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卷一百八十六 列傳第七十三: 張楨 歸暘 陳祖仁 成遵 曹鑑 張翥

Volume 186 Biographies 73: Zhang Zhen, Gui Yang, Chen Zuren, Cheng Zun, Cao Jian, Zhang Zhu

Chapter 186 of 元史 · History of Yuan
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1
A year later he was made magistrate of Gaoyou County, and his door saw no private solicitations. Among the county people, one Zhang the Provision Leader still lived by the code of the knight-errant and bullied his neighbors at will. One day he came to the yamen with a favor to ask; Zhen arrested him, uncovered every count of his guilt, and when all who had suffered his oppression in the countryside came forward to accuse him, Zhen had him flogged and exiled—to general satisfaction. Cui, wife of Gou'er, a city-garrison commander of a thousand households, was framed by his concubine, abused, and killed; her spirit entered a seven-year-old girl who came to the county yamen to plead before Zhen, recounting every detail of her death, and the body was found where it had been secretly buried behind the quarters. Zhen led clerks and constables straight to the place, exhumed the corpse, seized Gou'er and the concubine, and examined them until both admitted guilt; the people took him for something more than human.
2
He rose through several posts to vice-director of the Central Secretariat for Palace Affairs; in Zhizheng 8 he was appointed investigating censor and charged Grand Preceptor Aqila with fraud, adding: 'Mingli Dong'a, Yeliya, and Yuelu Buhua are mortal foes of Your Majesty; Bayan butchered twelve kinsmen of the imperial house, the Princes Jia and Tan—for which ancient law demands death at the palace gate—yet their sons and brothers still serve at court and ought to be executed and driven out at once. Berkebua, who had curried favor with the powerful and corrupt, should likewise be sent into distant exile. Portents and rebellions now come one after another; pirates at sea dare extort the throne, and border generals dare trifle with the foe. Unless the court rouses itself, we may see the late-Tang disaster of warlords tearing the realm apart from within.' The throne would not listen.
3
調 調 使
When Mao Gui seized Shandong, he memorialized the throne on ten disasters—six rooted in government itself and four in the conduct of war—listing the abuses: treating great ministers lightly; letting the reins of power slip; settling into comfort; shutting the road of candid speech; estranging the people's hearts; and filling the prisons without cause. These were the six fundamental ills he named. On the evil of ease he wrote in part: 'I have seen Your Majesty, still in your prime, take up the great succession after hardship and win the throne—yet drift along in complacent peace without looking ahead; the generous restraint you showed at first has slowly worn away. The empire is in turmoil, the realm is not at rest, Heaven's signs are erratic, and the people's loyalty cannot be counted on. This is the hour for vigilance and the day for trembling care. You should brace yourself as King Goujian did, repent in earnest, remember how hard the founders labored and how easily the house may fall now; cultivate true virtue to answer Heaven, and show utmost sincerity to win the people back. Every palace building project, every indulgence in music and women, every taste of the poisoned cup of complacency—you should cut them off resolutely and reform at once. Where you cannot finish the purge, you should still check evil at its root and forbid it before it grows: dismiss superfluous palace women, cut wasteful spending, fear Heaven, and care for the people. Yet Your Majesty sits at ease as if the world were at peace. That is the fundamental calamity I mean.' As for careless logistics, refusal to heed collective counsel, muddled rewards and punishments, and the failure to choose the right commanders—these are the four war-related ills.' On confused rewards and punishments he wrote: 'For six years the armies have been mobilized without real discipline and without incentives that work. Generals turn defeat into victory on paper, call phantoms facts, lie to one another up and down the chain—different in character, alike in hunting rewards. So we have commanders who lose whole armies, who ravage the people, who are cowards, who are thieves—and none are punished. Wherever they march, not a chicken or dog is left, and every store of goods is stripped bare. Then they come to court with smooth words and are rewarded for reconquest. The land they claim to have recovered is ruin. Henan alone spans more than three thousand li, its counties once thick as stars on a board, paying millions in grain and cash each year—yet only Fengqiu, Yanjin, Dengfeng, and Yanshi, three or four counties, still stand. North of the Huai and south of the Yellow River, desolation is everywhere. Only with land, people, and wealth can armies be kept full and supplies unbroken. Where the enemy has already come, I can hardly bear to describe it; where he has not yet come, the prospect is worse still. Yet you still expect full armies and endless supplies—as if grain fell from Heaven and gold welled from the earth—when day to day survival is in doubt. How can the empire's thin purse satisfy commanders' bottomless greed? To open the door to chaos yourself is already a grave danger. You serve the Buddha for merit, feed monks to avert disaster, and ban slaughter on the Heavenly Longevity Festival—all empty gestures. Men are being killed across the empire while Your Majesty sits unmoved and says you will win blessing this way—from where should blessing come? The rebels of Yingshang began with the White Lotus, lured crowds with Buddhist talk, then took up arms under a show of authority. The way they advance is terrifying; their momentum will not end until altar and state alike are ashes. Our great dynasty does not seek to quell rebellion but supplies the steps to it. The harm is extreme, the poison deep, the stakes vast. Men of insight clench their fists; men of will ache in the heart. This is the war-related calamity.' The memorial went up; the court took no notice. The men in power hated his blunt honesty.
