← Back to 新唐書

卷一百七十六 列傳第一百零一 韓愈附:孟郊 張籍 賈島

Volume 176 Biographies 101: Han Yu and relatives, Meng Jiao, Zhang Ji, Jia Dao

Chapter 176 of 新唐書 · New Book of Tang
← Previous Chapter
Chapter 176
Next Chapter →
1
:
Han Yu, with appended biographies: Meng Jiao, Zhang Ji, Huangfu Shi, Lu Tong, Jia Dao, and Liu Yi
2
退 使 使 調
Han Yu, whose style name was Tuizhi, came from Nanyang in Deng Prefecture. His seventh-generation ancestor Mao had served the Northern Wei with distinction and was enfeoffed as Prince of Anding. His father Zhongqing had been magistrate of Wuchang and governed well; when he left office, the people of the county erected a stone inscription in praise of his virtue. He ended his career as a secretary in the Palace Library. Yu lost his father when he was three and went with his elder brother Hui, who had been demoted to a post in the far south beyond the Lingnan passes. After Hui died, his sister-in-law Lady Zheng brought Yu up. Once he could read, Yu memorized several thousand characters a day, and by adulthood he had mastered the Six Classics and the teachings of the hundred schools. He passed the jinshi civil examination. When Dong Jin became military commissioner of Xuanwu, he recommended Yu for appointment as investigating commissioner. When Jin died, Yu accompanied the funeral cortege out of the city; within four days the Bianzhou garrison mutinied, and he departed. He attached himself to Zhang Jianfeng, military commissioner of Wuning, who took him on as a staff pushing official. His conduct was upright and resolute, and he spoke his mind bluntly without fear. He was transferred to erudite of the Four Gates Academy and then promoted to investigating censor. He memorialized the throne with a forceful critique of the palace market; Emperor Dezong was enraged and demoted him to magistrate of Yangshan. The people loved him, and when they had sons many named them with his surname. He was reassigned as legal bureau aide in Jiangling. Early in the Yuanhe era he served as acting erudite of the Imperial University on detached duty at the Eastern Capital, and after three years received a regular appointment. He was transferred to vice director of the Capital Office and then immediately appointed magistrate of Henan. He was promoted to vice director of the Bureau of Appointments.
3
Liu Jian, magistrate of Huayin, had committed offenses; the previous prefect had impeached him, but before a response arrived that prefect had left office. Jian had urged the people to intercept troops and demand payment for billeting and corvée; the new prefect took offense, investigated the case, and demoted Jian to army vice-commandant in Fang Prefecture. When Yu passed through Huayin, he believed the prefect was secretly shielding Jian and memorialized the throne to have him punished. When the censorate reinvestigated, Jian's guilt was confirmed, and Yu was demoted again to commandant of Fengxi. On account of this affair Yu was again made an erudite. Having been dismissed again despite his great talent and demoted once more in rank, he wrote "Discourse on Advancing in Learning" to explain himself, which reads:
4
The director of the Imperial University entered the academy at dawn, called the students to assemble below the lecture hall, and admonished them: "Excellence in study comes from diligence and is lost to idleness; conduct is formed through reflection and undone through carelessness. In this age sage and worthy men stand together, the tools of good government are fully in place, the wicked are rooted out, and the capable are raised up. Those who show even modest merit are generally enrolled, and anyone renowned for a single art finds employment. Talents are gathered, sifted, and chosen; roughness is scraped away and brilliance brought forth. If you are fortunate enough to be chosen, who can say that talent is too abundant for anyone to rise? Students, your concern should be that your studies are not thorough, not that the examiners lack discernment; worry that your conduct is not formed, not that the examiners are unjust."
5
滿
He had not finished speaking when someone in the assembly laughed and said, "Sir, you are deceiving us! I have studied under you for years now. You never stop reciting the texts of the Six Classics, and your hand never rests from turning the pages of the hundred schools. When reading histories you always grasp the essentials; when studying treatises you always probe their deepest meaning. Greedy for learning and striving to master it all, you spare neither the minute nor the vast. You burn lamp oil to lengthen the day and labor tirelessly year after year. In scholarship, sir, you may truly be called diligent. You oppose heterodox doctrines and repudiate Buddhism and Daoism. You mend what is torn in the tradition and bring forth what is hidden and subtle. You seek out the lost thread of the tradition in its vast obscurity, searching widely on your own and carrying it forward from distant antiquity. You gather the hundred streams and turn them eastward; you turn back the raging tide already run to ruin. In service to Confucian learning, sir, you have truly labored. You steep yourself in the rich fragrance of literature and savor its finest blossoms. As a writer of literature, your works fill the house. You take Yao and Si as your models above; your style is vast and without limit. The Zhou "Announcements" and Shang "Pan" are stiff and hard on the tongue. The "Spring and Autumn" is austere and exacting; the "Zuo Tradition" is florid and expansive. The "Changes" is marvelous yet methodical; the "Odes" is upright yet richly adorned. Below you reach "Zhuangzi" and "Li Sao," the records of the Grand Historian, Yang Xiong and Sima Xiangru—same mastery, different styles. In literature, sir, you are vast within and magnificent without. In youth you first took up learning and were bold in what you dared to do. As you matured you mastered every method and are adept in all directions. As a man, sir, you may be called fully formed. Yet in public you win no trust, and in private your friends give you no aid. You trip going forward and stumble going back; at every turn you invite censure. You were briefly a censor, then driven off to the southern frontier. Three years as erudite, a post so idle that no one considers you fit for real administration. Fate conspires with your enemies—how long before you are utterly ruined? The winter is mild yet your sons cry of cold; the harvest is good yet your wife weeps of hunger. Your head is bald and your teeth are gone—what good will it do you to die at last? You never think of this yourself, yet you presume to teach others how to live?"
