lived peacefully under his rule. He was demoted again, caught up in Han's fall, to prefect of Tangzhou. When Emperor Xuanzong took the throne, he was recalled as supervising censor and academician of the Hall of Assembled Worthies with charge of the institute. He was transferred to vice minister of personnel and successively served as military commissioner of Xingyuan and Fengxiang. At the beginning of Emperor Yizong's reign he was appointed minister of war; because his younger brother Shen was chief minister, he earnestly declined, and was instead made inspector-general of the right vice director of the Department of State Affairs and military commissioner of Shannandong Circuit, enfeoffed as duke of Huaiyang Commandery. He was transferred to eastern capital intendant and died in office. His son Shao, courtesy name Yaozhi. In the late Xiantong era he passed the jinshi examination and was appointed registrar of the E'yue defense command; he was then made outer department secretary of the boards of revenue and works, and later transferred to attendant of the left. During the Huang Chao uprising Shao's entire household was wiped out, leaving no one alive; from then on he abandoned all ambition for office and lived in seclusion, consumed by grief. In the second year of the Zhonghe era he submitted a memorial requesting to become a Daoist priest, and the request was granted. Jiang Yi's son Shen, courtesy name Dazhi, passed the jinshi examination. In the second year of the Dazhong era he served as right supplements clerk and historiography compiler, was transferred to director of the imperial transport section, and took charge of drafting imperial edicts. When Bai Minzhong took command of Binning Circuit he appointed Shen as his deputy, adding the title of right subordinate of the heir apparent. He entered the capital as vice minister of the board of revenue. In the ninth year he became a Hanlin academician and was promoted to chief academician. In the tenth year he was transferred to vice minister of war while concurrently directing the board of revenue.

宣宗雅信愛伸，每見必咨天下得失。伸言：「比爵賞稍易，人且偷。」帝愕然曰：「偷則亂矣。」伸曰：「否，非遽亂，但人有覬心，亂由是生。」帝嗟嘆，伸三起三留，曰：「它日不復獨對卿矣。」伸不諭。未幾，以本官同中書門下平章事。逾四月，解戶部，加中書侍郎。懿宗即位，兼刑部尚書，監修國史。咸通二年，出為河中節度使、同中書門下平章事，徙宣武。俄以太子少保分司東都。七年，用為華州刺史。再遷太子太傅，表乞骸骨，以本官致仕。卒，贈太尉。乂子偕偕以父任，歷右拾遺、史館修撰，轉補闕、主客郎中。初，柳芳作《唐歷》，大歷以後闕而不錄，宣宗詔崔龜從、韋澳、李荀、張彥遠及偕等分年撰次，盡元和以續云。累遷太常少卿。大中八年，與盧耽、牛叢、王沨、盧告撰次《文宗實錄》。蔣氏世禪儒，唯伸及系子兆能以辭章取進士第，然不為文士所多。三世踵修國史，世稱良筆，咸云「蔣氏日歷」，天下多藏焉。柳芳柳芳，字仲敷，蒲州河東人。開元末，擢進士第，由永寧尉直史館。肅宗詔芳與韋述綴輯吳兢所次國史，會述死，芳緒成之，興高祖，訖乾元，凡百三十篇。敘天寶後事，棄取不倫，史官病之。上元中，坐事徙黔中。後歷左金吾衛騎曹參軍、史館修撰。然芳篤誌論著，不少選忘厭。承寇亂史籍淪缺。芳始謫時，高力士亦貶巫州，因從力士質開元、天寶及禁中事，具識本末。時國史已送官，不可追刊，乃推衍義類，仿編年法，為《唐歷》四十篇，頗有異聞。然不立褒貶義例，為諸儒譏訕。改右司郎中、集賢殿學士，卒。