4
使 使退西使
In year 21 he was made commissioner of the Shannan surveillance circuit. On taking office he charged Yexian Buhua, associate administrator of the Secretariat, Toto'er, vice commissioner of the Privy Council, and Nunu, investigating censor, with abusing power and ruining the state. Again there was no answer. Boluo Temur held Datong, Chaghan Temur Luoyang, while Mao Gui held Shandong and threatened the capital. The two generals dallied with the enemy and refused to advance, busy fighting each other over Shanxi and Hebei, trading victories. The court sent Yexian Buhua, Toto'er, and Nunu to mediate—but once commissioned, they would not move. Zhen wrote again that they were 'greedy, cowardly, vulgar men who cared only for their own safety and had no loyalty that would give the state their lives. The court meant them to reconcile the two factions and join against the rebels—a matter of state that demanded speed like wind and lightning. Instead they shrank back, detoured west of Yan'an, wandered thousands of li, and crawled along while the two armies butchered each other day and night and the people died in heaps. These three men caused it; put them to death at once to save the hour.' Again nothing was done. Zhen sighed and said, 'Nothing under Heaven can be done anymore.' He resigned at once and lived in the valleys of Anyi in Hezhong, in a hut of thatch barely wide enough to kneel in. Visitors found him silent on public affairs; he could only weep in their presence.
5
使 退 '' 使 輿使 ' '
In year 24 Boluo Temur assaulted the capital; the heir apparent withdrew to Jining. Zhen was offered the posts of tutor and Hanlin academician but accepted neither. Kozha Temur was to escort the heir apparent in to punish Boluo Temur. He sent an envoy with the prince's order, fine wine, and a request for counsel. Zhen wrote back: 'Yan, Zhao, Qi, and Lu, all lands along the Yellow River and Huai, are ruins. Guanzhong and Shaanxi barely hold. The south covets our north daily. In the middle Yangzi and Sichuan, rebels take royal titles and wait for our troubles to multiply. You are of the state's great houses, three generations and two kings ennobled—will you not remember Lian Po and Lin Xiangru for Zhao, Kou Xun and Jia Yi for Han? Once the capital falls, some adventurer may rise from the wilds, take the name of loyalty to ruler and father, and preach his cause to the realm—what then will you do? Those who hold the capital can mass troops but not release them; those who face foreign foes can advance but not withdraw. Chaos divides mind and will. Can the state's affairs fail to trouble you? The Records say: without preparation and foresight one cannot lead an army. My earnest words are loyalty offered in full. Yet what I urge comes down to three things: first, preserve ruler and father; second, uphold the altars of state; third, guard the living people. Let me cite near parallels: Duke Chu of Wei held the state and would not honor his father; Zhao had the Sand Mound crisis; Cheng and Dui quelled it—not without merit—yet afterward they would not treat their lord as lord; Tang Suzong, adrift in exile, yielded to wicked counsel and accepted the usurpation at Lingwu. A thousand years on, no wit can wash that stain away. Alas! Should this not be your mirror! Yet I have heard that Heaven does not cast men down in a day. When the wicked rise fast, revel in favor, and forget conscience—that is not peace but poison heaped high before the fall. Heaven grants their desires; the people hate their excess; the spirits withhold blessing. Can they long endure? Read these cases, my lord, and plan for every contingency—that is best. Ask what the people say: press too hard and change comes unpredictably; move too slowly and quarrel is certain. Let envoys pass freely and learn what high and low feel—know that, and you know your policy. Confucius said: 'Let the ruler be ruler, the minister minister, the father father, the son son.' Today the throne above is like a guest-house, the heir apparent below like a guest-house—the people's grief is the state's grief. Should you not think long and plan hard!' Kozha Temur took his counsel to heart, and the campaign succeeded. Three years later he died.
6
○ Gui Yang
7
使
Gui Yang, courtesy name Yanwen, was from Bianliang. Before his birth his mother Lady Yang dreamed the morning sun rose over the eastern hills and light clouds veiled it, so he was named Yang. He had no formal teacher, yet his quick mind surpassed others. He took the jinshi in Zhishun 1 and became associate prefect of Yingzhou, rooting out villains and crushing the powerful; none dared slight him for his youth. The Shandong Salt Commission sent a memorial envoy to Ying who abused his authority; Yang arrested him and threw him in jail. Prefectures and counties then groveled before the Salt Commission at a glance; Yang alone would not bend. He was moved to Confucian intendant of the Dadu Circuit but never reported.
8
使使使 歿
In the eleventh month of Zhiyuan 5, Fan Meng of Qi County rebelled, posing as an imperial envoy. At the Henan provincial seat he killed Grand Councillor Yuelu Temur, Left Administrator Jielie, Surveillance Commissioner Wanzhe Buhua, and Prefect Salima, then summoned officials active and retired, gave them posts, made Duan Fu left administrator, and ordered Yang north to guard the Yellow River mouth. Yang refused outright. The rebels in rage threw him in prison; no one could guess what he would do, yet he showed no fear. Soon the rebels fell; all who had served them were punished, but Yang alone went free. A neighbor, Wu Bing, had been summoned as Hanlin awaiting edict but had refused office. The rebels made Bing keep the calendar; he did not dare refuse. People said: 'Gui Yang shows his horn; Wu Bing has lost his shine.' From that day Yang's fame blazed. The next year he became Erudite of the National University and investigating censor. When he came to give thanks, a censorate official said, 'This is the man who resisted the rebels in Henan.' The emperor said, 'Such good deeds—you should often do them.' He was given fine wine. He soon resigned and went home to care for his parents at Bian; after they died he lived in retirement for many years.
9
西使
In Zhizheng 5 he became commissioner of the Henan surveillance circuit. On tour at the Western Capital he prosecuted greedy and violent men among the Prince of Zhao's staff; the prince sent envoys three times to intercede, but Yang would not budge. In Xuanding County a murder case had dragged in dozens; one examination uncovered the truth and he freed them all. Guo Zhongyu of Qinzhou was murdered; officials pinned it on Pucha Shan'er. Yang saw the frame-up, tracked the killer, and Shan'er was spared. In year 6 he became commissioner of the Huaidong surveillance circuit, then Doctor Overseer of Writings at the Xuanwen Pavilion and translator for the Classics Colloquium.
