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卷一百四十五 列傳第七十 元王黎楊嚴竇

Volume 145 Biographies 70: Yuan, Wang, Li, Yang, Yan, Dou

Chapter 145 of 新唐書 · New Book of Tang
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Chapter 145
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1
Biographies of Yuan Zai, Wang Jin, Li Gan, Yang Yan, and Dou Huaizhen
2
使 使
Yuan Zai, courtesy name Gongfu, came from Qishan in Fengxiang. His father Sheng was originally surnamed Jing. The honored consort of Prince Cao Ming of the Yuan clan held granted estates in Fufeng. Sheng managed the rental income and, for his labors, petitioned the consort to let him falsely adopt the surname Yuan. Zai lost his father early. As he grew up, he became devoted to learning and skilled at literary composition. Early in the Tianbao reign, the court issued an edict summoning scholars proficient in the Four Masters—Zhuangzi, Laozi, Liezi, and Wenzi. Zai's examination essay placed in the top tier, and he was appointed assistant magistrate of Xinping. When Wei Yi supervised civil examinations in Qianzhong and Miao Jinqing served as governor of the Eastern Capital, both men appointed him as an administrative aide. His reputation gradually spread. At the beginning of the Zhide reign, Li Xiyang, regional inspector of Jiangdu, recommended Zai as his deputy. Zai was then promoted to vice director in the Ministry of Rites and appointed prefect of Hongzhou. After entering the capital as director of revenue in the Ministry of Revenue, his memorials were sharp and prompt, and Emperor Suzong took notice of him. He rose through repeated promotions to vice minister of revenue and concurrently served as commissioner of revenue and of Huai–Jiang transport.
3
使
When the emperor fell ill, Li Fuguo dominated the court. Fuguo's wife was a kinswoman of Zai's clan, and the two men formed a close alliance. When the post of metropolitan governor of Jingzhao fell vacant, Fuguo recommended Zai. Zai wanted actual control of state affairs rather than a local post and firmly declined. After Fuguo persuaded him, the next day Zai was appointed co-signatory director of the Chancellery and Secretariat while retaining his previous commissioner posts. After Emperor Daizong took the throne, Fuguo's power grew even greater. He repeatedly praised Zai's talent, and Zai was promoted to vice director of the Chancellery and ennobled as Viscount of Xuchang. Zai found the revenue administration too burdensome—its clerical duties and supervisory obligations eroded his prestige and favor—so he entrusted all imperial finances and grain supply to Liu Yan. Before long, he was appointed acting chief of staff to the commander-in-chief of the empire.
4
使 殿
Li Fuguo was killed by assassins, and Zai had secretly conspired in the plot. He then allied himself with the eunuch Dong Xiu, bribing him heavily with gold to learn the emperor's secret intentions. Whenever the emperor had someone in mind for appointment, Zai always knew beforehand. Probing subtleties and gauging implications, he never missed the mark, and the emperor entrusted him without suspicion. Gu Yao, magistrate of Huayuan, submitted a sealed memorial exposing Zai's private misconduct. The emperor was then relying on Zai to govern the state, so he dismissed Yao, stripped him of office, and reduced him to commoner status. Yu Chao'en was arrogant and overbearing, and his power shook the empire. He and Zai were at odds, and Zai feared him. Though the emperor also nursed resentment, Zai seized an opportunity to memorialize for Chao'en's execution. The emperor feared unrest, and Zai enlisted his favorite generals as allies. Once Chao'en was executed, Zai was greatly pleased and became even more arrogant and unrestrained. At the time, proposed memorials on the merits of civil and military officials often contained errors. Zai feared that the responsible offices would reject and correct them, so he requested that appointments below the sixth rank be granted by separate edict, with the Ministries of Personnel and War simply attaching lists and submitting jointly without review—seeking to show that power issued from himself alone. Together with Wang Jin, he also proposed making Hezhong the Central Capital, gathering taxes from ten prefectures in Guanfu and Hedong to supply the capital, selecting fifty thousand troops to garrison the Central Capital and guard all directions, with the emperor traveling there in late autumn and returning in early spring so as to avoid the menace of the Qiang and Rong barbarians. Zai submitted the proposal and it was immediately accepted. Clerks who had previously carried out imperial edicts surveyed palace sites at Hezhong and built private mansions. When the emperor heard of this, he was disgusted and set the proposal aside.
5
使西 西西西 西 西西 使
Initially, the military commissioner of the Four Garrisons and Beiting Field Headquarters had his seat at Jingzhou. In the eighth year of the Dali era, the Tibetans raided Binning. Commentators argued that west of the Three Metropolises there was no secure strategic belt, and that Jingzhou's scattered territory was insufficient to defend. Zai had once served in Xizhou and thoroughly understood the strategic essentials of Hexi and Longyou. He said to the emperor: "The state's western border extends to Panyuan. The Tibetan garrison is at Cuisha Fort, and Yuanzhou lies between them. The grass is fine and the water sweet, and old ramparts still stand there. Recently the Tibetans destroyed and leveled the walls and abandoned the place. To its east lies the former pasture-administration land, with great moats and long trenches—layer upon layer of deep fortifications. Although Yuanzhou suffers early frosts and cannot be planted, Pingliang lies to its east; farming that one county alone can provide sufficient food. I request moving the Jingxi army to garrison Yuanzhou, seizing the opportunity to build fortifications—this can be completed in twenty days, with a year's grain stored. When the barbarians pasture on Qinghai in summer, urgent dispatches will arrive in succession, and by then our work will be complete. Move Guo Ziyi's main army to Jingzhou as the base, deploy troops to hold Shimen and Muxia, the passes of Longshan, north to the Yellow River—all connected mountain ridges, steep and perilous, that invaders cannot cross. Gradually establish Mingxia County and Feng'an Army as supporting wings; to the north link the five cities of Lingwu to create strategic posture; then recover the lands of Longyou all the way to Anxi—this is what is meant by severing the shins of the Western barbarians, and the court can rest on its pillows in peace. He then submitted a map of the terrain and sent officials secretly into Yuanzhou to survey water sources, calculated labor requirements, and prepared carts, baskets, and shovels in full. But Tian Shen'gong disparaged the proposal and said: "Mobilizing troops and estimating the enemy is what even veteran generals find difficult. Your Majesty trusts the words of one scholar and would have the whole state follow him—this is a mistake. The emperor therefore became doubtful and could not decide.
6
Zai was resourceful, open, and decisive. Having long enjoyed the emperor's trust, he considered that in talent and strategy, civil and military, none could match him. Outwardly he entrusted affairs to chief clerks Zhuo Yingqian and Li Dairong; inwardly he relied on his wife's influence and allowed his sons to traffic in bribes. In the capital's key offices and in the regions, he always squeezed out the loyal and good and advanced the greedy and base. For all advancement and petitions for office, if one did not cultivate his sons, one had to visit the chief clerks. In the city he maintained two mansions, north and south; the buildings were luxurious and vast, unmatched at the time. In the nearby suburbs he built pavilions and terraces; tents, curtains, and utensils were supplied without being moved from place to place. He owned several dozen fertile villa estates, their boundaries stretching one after another across the countryside. Renowned beauties and exotic performers—even the inner palace could not match them. The emperor learned the full extent of it. Zai was once received in private audience; the emperor sternly admonished him, but he remained arrogant and unrepentant. A guest composed the "Dulu Pole-Climbing Ballad" to satirize his peril; Zai wept but did not understand and repent. When Li Shaoliang submitted a memorial denouncing his ugly conduct, Zai was enraged and memorialized for Shaoliang's execution. People on the roads exchanged glances and dared not discuss it again. From then on Zai no longer received anyone who was not of his faction, and cut off all his lifelong friends bound by principle and righteousness.