Emperor Xuanzong trusted and favored Shen deeply; whenever they met he would consult him on the affairs of the realm and their consequences. Shen said, "Lately ranks and rewards have been granted a little too easily; people will grow complacent." The emperor started and said, "Complacency would bring disorder." Shen said, "No—not immediate disorder, but once people harbor covetous hearts, disorder grows from that." The emperor sighed in admiration; Shen rose to leave three times and was detained three times, saying, "Another day I shall no longer be granted a private audience with you." Shen did not understand. Before long he was made associate director of the chancellery with the same office title. After more than four months he was relieved of his charge over the board of revenue and promoted to vice director of the chancellery. When Emperor Yizong took the throne he was additionally made minister of justice and put in charge of compiling the national history. In the second year of the Xiantong era he was sent out as military commissioner of Hedong with concurrent chancellorship, then transferred to Xuanwu. Shortly thereafter he was made junior preceptor of the heir apparent with duty at the eastern capital. In the seventh year he was appointed prefect of Huazhou. He was again transferred to grand preceptor of the heir apparent and submitted a memorial requesting retirement; he retired with his original rank. He died and was posthumously enfeoffed as grand marshal. Jiang Yi's son Xie entered office through his father's position and successively served as right reminder, historiography compiler, supplements clerk, and director of the office of receptions. Earlier Liu Fang had compiled the Tang Annals, but events after the Dali era were left unrecorded; Emperor Xuanzong ordered Cui Guicong, Wei Ao, Li Xun, Zhang Yanyuan, Xie, and others to arrange events year by year and continue the work through the Yuanhe reign. He was repeatedly promoted to vice director of the court of imperial sacrifices. In the eighth year of Dazhong he joined Lu Dan, Niu Cong, Wang Feng, and Lu Gao in compiling the Veritable Records of Emperor Wenzong. The Jiang clan had transmitted Confucian learning for generations; only Shen and Xi's son Zhao won the jinshi through literary composition, yet they were not much admired by men of letters. Three generations in succession revised the national history; the age called them skilled historians, and people everywhere spoke of "the Jiang clan's daily chronicle"—copies were widely collected throughout the realm. Liu Fang, courtesy name Zhongfu, was a native of Hedong in Puzhou. At the end of the Kaiyuan era he passed the jinshi examination and, from his post as defender of Yongning, served on duty at the Historiography Institute. Emperor Suzong ordered Fang and Wei Shu to continue compiling the national history arranged by Wu Jing; when Shu died Fang took up the work and finished it, from the rise of the High Founder through the Qianyuan era—in all 130 chapters. In narrating events after the Tianbao era he discarded and selected material without consistent principle, and the historians deplored this. In the Shangyuan period he was demoted and exiled to Qianzhong for an offense. Later he successively served as adjunct of the left golden spear guard and compiler at the Historiography Institute. Yet Fang was deeply devoted to scholarly writing and never slackened or grew weary. In the wake of rebellion and disorder the historical archives were lost and ruined. When Fang was first demoted, Gao Lishi was also banished to Wuzhou; he therefore questioned Lishi about Kaiyuan, Tianbao, and inner-palace affairs and fully learned how events had unfolded. At that time the national history had already been submitted to the office and could not be revised retroactively; he therefore extended its categories of meaning, imitated the annalistic method, and wrote the Tang Annals in forty chapters, containing much material not found elsewhere. Yet he established no standards of praise and blame, and the scholars mocked him for it. He was transferred to director of the right office and academician of the Hall of Assembled Worthies, then died.

子登、冕。芳子登登，字成伯。淹貫群書，年六十餘，始仕宦。元和初，為大理少卿，與許孟容等刊正敕格。以病改右散騎常侍，致仕。卒，年九十餘，贈工部尚書。登子璟子璟，字德輝。寶歷初，第進士、宏詞，三遷監察御史。時郊廟告祭，吏部以雜品攝上公。璟據開元、元和詔書，太尉以宰相攝事，司空、司徒以仆射、尚書、師、傅攝，餘司不及差限，請如舊制，從之。累遷吏部員外郎。文宗開成初，為翰林學士。初，芳永泰中按宗正諜，斷自武德，以昭穆系承撰《永泰新譜》二十篇。璟因召對，帝嘆《新譜》詳悉，詔璟攟摭永泰後事綴成之。復為十篇，戶部供筆劄稟料。遷中書舍人。武宗立，轉禮部侍郎。璟為人寬信，好接士，稱人之長，遊其門者它日皆顯於世。會昌二年，再主貢部，坐其子招賄，貶信州司馬，終郴州刺史。芳子冕冕，字敬叔。博學富文辭，且世史官，父子並居集賢院。歷右補闕、史館修撰。坐善劉晏，貶巴州司戶參軍。還為太常博士。昭德王皇后崩，冕與張薦議皇太子宜依晉魏卒哭除服，左補闕穆質請依禮期而除，冕議見用。德宗既親郊，重慎祠事，動稽典禮。冕以吏部郎中攝太常博士，與薦及司封郎中徐岱、倉部郎中陸質修飭儀矩。帝疑郊廟每升輒去劍履及象劍尺寸、祝語輕重，冕據禮以對，本末詳明，天子嘉異。