10
使 使 使
In year 7 he was made director of the Right Secretariat. Lesun, chieftain of Shunjiang, sought to submit and asked for a pacification commission and thirteen new counties. Yang said, 'The ancients said: the whip may be long, but it cannot reach the horse's belly. If we set up counties and then failed them in crisis, we betray those who came to us; if we rescued them, we would drain the heartland to serve border tribes—empty honor and real harm.' He argued fiercely with Left Administrator Lü Sicheng. Chief Councillor Taiping laughed and said, 'Director Gui is stubbornness itself—why fight each other so! But what policy do you propose?' Yang said, 'Make their chieftain a pacification commissioner, demand no tribute, give gold and silk through an envoy, and send them home—that is enough.' In the end they took Yang's advice. The capital was bitterly cold. A beggar pleaded before the chief councillor's horse; he took off his fur coat and gave it, then inventoried official fur stores and gave everything to the poor. Yang said, 'A chief councillor should seek to relieve the whole realm. How many furs can there be that you think to clothe everyone! Better to register the cold and hungry and give modest relief.' The chief councillor took the point and stopped. When Sikewafa rebelled in Yunnan, the court sent Marshal Shulü Zundao to reason with him; Soon Grand Councillor Yiduhun was sent with an army; the campaign dragged on without result. Both filed conflicting memorials; the Secretariat wanted to punish Shulü. Yang said, 'The facts are unclear—how can you punish one man alone? That is not justice. Besides, you instruct them one day and attack the next—what are they to obey? Nor is it the envoy's fault.' When Shaban, left administrator of Huguang, died, his son Shadi, a Secretariat clerk, asked leave to mourn. The chief councillor refused because he had brothers. Yang said, 'Filial duty is every son's feeling; to deny him because he has brothers is not how to rule by filial example.' They granted the leave. When Guanghai pirates raided, the court ordered Dorbanshar to lead Marshal Yang's Sibao army against them. Yang said, 'Swap the army and the new commander will not know its orders—you may not win. Let Yang keep command of his own men; they will welcome the favor and fight hard—using barbarians against barbarians, to the empire's profit.' The emperor refused; the campaign failed.
11
In year 8 he became vice director of the Left Secretariat. The Secretariat took Yang's advice and cut fifty thousand Hejian salt quotas to ease the people. Paper money would not circulate; the court proposed issuing five million ingots to swap for silver for the inner treasury. Yang again objected: 'Rich merchants will hoard the notes—what good is that for common folk?' In the sixth month he became deliberator of the Privy Council. Fang Guozhen had not yet submitted; Dorbanshar of Jiangzhe was sent against him. His whole force was destroyed and he was captured; the court would punish him. Yang said, 'Defeat is a general's fault—but his men were northern horse and foot who knew no naval fighting. You sent them to their deaths. Recruit coastal people who know naval warfare to take him.' Soon Guozhen sent men with Dorbanshar to the capital to sue for peace. Yang said, 'He has beaten our army and held our minister hostage—coming only when broken is not real surrender. Punish him to show the realm.' The court was in a conciliatory mood and granted his plea; he rebelled again and again, as Yang had warned. He became director of the Censorate, then again deliberator of the Privy Council; in the twelfth month he was made vice commissioner of the Privy Council.
12
西使 西 使輿
In the first month of year 9 he was made surveillance commissioner of Hexi but never reported, then Minister of Rites. When the Duanyuan Hall opened for the heir apparent's studies, Yang was summoned as tutor. Soon he became Hanlin academician and associate compiler of the national history while keeping his tutor's post. Yang said, 'The tutor and prince should face each other east and west to teach; attendants sit in order with the center seat left empty for the emperor's visit—otherwise teacher's authority is not established.' Opinions differed; in the end they followed Yang. He soon resigned for illness; the emperor sent Zhao Lian of the Left Secretariat with white gold and brocade; he refused. Earlier at Shangdu, Toghto returned from Ganzhou to take the chancellorship. Zhao Qiyi and Li Ji came to Yang's home with Toghto's order to draft the appointment edict. Yang declined: 'The councillor aims at the work of Yi Yin and the Duke of Zhou—such an edict should go to the academicians. Asking me would stain his reputation.' Qiyi said, 'What if the emperor orders it?' Yang said, 'Even then one should refuse what is not right.' Qiyi saw he could not be moved and gave up. In the tenth year's first month he became associate administrator of Sichuan; in year 12 Minister of Punishments; in year 15 again Minister of Punishments—three appointments, each declined for illness. In year 17 he was made Academician of the Hall of Gathered Talents and rector of the National University; envoys pressed him; Yang came by litter to the capital and lay ill in the southern quarter, unable to rise. With turmoil across the realm, Yang offered three policies: restore law and order; choose able generals; read the strategic situation. He wrote thousands of earnest words; the court dismissed it as platitudes and did not act. In the eleventh month he retired with the titles Academician and Grand Master of Cherished Virtue, with half salary for life; he refused even that. The next year he asked to go home, lived in Hongzhou, moved to Yuzhou, then Xuande, each move a hard flight from war. He soon reached Datong. When Guanzhong and Shaanxi grew quieter, he settled at Xia County in Jie Prefecture. When the heir apparent withdrew to Jining he was pressed to serve; after some months he returned to Xia County. He died in year 27, aged sixty-three.
13
Chen Zuren; Wang Xunzhi
14
Chen Zuren, courtesy name Zishan, was from Bian. His father Anguo served as magistrate of Jinling in Changzhou. Zuren loved learning; he studied in the south from youth and won a name for letters.