7
殿 使
The emperor's accumulated anger burst forth. On the gengchen day of the third month of the twelfth year of Dali, after the court session, the emperor attended the Yanying Hall and dispatched Left General of the Imperial Guard Wu Cou to arrest Zai and Wang Jin, binding them in the Hall of Administration. He separately sent officers to capture Zai's personal clerks and sons and imprison them. An edict ordered Minister of Personnel Liu Yan, Censor-in-Chief Li Han, Palace Attendant Xiao Xin, Vice Minister of War Yuan Cong, Vice Minister of Rites Chang Gun, and Remonstrance Officer Du Ya to investigate the case, but the charges and points of inquiry all issued from within the palace. Palace envoys were dispatched to question them on secret matters, and all confessed. An edict was then issued granting Zai death by his own hand. His wife Wang and his sons Bohe, military staff officer of Yangzhou, Zhongwu, vice director in the Ministry of Rites, and Jineng, collator, were all granted death. Their ancestral and paternal tombs were opened, coffins hacked open and corpses discarded. Private ancestral tablets and the two mansions in Daning and Anren wards were destroyed and granted as office quarters for officials. The Eastern Capital mansion was demolished to help expand the Imperial Park.
8
西使
Lady Wang, daughter of Military Commissioner of Hexi Wang Zhongsi, was fierce, arrogant, perverse, and unrestrained; Zai could not restrain her. His sons were greedy and violent, amassing wealth without limit; the frivolous rushed to their service. They vied to keep courtesans and concubines, performing lewd entertainments with actors and singers while kinsmen looked on in a circle without shame. When he died, no one on the road sighed or mourned in private. When his household goods were inventoried, there were five hundred liang of stalactite; an edict ordered it divided and granted to officials of the Chancellery, Secretariat, and central ministries. Pepper reached eight hundred shi, and other goods were proportionate. His daughter Zhenyi, who had become a nun in youth, was taken into the Inner Palace. In Emperor Dezong's time, she was finally told of Zai's death. She wailed and threw herself to the ground. Attendants shouted at her to stop. The emperor said: "How can one, upon hearing of a parent's death, reproach her for grieving to the point of collapse? He ordered her assisted out.
9
西
Yingqian's younger brother Yinglin lived in Jin Prefecture. More than a hundred local men had obtained office through his connections. He tyrannized the countryside, gathered idle youths to watch for opportunities, and relied on Zai's power, so prefects and magistrates dared not inquire. When Zai was executed, Yinglin stole arsenal weapons, seized strategic terrain, and rebelled. An edict dispatched imperial guard troops and two thousand soldiers of Shannan West Circuit to pursue and capture him. Prefect Sun Daoping seized and killed him. An edict granted the prefecture tax relief for three years.
10
殿 調 使
Li Shaoliang, through administrative competence, rose from various commanders' staffs by successive promotion to palace censor. When dismissed, he traveled to the capital but received no appointment. Indignant at Zai's lawlessness, he submitted a memorial discussing his crimes. The emperor detained Shaoliang at the Guest Reception Office, intending to investigate the matter. His friend Wei Song waited on him and leaked the words to Lu Ting. Zai summoned Ting and questioned him until he knew. He then memorialized to send Shaoliang down to the Censorate, impeaching him for leaking palace speech, and had Song and Ting tried and executed together with him. Ting was the son of Shan Jing. He was friendly with Song and Shaoliang, and also intimate with Zai's sons, followers, and kinsmen, and therefore Zai gradually learned of the plot. From the first, in Zai's days of power, everyone loathed and detested him. In the eighth year of Dali, a man of Jin Prefecture named Xun Mo, with hemp binding his hair, carrying a bamboo chest and a reed mat, walked weeping through the Eastern Market of Chang'an. When people asked him, he said: "I have thirty characters I wish to present to the emperor; each character speaks of one matter. If I am not accepted, I will store my corpse in the chest and wrap it in the mat and cast it away. The metropolitan governor reported it. The emperor summoned him for audience, granted him clothing, lodged him in the Inner Guest Reception Office, questioned him on the matter, and much of what he said satirized and criticized Zai. Where he spoke of "regiment," he wished to abolish the regimental training commissioners of the various prefectures; where he spoke of "supervisor," he requested abolishing the circuit military supervisors. Most of his points were of this kind. Previously, when warfare arose throughout the empire, all important prefectures were provisionally given regimental training commissioners and prefects. When Zai held power, all those appointed prefect also carried regimental training duties to please people's hearts; therefore Mo pointed at this and satirized it.
11
祿 使 西 使
Wang Jin, courtesy name Xiaqing, was originally from Qi in Taiyuan and later lived as a guest in Hezhong. In youth he loved learning; he and his elder brother Wei were both renowned. He passed the Hidden Talents and Elegant Literary Composition examinations with highest rank and served successively as attending censor and vice director in the Ministry of War. During the Lushan rebellion, he was promoted to vice governor of Taiyuan and assisted Li Guangbi. For merit he was made vice minister of justice and transferred to the Ministry of War. When Shi Chaoyi was pacified, he was ordered to serve as pacification commissioner of Hebei. Upon his return he had private instructions, and soon was appointed vice director of the Gate and co-signatory director of the Chancellery and Secretariat. He was advanced to palace attendant and given the staff of authority as overall commander of the field headquarters of the Henan, Huaixi, and Shannan East circuits. He declined the post of palace attendant and was instead made governor of the Eastern Capital. After more than a year, he was appointed deputy commander-in-chief of Henan, contributed four hundred thousand strings of military funds, and completed the palace buildings. When Zhu Xicai killed Li Huaixian, he was ordered appointed military commissioner of Lulong. Arriving at Youzhou, he entrusted the army to Xicai and then returned. When Xin Yunjing died, he concurrently took command of the Hedong military commission, then yielded and returned to his posts as deputy commander-in-chief of Henan and governor of the Eastern Capital. The Taiyuan generals Wang Wuzong and Zhang Fengzhang, relying on their merit, considered Jin a mere scholar easy to deal with and failed to obey laws and regulations. Jin executed them as a warning, and the other generals trembled in fear. After two years he returned and resumed governance of state affairs in his former office. At the time Yuan Zai monopolized the court; the Son of Heaven held his hands together in deference. Jin bent his will to attach himself and dared not oppose. He also relied on his talent and often treated others with familiar contempt; even Zai resented his overbearing arrogance. The metropolitan governor Li Gan repeatedly argued stubbornly; Zai hated him. Jin cut Gan down, saying: "Governor, you are a lone scholar from the south—how would you understand court affairs?"
12
使 宿 祿西
Jin had long devoted himself to Buddhism, abstaining from meat, and in his later years was especially strict. When his wife died, he made his mansion in Daozheng Ward into a Buddhist shrine. Whenever military commissioners and regional inspectors from the circuits came to court, he always invited them to his place and hinted that they should contribute funds to help with construction. Initially, Emperor Daizong delighted in sacrificial rites but had not yet valued Buddhist law. He would casually ask the reasons, and Jin and Yuan Zai lavishly expounded on karmic merit and retribution. The emperor's inclination turned toward it. From this the inner palace worshipped Buddha, with chanting, fasting, and incense, in what was called the "Inner Way-Place." More than a hundred inner-court monks were brought in daily, with sumptuous food offerings. They came and went riding stable horses, and the Ministry of Revenue supplied their rations. When barbarians invaded, all the monks would be assembled to recite the Sutra of the Humane Kings Who Protect the Nation as a rite of exorcism. When they fortunately departed, lavish rewards were heaped upon them beyond reckoning. Foreigners who reached the ranks of minister and supervisor or were enfeoffed as dukes of states were registered in the inner palace offices. Their power overshadowed dukes and princes. Living in groups they relied on favor and plundered one another, and all the finest fields and estates of the capital region mostly passed to the Buddhist clergy. Although hidden treachery and long-standing disorder followed one after another, the emperor never understood. An edict ordered that officials throughout the empire must not beat or humiliate monks and nuns. Initially, the Wutai Mountain shrine cast copper into tiles and gilded them, costing hundreds of millions. Jin issued Chancellery documents and dispatched several dozen Buddhist monks to travel through prefectures and counties, collecting alms and goods. Jin said to the emperor: "The state's fortune and mandate are spiritually enduring, supported by karmic reward. Though the times have many hardships, they are not worth mentioning. Lushan and Siming's poisonous rebellion was just blazing forth, yet both suffered calamity through their sons. Pugu Huai'en faced rebellion and fell. The Western barbarians invaded within the borders, and before they could be struck they departed—these were not matters of human agency. Therefore the emperor's faith grew ever deeper. On the fifteenth day of the seventh month, the palace made Ullambana offerings adorned with gold and jade ornaments. Seats were set for the seven sages from Emperor Gaozu downward, with banners, insignia, and robes all complete, each banner marked with an imperial title. From within the Forbidden City they were dispatched separately to Daoist and Buddhist shrines, with gongs, drums, and dancing, people rushing one after another. On that day the guard was drawn up; all officials lined up at Guangshun Gate to receive and escort the procession. This became an annual custom. The ministers followed the trend, all speaking of karmic retribution in life and death. Human affairs were set aside and not cultivated; during the Dali era government and punishments daily sank into decline—this was initiated by Jin together with Yuan Zai and Du Hongjian.