His sons were Deng and Mian. Liu Fang's son Deng, courtesy name Chengbo. Thoroughly versed in many books, he did not begin official service until he was over sixty. At the beginning of the Yuanhe era he served as vice director of the court of justice and, with Xu Mengrong and others, revised and corrected the edict statutes. Because of illness he was transferred to right regular mounted attendant and retired. He died at over ninety and was posthumously enfeoffed as minister of works. Deng's son Jing, courtesy name Dehui. At the beginning of the Baoli era he passed the jinshi and Hongci examinations and was promoted three times to investigating censor. At that time, for suburban and temple announcement sacrifices, the board of personnel deputized persons of miscellaneous rank to stand in for the chief noble. Jing cited Kaiyuan and Yuanhe edicts—that the grand preceptor should be deputized by a chancellor, the minister of works and minister of war by vice directors, ministers, teachers, and mentors, with other offices not meeting that threshold—and requested a return to the old regulations; the request was approved. He was repeatedly promoted to outer department secretary of the board of personnel. At the beginning of the Kaicheng era under Emperor Wenzong he became a Hanlin academician. Earlier, during the Yongtai era Fang had investigated the imperial clan register, traced descent from the Wude era, and compiled the New Yongtai Genealogy in twenty chapters on zhao-mu succession. When Jing was summoned for audience the emperor praised the New Genealogy for its detail and ordered him to gather and extend events after the Yongtai era to complete it. He composed ten more chapters; the board of revenue supplied pens, paper, and stipends. He was promoted to drafting attendant of the central secretariat. When Emperor Wuzong took the throne he was transferred to vice minister of rites. Jing was broad-minded and trustworthy, fond of receiving scholars; he praised others' strengths, and those who passed through his gate later all rose to prominence. In the second year of Huichang he again headed the examination bureau; because his son solicited bribes he was demoted to secretary of Xinzhou and died in office as prefect of Chenzhou. Liu Fang's son Mian, courtesy name Jingshu. Learned and richly gifted in literary composition, and moreover a hereditary historian—father and son both served in the Hall of Assembled Worthies. He successively served as right supplements clerk and historiography compiler. Because he befriended Liu Yan he was demoted to revenue registrar of Bazhou. He returned to the capital and became erudite of the court of imperial sacrifices. When Empress Zhao of Virtuous Merit died, Mian and Zhang Jian argued that the crown prince should follow the Jin and Wei practice of ending mourning and removing mourning garments; Left Supplements Clerk Mu Zhi requested observing the full ritual period before removal; Mian's argument was adopted. After Emperor Dezong had personally performed the suburban sacrifice he again treated sacrificial affairs with great caution, checking every move against canonical ritual. Mian, as director of the board of personnel deputizing as erudite of the court of imperial sacrifices, joined Jian and directors of the office of investiture Xu Dai and of granaries Lu Zhi in arranging ritual norms. The emperor questioned why at each ascent for suburban and temple rites one removed sword and shoes, and about the size of the ivory sword and the weight of invocation words; Mian answered according to ritual with causes and effects fully explained, and the emperor commended him warmly.