15
使
In Zhizheng 1 examinations resumed; Zuren passed the Henan provincial test on the Spring and Autumn Annals. The next year he ranked high in the metropolitan exam and topped the palace policy debate, taking jinshi with honors as Hanlin compiler, associate director of edicts, and compiler of the national history. He served as director of the Imperial Ancestral Temple and erudite of the Imperial Sacrifices, became Hanlin awaiting edict, commissioner of Shandong surveillance, investigating censor, vice commissioner of Shanbei surveillance, Hanlin academician, exposition academician, and Secretariat deliberator.
16
使
In the fifth month of year 20 the emperor planned to rebuild the Shangdu palaces and conscripted labor on a vast scale. Zuren memorialized in part: 'Since antiquity, which ruler in hard times has not wished to achieve something great and restore the founders' work? If above you ignore Heaven's way and below lose the people's hearts, if timing and measures are wrong—even holding a full vessel you may bring ruin, let alone set a chaotic age right! The Shangdu palaces were built by the founder and repaired by many reigns; war has burned them almost away—Your Majesty grieves day and night, and restoration is urgent. Yet the realm is not at peace, wounds are unhealed, treasuries empty, revenues failing—and you would drive exhausted people to great works, leave fields untilled and land waste. Is that not seizing their throats and their food to kill them faster? Your Majesty thinks constantly of the ancestral palaces, yet what must be restored today is something greater than brick and timber. If Shangdu were never rebuilt, Your Majesty could still sleep in peace—but if this work makes you lose Heaven and the people and wreck the great enterprise, can you lightly abandon the ancestors' realm and people? Take nourishing the people's strength as your root and recovering the realm as your task; reward and punish faithfully; draw heroes to you; keep upright men near and flatterers far; plan the way of good government. Do that, and peace will return soon—not only at Shangdu!' The emperor praised the memorial and accepted it.
17
使使 殿使 殿 使 使 殿 ' '使 殿 使使使 使使殿 殿 退 使 退使
In the twelfth month of year 23 he became investigating censor of the Secretariat. The eunuchs Puhua, pacification commissioner, and Tuo Huan, Xuanzheng commissioner, relied on the heir apparent within and Chief Councillor Toghto without, and acted with arrogant lawlessness. Censor Fu Gongrang exposed them and was demoted to a post in Tibet for offending the prince. Other censors remonstrated in linked memorials; all were posted away from court. Zuren wrote the heir apparent: 'The censors' charges against Tuo Huan and Buhua are not private opinion but public judgment. The censorate examined the case thoroughly before reporting it. Your Highness has not looked into the matter but has blocked it, driven out the censors, and rebuked the censorate, so that wicked ministers' corruption cannot reach the emperor—that is going too far. The realm is the ancestors' realm; the censorate is the ancestors' institution—for two eunuchs you ignore the realm's weight and the censors' words. Do you not remember the ancestors? Your Highness's duty is to oversee the state, comfort the armies, and attend the emperor's health and meals—reward and punishment belong to the throne alone. You are still cultivating virtue in the Eastern Palace, yet remonstrators are silenced and villains run free—not only does the emperor hold an empty title, but what hope is left for the people?' The prince was angry and had Censor-in-Chief Lao Desha tell Zuren: 'The censorate may be right in form, but Tuo Huan and the rest did nothing wrong; the charges were false and they have already been given good posts. When Prince Yu was heir apparent he also held the chancellorship and privy council; only major military and state matters were reported upward. It is not only today that this is so.' Zuren wrote again: 'The censors learned the truth in the countryside; Your Highness inquired only within the palace walls. You spare these two only because you do not see their crimes. Tang Dezong once said, 'People say Lu Qi is wicked—I notice nothing.' Had Dezong seen it early, how could Qi have become chief minister? Everyone at court knew Qi's wickedness—only Dezong did not. These two are wicked too—the court knows, the countryside knows, the realm knows—only Your Highness does not. Since Prince Yu oversaw military and state affairs, he should first have read the essentials himself. Censorate memorials are opened before the emperor. If they must all pass through the Eastern Palace and the emperor errs, will the prince report the remonstrance or withhold it? Report it and you wound your father; withhold it and you trap him in wrong—where then will Your Highness stand! Knowing this, you should not block today's impeachment or drive out the censors. You drive out the accusers and reward the accused—do you think the censors spoke for the realm or for their own offices? Drive one out and another speaks; speakers are endless but fine posts are few—where will Your Highness stand then?' After Zuren submitted again he resigned, and censors down to clerks all quit their posts. The heir apparent reported upward, and Puhua and Tuo Huan both resigned. The emperor had Lao Desha convey his will to Zuren and the rest. Zuren wrote again to the emperor: 'The ancestors gave you the realm; now it is ruined beyond remedy. You may call it fate, but unclear rewards and punishments are also to blame. You cannot remove two petty eunuchs—what of greater evils! Accept the censors' counsel, drive these two out, and do not let resignation be their trick. Let the realm see that faithful reward and sure punishment begin with them—then who among the troops will not fight? The realm can be saved and the founders' order restored. If you still hesitate, I would rather starve at home than serve this court, and await later ages to judge us alike.' The emperor was furious. Attending Censor Li Guofeng also said the two must be expelled. Every censor from Lao Desha down was demoted, and Zuren was sent to Gansu as associate administrator. The weather was bitterly cold; his clothes
18
were very thin; he left his young daughter with his friend Zhu Yi and set out the same day.
19
使使 祿使
The next year in the seventh month Boluo Temur became chief councillor. Zuren was made Shanbei surveillance commissioner, then rector of the National University, then vice commissioner of the Privy Council. He memorialized repeatedly on military affairs without answer and resigned. He became Hanlin academician, then associate administrator of the Secretariat. The realm was already in extreme disorder; Zuren was stiff and upright and often clashed with the chief ministers. They promoted him to Grand Master of Glorious Blessing but sent him back to the Hanlin, then made him director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices and Ritual.