13
By nature he was greedy and grasping. He allowed kinsmen, nuns, and sweet-talkers to solicit bribes, and petty matters were haggled over as if in a marketplace. When he fell, Liu Yan and others interrogated his crimes. Together with Zai he was sentenced to death. Yan said: "Heavy punishment applied twice is a constant rule of state—how much more for a great minister! The law distinguishes principal and accomplice; they cannot all be put to death. This was reported upward. The emperor pitied his advanced age and did not impose punishment, but demoted him to prefect of Kuozhou. After a long time, he was transferred to mentor of the heir apparent, with duties at the Eastern Capital. He died in the second year of Jianzhong, aged eighty-two.
14
使
Li Gan was a native of Rong Prefecture. He was skilled in astronomy and astrology, received appointment as Hanlin attendant-in-waiting, was repeatedly promoted to remonstrance officer, and was enfeoffed as Duke of Shouchun. He prided himself on his eloquence and was constantly eager to debate. Initially, when the Tang performed suburban sacrifices to Heaven and Earth, Emperor Gaozu the Divine Yao was paired with them. In the first year of Baoying, Du Hongjian served as director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and commissioner of ritual. Thereupon ritual administrative aide Xue Qi, collator of the Imperial Library Gui Chongjing, and others jointly proposed: "The Divine Yao alone was the lord who received the Mandate. He was not the first enfeoffed lord and therefore cannot improperly be paired with Heaven and Earth as Grand Ancestor. Emperor Jing received enfeoffment in Tang—he is Tang's Qi and Zhou's Houji. We request that Emperor Jing be paired with Heaven and Earth—this is very appropriate in ritual. Gan opposed this and submitted the "Ten Inquiries" and "Ten Difficulties," applying classical meanings and attacking Zheng Xuan to refute Qi, Chongjing, and others. He said: "Qi and others cite the di sacrifice as worship of Heaven at the Round Mound on the winter solstice, with the Zhou pairing their remote ancestor. Now Emperor Jing should be made Grand Ancestor and paired with August Heaven at the Round Mound. Your subject Gan's first inquiry: The Discourses of the States states that the Youyu and Xia dynasties both performed di to the Yellow Emperor, Shang performed di to Shun, and Zhou performed di to Ku. Second inquiry: The Song of Shang says, "'Changfa' is the great di." Third inquiry: The Song of Zhou says, "'Yong' is di to the Grand Ancestor." Fourth inquiry: The Record of Sacrifices states that Yu and Xia both performed di to the Yellow Emperor, and Shang and Zhou both performed di to Ku. Fifth inquiry: The Great Tradition says, "One who is not king does not perform di; the king performs di to the ancestor from whom his line issued, pairing his ancestor with him." Sixth inquiry: The Erya says, "Di is a great sacrifice." Seventh inquiry: The Family Sayings says, "All four dynasties' emperors, in their suburban sacrifices, all paired with Heaven;" what is called di is the great sacrifice every five years. Eighth inquiry: Lu Zhi takes it that "di is the name of a sacrifice." Di means 'to examine clearly'; the rite seeks clarity, hence the term. Ninth inquiry: Wang Su says, "Di is the great sacrifice every five years." Tenth inquiry: Guo Pu also says the same. These classics, traditions, and earlier scholars none speak of sacrificing to August Heaven at the Round Mound; the root evidence is clear and explicit. Therefore your subject maintains that di is only the great ancestral temple sacrifice every five years, with no doubt or obscurity whatsoever."
15
His "Ten Difficulties"—first: "The preface to 'Yong' in the Song of Zhou says: 'Di is sacrifice to the Grand Ancestor. Zheng Xuan explains: 'Di is a great sacrifice. Grand Ancestor means King Wen. The Song of Shang says, "'Changfa' is the great di." Xuan says: "Great di is sacrifice to Heaven." The two Songs of Shang and Zhou have the same text but different interpretations. Searching Xuan's meaning, because di is modified by "great," he therefore says "sacrifice to Heaven." Your subject maintains that in the Spring and Autumn Annals, "great affairs in the Grand Temple"—though called "great," can this mean sacrifice to Heaven? Yu, Xia, Shang, and Zhou performed di to the Yellow Emperor and Ku. The Rites say "one who is not king does not perform di"—none speak of "great." How can Xuan call it sacrifice to Heaven? What "Changfa" praises does not reach Ku and the Lord of Felt Birth; therefore it is clear that it is not sacrifice to Heaven with Ku as assistant. The great sacrifices to the Five Emperors of Shang and Zhou are very detailed in the classics, yet di concerns the ancestral temple, not Heaven. Now to turn against Confucius's teachings, take Xuan's partial meaning, and distort the sacrificial canon—its acceptability is not to be seen."
16
Second: "'One who is not king does not perform di; the king performs di to the ancestor from whom his line issued, pairing his ancestor with him. This says that only the Son of Heaven should perform di. As Yu and Xia issued from the Yellow Emperor, and Shang and Zhou from Ku, they paired their near ancestors with them. The ancestor from whom the line issued has no temple until he comes from outside. One who comes from outside is equated with Heaven and Earth and stops when he obtains the lordship. Likewise, one who issues from the mother is the same. The Spring and Autumn Commentary says, "Chen is where our Zhou issued from." How can one say they issued from the Five Emperors of Taiwei? Xuan takes one word "di" as three meanings: in the Record of Sacrifices he says "sacrifice to August Heaven at the Round Mound." In the Spring and Autumn Commentary he says "in the suburban sacrifice, Houji is paired with Lingweiyang." In the Song of Shang he says "sacrifice to Heaven." In the Song of Zhou, di is said to be "greater than the seasonal sacrifices but lesser than the xia." Root and branch contradict one another; he judges by private speculation and is insufficient as teaching."
17
Third: "Before Shang and Zhou, di was to the ancestor from whom the line issued. From Han and Wei onward, more than a thousand years passed without discussion of this rite. Xuan's explanations do not accord with the classics and are not verified by the sages. Earlier scholars set them aside and did not use them—this is to discard their words."
18
Fourth: "The ritualists active in the world today all base themselves on Xuan's learning. Your subject requests to take gaps in Xuan's arguments and thereby refute what Qi and others have proposed. Qi and others say: "Emperor Jing is the Grand Ancestor and is paired with Heaven." According to the Royal Regulations, "the Son of Heaven has seven temples." Xuan says: "This is the rites of Zhou." The Grand Ancestor together with the distant temples of Wen and Wu, combined with four close temples, make seven. The Shang had six temples; Qi and Tang together with two zhao and two mu make six. According to Xuan, Xia did not take Gun, Zhuanxu, and Changyi as Grand Ancestors—this again contradicts Xuan. From antiquity there has never been taking a subject as Grand Ancestor—only Shang took Qi and Zhou took Ji. Ji and Qi were both consorts of the Son of Heaven's primary wife. Jiandi swallowed the black bird's egg and bore Qi. Qi assisted Yu with great merit, and Shun enfeoffed him in Shang. Its ode says: "Heaven commanded the black bird, descending to bear Shang, dwelling on the vast lands of Yin." Houji's mother was named Jiang Yuan. Going into the wilds she trod a giant footprint and bore Ji. Ji diligently cultivated grain; Yao appointed him master of agriculture; Shun enfeoffed him in Tai and titled him Houji. Its ode says: "Treading the Emperor's mighty footprint with reverence, there she rested and there she stopped." Then she had her household in You. When Shun and Yu possessed the empire, Qi and Ji were among them. The Commentary says: "One whose merit extends to the people is sacrificed to; one who dies in diligent service is sacrificed to." Qi served as minister of the masses and brought people into harmony; Ji diligently cultivated the hundred grains and died on the mountain—both are in the sacrificial canon. When their descendants came to possess the empire, they were therefore honored and made Grand Ancestors."