6
The director said, "Alas! Come here. Great timbers serve as ridgepoles and small timbers as rafters; bracket arms, dwarf posts, door panels, pivots, and wedges—each is put where it belongs so that a house may be built: that is the carpenter's art. Jade hairpins, cinnabar, red arrowroot, blue lingzhi, cow dung, horse lichen, the skin of a ruined drum—all are gathered and kept ready for use without waste: that is the mark of a skilled physician. Elevating the capable and choosing the fit, mixing the adept with the awkward, finding grace in what is indirect and excellence in what stands out, weighing strengths against weaknesses and assigning each to his proper role—that is how a chief minister governs. Long ago Mencius loved debate, and through him the way of Confucius was made clear; his carriage wheels circled the empire, yet in the end he grew old upon the road. Xunzi exalted kingship, and the great moral order was thereby revived; he fled slander to Chu and died in obscurity at Lanling. These two Confucians—whose words were scripture and whose steps were law, who surpassed their kind and stood apart from their peers, who nearly entered the domain of the sages—what was their lot in the world? Now, sir, for all your diligence in study you do not follow the orthodox tradition; for all your many words you miss their essential point; for all the strangeness of your writing it serves no practical end; for all the cultivation of your conduct you win no renown among the people. Yet month after month you draw your salary, year after year you consume your grain allotment; your sons cannot plow, your wife cannot weave; you ride with attendants in train and eat your fill while sitting idle. You plod the cramped beaten path and rifle old texts for scraps to steal. Yet the sage ruler does not punish you, and the chief minister does not cast you out. Is this not your good fortune? When you stir you draw slander, and fame follows in its wake. To be cast into an idle post and set aside—that is what your lot properly warrants. As for haggling over wealth and bribes, reckoning whether rank and salary are high or low, forgetting to measure your own worth, and picking at the faults of your betters—that is like berating the carpenter for not making a peg into a pillar, or blaming the physician for prescribing cypress to prolong life while demanding he give you poria instead."
7
The chief ministers read it, admired his talent, and transferred him to director of the Revenue Bureau and compiler at the Historiography Institute. He was transferred to the Bureau of Merit, appointed drafter of edicts, and promoted to drafter of the Secretariat.
8
使
Earlier, when Emperor Xianzong was preparing to pacify Cai Prefecture, he ordered Vice Censor-in-Chief Pei Du to inspect the various armies. On his return he reported that the rebels could be destroyed, but his views did not align with those of the chief ministers. Yu also submitted a memorial, which read:
9
西
For years Huai West had been repairing arms and holding defensive lines; gold, silk, grain, and livestock were drained away in rewards; armed troops raided on every side while farmers and weaving women supplied them from behind—the cost far outweighed any gain. I have lately heard that their horses are all stabled and fed in stalls; this is like ten strong men leaping and shouting from dawn till dusk—the strain cannot last, and they are bound to collapse on their own. Once they have weakened, even a small child can take their lives. Moreover, three prefectures already ruined and exhausted cannot stand against the full power of the empire; their defeat may be awaited at once. What remains unknown is whether Your Majesty will resolve to act. Too few troops cannot win; an army sure of victory must fight swiftly; if the army is large yet the fighting drags on, the cost will be enormous. On the frontier they raid one another daily; in counties near the rebels taxes and corvée multiply endlessly; at the slightest flood or drought the people are plunged into misery. At such a moment everyone offers conflicting advice to confuse Your Majesty; if Your Majesty does not hold firm and abandons the campaign halfway, imperial prestige will suffer, costs will mount, and the harm will be profound. What matters first is to settle the matter in your own mind, weigh root and branch carefully, and face events without wavering—only then can success be sought.