久之，以論議勁切，執政不善，出為婺州刺史。十三年，兼御史中丞、福建觀察使。自以久疏斥，又性躁狷，不能無恨，乃上表乞代，且推明朝覲之意，曰：「臣竊感《江漢》朝宗之誼，《鹿鳴》君臣之宴，頌聲之作，王道本始。國家自兵興，不遑議禮，方牧未朝，宴樂久缺。臣限一切之制，例無朝集，目不睹朝廷之禮，耳不聞宗廟之樂，足不踐軒墀之地，十有二年於茲矣。夫朝會，禮之本也。唐、虞之制，群後四朝，以明黜陟。商、周之盛，五歲一見，以考制度。漢法，三載上計，以會課最。聖唐稽古，天下朝集，三考一見，皆以十月上計京師，十一月禮見，會尚書省應考績事，元日陳貢棐，集於考堂，唱其考第，進賢以興善，簡不肖以黜惡。自安史亂常，始有專地；四方多故，始有不朝；戎臣恃險，或不悔過。臣忝牧圉之寄，憤不朝之臣，思一入覲，率先天下，使君臣之義，親而不疏；朝覲之禮，廢而復舉。誠恐負薪，溘先朝露，覲禮不展，臣之憂也。比聞諸將帥亡歿者眾，臣自憚何德以堪久長。鄉國，人情之不忘也；闕庭，臣子所戀也；朝覲，國家大禮也。三者，臣之大願。」表累上，其辭哀切，德宗許還。會冕奏閩中本南朝畜牧地，可息羊馬，置牧區於東越，名萬安監，又置五區於泉州，悉索部內馬驢牛羊合萬餘遊畜之。不經時，死耗略盡，復調充之，民間怨苦。坐政無狀，代還。卒，贈工部尚書。沈既濟沈既濟，蘇州吳人。經學該明。吏部侍郎楊炎雅善之，既執政，薦既濟有良史才，召拜左拾遺、史館修撰。

After a long time, because his remonstrance was forceful and pointed and the administration did not favor him, he was sent out as prefect of Wu Prefecture. In the thirteenth year he additionally served as censor-in-chief and military commissioner of Fujian Circuit. Feeling himself long cast aside, and moreover hot-tempered and narrow by nature and unable to be free of resentment, he submitted a memorial requesting a replacement and also expressed the meaning of promoting court audience, saying, "Your subject is deeply moved by the meaning in 'The Jiang and Han' of tributaries flowing to the lord, and by the lord-and-minister feast in 'The Deer Call'—the composition of hymns of praise is where the way of kings takes its beginning. Since warfare arose the state has not had leisure to discuss ritual; regional governors have not attended court, and feasts and music have long been lacking. Your subject is bound by catch-all regulations with no precedent for court assembly; for twelve years now my eyes have not beheld court ritual, my ears have not heard ancestral temple music, and my feet have not trodden the palace hall—twelve years to this day. Court assembly is the root of ritual. Under the institutions of Tang and Yu the regional lords attended court four times to make clear dismissals and promotions. In the flourishing age of Shang and Zhou they attended once every five years to examine institutions. Under Han law, every three years they delivered annual reports to court to convene for evaluation of achievements. The sacred Tang followed antiquity: the realm assembled at court, and after three evaluations came one audience. All in the tenth month delivered annual reports to the capital; in the eleventh month they were received in ritual audience and convened with the Department of State Affairs for merit examinations. On New Year's Day they presented tribute fabric, assembled at the examination hall, and proclaimed their evaluation ranks—advancing the worthy to encourage virtue and selecting out the unworthy to dismiss the wicked. Since the An-Luo rebellion disrupted order, territorial autonomy first arose; with troubles everywhere, failure to attend court first arose; and military ministers relying on strategic terrain sometimes did not repent their faults. Your subject, entrusted with governing the realm, resents those ministers who do not attend court and wishes to enter audience once—leading all under heaven so that the bond between lord and minister remains intimate rather than distant; the rite of court audience, once abandoned, would be revived. I truly fear that like one carrying firewood I may die before the morning dew, unable to fulfill the audience rite—that is your subject's sorrow. Lately I have heard that many generals and commanders have died; your subject himself wonders what virtue could sustain him for long. The homeland—what human feeling cannot forget; the imperial court—what subjects yearn for; court audience—the great rite of the state. These three are your subject's greatest wishes." He submitted the memorial repeatedly; its language was mournful and urgent, and Emperor Dezong granted him leave to return. Meanwhile Mian memorialized that Fujian had originally been pasture land of the Southern dynasties where sheep and horses could be raised; he established a pasturage district in Dongyue called Wan'an Pasturage and also set up five districts in Quanzhou, requiring all horses, donkeys, cattle, and sheep within his jurisdiction—more than ten thousand head in all—to graze there. Before long they died and were lost almost entirely; he requisitioned replacements, and the people groaned in bitterness. Because his governance was deficient he was replaced and recalled. He died and was posthumously enfeoffed as minister of works. Shen Jiji was a native of Wu in Suzhou. He was thoroughly versed in the classics. Vice Minister of Personnel Yang Yan greatly favored him; once Yan took power he recommended that Jiji had talent as a fine historian, and Jiji was summoned and appointed left reminder and historiography compiler.