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Fifth: "If Xuan's explanation is adopted, lesser virtue pairs with fewer, and Houji pairs with only one Emperor and cannot fully pair with all Five Emperors. Now to pair Emperor Jing with August Heaven—is this acceptable or not according to Xuan?"
20
Sixth: "The multitude of inquirers say: 'August Heaven is one Emperor. The Offices of Zhou says: in sacrificing to Heaven one performs the lu to August Heaven, in sacrificing to Earth one performs the lu to the Four Quarters. Lu means multitude. Therefore August Heaven is the Five Emperors. Your subject says: 'No—lu has the meaning of multitude, coming from the Erya. It is also the name of a sacrifice, also called "to array." As previously inquired, if lu to August Heaven means the Five Emperors, then when the Ji clan performed lu at Mount Tai, can this mean the Four Guardians?"
21
Seventh: "If one follows Xuan's words, then Emperor Jing's kinship is exhausted and his tablet should be in the distant temple. To pair him instead with Heaven and Earth—ritual does not correspond. What is called Grand Ancestor is one who brought order in primal chaos, whose merit was universal and whose substance was great, comparable to the primordial qi that encompasses and covers all broadly. Therefore it is said: the beginning of all things is Heaven; the beginning of humanity is the ancestor; the beginning of the day is the solstice. Sweeping the ground to sacrifice shows simplicity; using pottery and gourds for vessels shows naturalness; using a calf for the victim shows sincerity; establishing the altar in the southern suburb draws near to yang. The most exalted and most simple—one dares not treat it the same as the former ancestors. The Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall says: "Why is Heaven sacrificed to once a year?" "One dares not be excessive in the matter." Therefore one sacrifices when the year's yang qi first reaches fullness. Now to sacrifice four times in one year—excess could be no greater. August Heaven and the Five Emperors—if sacrifices are omitted and not performed, neglect could be no greater. Excess and neglect are both failures. Your subject has heard that kinship has limits and ancestors have constants. The sages established ritual and did not alter it according to emotion. The Tang has accumulated sage emperors and performed sacrifices for a hundred years—it is not that they did not know Emperor Jing was the first enfeoffed lord. At that time, eminent scholars and great masters honored Gaozu as paired with Heaven and venerated Taizong as paired with August Heaven. Gods and men were both satisfied, and this had lasted a long time. Now to demote the Divine Yao to serve as assistant at the hub, while Taizong still pairs with August Heaven—then the hub becomes assistant to August Heaven. To put the son before the father is not the intent of Heaven, Earth, and the ancestors."
22
Eighth: "Emperor Jing did not create our realm and cannot be ranked with Yu of Xia, Qi of Shang, Ji of Zhou, Emperor Gaodi of Han, Emperor Wu of Wei, Emperor Xuan of Jin, and the Divine Yao Emperor of Tang in merit. To ascend and pair at the Round Mound, matching Heaven above—can one say the Round Mound is inferior to Lin Fang?"
23
Ninth: "Wei took Emperor Wu and Jin took Emperor Xuan as Grand Ancestors—Cao Cao and Sima Yi were both outstanding men. They held the empire's strong armies, controlled weak rulers, and commanded the fate of all within the seas. In name they were subjects, but in power they were truly lords. Later generations followed them to achieve imperial enterprise—is it not acceptable to honor and make them Grand Ancestors?"
24
Tenth: "The Divine Yao rescued the Sui from chaos, raised his arm and cried out, saved people from fire and water, swept and cleared away all opposition, leaving the wicked with nothing. Within a few years he achieved royal enterprise—the merit of Han's founder cannot surpass this. Xia took Yu, Han took Gaodi, we take the Divine Yao as Grand Ancestor, following Xia and modeling Han—what objection is there in principle? Now Qi and Chongjing alter Heaven's pairing and change the ancestral temples—matters of such magnitude cannot be decided without consulting antiquity, and cannot be settled by doubtful texts and eccentric arguments. Your subject's office is named for remonstrance; I dare not fail to offer my full foolish counsel."
25
When the memorial was heard, Emperor Daizong did not approve his words. Afterward eminent scholars debated at length, and Emperor Jing's pairing with Heaven was ultimately established in ritual.
26
便 使 使
Before long he was transferred to metropolitan governor of Jingzhao and gained some reputation for good governance. The capital suffered from a shortage of firewood and kindling. Gan surveyed and opened a canal, starting from the mouth of the southern mountain valley and ending in the imperial park, to facilitate transport. The emperor went to Anfu Gate to observe it. Gan secretly prepared boats with actors performing water entertainments, hoping to please the emperor. After a long time, the canal was not completed. Before long he was transferred to vice minister of justice. When Yu Chao'en fell, Gan was implicated for association with him and sent out as regional inspector of Guiguan. In the eighth year of Dali, he was recalled as metropolitan governor of Jingzhao. At the time there was great drought. Gan made an earthen dragon and danced facing shamans himself. For a full month there was no response. He also prayed at the Confucius temple. The emperor laughed and said: "Qiu has prayed for a long time. He ordered the earthen dragon destroyed. The emperor reduced his meals and curtailed expenses, and soon torrential rain fell. In the thirteenth year, the Jing River was blocked. He requested opening the Zheng and Bai branch canals, restoring the Qin and Han old channels to irrigate the people's fields, and abolishing more than eighty water mills.
27
Gan was greedy and violent by nature. Once reappointed, he had no time to think of governance, devoted himself solely to wealth and women, attached himself to favorites, and relied on heterodox ways to seek the emperor's favor. The emperor was greatly deluded by him. When Dezong was in the Eastern Palace, Gan and the eunuch Special Advancement Liu Zhongyi plotted secretly, nearly endangering the imperial succession. When Dezong ascended the throne, Gan again used devious means hoping for advancement, secretly riding in a carriage to visit Zhongyi. When the matter was discovered, he was stripped of office and exiled far away. As he departed, several hundred townspeople gathered, shouting and throwing stones at him. Soon he was granted death at Lantian Post.
28
Zhongyi's original name was Qingtan. He and Left Guard General Dong Xiu both enjoyed favor with Emperor Daizong. At the height of their power, ranks and rewards issued from their lips. They plundered and seized bribes, and their accumulated wealth reached tens of millions. At this time, accumulated with their previous crimes, both were executed.