10
西 使
He also wrote: "The troops from the various circuits are strangers here, isolated and weak, and of little use; but in counties on the rebel border the people are seasoned in fighting and know the enemy's strengths and weaknesses. If recruited into the central army and trained for less than three months, they would all be fit for service." He also proposed "posting troops on four routes, thirty thousand men per route, gathering strength and waiting for the right moment; if all were unleashed on a single day, Cai could not rescue both ends at once, and victory could be secured." The chief ministers were displeased. Then someone accused Yu of having been favored by Pei Jun while at Jiangling. Jun's son E was notoriously ill-behaved; Yu had written pieces that, though naming E only obliquely, contained violent slanderous language—whereupon Yu was reassigned as Right Subordinate of the Heir Apparent. When Pei Du, serving as Chancellor, assumed command of the Zhangyi army and went as imperial envoy to pacify Huai West, he recommended Han Yu as army marshal on the campaign staff. Han Yu asked to ride express relays ahead into Bian to urge Han Hong to throw his full weight behind the effort. After Wu Yuanji was defeated, Han Yu was promoted to Vice Minister of Justice.
11
使
Emperor Xianzong sent envoys to Fengxiang to escort the Buddha's finger bone into the palace; three days later it was sent on to the Buddhist shrine. Court nobles and literati rushed to worship with joined palms; some adopted foreign rites, burning their flesh and casting jewels and cowries as offerings, until the roads were jammed with surging crowds. Han Yu was revolted on hearing of it and submitted a memorial that read:
12
Buddhism is only one doctrine among the barbarian peoples. It entered China only in Later Han times; antiquity never knew it. In remote antiquity the Yellow Emperor reigned a hundred years and lived to a hundred and ten; Shaohao reigned eighty years and lived to a hundred; Zhuanxu reigned seventy-nine years and lived to ninety; Emperor Ku reigned seventy years and lived to a hundred and five; Yao reigned ninety-eight years and lived to a hundred and eighteen; Emperor Shun in office and Yu in years each reached a hundred. In those ages the realm was at peace and the people lived long in security—yet China had no Buddhism. Later Tang of Shang also lived a hundred years; his grandson Taiwu reigned seventy-five years and Wuding fifty—the annals do not record their ages, but by any count they can hardly have been less than a hundred. King Wen of Zhou lived ninety-seven years, King Wu ninety-three, and King Mu reigned a hundred years. In that era the Buddhist teaching had not yet reached China; their longevity was not owed to worship of Buddha. Buddhism first appeared under Emperor Ming of Han, who reigned only eighteen years. Thereafter turmoil and ruin followed one upon another, and their dynastic fortunes were brief. From the Song, Qi, Liang, Chen, and Northern Wei dynasties onward, the more devoutly rulers served Buddhism, the briefer their reigns became. Only Emperor Wu of Liang reigned forty-eight years; three times he yielded the throne to fund the sangha, state sacrifices went without animal victims, and he ate but one vegetarian meal a day—until Hou Jing forced him, he starved to death at Terrace City, and the dynasty soon fell. To seek blessing through Buddha was only to invite disaster. From this it is plain that Buddhism is not to be trusted—and that much is already clear.
13
仿
When Gaozu first took the throne from the Sui, he debated abolishing Buddhism. The court's vision then was short; unable to probe deeply the ways of the ancient kings and the needs of their own age, they failed to extend enlightened policy to remedy the evil, and the effort was abandoned. I have long bitterly regretted it! I bow my head: Your Majesty, sage, martial, and cultured—sacred and heroic, without peer in thousands of years. At the outset of your reign you forbade new ordinations of monks, nuns, and Daoist priests and the building of new temples. I then believed that Gaozu's purpose would surely be fulfilled under Your Majesty. Even if you cannot act at once, how can you let it run wild and flourish! Now Your Majesty has ordered monks to welcome the Buddha bone from Fengxiang, to view it from the imperial tower, to carry it into the inner palace, and to have every temple supply offerings in turn. Foolish though I am, I know Your Majesty is not duped by Buddhism and does not perform this worship to seek fortune. It is only the pleasure of a bountiful year, indulging popular sentiment, staging marvels and diversions for the capital's elite—that is all. How could such sagacity believe such things? Yet the people are benighted, quick to be misled and slow to understand; if they see Your Majesty act thus they will take it for true faith, saying: "The Son of Heaven, himself a great sage, still gives his whole heart to Buddhism; how can we humble folk cling to our bodies and lives? —until men burn their scalps and fingers in crowds of tens and hundreds, strip off clothing and scatter coin from dawn till dusk, each imitating the next for fear of lagging behind, while young and old rush about and abandon their trades. Unless this is stopped at once, as the relic tours the temples there will surely be those who hack off arms and flesh as offerings. It will corrupt custom and invite mockery throughout the realm—no small affair.