初，吳兢撰國史，為《則天本紀》，次高宗下。既濟奏議，以為：「則天皇后進以強有，退非德讓，史臣追書，當稱為太后，不宜曰上。中宗雖降居藩邸，而體元繼代，本吾君也，宜稱皇帝，不宜曰廬陵王。睿宗在景龍前，天命未集，假臨大寶，於誼無名，宜曰相王，未容曰帝。且則天改周正朔，立七廟，天命革矣。今以周廁唐，列為帝紀，考於《禮經》，是謂亂名。中宗嗣位在太后前，而敘年制紀反居其下，方之躋僖公，是謂不智。昔漢高后稱制，獨有王諸呂為負漢約，無遷鼎革命事，時孝惠已歿，子非劉氏，不紀呂后，尚誰與哉？議者猶謂不可。況中宗以始年即位，季年復祚，雖尊名中奪，而天命未改，足以首事表年，何所拘閡而列為二紀？魯昭公之出，《春秋》歲書其居曰：『公在乾侯。』君在，雖失位，不敢廢也。請省《天后紀》合《中宗紀》，每歲首，必書孝和在所以統之，曰：『皇帝在房陵，太后行其事，改某制。』紀稱中宗而事述太后，名不失正，禮不違常矣。夫正名所以尊王室，書法所以觀後嗣。且太后遺制，自去帝號，及孝和上謚，開元冊命，而後之名不易。今祔陵配廟，皆以後禮，而獨承統於帝，是有司不時正，失先旨。若後姓氏名諱、才藝智略、崩葬日月，宜入皇后傳，題其篇曰《則天順聖武皇后》云。」議不行。

Earlier Wu Jing compiled the national history and wrote Basic Annals of Empress Zetian, placed below Emperor Gaozong. Jiji memorialized his opinion, saying, "Empress Zetian advanced through forced possession and did not yield through virtue on retirement; historians writing retrospectively should call her Empress Dowager and should not call her 'Sovereign. Although Emperor Zhongzong was demoted to live in a princely residence, he embodied the primal origin and succeeded to the dynasty—he was originally our lord; he should be called Emperor and should not be called Prince of Luling. Before the Jinglong era Ruizong's mandate was not yet complete; he provisionally faced the great throne without justification in propriety—he should be called Prince Regent and should not be called Emperor. Moreover Zetian changed the Zhou calendar and established seven temples—the mandate was transformed. Now to place Zhou beside Tang and list her as imperial annals, examined against the Classic of Rites, is called muddling names. Zhongzong succeeded to the throne before the Empress Dowager, yet the chronology of annals places him beneath her; compared to elevating Duke Xi—this is called unintelligent. Formerly when Empress Gao of Han held the regency, only enfeoffing the Lü clan as kings violated Han's covenant; there was no shifting the cauldron or revolutionizing the mandate. At that time Emperor Hui had already died and his sons were not of Liu descent—not recording Empress Lü—then with whom should one write? Even those discussing it still said it could not be done. Moreover Zhongzong at the year's beginning took the throne and at the year's end regained the throne; although his honored title was seized midway, the mandate was not changed—this suffices to head the annals by year; what constraint requires listing two annals? When Duke Zhao of Lu went into exile, the Spring and Autumn annually recorded his whereabouts saying: 'The Duke is at Ganhou. The lord exists; although he lost his position, one dare not abolish him. I request merging the Annals of the Heavenly Empress with the Annals of Emperor Zhongzong; each year at the head one must record where Emperor Xiaohui was to unify them, saying: 'The Emperor is at Fangling; the Empress Dowager conducts affairs and changed such-and-such institution. The annals would name Zhongzong while narrating the Empress Dowager's affairs—names would not lose correctness and rites would not violate the norm. Correct naming is how one honors the royal house; writing method is how one instructs later generations. Moreover the Empress Dowager's final testament herself removed the title of emperor; when Emperor Xiaohui received posthumous title and in the Kaiyuan era received enfeoffment edict, thereafter her name did not change. Now at enshrinement in the mausoleum and joint sacrifice in the ancestral temple all follow empress rites, yet she alone carries the succession as emperor—this is that the officials did not timely correct it, failing the former intent. As for later surname, personal name, taboo, talent, skill, wisdom, strategy, death and burial dates—these should enter the empress biography, with the chapter title 'Empress Zetian, the Shun-sheng and Martial' and so forth." The proposal was not adopted.