29
退 西使
Yang Yan, courtesy name Gongnan, came from Tianxing in Fengxiang. His great-grandfather Dabao served as magistrate of Longmen in the early Wude era. When Liu Wuzhou attacked, he died defending the city and was posthumously granted Marquis of Quanjie. His grandfather Zhe was renowned for filial conduct. His father Bo passed the jinshi examination, retired to seek his will, was summoned and appointed remonstrance officer by Emperor Xuanzong, and resigned office to return home and care for his parents. In Emperor Suzong's time, he was appointed palace attendant at his home and styled Master Xuanjing. Yan had handsome beard and eyebrows, a stern bearing, and literary talent that was bold and luxuriant, yet he was also open and generous, valuing spirit. Military Commissioner of Hexi Lü Chongben recruited him as chief secretary. Li Taijian, magistrate of Shenwu, once insulted him while drunk. Yan ordered his attendants to bind him with arms reversed and beat him more than two hundred strokes, nearly killing him. Chongben valued his talent and did not inquire. Li Guangbi memorialized for him as administrative aide; he did not accept. He was summoned and appointed attendant of daily affairs; he firmly declined. When his father died, he built a hut beside the tomb, wailing in grief without ceasing. There were auspicious signs of purple fungus and white sparrows, and an edict marked his village. Yan's three generations were renowned for filial conduct. At his gate stood six commemorative towers—unprecedented in antiquity. When mourning ended, he served as vice director in the Ministry of Personnel Records, was transferred to secretariat draftsman, and concurrently with Chang Gun drafted imperial edicts. Gun excelled at appointment edicts, while Yan was skilled at benevolent pronouncements. From the Kaiyuan era onward, those who spoke of drafting edicts called them "Chang and Yang." Chief Minister Yuan Zai was from the same commandery as Yan, and Yan was also Yuan's clansman by marriage. Therefore Yan was promoted to vice minister of personnel and compiler in the Historiography Institute. When Zai governed the state, he secretly selected talented men who could replace him and drew them near. He first obtained Vice Minister of Rites Liu Shan, who happened to die. Then he took Vice Minister of Personnel Xue Yong, who was demoted for an offense. Afterward he obtained Yan, treating him with unmatched intimacy and favor. When Zai fell, Yan was implicated and demoted to military staff officer of Daozhou.
30
When Dezong was in the Eastern Palace, he already knew Yan's name by reputation. He had also once obtained Yan's "Stele for Li Kailuo," placed it on the wall, and daily recited and admired it. When he ascended the throne, Cui Youfu recommended Yan as capable of appointment. He was immediately appointed vice director of the Gate and co-signatory director of the Chancellery and Secretariat.
31
使 便 簿
Under the old system, all the empire's revenues and taxes entered the Left Treasury, while the Court of the Imperial Treasury reported the figures each season, and the Ministry's Comparison Section reviewed receipts and disbursements—altogether without interference or fraud. When Diwu Qi served as commissioner of revenue and salt and iron, the capital's powerful generals demanded without restraint. Qi could not forbid them, and therefore sent all rents and taxes into the Great Abundance Inner Treasury. The Son of Heaven found it convenient to take and supply from there, and therefore did not return revenues to the regular treasury. From then on the empire's public taxes became the ruler's private store, and responsible offices could not calculate surplus or deficit. Eunuchs holding ledgers under redundant titles numbered three hundred, receiving salaries from this fund. Their roots were intertwined and could not be moved. When Yan became chief minister, he said to the emperor: "Revenues and taxes are the great foundation of the state and the throat and life of the people. The weight of order and disorder in the empire depends on them. The previous court's expedient measure placed eunuchs in charge of this duty. Five-foot palace attendants held the state's power. Whether abundance or scarcity, surplus or deficit—even great ministers could not know—then there was no way to calculate the empire's benefit and harm. Your Majesty's supreme virtue cares for the people. Considering the accumulated corruption, nothing equals this in severity. Your subject requests removing it and returning it to the responsible offices. Estimate how much the palace requires in a year, measure the amount to be supplied, and dare not allow any shortfall. Only thus can state affairs be deliberated—may Your Majesty examine this carefully. The emperor agreed. An edict was then issued that within the year only the measured amount would be taken into the Great Abundance Treasury, with the Ministry of Revenue reporting the figures in advance.
32
調 使 使 使 使使 簿 使 便 退 使
Initially, the established code had the system of rent, tax, corvée, and cloth levy. Since the long peace of Kaiyuan, household registers were not maintained, and the legal system fell into neglect and decay. Household members died or moved away, fields changed hands, the rich and poor rose and fell—all unlike before—yet the Ministry of Revenue each year submitted empty documents. Those garrisoning the frontier were exempted from rent and corvée, and after six years were released to return home. Emperor Xuanzong campaigned against the barbarians. Many garrison soldiers died, but frontier generals concealed this and did not report it, so the registers were not cleared. In the Tianbao era, Wang Hong served as household commissioner, devoted to gathering revenue. Because registers remained while household members were absent, hidden taxes went uncollected. He therefore checked old registers, removed those who should have been exempt, accumulated thirty years, and demanded their rent and corvée. People suffered with no recourse, and thus the law fell into great decay. After Zhide, warfare arose throughout the empire, followed by famine and pestilence. A hundred levies were imposed together; households were depleted and registers emptied. Military and state expenses relied on the commissioners of revenue and transport; The expeditionary garrisons of the four directions likewise supplied themselves through military commissioners and overall regimental training commissioners. Tax collection offices numbered four, none supervising one another. The overall system was greatly broken. The court could not oversee the commissioners; the commissioners could not oversee the prefectures. Tributes from all directions all entered the inner treasury. Powerful ministers and clever clerks thereby gained side opportunities. Those who publicly claimed to offer tribute but privately stole numbered in the tens of thousands. In Henan, Shandong, Jingxiang, and Jiannan, where heavy troops were stationed, all richly maintained themselves. Little of the imperial taxes reached the throne. Tax items numbered several hundred. Abolished ones were not cut, heavy ones were not removed. Old and new accumulated together, with no knowing the limit. The common people exhausted their life's blood, sold their loved ones, paid every ten days and delivered every month, without rest. Officials, taking advantage of the harsh levies, devoured the people like silkworms eating mulberry leaves. Rich men with many sons obtained exemption through office, study, Buddhism, or Daoism. Poor men with no such entry remained registered for corvée. Thus exemptions appeared above while burdens increased below. Therefore the empire was devastated. People drifted as vagrants. Those settled in their native villages were not even four or five in a hundred. Yan grieved at this decay and therefore requested the "Two Tax Law" to unify the system. All expenses for corvée and all collections of cash would first be estimated in amount and then assessed on the people—measuring outflow to determine intake. Households would have no distinction of native or guest; registers would be based on current residence; People would have no distinction of adult or minor; assessment would be by wealth and poverty. Merchants who did not reside locally but traveled in trade would be taxed one-thirtieth in the prefecture or county where they were. The amount taken would be balanced with that of residents, so there would be no advantage in evasion. Taxes on residents would be collected twice, in autumn and summer. Where custom made this inconvenient, it could be divided into three payments. Rent, corvée, and miscellaneous labor levies would all be abolished, but the household quota would not be eliminated. The tax on fields would uniformly be assessed based on the amount of cultivated land in the fourteenth year of Dali. Summer tax would be completed by the sixth month, autumn tax by the eleventh month. At year's end increases or losses in household assessments would determine promotion or demotion of local officials, all overseen by the Ministry of Revenue. The emperor approved it and ordered it announced within and without the court. Critics obstructed and challenged, arguing that the rent-and-corvée code had been in force for several hundred years and could not be lightly changed. The emperor did not listen. The empire indeed benefited from it. From then on people were not bound by native registration but settled where they lived. Taxes were not increased yet revenue grew. Registers were not newly made yet true conditions were known. Officials needed no admonishment yet corruption had nothing to seize. The power to weigh light and heavy at last returned to the court.
33
Yan rose from the southern frontier. With a single proposal he enlightened the Son of Heaven, and within and without the court all united in looking to him as a worthy chief minister. After several months, Cui Youfu fell ill and could not manage affairs. Qiao Lin was dismissed. Yan alone governed the state and then changed much of Youfu's policy, reducing and cutting the rewards for guarding Emperor Yuan's tomb. People began to be displeased. He also requested opening the Lingyang Canal in Feng Prefecture, mobilizing the people of the capital districts for labor. Neighborhoods were in uproar, and the canal was ultimately not completed.