14
使
Buddha was originally a barbarian: his language is not ours, his dress alien; his mouth does not utter the teachings of the ancient kings, his body does not wear their ritual garb, and he knows neither the duties of ruler and subject nor the bonds of father and son. If he were alive today and came to court on his ruler's orders, Your Majesty might receive him—but only for one audience in Xuane Hall, one banquet in the Host of Guests office, one gift of robes, and an escort beyond the frontier, never allowing him to dwell among the people. How much less should his long-dead body—withered bone, foul and unclean remnant—be brought within the palace? Confucius said: "Respect the spirits, yet keep them at a distance. When ancient feudal lords offered condolences abroad, they always had shamans purify the way with peach wands and reed brushes before entering to mourn. Now a foul and rotten thing is fetched for Your Majesty to view in person; no shamans precede it, no peach wands or reed brushes are employed; neither court nor censors protest the offense—and I am deeply ashamed. I beg that this bone be committed to fire and water, root and branch destroyed forever, all doubt under heaven ended and the delusions of past ages cut off, so that the people may know Your Majesty's deeds rise immeasurably above the common run. If the Buddha has power to bring harm, let every misfortune fall on me alone. Heaven is my witness; I shall bear no resentment or regret.
15
When the memorial was submitted, the emperor was furious, showed it to his chancellors, and was ready to put him to death. Pei Du and Cui Qun said: "Han Yu's language is confrontational and offensive; he deserves punishment. Yet unless he were utterly loyal at heart, how could he have dared so much? We beg Your Majesty to show a little mercy, that remonstrance may not be discouraged. The emperor said: "When Han Yu said I revered Buddhism too deeply, that I could bear; but to claim that since the Eastern Han worshipped Buddha, emperors' lives have been cut short—how perverse and wounding is that! Han Yu, a mere subject, dares such insolence—he truly cannot be forgiven! At this the court and country were alarmed; even imperial relatives pleaded for him, and he was demoted to prefect of Chaozhou.
16
On reaching Chaozhou he submitted a memorial of repentance, which read:
17
祿
I, through arrogant folly and reckless ignorance of ritual, spoke disrespectfully on the Buddha bone; by the standards of law and duty, ten thousand deaths would not suffice. Your Majesty pitied my foolish loyalty, forgave my blunt rashness, held that though my words were culpable my heart was innocent, and mercifully bent the law to make me prefect of Chaozhou. Spared execution and granted a stipend—Your grace is wider than heaven and earth; were I to rend my skull and lay bare my heart, it could not repay you!
18
The prefecture I govern lies at the far eastern edge of Guang; beyond Haikou lie foul waters where surges and rapids are fierce and the route cannot be timed; typhoons and crocodiles bring perils no man can foresee. South of the prefecture the frontier presses close; the swollen sea meets the sky, and poisonous vapors and miasma rise morning and night. I have been sickly since youth; I am only fifty, my hair white and teeth gone—my days cannot be many. Add to this a grave offense and a remote, hostile post, and I live in anxious shame with death ever near. Alone, without allies at court, I dwell in barbarian country among demons—were it not for Your Majesty's pity, who would plead for me?
19
使
My nature is dull and awkward, and I am unversed in worldly affairs—only in scholarship and letters have I never ceased a single day, and this my peers have acknowledged. Among the writers of my day I was not without standing. But to expound Your Majesty's merit and virtue in words worthy of the Odes and Documents, to compose hymns for the suburban sacrifices, to record a feng on Mount Tai and inscribe the jade tablet, to proclaim blessings that face Heaven and achievements without precedent in history—texts fit for the Book of Songs and Documents without shame, deeds that stand between heaven and earth without fault—even were the ancients restored to life, I would not yield.
20
西 使
I bow my head: when great Tang received the Mandate, it ruled all within the seas; to every quarter of the earth, ten thousand li in extent, none failed to submit. Since Tianbao, governance slackened, culture was not yet refined nor arms fully restored; treacherous ministers nested like worms on a board, hoarding poison to shield themselves, compliant without yet rebel within; fathers died and sons inherited, grandsons followed grandfathers, like ancient feudal lords seizing their own domains, neither attending court nor paying tribute—for sixty or seventy years. Four sage rulers handed down the succession until Your Majesty. Since Your Majesty took the throne you have personally judged affairs, turning the cosmos on its pivot, opening and closing the gates of power; like thunder and wind you have swept the realm, sun and moon shining clear; wherever the imperial arms have pointed, none has failed to obey. You should fix the ritual music and announce it to the gods, tour east to Mount Tai, present your achievements to Heaven, display your merit in full, declare your triumph, and make all ages forever serve your great accomplishment. At such a moment—what men call a once-in-a-thousand-years opportunity—I, guilty and disgraced, am confined on a distant shore, grieving day by day toward death, unable to offer my poor talents among your attendants and within the imperial household, to pour out all my mind and redeem my fault. My grief reaches to heaven; I could not die with closed eyes. I bow my head: Your Majesty, my heaven and earth, my father and mother—pity me and show mercy.