德宗立，銳於治。建中二年，詔中書、門下兩省，分置待詔官三十，以見官、故官若同正、試、攝九品以上者，視品給俸，至稟餼、幹力、什器、館宇悉有差；權公錢收子，贍用度。既濟諫曰：「今日之治，患在官煩，不患員少；患不問，不患無人。兩省官自常侍、諫議、補闕、拾遺四十員，日止兩人待對，缺員二十一員未補。若謂見官不足與議，則當更選其人。若廣聰明以收淹滯，先補其缺，何事官外置官？夫置錢取息，有司之權制，非經治法。今置員三十，大抵費月不減百萬，以息準本，須二千萬得息百萬，配戶二百，又當復除其家，且得入流，所損尤甚。今關輔大病，皆言百司息錢毀室破產，積府縣，未有以革。臣計天下財賦耗斁大者唯二事：一兵資，二官俸。自它費十不當二者一。所以黎人重困，杼軸空虛。何則？四方形勢，兵未可去，資費雖廣，不獲已為之。又益以閑官冗食，其弊奈何？藉舊而置猶可，若之何加焉？」事遂寢。

When Emperor Dezong acceded he was keen on governance. In the second year of Jianzhong an edict ordered the Central Secretariat and Chancellery each to place thirty awaiting-edict officials, drawn from incumbent officials, former officials, or persons of rank nine and above on regular, probationary, or acting status, with salaries according to rank; even grain provisions, labor detachments, utensils, and lodging all had graded allotments; they would lend public funds at interest to cover expenses. Jiji remonstrated, saying, "The trouble with governance today lies in excessive offices, not in too few personnel; the trouble lies in not being consulted, not in having no people. In the two departments there are forty positions for regular attendant, remonstrance official, supplements clerk, and reminder; daily only two persons await audience—twenty-one vacant positions unfilled. If one says the incumbent officials are insufficient for discussion, then others should be selected. If one wishes to broaden intelligence and gather the stranded, first fill the vacancies—why set up offices outside the offices? Lending money for interest is a temporary expedient of officials and is not a method of classic governance. Now placing thirty officials will roughly cost no less than a million per month; using interest to match capital requires twenty million to obtain a million in interest—assign to two hundred households, and they must also be exempted from corvée; moreover they would enter the stream of office—the loss is especially severe. Now the Guanzhong region is severely afflicted; everywhere people say that interest on public funds destroys families and breaks fortunes; it accumulates in prefectures and counties and has not yet been reformed. Your subject calculates that the greatest drains on the realm's revenues and taxes are only two things: military supplies and official salaries. All other expenses together do not amount to one in ten compared with those two. Therefore the common people are heavily burdened and the spinning wheel stands empty. Why? On all four sides the strategic situation makes armies impossible to dispense with; expenditures, though vast, cannot be avoided. Yet to add idle officials and redundant eaters—what harm is this? Placing them on the old framework might still be acceptable—why add more?" The matter was then dropped.

炎得罪，既濟坐貶處州司戶參軍。後入朝，位禮部員外郎。卒。撰《建中實錄》，時稱其能。

When Yan fell from grace Jiji was implicated and demoted to revenue registrar of Chuzhou. Later he entered court and held the post of outer department secretary of the board of rites. He died. He wrote the Veritable Records of Jianzhong; the age praised his ability.