34
使 西 使 使 使使使使使西 使
He had long been grateful to Yuan Zai and wished to repay him. Therefore he again proposed fortifying Yuanzhou. Military Commissioner Duan Xiushi said: "Securing the border and repelling enemies should use gradual measures. Farming is underway—it is not possible to hastily begin construction. Yan was enraged, recalled Xiushi as director of the Court of Imperial Granaries, put Binning's Li Huai'guang in charge of construction, and dispatched Zhu Ci and Cui Ning each commanding ten thousand troops as wings. When the edict was issued, the Jing army angrily said: "Our army has served as the state's western shield for more than ten years. We began from Bin lands, with the settled security of farming and sericulture. We were moved into this wilderness, clearing paths with our hands and feet. Once we had built ramparts, we are now cast beyond the frontier—how can this be endured? Moreover, Huai'guang enforced the law strictly, and the whole army feared him. Lieutenant General Liu Wenxi, taking advantage of the men's resentment, submitted a memorial requesting Xiushi and Zhu Ci as commissioners. An edict appointed Ci to replace Huai'guang. Wenxi did not obey the edict, closed the city and resisted, and sent his son as hostage to the Tibetans to seek aid. At the time there was scorching drought and public unrest. All ministers requested pardon for Wenxi. The emperor did not listen. An edict reduced the emperor's clothing allowance to supply the army and hastened troops to Jingzhou. Soldiers due to receive spring uniforms were all immediately granted them. Ci and Huai'guang were ordered to lead armies to attack. Camps encircled the prefecture. Separate commander Liu Haibin beheaded Wenxi and presented his head. Jingzhou was pacified, but in the end Yuanzhou could not be fortified. Also, because Liu Yan had impeached Zai and had already been demoted for it, Yan was sent out to Zhongzhou. Yan Zhun was appointed military commissioner of Jingnan and falsely accused and killed Yan. Court and populace looked on with alarm. Li Zhengji memorialized requesting Yan's crimes be investigated. Yan was afraid and therefore dispatched trusted agents separately to the various circuits: Pei Ji to the Eastern Capital, Heyang, and Weibo; Sun Cheng to Zelu, Cixing, and Youzhou; Lu Dongmei to Henan and Ziqing; Li Zhou to Shannan and Hunan; Wang Ding to Huaixi. They claimed to be on pacification missions but in fact were defending themselves, saying: "Yan in the past had attached himself to the wicked, plotting to make the Dugu consort empress—the emperor himself detested this; there was no other offense." When the emperor heard this, he sent a palace envoy to repeat these words to Zhengji. The report returned confirming them. Therefore the emperor harbored resentment but did not yet act.
35
使 西 使
When Lu Qi was appointed vice director of the Gate and co-signatory director of the Chancellery and Secretariat, Yan was promoted to vice director of the Chancellery, and both shared governance. Qi had no learning or skill, and his appearance was small and ugly. Yan looked down on him, feigned illness and did not dine with him. Qi secretly resented this. Under the old system, secretariat draftsmen separately supervised the six bureaus of the Ministry and balanced memorials and reports. In the early Kaiyuan era, this duty was abolished. Qi requested its restoration. Yan firmly maintained it was impossible. Qi grew angrier. Qi also secretly reported the chief clerk's faults and had him expelled. Yan said: "The chief clerk is an officer of my bureau. I should discipline him myself—why invade my authority? Initially, when Yan returned to court, passing through Xiang and Han, he urged Liang Chongyi to come to court. Afterward he also sent Li Zhou to invite and persuade him. Chongyi grew ever more wavering and rebellious. When he rebelled, critics blamed Yan, believing he had hastened it. The emperor wished to put Huaixi's Li Xilie in command of the armies for the punitive campaign. Yan said: "Xilie first became Li Zhongchen's adopted son, then drove Zhongchen out and took his position—can such a man be entrusted? He has achieved not the slightest merit, yet remains stubborn and disobedient to law. Suppose he pacifies the rebels—how will Your Majesty control him? The emperor could not be appeased and angrily said: "This wool rug cannot digest my words." Xilie was therefore employed. The emperor once asked the ministers who could bear great responsibility. Qi recommended Zhang Yi and Yan Yi, while Yan recommended Cui Zhao and Zhao Huibo. The emperor considered Yan's policy discussions loose and broad, and therefore dismissed him to left vice director of the Ministry. After his audience of thanks, having answered at the Yanying Hall, he did not go to the Chancellery. Qi was enraged and wished even more to strike at him.
36
使使
Previously, Yan Yi served as metropolitan governor of Jingzhao and did not attach himself to Yan. Yan prompted Censor Zhang Zhu to impeach him, and he was dismissed from his concurrent post as censor-in-chief. Yuan Xiu was on bad terms with Yi. From exile Xiu was promoted to vice governor of Jingzhao and ordered to watch for Yi's faults. Xiu instead became friendly with Yi. Yan was enraged. When Zhang Guangchen plotted to kill the Uyghur chieftain, Xiu was sent as envoy to the Uyghurs. Yi was implicated for false land surveys and demoted to director of the Court of Judicial Review. At this time when Yan was dismissed, his son Hongye's bribes were exposed in disarray. Therefore Qi brought in Yi as censor-in-chief to investigate, and other offenses were also found. When Huibo was metropolitan governor of Henan, he had once purchased Yan's mansion for government offices. Censors impeached Yan for, as chief minister, coercing an official to buy his private mansion at an inflated price. Qi summoned Court of Judicial Review director Tian Jin to assess the crime. Jin said: "A chief minister toward a subordinate official is like a supervisor. Calculating excess profit, the penalty is deprivation of office. Qi was enraged and demoted Jin to military staff officer of Hengzhou. Thereupon the crime of a supervisor stealing from himself was assessed as strangulation. In the Kaiyuan era, Xiao Song once surveyed land south of the bend of the river and wished to build a private temple. He stopped because it was where the Son of Heaven would visit. Later Yan again took it to build a temple. Slander said: "The land had royal qi, and therefore Yan took it. When the emperor heard this, he was shaken with rage. When the case was complete, an edict ordered the Three Offices to review jointly. Yan was demoted to acting military staff officer of Yazhou. Before he had gone a hundred li, death was granted. He was fifty-five. Huibo was demoted to captain of Duotian and also killed.
37
Initially, Yan cultivated an austere integrity and gained considerable reputation. After attaching himself to Yuan Zai and sharing his guilt, he soon obtained power, yet malice was rooted within him and he could not stop himself. He always avenged the smallest grudge, was decisive in using private means, and ultimately met disaster through this. When he returned from Daozhou, his family discarded his green robe and wooden tally. Yan stopped them, saying: "I was an exiled official on the southern frontier who leaped to the highest platform—can this be permanent? Moreover, where there is extraordinary fortune, there must be extraordinary calamity—how can these be discarded? When he was demoted, he put them on again. After a long time, an edict restored his office. His posthumous title was Su Min. Left Vice Director Kong Rui rejected it, and it was changed to Ping Li.
38
使
Yan Zhun was a native of Chang Prefecture. He had no learning. Through soft flattery he advanced himself, gained favor with Wang Jin, and rapidly reached secretariat draftsman. Contemporaries scorned and despised him. He was twice transferred to right vice director of the Ministry. When Jin fell from grace, Zhun was sent out as prefect of Ruzhou. He returned to serve as director of the Court of Imperial Granaries. He was also on good terms with Yan. Therefore Yan had him made military commissioner of Jingnan. After Yan was falsely killed, he was brought in as left vice director of the Ministry. He died in the third year of Jianzhong and was posthumously granted minister of public works.