21
When the emperor received the memorial he was deeply moved and wished to recall him; he showed it to the chancellors, saying: "Han Yu's earlier remonstrance sprang from great love for me, yet he should not have said that emperors who served Buddhism lived short lives. Huangfu Bo, who had long resented Han Yu's outspokenness, immediately memorialized: "Han Yu remains incorrigibly rash; for now he may be transferred closer to the capital." Han Yu was then reassigned as prefect of Yuanzhou. When Han Yu first reached Chaozhou, he asked about the people's hardships; all said: "Evil Creek holds crocodiles that devour livestock until nothing is left, and the people are ruined thereby. Days later Han Yu went to see for himself; he had his aide Qin Ji cast a sheep and a pig into the creek and pronounced this address:
22
In antiquity, when the former kings possessed the realm, they marked mountains and marshes, spread nets and bared blades to rid the land of insects, serpents, and creatures harmful to the people, and drove them out beyond the four seas. When virtue waned and distant lands could not be held, even between the Yangtze and Han they yielded ground to the southern tribes—how much more this country between lake and range, ten thousand li from the capital! That crocodiles breed and dwell here is, after all, only fitting.
23
鹿
Today the Son of Heaven has inherited Tang, sacred, merciful, and martial; beyond the four seas and within the six realms all are ruled—how much less should this land within Yu's footprint, this ground near Yangzhou, this soil of prefects and magistrates that pays tribute for the rites of Heaven, Earth, the ancestors, and the hundred spirits, harbor such creatures! The crocodile cannot share this soil with the prefect. The prefect bears the Son of Heaven's commission to guard this land and govern these people, yet the crocodile glares from the deep, devouring cattle, swine, deer, and roebuck to fatten itself and breed its young, contending with the prefect as a rival chieftain. Weak and timid though the prefect may be, how could he bow his head, cringe and fawn, and shame his officers and people merely to cling to life here? Commissioned by the Son of Heaven to govern, by duty I cannot but dispute with the crocodile. If the crocodile has sense, let it heed the prefect.
24
Chaozhou lies beside the sea: to the south the ocean holds all, from leviathans to the smallest shrimp; all may dwell there and find food. A crocodile can leave at dawn and be there by evening. Now I set this covenant with the crocodile: "Within three days lead your kind south to the sea and avoid the Son of Heaven's officer. If three days are not enough, take five; if five are not enough, take seven; if seven are not enough, you refuse to move—then you deny the prefect and reject his command. Otherwise the crocodile is stupid and without understanding; though the prefect has spoken, you neither hear nor know. Whoever defies the Son of Heaven's officer, ignores his words, and will not flee—all such benighted creatures that harm the people may be put to death. The prefect will choose able men, arm strong bows and poisoned arrows, and make war on the crocodile until all are slain—let there be no remorse!"
25
西
That very night, as the prayers were offered, a violent storm erupted from the stream with thunder and lightning; within days the water ran dry, and [the crocodiles] shifted west sixty li. From that time forward, Chaozhou was free of the crocodile menace. In Yuan prefecture, people held men and women as bond-slaves; if not ransomed by the deadline, they were forfeited to the holder. When Han Yu arrived, he calculated wages owed and ransomed every forfeited person, restoring more than seven hundred to their families. He then entered into agreements forbidding the holding of bond-slaves. He was recalled and appointed Director of the Imperial Academy, then transferred to Vice Minister of War.
26
祿 使
Zhenzhou rose in revolt, killing Tian Hongzheng and enthroning Wang Tingcou in his place; the court appointed Han Yu pacification commissioner. After he departed, everyone feared for his safety. Yuan Zhen remarked, "Han Yu is too valuable to risk." Emperor Muzong likewise regretted the assignment and ordered Han Yu to handle matters as he saw fit, without insisting that he enter the rebel stronghold. When Han Yu arrived, Wang Tingcou met him with troops drawn up in battle order, armored soldiers filling the hall. After they were seated, Wang Tingcou said, "These soldiers here are the cause of all the turmoil." Han Yu raised his voice and said: "The Son of Heaven believed you had the makings of a general and gave you the commander's baton—did he mean for you to side with rebels?" Before he could finish, soldiers surged forward: "Our late Grand Tutor fought Zhu Tao for the empire—his bloody garments remain! What crime has this army committed, that you brand us rebels?" Han Yu replied, "I thought you had forgotten your Grand Tutor; if you still honor his memory, all the better. Since the Tianbao era, have the sons or grandsons of An Lushan, Shi Siming, Li Xilie, and their kind survived among you? Did any of them hold government posts?" The soldiers answered, "None." Han Yu continued, "Lord Tian surrendered Weibo's six prefectures to the court and rose to Grand Counselor; father and son both received command banners and staffs of office— Liu Wu and Li You each governed major circuits. These are deeds your army well knows." They replied, "Hongzheng was severe—that is why the army grew restless." Han Yu said, "Yet you yourselves killed Lord Tian and destroyed his family—what excuse remains?" The soldiers broke into an uproar, crying, "Fair enough!" Wang Tingcou, fearing the troops might turn, quickly gestured for them to leave. He then asked, "What do you wish Tingcou to do now?" Han Yu answered, "The Shence Armies have no lack of generals like Niu Yuanyi, yet the court cares for the larger interest and cannot abandon him. Why have you besieged him so long?" Wang Tingcou said, "I will release him forthwith." Han Yu said, "Then all will be well." Just then Niu Yuanyi had already broken out of the encirclement; Wang Tingcou did not give chase. Han Yu returned and reported what had been said; the emperor was delighted. He was transferred to Vice Minister of Personnel.