20
調 調 使 使使
In year 27 the Ming army had taken Shandong while the court suspected Kozha Temur of disloyalty and set up a Pacification Army Commission to guard against him. Zuren with Wang Shi, Huang Xia, and Huang Su prostrated themselves at the palace gate and wrote: 'The southern army has overrun Qi and in less than a month threatens the capital. Yeshu was sent out with too few troops while central armies are pulled every way and deployment fails. The capital has no shield on any side—the fate of the dynasty hangs on today. We believe that steering the realm requires weighing what is light and heavy, strong and weak, near and far—not clinging to one fixed view or old habit. Earlier the southern army was distant while Kozha Temur was at your elbow and seemed ready to seize power—so attacking him first was right: the southern threat was far and lighter, Kozha Temur near and heavier. Now Kozha Temur is broken while the southern army has struck—disaster threatens the dynasty. Rescue comes first: Kozha Temur is now weak and light, the southern army near and heavy. Your Majesty is generous; the heir apparent is able and decisive. Now you should weigh priorities, change policy, and the Pacification Army officials should serve the public good and adapt to the hour. Kozha Temur's faction is scattered and cannot revive. Send one army to take him—it will succeed. Order the rest of his troops to march east at forced pace to relieve the capital and support Yeshu, with great ministers sent to urge them on—that may yet suffice. If you cling to the old view, call every speaker Kozha Temur's agent, and silence the realm—when sudden disaster comes the court will not hear of it, and the realm is lost.' No answer came. In the twelfth month Zuren wrote the heir apparent again: 'The recent edict stripping the Henan armies of authority is understandable, yet those troops are what the southern army most fears. If they were disloyal, treating them as loyal ministers would shame and discourage them—what could they then do? We have seen nothing to justify it, yet this title is being imposed on him in haste; if he willingly accepts it, the harm will be beyond reckoning. If the court would only make good use of him, would it not gain some real help? Yet everyone knows this and dares not speak out, for fear of being falsely accused of taking bribes to lobby on his behalf, with no hope of vindication. Moreover, Kocho Temür is said to have submitted memorial after memorial laying bare his intentions, showing that his loyalty to the court is not yet broken and that he waits for the court to come to its senses. For the court to plan at present, there are only three courses: to fight, to hold, or to relocate. If one speaks of fighting, one may draw on his power to strike from two sides; if one speaks of holding the capital, one looks to his armies marching to rescue the throne; if one speaks of relocating the court, one may borrow his strength as a frontier defender. We strain every effort to urge them to march, yet still fear it may already be too late—how can tens of thousands of troops be left idle in one region? At this hour of crisis, the fate of the altars of state hangs by a thread from one dawn to the next; if, heaven forbid, the court should one day flee in haste as Emperor Xuanzong of Tang once did, then the altars our forebears built over a century would be abandoned—and at that point, even smashing one's head and laying down one's life would avail nothing. Therefore I no longer hold back for fear of giving offense; I take only the survival of the altars of state as my concern and respectfully submit this memorial for Your Majesty's hearing.' The memorial was submitted, but again there was no reply.
21
In the autumn of the twenty-eighth year, as the Ming armies pressed toward the suburbs, an edict ordered Zuren and Wang Xunzhi, Vice Commissioner of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, together with others to carry the spirit tablets from the Imperial Ancestral Temple and follow the Crown Prince north. Zuren and his colleagues then memorialized: "When the Son of Heaven departs on a grave emergency, he carries the spirit tablets with him—but to follow the Crown Prince is not according to ritual." The Emperor agreed; they returned to guard the Imperial Ancestral Temple and await further orders. Before long the Son of Heaven fled north; Zuren remained to guard the spirit tablets and did not go in the end. On the second day of the eighth month the capital fell; as he was about to leave by the Jiande Gate, he was killed by mutinous troops. He was fifty-five years old.
22
Zuren had one blind eye, plain features, and a short, spare frame, yet his voice rang clear and his discourse was imposing; proud and upright in spirit, he seemed a man not to be crossed. His learning was broad and deep; from astronomy, geography, calendrics, military science, divination, and the teachings of the hundred schools, he had mastered their essentials. His prose was plain and spare, his poetry clear and graceful; the world widely praised and circulated his writings.
23
西西 西使
Wang Xunzhi, whose style name was Wenmin, was the great-grandson of Yun. Through hereditary privilege he entered service as an attendant in the Ceremonial Office, then served as judge of Xi Prefecture and magistrate of Daning County; he was promoted to investigating censor on the Shaanxi Branch Secretariat and rose through successive posts as commissioner on the Surveillance Commissions of the Hanzhong, Hexi, and Shanbei circuits; he entered the capital as vice director of the Ministry of Works, became director of rites in the Ministry of Rites, and was appointed investigating censor. He impeached the Chamberlain for the Heir Apparent Bolanxi and the Grand Councillor Yitong, both descendants of traitorous ministers, arguing that they should be banished to distant borderlands. He was appointed Junior Supervisor of the Imperial Storehouse, then sent out as Deputy Commissioner of the Jiangxi Surveillance Commission, and later recalled to serve as Vice Commissioner of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. When the capital fell, the high officials rushed to surrender; Xunzhi alone stayed at home, seated in full court dress. His friend Wang Yi, a judge of the Central Secretariat for Palace Affairs, came and urged him: "The new dynasty is magnanimous—you will not only be spared death but may even keep your office. Why not go to the authorities and present yourself?" Xunzhi flushed with anger and rebuked him: "You are disloyal yourself—must you now lure others into disloyalty as well?" He then admonished his son, saying: "You must carefully carry on our family line." With that he cast himself into a well and died.