39
西使 祿 使
Yan Yi, courtesy name Shu'ao, came from Huayin in Hua Prefecture. His father Zhenghui was a talented clerk who served in seven prefectures and ended as regional inspector of Jiangnan West Circuit. Yi passed the jinshi examination, was appointed harmonizing director in the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, and guarded the Eastern Capital Ancestral Temple. During the Lushan rebellion, Yi secretly kept the spirit tablets at home. In the early Zhide era, when Luoyang was secured, the responsible offices were able to receive and return them to the temple. He was promoted to directing censor in the Court of Judicial Review. When Lü Jin governed Jiangling, he memorialized for Yi as administrative aide. The adept Shen Taizhi gained favor with Emperor Suzong through his arts, wandered between the lakes and Heng mountains, deceived the masses with sorcery and illusion, and amassed bribes worth millions. Tan Prefect Pang Chengding investigated and prosecuted him. The emperor did not believe it, recalled Taizhi, and imprisoned Chengding in Jiangling. Yi fully explained Taizhi's heterodox ways. The emperor sent a palace envoy with Jin to interrogate jointly, and evidence was found. The emperor was not persuaded. Censor-in-chief Jing Yu petitioned to pardon Taizhi. Yi had just entered court and urgently argued against it. The emperor was enraged and shouted at Yi to leave. Yi replied again: "Chengding's impeachment of Taizhi for deception and evasion has substance. Taizhi says Chengding's evidence of guilt does not exist. Now to be lenient toward the guilty and urgent toward the innocent—I would die rather than obey the edict. The emperor ultimately executed Chengding and exiled Yi to Jian Prefecture. Taizhi was later executed for sorcery, delusion, and immoral conduct. At the beginning of Emperor Daizong's reign, Chengding's office was posthumously restored. Yi was summoned as investigating censor and concurrently served as military staff officer in a commander's headquarters. Guo Ziyi memorialized for him as administrative aide in the Guannei and Hedong Deputy Commander-in-Chief's headquarters. He was transferred to chief of staff. When Ziyi governed Bin Prefecture, he ordered Yi to manage remaining affairs. Soldiers of Hezhong did not wish to garrison Bin and many fled back. Yi took the ringleaders and displayed their corpses. Order was restored. After more than a year, he was summoned to the capital. Yuan Zai recommended him to the emperor, but at the time Zai had fallen from grace and Yi was not employed. Censor-in-chief Li Qiyun also recommended Yi. The emperor said: "This is one whom Yuan Zai favored heavily—is that acceptable? The reply was: "With Yi's talent and ability, if Your Majesty does not take him for yourself, will you leave him for wicked men to use?" That same day he was appointed metropolitan governor of Henan and commissioner of water and land transport. At the end of Dali, he was promoted to metropolitan governor of Jingzhao. Strict and clear in upholding laws, hating evil and comforting the poor, daring to execute and kill, he caused bandits and thieves to decline. He reduced official artisan corvée laborers by several hundred or thousand men and was called a worthy governor.
40
調
Chief Minister Yang Yan requested garrison farming in Feng Prefecture and mobilizing Guanfu people to dig the Lingyang Canal. Yi, familiar with the frontier's hardships and benefits, immediately memorialized: "Old garrison lands were fertile and rich. Now not one in ten is cultivated. Paddy fields are very extensive but abandoned for lack of labor. If people of the Two Capitals and Guanfu are mobilized to dredge the Feng Canal and open fields, there will be disturbance without profit. I request testing this by planting rice in the inner park. Qin lands are rich and fertile, fields of the highest grade. All cultivators are capital district people, rotating monthly—the work is very easy. Moreover each person is paid eight thousand cash monthly with no grain provided, yet responsible offices often cannot fill recruitment quotas. Combining prefectures and counties, one farmer costs ninety-six thousand cash per year and seven hu two dou of rice monthly. Roughly hiring three hundred laborers yearly costs twenty-eight million eight hundred thousand cash and two thousand one hundred sixty hu of rice. I fear the year's harvest will not repay the expense. Moreover, to mobilize people two thousand li beyond the frontier with yearly rotation? Also transporting grain from Taiyuan to feed them, with private expenses doubling the cost—this empties the capital districts for a futile corvée. Yi also said: "The old garrison lands of the five cities are extremely vast. I request allocating canal-digging grain to the various cities, lending in summer and repaying in winter, taking cloth and silk from canal labor to give to farmers, letting them convert at fair value to grain—then Guanfu would be spared mobilization and the various cities would open fields." Yan did not agree. The canal was ultimately not completed and abandoned.
41
使
The Censorate requested that all criminal judgments throughout the empire await imperial report. Only for murder would compensation for life be permitted. All sentenced to penal servitude would be entirely exiled to the frontier. Yi said: "Exiling criminals to the frontier is banishment. Banishment has three grades, yet using only one is truly difficult. Moreover, apart from murder there are still the Ten Abominations, counterfeiting seals and documents, armed robbery, arson, and various thefts. To exile all alike makes the law too light and insufficient to restrain evil. Also, crimes meriting penal servitude differ in category and degree—such as assault, improper divorce without statutory severance, adopting a son of another surname, establishing an heir not according to form, crossing borders privately, false household registration, and others too numerous to list. To exile them together with the Ten Abominations makes light and heavy unequal. Moreover, the capital gathers people from all the empire. Those sentenced to penal servitude are extremely numerous and by precedent are not reviewed. If all now await report, responsible offices have fixed schedules for judgments—no less than five thousand cases monthly. I fear documents and records will pile up and regulations will be thrown into disorder. Moreover, for those on the frontier and near the frontier who merit death, penal servitude, or banishment—how should distinctions be made? I request that responsible offices be ordered to reconsider. Yan hated those who differed from him and secretly prompted Censor Zhang Zhu to impeach Yi for concealing the mobilization of people to dredge canals, so that resentment would fall on the emperor. Yi was imprisoned by the Imperial Guard. In Chang'an, several thousand people daily blocked Jianfu Gate to petition Yi's injustice. The emperor slightly understood and stripped him of his concurrent post as censor-in-chief. When people knew Yi had been pardoned, all came out to welcome and bow to him. When autumn drought occurred, Yi requested remission of rents and taxes. Yan ordered revenue censors to investigate and review. Finding it untrue, Yi was dismissed to director of the Court of Judicial Review.
42
使
When Yan was dismissed, Lu Qi brought in Yi as censor-in-chief to jointly plot Yan's crimes. They immediately arrested Hedong regional inspector Zhao Huibo and imprisoned him. Torture was cruel and severe, crimes were fabricated, and ultimately Yan was exiled to Yazhou and Huibo to Feizhou. The empire considered Yi, wielding the chief minister's power for revenge, unjust. Yet Qi used Yi to defeat Yan, inwardly envied Yi's talent, and through investigating the Cai Tingyu affair, killed Censor Zheng Zhan and sent Yi out as prefect of Feizhou. On the road he encountered a funeral procession. Asking about it, someone said: "It is Zhao Huibo's funeral. Yi was inwardly ashamed. After more than a year in despondency he died.
43
簿
Dou Can, courtesy name Shizhong, was the fourth-generation descendant of Minister of Justice Dan. He studied laws and statutes. By nature he was stern, upright, and obstinate, decisive in judgment. Through hereditary privilege he cumulatively became assistant magistrate of Wannian. A colleague due for night duty heard of a parent's illness and rushed off in panic. Can substituted for him. A prisoner escaped. The metropolitan governor checked the duty roster and impeached that man. Can said: "He went because he had no time to request leave—I should bear the punishment. He was therefore demoted to assistant magistrate of Jiangxia. All considered him righteous. He was transferred to assistant magistrate of Fengxian. A man named Cao Fen and his brothers, attached to the Northern Army, drunkenly violated their sister. Their father tried to stop them but could not, and in rage threw himself into a well and died. Can assessed the brothers the death penalty. The crowd requested waiting until mourning ended. Can said: "The father died because of the sons—if delayed for mourning, it means killing one's father goes unpunished. All were beaten and executed. The whole county feared and submitted.
44
使
He was promoted to directing censor in the Court of Judicial Review and investigated cases in Huai and Jiang at Yangzhou. Military Commissioner Chen Shaoyou was arrogant and did not come out to the suburbs to welcome him, sending a military officer to inquire. Can spoke sharply and reproached him. Shaoyou was ashamed and went to visit Can, but Can paid no attention and left immediately. Wu Prefect Deng Ting embezzled eight thousand strings. The chief minister favored Ting and wished to exempt him from paying the money. An edict ordered all officials to gather at the Ministry for discussion. Most curried favor to help. Can alone upheld the law, and ultimately the money was paid in. He was transferred to investigating censor. Hunan administrative aide Ma Yi exposed a prefect's embezzlement of ten million. The prefect's son, through powerful favorites, falsely impeached Yi. Can went to investigate and vindicated the slander. Yi later served Prince Cao Li Gao and was known for capability and integrity.