27
西使
The chief minister Li Fengji detested Li Shen and sought to drive him out. He appointed Han Yu Metropolitan Governor of Jingzhao and concurrent Censor-in-Chief, with a special exemption from Censorate audiences, while installing Li Shen as Vice Censor-in-Chief. Li Shen duly impeached Han Yu, who defended himself by citing the special imperial order. Memorials and counter-memorials followed; concluding that the Censorate and the metropolitan government could not work together, the chief minister demoted Han Yu to Vice Minister of War and sent Li Shen out as Jiangxi observation commissioner. Li Shen gained an audience with the emperor and was allowed to stay; Han Yu likewise resumed his post as Vice Minister of Personnel. He died in the fourth year of the Changqing reign (824), at fifty-seven. He was posthumously honored as Minister of Rites, with the posthumous epithet Wen ("Literary").
28
Han Yu was sharp and incisive by nature, unwilling to trim his sails or follow the crowd. In his dealings with others, he remained steadfast from first to last. He nurtured younger scholars, many of whom achieved fame. Those he tutored were called "disciples of Master Han's gate"; as his rank rose, he gradually released them from formal patronage. For kin and friends alike who left no heirs, he saw orphan daughters married off and sustained their households. When his sister-in-law the Lady Zheng died, he observed the full mourning period in gratitude for her care.
29
He often declared that since the Han masters—Sima Xiangru, Sima Qian, Liu Xiang, and Yang Xiong—literary genius had not appeared every generation; accordingly Han Yu plumbed the deepest sources, established himself with distinction, and founded a literary school of his own. His treatises—"Essay on the Way," "Essay on Human Nature," "On the Teacher," and dozens more—were profound and capacious, framing and reinforcing the Six Classics as Mencius and Yang Xiong had done. In his other compositions, he invariably opened and phrased his work without imitating earlier models. Only Han Yu could write thus, with effortless abundance; when his disciples Li Ao, Li Han, and Huangfu Shi tried to follow his example, they fell far short at once. Among those who studied with him—Meng Jiao and Zhang Ji, for example—each likewise won renown in his own day.
30
Appended biography: Meng Jiao
31
調
Meng Jiao, courtesy name Dongye, was from Wukang in Huzhou prefecture. In youth he lived as a recluse on Mount Song; upright and uncompromising by nature, he mingled poorly with others. At their first meeting, Han Yu and he became intimate friends without regard for rank. At fifty he finally passed the jinshi examination and was appointed magistrate of Liyang. The county boasted the Toujin Brook and the ruins of Pingling, where dense woods cast deep shade over pools of stagnant water. Jiao often spent his idle hours sitting by the water, wandering and composing verse while his official duties went largely undone. The county magistrate reported to the prefecture; an acting deputy was installed to handle affairs, taking half of Jiao's stipend. Zheng Yuqing, as regent of the eastern capital, appointed him transport commissioner for water and land routes. When Zheng Yuqing took command at Xingyuan, he recommended Jiao as staff adviser. He died at the age of sixty-four. Zhang Ji honored him with the posthumous epithet Master True Radiance (Zhenyao).
32
Jiao's poetry was rigorously structured and won Han Yu's highest praise, yet his verse was painstaking, strange, and austere. Li Guan likewise wrote of his poetry: "At its heights it surpasses all antiquity; at its middling passages it still eclipses the Two Xies (Xie Lingyun and Xie Tiao)."