子傳師。既濟子傳師傳師，字子言。材行有餘，能治《春秋》，工書，有楷法。少為杜佑所器。貞元末，舉進士。時給事中許孟容、禮部侍郎權德輿樂挽轂士，號「權、許」。德輿稱之於孟容，孟容曰：「我故人子，盍不過我？」傳師往見，謝曰：「聞之丈人，脫中第，則累公舉矣，故不敢進。」孟容曰：「如子，可使我急賢詣子，不可使子因舊見我。」遂擢第。德輿門生七十人，推為顏子。

His son was Chuanshi. Shen Jiji's son Chuanshi, courtesy name Ziyan. Abundant in talent and conduct, he mastered the Spring and Autumn Annals, was skilled at writing, and had regular script technique. In youth he was prized by Du You. At the end of the Zhenyuan era he passed the jinshi examination. At the time Supervising Censor Xu Mengrong and Vice Minister of Rites Quan Deyu delighted in drawing carriage wheels with scholars and were styled "Quan and Xu." Deyu praised him to Mengrong; Mengrong said, "He is the son of my old friend—why doesn't he visit me?" Chuanshi went to see him and apologized, saying, "I heard, sir, that if I failed the examination it would burden your recommendation, so I did not dare advance." Mengrong said, "For one like you I could make myself urgently seek the worthy and come to you—but I cannot let you rely on old ties to visit me." Thereupon he passed the examination. Among Deyu's seventy disciples he was acclaimed as the Yan Hui of the group.

復登制科，授太子校書郎，以鄠尉直史館，轉右拾遺、左補闕、史館修撰，遷司門員外郎，知制誥。召入翰林為學士，改中書舍人。翰林缺承旨，次當傳師，穆宗欲面命，辭曰：「學士、院長參天子密議，次為宰相，臣自知必不能，願治人一方，為陛下長養之。」因稱疾出。帝遣中使敦召。李德裕素與善，開曉諄切，終不出。遂以本官兼史職。俄出為湖南觀察使。

He again passed the decree examination and was appointed collator of the heir apparent; as assistant magistrate of E he served on duty at the Historiography Institute, was transferred to right reminder, left supplements clerk, and historiography compiler, promoted to outer department secretary of the office of the gate, and managed imperial edicts. He was summoned into the Hanlin as academician and transferred to drafting attendant. In the Hanlin there was no chief academician; next in line was Chuanshi; Emperor Muzong wished to appoint him in person; he declined, saying, "The academician and institute director participate in the Son of Heaven's confidential deliberations; next comes the chancellorship—I know myself incapable; I would rather govern one region on the sovereign's behalf and nourish the people long." He then pleaded illness and left. The emperor sent a palace emissary to summon him urgently. Li Deyu was on good terms with him and reasoned with him earnestly and repeatedly; in the end he did not emerge. Thereupon he served in his original rank with concurrent historian duties. Shortly he was sent out as military commissioner of Hunan Circuit.

方傳師與修《憲宗實錄》，未成，監修杜元穎因建言：「張說、令狐亙在外官論次國書，今槁史殘課，請付傳師即官下成之。」詔可。

When Chuanshi was jointly revising the Veritable Records of Emperor Xianzong but had not finished, supervising compiler Du Yuanying memoralized: "Zhang Yue and Linghu Heng, while in outer posts, arranged the national chronicle; now the draft history is incomplete—please assign it to Chuanshi to finish in his current office." The edict was approved.

寶歷二年，入拜尚書右丞。復出江西觀察使，徙宣州。傳師於吏治明，吏不敢罔。慎重刑法，每斷獄，召幕府平處，輕重盡合乃論決。嘗擇邸吏尹倫，遲魯不及事，官屬屢白易之，傳師曰：「始吾出長安，誡倫曰：『可闕事，不可多事。』倫如是足矣。」故所蒞以廉靖聞。入為吏部侍郎，卒，年五十九，贈尚書。

In the second year of Baoli he entered court as appointed right vice director of the Department of State Affairs. He was again sent out as military commissioner of Jiangxi Circuit, then transferred to Xuan Prefecture. Chuanshi was clear in administration; clerks did not dare deceive him. He was careful with penal law; whenever he judged cases he summoned his staff to weigh them evenly, and only when severity and leniency fully accorded did he pronounce sentence. He once selected clerk Yin Lun, who was slow and unskilled and could not keep up; his subordinates repeatedly urged replacing him; Chuanshi said, "When I first left Chang'an I warned Lun, saying, 'You may leave affairs undone; you must not create too many affairs. Lun was sufficient as he was. Therefore everywhere he served he was known for integrity and calm. He entered as vice minister of personnel, died at fifty-nine, and was posthumously enfeoffed as minister.