45
使
He entered the capital as censor-in-chief, impeaching without hesitation or fear. Emperor Dezong repeatedly summoned him, discussed affairs of the empire, and sometimes decided great matters. The emperor valued him. Yet he often differed from the chief ministers and was repeatedly pushed aside, yet in the end they could not harm him. Can therefore feared nothing and sometimes governed affairs according to personal inclination. When official ranks and salaries were fixed, Can had once been directing censor in the Court of Judicial Review, and therefore his income was increased, placing him above the directors. He hated mentor of the heir apparent Li Sheng and suppressed his rank below the vice governors of various offices. Within and without the court, people gradually disliked his arbitrariness.
46
He was promoted to concurrently serve as vice minister of revenue. A commoner's household bore a pig with two heads and four legs. Responsible offices wished to report it. Can said: "This is a pig calamity. He suppressed it and did not memorialize. When Chen Shaoyou died, his son requested inherited enfeoffment. Can wrote large characters on the ministry gate: "Shaoyou held the rank of general and minister, yet changed his loyalty in peril—the emperor swallowed the offense and would not expose it. Can his son be allowed to inherit the title? Shence General Meng Hua had merit in battle but was falsely accused of rebellion. Longwu General Li Jianyu, having escaped from the Tibetans and returned, was reported by his troops as communicating with the enemy—all were sentenced to death. Can tried all cases and released them. People began to look to him with hope.
47
使
Before long he was appointed vice director of the Chancellery and co-signatory director of the Chancellery and Secretariat, concurrently serving as commissioner of revenue and salt and iron. At each Yanying audience, when other chief ministers withdrew, Can always remained, speaking on revenue matters—in fact monopolizing governance. Yet Can had no learning. He could not consult antiquity to establish affairs, but only built factions of kinsmen and followers, spying extensively. All directions feared him. Thereupon Ziqing's Li Na richly bribed Can, outwardly showing strict fear but in fact bribing the emperor's intimates as spies. Therefore those around the throne competed to slander him.
48
Shen was his clansman's son, serving as supervising censor. Can favored him. Whenever appointing officials Can often consulted Shen. Shen thereby solicited bribes and leaked forbidden secrets. Wherever Shen went, people called him the "Magpie." When the emperor heard this, he admonished Can and said: "This will surely become a burden—it is better to dismiss him. Can pleaded emotionally: "Your subject has no powerful sons or clansmen. Though Shen is a distant kinsman, he has no other evil." The emperor said: "Though you protect yourself, what of outside talk?" Can firmly petitioned and begged.
49
使
Initially, Lu Zhi and Can were at odds. The Wu Tongxuan brothers were all in the Hanlin Academy and could not compete with Zhi in rank. Shen's maternal uncle, Heir of Prince Guo Zezhi, was friendly with Tongwei and others, and together they slandered Zhi. The emperor learned of their treachery and exiled Shen as military staff officer of Daozhou. Within less than a day, Can was demoted to vice prefect of Chenzhou. Xuanwu's Liu Shining presented Can with five thousand bolts of silk. Hunan regional inspector Li Xun, formerly at odds with Can, reported this. Palace envoys also verified it. The emperor was greatly enraged, considering it illicit contact with frontier generals, and wished to kill Can. Though Zhi resented him, he also considered killing him too severe. Can was therefore demoted to military staff officer of the prefecture. His son Jingbo was exiled to Quanzhou, his daughter made a nun at Chenzhou, and property and slaves were confiscated. The emperor also wished to kill Shen, Zezhi, and clansman Rong. Zhi firmly argued: "The law distinguishes principal and accomplice. When the principal is pardoned, the accomplice's penalty is reduced. Rong was friendly with Can, yet initially had no wickedness, often spoke bluntly in indignation, and in later years grew somewhat estranged and suspicious. I request demoting Rong to a distant post and exiling Shen and Zezhi to Lingnan. An edict approved this. At the time eunuch attendants slandered without cease. Can was ultimately granted death at Yongzhou, aged sixty. Shen was beaten to death. Rong was spared death. All the Dou clan were exiled.
50
調
Wu Tongxuan was a native of Hai Prefecture. He and his younger brother Tongwei were both broadly learned and skilled at literary composition. Their father Daoguan, as a Daoist priest, was ordered by edict to teach the classics to the crown prince and princes. Therefore Tongxuan and others all attended the crown prince in his travels, and the crown prince treated them very well. Initially, Tongxuan passed the Precocious Talent examination and was appointed corrector in the Secretariat. He was also selected in the Elegant Literary Composition examination and was assigned as military staff officer of the household registry in Tong Prefecture. When Dezong ascended the throne, the brothers were successively summoned as Hanlin academicians. Before long, Tongwei was transferred to director in the Bureau of Appointments, and Tongxuan became attendant of daily affairs. Both drafted imperial edicts. Whenever the emperor had compositions to write, he was never satisfied unless Tongxuan's brush was used.
51
使
He held rank alongside Lu Zhi, Ji Zhongfu, and Wei Zhiyi. Zhi's writing was lofty and he was resourceful. He was especially valued by the emperor and had passed through danger and hardship with merit. Tongxuan and others had advanced solely through Eastern Palace favor as old associates. They were intimate yet disrespectful, and seeing Zhi's sudden promotion, they harbored considerable resentment. Zhi, relying on his firm integrity, repeatedly spoke against Tongxuan before the emperor, wishing to dismiss and distance him. He therefore proposed: "In times of peace, redundant artisans of craft, calligraphy, and painting were all Hanlin attendants-in-waiting without academicians. Since Zhide, Imperial Library academicians were ordered into the inner palace to draft edicts, awaiting approval in the Hanlin Academy, and thus the office was named. Now the four directions are at peace. The duty of drafting edicts should return to secretariat draftsmen—I request abolishing the academicians. The emperor did not agree. Tongxuan's resentment daily grew. He plotted to seize Zhi's inner-court duties. When Zhi was acting vice minister of war and presided over the examinations, he was then appointed to the full post. In the tenth year of Zhenyuan, Tongxuan was appointed remonstrance officer. Considering his long seniority, he believed he should receive the post of secretariat draftsman, and was greatly resentful. Zhi and Dou Can were mutually hostile. Can's clansman's son Shen and maternal uncle, Heir of Prince Guo Zezhi, were then general of the Imperial Guard. Therefore Shen mediated to unite the Tongxuan brothers, jointly endangering Zhi. Moreover, Tongxuan took an imperial clanswoman as a concubine outside marriage. The emperor knew but had not yet reproached him. Zezhi spread slander saying: "Zhi, in examining jinshi candidates, accepted bribes and gifts of thanks. The emperor hated the false accusation and was greatly enraged. He dismissed Can from the chief ministership, exiled Zezhi as military staff officer of Zhaozhou and Tongxuan as military staff officer of Quanzhou. Also bearing the matter of defiling a close kinswoman, the emperor questioned him himself. Tongxuan dared not answer and was granted death at Changcheng Post. Zhi then became chief minister.
52
When Tongxuan died, Tongwei waited in white robes at the gate to accept punishment. The emperor pardoned him, but inwardly fearing disaster, he dared not wear mourning garments.
53
西
The commentator says: Yuan Zai and Yang Yan each rose through talent and ability, meeting dim and mediocre rulers, and therefore reached the rank of chief minister. In cutting down eunuch power, fortifying Yuanzhou to plan against Western Xia, returning finances to the Left Treasury and responsible offices, and unifying rents and taxes to check surplus and deficit—these indeed had merit. Yet Zai had originally allied with Fuguo for profit. Cruelty and harshness were written in his heart. The desire of ravines and gullies sprang from insatiability. Yan was implicated through Zai's power, rose from an ugly lineage, held the state's reins, yet in turn avenged Zai, spoke loosely to the ruler, and ultimately was executed together with wife and children, ancestral bones exposed, life ended on the road—this was largely self-inflicted. Wicked men are often talented, and have never failed to bring calamity. Therefore Feng Shu died for his handsomeness, and Deng Xi perished for his eloquence. Are these two what is meant by the talented! Jin spoke of karmic merit and retribution; Can obtained the ruler through selfishness—there is nothing worth discussing. The Book of Changes says: "The cauldron's legs break—its punishment is mutilation—how credible!
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