33
Appended biography: Zhang Ji
34
Zhang Ji, courtesy name Wenchang, was from Wujiang in Hezhou. He passed the jinshi examination and was appointed libationer in the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. After long service in rank, he was promoted to secretary in the imperial archives. Han Yu recommended him for a lectureship at the Imperial University. He rose through the posts of vice-director in the Ministry of Works and director in the Ministry of Rites' Bureau of Foreign Guests. All the celebrated men of the age counted him among their companions, and Han Yu held him in especial esteem. Blunt and uncompromising by nature, Zhang Ji once reproached Han Yu for his love of gambling and gewgaws, his miscellaneous essays, his habit of arguing to dominate others, and above all his failure to compose systematic refutations of Buddhism and Daoism on the scale of Mencius or Yang Xiong—works that might endure for ages. Han Yu's final reply read:
35
使 使 使
You do not dismiss me as unworthy; you mean to lift me into the company of sages, to brush away my wayward impulses and raise me to heights I have not yet attained. You believe my nature capable of reaching the Way—that you would dredge its source, point out its course, water its roots, and reap its fruit. Such generosity is what the greatly virtuous modestly decline—how much more should I, Han Yu, decline it? Yet some of your points deserve a reply, and I cannot simply let the matter drop. When the sage composed the Spring and Autumn Annals, he had already steeped its language in profundity, yet he still dared not openly transmit the Way through it—he taught his disciples by word of mouth, and only in later ages did the book appear. Such was the subtlety of his foresight against disaster. Those whom Buddhism and Daoism command as adherents now include even grandees and chief ministers—how dare I proclaim open opposition? Even when I select those fit to teach and instruct them, they still at times oppose me, their objections clamorous. Were I to complete such a systematic work, many who read it would be enraged; they would surely deem me mad or deluded. If I cannot even protect my own person, what use is a book? Confucius himself was a sage, yet he said, "Since I gained Zilu, no harsh word has reached my ears." Yet with helpers and ministers all across the realm, he still went hungry in Chen, was threatened at Kuang, was slandered by Uncle Sun, and was driven to wander the borders of Qi, Lu, Song, and Wei. Though his Way was supreme, his straits were the deepest imaginable. Only because his disciples together preserved it was it finally established in the world. Had he spoken and written entirely on his own, could it have survived at all? Buddhism and Daoism have flourished in the Central Plains for well over six hundred years. Their roots run deep, their currents spread wide—they cannot be banned by morning decree and extinguished by nightfall. From King Wen's death, King Wu, the Duke of Zhou, and the kings Cheng and Kang together preserved the Way—rites and music were intact—yet scarcely long had passed before Confucius; from Confucius to Mencius, scarcely long; from Mencius to Yang Xiong, scarcely long again. Yet even with such diligence and such hardship they only then could establish something—how could I lightly attempt the same? What is done easily does not endure—that is why I dare not. Consider the ancients: when the age was right and the Way could be practiced, they had no need to write. Books are written only when the Way cannot be practiced in the present but may be practiced in ages to come. Whether I shall achieve my aims remains unknown; to wait until my fifties or sixties would not be too late. If Heaven does not wish this generation to know the truth, then my span of life cannot be foreseen; but if Heaven does wish this generation to know, who else if not I? Whether in practicing the Way, writing books, transforming the present, or reaching posterity—something will surely come of it. Why, my friend, do you fret so urgently over what I am doing?
36
Your earlier letter said that when I debate with others I cannot humble myself, as though I were someone who loves to win. Though that is indeed true, it is not that I love my own victory, but that I love the victory of my Way. Nor is it the victory of my Way that I love—my Way is the Way of the Master, Mencius, and Yang Xiong. If the transmitter does not prevail, then nothing can be done for the Way—how could I dare shun that reputation! The Master said: "When I talk with Hui, he does not contradict me all day. If he seemed stupid, then his debating with the multitude would make sense." The criticism of my miscellaneous writings—your earlier letter stated it fully; you may repeat it if you wish. In former times even the Master still had his playful side. Does not the Book of Songs say: "Skillful is the jest and banter, yet it is not cruel"? The Record of Rites says: "To draw the bow without ever relaxing—this is what King Wen and King Wu would not do." How could such things harm the Way? Have you, my friend, not yet considered this?
37
Zhang Ji wrote poetry, excelled in yuefu, and produced many striking lines. He ended his official career as Vice Director of the Imperial University.
38
Appended biography: Huangfu Shi
39
使
Huangfu Shi, whose style name was Chizheng, came from Xin'an in Muzhou. He passed the jinshi examination, served as magistrate of Luhun, and rose to director in the Ministry of Works; quick-tempered and fond of wine, he often offended colleagues in the same ministry and sought a branch appointment at the Eastern Capital. The Eastern Capital defender Pei Du took him on as an administrative aide. When Pei Du was renovating Fuxian Temple and was about to erect a stele, he asked Bai Juyi for the inscription. Shi said angrily: "You pass me by nearby and go far to fetch Juyi—please accept my resignation from this post. Pei Du apologized to him. Shi then asked for wine to drink in contest; when thoroughly drunk, he took up the brush and finished the text on the spot. Pei Du gave him carriages, horses, silks, and brocades in great quantity; Shi flew into a rage: "Since I wrote the preface to Gu Kuang's collected works, I have never lightly promised anyone. Now the stele has three thousand characters—three bolts of silk per character—why do you treat me so stingily? Pei Du laughed and said: "A truly untrammeled talent." He then increased the payment.