24
○ Cheng Zun
25
Cheng Zun, whose style name was Yishu, was a native of Xiang County in Nanyang. As a boy he was quick-witted; in his reading he could memorize several thousand characters in a single day. At the age of fifteen he lost his father. His family was poor, yet through hard labor he never abandoned his studies. By twenty he could write accomplished essays. At that time none of the senior scholars in the prefecture had pursued the jinshi curriculum; Zun wished to do so but worried that his compositions did not fit the examination format. One day he said in exasperation: "The Four Books and the Five Classics are my teachers. In prose nothing surpasses the Records, the Han histories, Han Yu, and Liu Zongyuan. These petty examination compositions—what could be so difficult about them?" It happened that Yang Hui, who had just passed the examinations, came to serve as magistrate of Xiang; Zun then copied out several dozen of his compositions and presented them to him. Hui ran his hand over the scrolls and was delighted, telling him: "With writing like this to win the degree, it would be as easy as picking up a mustard seed from the ground." In the xinwei year of the Zhishun reign he went to the capital, studied the Spring and Autumn Annals under Xia Zhen, and entered the Imperial Academy as a National University student. At that time Chen Lü served as an assistant instructor; he admired Zun's writing and spoke of it again and again to Yu Ji, Attendant Academician of the Kuizhang Pavilion. Ji was eager to meet him, and Lü lent his own horse so that Zun could ride posthaste to see Ji. Ji was then suffering from an eye ailment; when he saw Zun arrive, he drew close to look at him and said: "Having just read your essays, I now see your bearing—you are destined for the highest offices. I am old now and fear I shall not live to see it; you must cherish yourself and hold yourself in esteem." When the Yuantong reign began, he passed the jinshi examinations and was appointed Junior Gentleman and compiler in the Hanlin Academy National History Office. The following year he took part in compiling the Veritable Records of the Taiding, Mingzong, and Wenzong reigns. In the fourth year of the Later Zhiyuan reign he was promoted to Attendant Drafter in the Hanlin Academy. In the fifth year he was recruited as a clerk of the Censorate.
26
西 使 使
When the Zhizheng reign began, he was promoted to Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. The following year he was transferred to Inspector of the Central Secretariat, and soon after was appointed investigating censor. Accompanying the court to Shangdu, he submitted a sealed memorial urging the Son of Heaven to be careful in his daily conduct and restrain his appetites so as to preserve his health; when the sovereign's person is secure, the altars of state are secure. His words were urgent in the extreme; the Emperor's expression changed and he praised them. He also spoke of four matters concerning censorial oversight: first, dispatching censors beyond their duties to inquire into affairs; second, demoting investigating censors and blocking the path of remonstrance; third, censors who do not think to speak their minds fully but seek advancement by seniority alone; fourth, covering up false reports on the conduct and reputation of surveillance commissioners, so that the worthy and the unworthy are confused. The Emperor was pleased to accept them all and instructed the censors: "What Zun has said is excellent—all of it reflects the old regulations on conduct and discipline from the time of Emperor Shizu." He was specially granted fine wine in recognition of his loyalty. Zun also urged that the fire disaster in Jiang-Zhe should receive relief, and impeached Huoluhuochi on ten counts of misconduct—all were adopted. He again submitted a sealed memorial on four matters of current policy: first, follow the ancestral models; second, economize expenditures; third, restrain frantic competition for office; fourth, clarify rewards and encouragement. When the memorial was submitted, the Emperor praised it at length and ordered the Central Secretariat to deliberate quickly and put it into effect. That year, in memorials and impeachments together he addressed more than seventy matters, all pointing at current abuses; those in power came to hate him. In the third year he left his post as vice director of the Ministry of Punishments to become vice director of the Shaanxi Branch Secretariat, but resigned and returned home when his mother fell ill. In the fifth year he entered mourning for his mother. In the eighth year he was promoted to Commissioner of the Huaidong Surveillance Commission, then transferred to Director of Rites in the Ministry of Rites; commissioned to inspect the worthiness of prefectural and county officials in Shandong and north of the Huai, he found nine who were upright and diligent and twenty-one who were greedy or timid, and memorialized accordingly. The nine were granted fine wine and silks and further given conspicuous promotion; the twenty-one were all dismissed from office. In the ninth year he was transferred to Director of Punishments in the Ministry of Punishments, and soon after was promoted to Chief Clerk of the Censorate. At that time some censors, resenting that corrupt officials often escaped prosecution by claiming mourning for their parents, proposed that henceforth whenever an official was impeached for graft, even if his parents died he should not be permitted to return home for burial but must await the conclusion of his case, so that evildoers might not escape. Zun said: "Evildoers may indeed be enraging, but which weighs heavier—punishing them or the bonds of human relations? Moreover the state governs the realm through filial piety; better to let a thousand guilty men go than to have officials throughout the realm who are without parents." The Censor-in-Chief agreed with his words. He was promoted to Vice Minister of Revenue.