傳師性夷粹無競，更二鎮十年，無書賄入權家。初拜官，宰相欲以姻私托幕府者，傳師固拒曰：「誠爾，願罷所授。」故其僚佐如李景讓、蕭寘、杜牧，極當時選云。治家不威嚴，閨門自化。兄弟子姓，屬無親疏，衣服飲食如一。問餉姻家故人，帑無儲錢，鬻宅以葬。傳師子詢子詢，字誠之，亦能文辭，會昌初第進士，補渭南尉。累遷中書舍人，出為浙東觀察使，除戶部侍郎，判度支。咸通四年，為昭義節度使，治尚簡易，人皆便安。奴私侍兒，詢將戮之，奴懼，結牙將為亂，夜攻詢，滅其家。贈兵部尚書、左散騎常侍。劉潼代為節度，馳至，刳奴心，祭其靈坐。贊贊曰：唐興，史官秉筆眾矣。然垂三百年，業巨事叢，簡策挐繁，其間巨盜再興，圖典焚逸，大中以後，史錄不存。雖論著之人，隨世裒掇，而疏舛殘余，本末顛倒。故聖主賢臣，叛人佞子，善惡汩汩，有所未盡，可為永愾者矣。又舊史之文，猥釀不綱，淺則入俚，簡則及漏。寧當時儒者有所諱而不得騁耶？或因淺仍俗不足於文也？亦有待於後取當而行遠耶？何知幾以來，工訶古人而拙於用己歟！自韓愈為《順宗實錄》，議者閧然不息，卒竄定無完篇，乃知為史者亦難言之。遊、夏不能措辭於《春秋》，果可信已！

Chuanshi's nature was mild, pure, and uncontentious; over two circuits for ten years no letters or bribes entered powerful households. When first receiving appointment, a chief minister wished to entrust a personal connection to his staff; Chuanshi firmly refused, saying, "If so, I would rather decline what I was granted." Therefore his subordinates such as Li Jingrang, Xiao Zhi, and Du Mu were foremost selections of the age. In managing the household he was not stern; the inner quarters transformed themselves. Brothers, sons, and kin—regardless of closeness or distance—shared the same clothing and food. When asked for gifts for in-laws and old friends there was no stored money in the treasury; they sold the house to pay for the burial. Chuanshi's son Xun, courtesy name Chengzhi, was also skilled in literary composition; in the early Huichang era he passed the jinshi and was appointed defender of Weinan. He was repeatedly promoted to drafting attendant, sent out as military commissioner of Zhedong Circuit, and made vice minister of revenue and director of the treasury. In the fourth year of Xiantong he became military commissioner of Zhaoyi Circuit; his governance favored simplicity and the people all found it convenient and peaceful. A slave had a private affair with a maid-servant; Xun was about to execute him; the slave, in fear, banded with military officers to rebel and at night attacked Xun, wiping out his entire family. He was posthumously enfeoffed as minister of war and left regular mounted attendant. Liu Tong replaced him as military commissioner; he galloped there, cut out the slave's heart, and sacrificed at Xun's spirit seat. Commentary: The Commentator says: When Tang arose, historians wielded the brush in great numbers. Yet spanning nearly three hundred years, the work was vast and affairs numerous, and documents and records multiplied; in between great rebels rose twice, canonical works were burned and lost, and after the Dazhong era historical records did not survive. Even those who wrote could only gather what the age afforded, and what remained was disjointed and partial, with root and branch inverted. Therefore sage lords and worthy ministers, rebels and flatterers—the good and evil surged mixed together, with much left unrecorded—this can be a perpetual sorrow. Moreover the style of the old histories was coarse and unorganized; where shallow it fell into vulgarity, where terse it missed and leaked. Was it that Confucians of the time had taboos and could not give free rein? Or because remaining shallow and following custom was insufficient for literary craft? Or was it also waiting for later generations to take what was fitting and carry it far? Since Zhiji's time, skilled at criticizing ancients yet clumsy in applying it to oneself! Since Han Yu wrote the Veritable Records of Emperor Shunzong, critics clamored without cease; in the end it was revised and fixed with no complete chapter remaining—thus one knows that being a historian is also hard to speak of. Ziyou and Zixia could not find words for the Spring and Autumn—is this not truly credible!

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