40
Shi was once stung on the finger by a bee; he paid a boy to gather bees and pound out their venom. One day he ordered his son to copy out a poem; on one wrong character he cursed and leaped about, shouting for the cane; before it arrived he bit his own arm until blood flowed.
41
Appended biography: Lu Tong
42
Lu Tong lived in the Eastern Capital; when Han Yu was magistrate of Henan he admired Tong's poetry and treated him with great generosity. Tong styled himself Master Jade River; he once wrote "Ode on the Moon's Eclipse" to satirize the Yuanhe faction, and Han Yu praised its workmanship.
43
At that time there were also Jia Dao and Liu Yi, both disciples of Han Yu's school.
44
Appended biography: Jia Dao
45
簿
Jia Dao, courtesy name Langxian, was from Fanyang. At first he was a Buddhist monk under the name Wuben. He came to the Eastern Capital; the Luoyang magistrate then forbade monks to go out after noon, and Dao wrote a poem lamenting his plight. Han Yu pitied him and taught him literary composition; Dao then left the clergy and entered the jinshi examination. When he was absorbed in composing poetry, even if he passed great ministers and nobles he took no notice of them. One day he encountered the capital intendant, riding a donkey without yielding; the intendant rebuked and questioned him, and only after a long while was he released. He repeatedly entered the examinations but never passed. Under Emperor Wenzong he was demoted to registrar of Changjiang on account of slander. At the beginning of the Huichang reign he was promoted from revenue adjutant in Puzhou to registrar of the Household Bureau; before he could take up the post he died, aged sixty-five.
46
Appended biography: Liu Yi
47
穿
Liu Yi was likewise a man of resolute integrity. In youth he was unrestrained and pursued chivalric exploits; in a drunken fit he killed a man and fled as a fugitive. When an amnesty was proclaimed he came forth, reformed his conduct, and devoted himself to study; he could compose songs and poems. Yet relying on his former reputation he could not bow and scrape before the powerful; he often wore clogs and tattered clothes. Hearing that Han Yu welcomed men of talent from throughout the realm, he walked to join him and composed the two poems "Ice Columns" and "Snow Cart," surpassing Lu Tong and Meng Jiao. When Fan Zongshi saw them he bowed to him alone in homage. He could speak to people's faces of their faults and merits; where righteousness was at stake he would mend quarrels as though they were kin. Later, because of a dispute in words he could not defer to guests; he took several jin of Han Yu's gold and left, saying: "This is what flatterers of the dead obtain—better give it to Master Liu for his longevity. Han Yu could not stop him; he returned to Qi and Lu, and his final whereabouts are unknown.
48
崿
The eulogy says: When Tang arose, inheriting the partitioned realm left by five dynasties of division, royal government lacked coherence, literary culture was exhausted in substance, and rustic vulgarity mingled with the refined. Once the realm was settled, the court governed the wasteland and rooted out corruption, investigated Confucian learning to revive canonical institutions, and steeped the age for nearly a hundred years; only then did writings gradually become worth recounting. By the Zhenyuan and Yuanhe reigns, Han Yu took the language of the Six Classics to lead the Confucians, damming the terminal current, reversing elaborate carving toward simplicity, and cutting away falsehood for truth. Yet in talent Han Yu ranked himself with Sima Qian and Yang Xiong, and would not even discuss Ban Gu and those below. When he hit his mark, his writing issued purely from the orthodox, pared away stale formulas, and ranged abroad with vast force—yet in essentials it never contradicted the sages. In the Way he largely compared himself to Mencius, deeming Xunzi and Yang Xiong insufficiently pure—is this not credible? In advancing remonstrance and offering counsel, resolving difficulties and succoring the orphaned, and correcting frivolous ends, he was earnest in humanity and righteousness—he may truly be called a devoted follower of the Way. From Jin through Sui, Laozi and the Buddha were conspicuous, and the sage's Way hung by a thread. The Confucians leaned on the realm's orthodox judgment yet helped fashion strange spirits. Han Yu alone sighed and summoned the sage, contending with the doubts of all under Heaven; though mocked, he stumbled yet rose again, at first scarcely believed, yet finally shone greatly in his own time. Formerly Mencius resisted Yang Zhu and Mozi, only two hundred years after Confucius. Han Yu repelled the two schools nearly a thousand years later, pulling decay back to the orthodox; his achievement matched Mencius and his force doubled it—thus he surpassed Xunzi and Yang Xiong by no small measure. From Han Yu's death his words spread widely; scholars looked up to him as to Mount Tai and the Northern Dipper.
← Previous Chapter
Back to Chapters
Next Chapter →