27
使使 禿 輿 禿 使 調
In the tenth year he was transferred to Director of the Right Department of the Central Secretariat. At that time several hundred cases in the prisons of the Ministry of Punishments had long gone undecided; Zun and his colleagues divided them for review, deliberated together on their severity, and assigned to each its proper penalty; before long nothing remained unresolved. At that time there was an order allowing grain contributions in exchange for office; one man who concealed his crimes of debauchery and bought a seventh-rank miscellaneous post through grain was denounced by an enemy; the authorities debated the grain-contribution precedent, which had no provision denying office to those with prior offenses; Zun said: "Selling offices and titles is already no proper institution—how much less selling them to men guilty of debauchery; how then is government to be conducted? His patent must be revoked, his grain returned, and this written into regulation—only then will it suffice." The provincial officials agreed. He was appointed Minister of Works. Earlier the Yellow River had burst its banks at Baimao, and Yuncheng and Jining were both submerged in vast floods. Some said dikes should be built to check the force of the waters, others that the old course of the southern river must be dredged to reduce it; but Jia Lu, Commissioner of Grain Transport, said: "The southern river must be dredged and the northern river blocked so that the old course may be restored. Unless labor on a great scale is undertaken, the harm cannot be ended." Court deliberation could reach no decision. The court then ordered Zun together with Tuolu, Grand Minister of Agriculture, to travel and inspect the river, deliberate on methods of dredging and blocking, and report back. In the spring of the eleventh year, from Jining, Cao, Pu, Bianliang, and Daming, they traveled several thousand li, sinking wells to measure the heights and lows of the terrain and surveying the banks to investigate the shallows and depths of the waters; they read widely in historical records and gathered public opinion broadly, concluding that the river's old course could not be restored, and set forth eight points in their proposal. But the Chancellor Toghto had already been won over by Jia Lu's words; when Zun and Tuolu arrived, they argued forcefully against the plan, saying: "Jining, Cao, and Yun have suffered famine year after year; the people can scarcely survive. If two hundred thousand men are gathered in this place, I fear that troubles hereafter may outweigh the harm of the river itself." Toghto said in anger: "Do you mean the people will rebel!" From morning until evening they argued, but in the end could not prevail. The next day those in power said to Zun: "On the river works the Chancellor's mind is already made up, and someone will bear responsibility for them; sir, speak no more on the matter—please offer a compromise proposal." Zun said: "My wrist may be cut off, but my position cannot be changed." Thereupon he was sent out as Commissioner of Salt Transport for Dadu, Hejian, and other circuits. At first the Ru and Bian prefectures had many wealthy merchants on whom the transport office relied; at this time bandits rose in Runing and invaded the Bian border; the court dispatched troops to suppress them and requisitioned boats to transport grain, so that shipping was blocked and commerce ceased. Zun handled each matter as circumstances required, and all state revenues were collected.
28
調 使
In the fourteenth year he was transferred to serve as Administrator of the Wuchang Circuit. Wuchang had since the twelfth year been ravaged by bandits from the Han region; six or seven tenths of the people died in war and pestilence, while up and down the great river fierce robbers blocked all passage; the price of rice soared, and the people's hearts were in turmoil. Zun spoke to the provincial officials, borrowing ten thousand ingots of military grain notes, recruiting brave men, equipping armed boats, cutting across the war zone while fighting as they went, and buying grain at Taiping and Zhongxing; many people relied on this to survive. When the provincial officials took the field, Zun acted in their stead in provincial affairs; thus in the provincial office and the prefectural office there was only Zun alone. He posted scouts far out, sealed the gates, and enrolled more than five thousand men as militia, appointing four commanders of ten thousand to hold the four gates. Defensive preparations reached their utmost; his commands were austere and rewards and punishments exact. Rebel vessels prowled the river but never dared come ashore; the city held secure. In year 15 he was promoted to investigating censor on the Jiangnan Branch Secretariat and summoned as an associate discussant in the Central Secretariat. Henan bandits were crossing the Yellow River northward again and again, burning towns—and the court treated it as routine. Zun led the left and right secretariat staff, memorial in hand, to the chancellor. He said: "More than half the empire's prefectures and counties lie in ruin. North of the Yellow River, folk endure only because the river is Heaven's moat—rebels cannot cross it at will. They strip themselves to fill the army's granaries yet resent little, for unlike Henan they still have roofs over their heads. Now rebels cross north and our troops do not meet them—the river's defense is lost. What will Hebei trust hereafter? If Hebei's hearts waver once, what becomes of the realm?" He could not finish; voice breaking, he fell silent. From the chancellor down, all wept, and the matter went before the throne. The emperor immediately sent envoys to discipline the river garrisons, and the northern defenses grew noticeably stricter.
29
Earlier the Ni bandits of Huguang held the Prince of Weishun's son hostage and sued for surrender, demanding the Huguang grand councillorship. Half the court would grant it. Zun said: "Grand councillor ranks just below chancellor. In peace even worthy Han were refused this rank; shall we lightly hand it to rebels who extort it by force? What of law and order?" Another said: "The prince is Emperor Shizu's own grandson; to refuse is to abandon him to bandits—not the way of kinship." Zun said: "Xiang Yu seized Liu Bang's father and threatened to boil him; Gaozu replied that he wanted a bowl of the soup too. How shall we discard the empire's great design for one prince's sake?" All endorsed his view. He was made investigating censor, then soon reentered the Secretariat as associate councillor. Zun had been out of the Secretariat only six days. On every weighty decision the chancellor said, "Let us wait"—none knew why—until Zun took office again, when he said joyfully, "Great matters can be settled now."
30
使
In year 17 he rose to left vice chancellor, rank of Senior Counselor for Goodness, with detached duty at Zhangde. Taiping then held the chancellorship and had offended the heir apparent, who nursed deep resentment and sought his removal without pretext. He counted Zun and Zhao Zhong among Taiping's allies; remove them, he reasoned, and Taiping would stand alone. In year 19 men in power read the prince's mood and set Deng Zichu, brother of Baodi magistrate Deng Shouli, to frame Zun, Zhao Zhong, Xiao Yong, and six others for bribery. The heir had the Censorate and Imperial Clan Office examine them; the case was forged to completion, and all were flogged to death—a wrong mourned throughout the realm. In year 24 the Censorate cleared them of false charges; an edict restored their commissions.
31
○ Cao Jian
32
使沿使 調
Cao Jian, style Keming, was from Wanping. Precocious beyond his peers, unlike ordinary boys in manner, he traveled south after coming of age and mastered the substance of the Five Classics. In Dade 5, on Hanlin lecturer Hao Bin's recommendation, he became head of the Zhenjiang Huai-Hai Academy. In year 11 Commissioner Lian Heng of the southern Branch Secretariat took him on as clerk. After mourning for his mother he returned, resumed as clerk, and was appointed to the Office for Promoting Literature. Ordered to escort an Annamese envoy, he met every challenge and verse along the road with instant wit. The envoy marveled, saying China indeed had its men. In Zhizhi 2 he was made outside vice-director on the Jiang-Zhe secretariat's left and right staffs. The next year he surveyed Baiyun Buddhist lands by imperial order—his audit so disciplined that within months the task was done without a whisper of trouble. In Taiding 7 he was transferred to the same post on the Huguang secretariat. Chancellor Huladai then lorded his power, dispensing favors at will. Most staff shrank away; Jian alone pressed what reason required without bending. The Huguang surveillance office recommended him for discipline posts; the court did not act. In Tianli 1 he was made vice administrator of Jiang-Zhe revenues. Floods ravaged the Huai and Zhe; people pleaded disaster. He cut taxes six- or seven-tenths. Powerful houses claiming exemption he audited and ordered to pay up first. In Yuantong 2 he rose in the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. Jian knew precedent through ages past and present—ritual, music, measures, and ritual objects left nothing unknown. Debating the enshrinement of Empress Mingzong, he argued from ritual and classics with luminous detail; men of discernment approved. In Zhiyuan 1 he rose to Minister of Rites as Grand Master of the Palace; illness soon took him at sixty-five. He was posthumously enfeoffed as Marquis of Qiao with the posthumous name Wenmu.
33
歿 西
Pure filial piety was his nature; to poor kin he gave aid, never behindhand. For thirty years in office he lived in a rented house. He died leaving no spare wealth, only several thousand books he had collated himself. His poetry and fu looked to the Songs of Chu and the Book of Odes; his prose modeled the Western Han. Scholars passed each new piece from hand to hand. A collected works in several juan remained in the family.
34
歿
As Huguang vice-director, former clerk Gu Yuanbo gave him a packet of cinnabar; Jian tossed it in a chest. Half a year later, preparing medicine, he had it brought out and found three taels of gold mixed in. He cried in dismay: "What sort of man did Yuanbo take me for!" Yuanbo was dead; Jian summoned his son and returned the gold. Such was his integrity that he would neither deceive nor be deceived.
35
○ Zhang Zhu
36
調使
Zhang Zhu, style Zhongju, was from Jinning. His father was a clerk who followed the southern campaigns, became record-keeper of Anren in Raozhou, then deputy of Hangzhou's paper-money vault. Young Zhu was brilliant and wild, loving kickball and music, caring nothing for the family trade—his father despaired. One day he turned and said, "Father, do not worry. I shall change my trade." He shut out guests, read night and day without pause, and studied under Master Li Cun. Li Cun of Anren was a great scholar of the southeast, heir to Lu Jiuyuan's school. Zhu studied with him, probing doctrines of nature and moral principle. Soon he stayed on in Hangzhou and studied under Master Qiu Yuan. Qiu Yuan mastered poetry; Zhu learned from him every secret of meter and tune, and soon his verse and prose were famous throughout the land. He traveled to Yangzhou and stayed long; scholars thronged his door.
37
退 祿
Near the end of the Zhiyuan era, fellow townsman Fu Yan of the Secretariat recommended Zhu as a recluse scholar. At Zhizheng's opening he was summoned as National University junior instructor to teach students at Shangdu. Soon he retired to east Huai. When the court compiled the Liao, Jin, and Song histories, he was raised as Hanlin national history compiler. After the histories were done he rose through composer and reviser posts to erudite of the Sacrifices Court, ritual vice director, then Hanlin—a progression through attending and lecturing academician until he held both lecturing academician and rector. He worked hard to lift juniors, shed all pretense of distance, and never masked himself in the teacher's dignity—scholars loved to draw near his warmth. On classical questions he weighed every school and reconciled them; debate blended with laughter until the questioner was satisfied. Once ordered to the Secretariat to debate current policy, he alone stayed silent while others buzzed. Chancellor Shisim Jian said, "Master Zhang always has views—why not one word today?" Zhu replied, "The gentlemen's proposals are all right. Only that affairs have their urgency and their season, and execution its order—all that rests with the chancellor." Shisim Jian approved. Next day he was made Collected Treasures academician; soon he retired as Hanlin recipient of edicts at the rank of Glory and Blessing Grand Master.
38
When Boluo Temur entered the capital he ordered Zhu to draft an edict stripping Kozha Temur and sending troops against him; Zhu refused flatly. Some urged him; he said, "You may sever my arm, but I will not take up the brush." The emperor saw his resolve could not be bent and had another academician write it. Boluo Temur knew and bore no grudge. After Boluo Temur's execution, Zhu was named grand councillor of Henan while remaining retired Hanlin recipient of edicts with full salary for life. He died in the third month of year 28, aged eighty-two.
39
稿
He excelled in poetry; regulated verse and ci were his especial mastery. His prose did not equal his verse, yet he prized it more. He would say, "My prose writes itself—I never plan it; the brush simply follows impulse." Once Hanlin academician Shala Ban showed him a draft and asked him to change a few words; Zhu brooded a long while and could not. Shala Ban said, "Master, is prose still unmastered for you? Why such agony?" They looked at each other and laughed. Zhu loved raillery; a word from him could overturn a table with laughter. His chamber breathed spring. His poetry and prose were voluminous. He had no sons. He died; the dynasty soon followed; his papers did not circulate. What survives—regulated verse and yuefu—fills only three scrolls. He once compiled a Record of Loyal and Righteous Acts listing men who died for principle or duty since the wars began; discerning readers approved.
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