1
起閼逢困敦，盡重光協洽，凡八年。 1冬，十月，丁酉晦，日有食之。 ----2十一月，丁卯晦，日有食之。 ----3詔曰：「前遣列侯之國，或辭未行。 丞相，朕之所重，其為朕率列侯之國！」 十二月，免丞相勃，遣就國。 乙亥，以太尉灌嬰為丞相； 罷太尉官，屬丞相。 ----4夏，四月，城陽景王章薨。 ----5初，趙王敖獻美人於高祖，得幸，有娠。 及貫高事發，美人亦坐系河內。 美人母弟趙兼因辟陽侯審食其言-{呂后}-，呂后妒，弗肯白。 美人已生子，恚，即自殺。 吏奉其子詣上，上悔，名之曰長，令-{呂后}-母之，而葬其母真定。 後封長為淮南王。
From Quefeng Kundun through Chongguang Xieqia—eight years in all. 1. In winter, the tenth month, on the last day dingyou, there was a solar eclipse. ----2 In the eleventh month, on the last day dingmao, there was a solar eclipse. ----3 An edict said, "I previously sent the ranked marquises to their states; some declined and have not yet departed. The chancellor is one I hold in the highest regard—let him lead the ranked marquises to their states for me!" In the twelfth month, Chancellor Bo was dismissed and sent to his state. On yihai, Grand Commandant Guan Ying was made chancellor; the office of Grand Commandant was abolished and placed under the chancellor. ----4 In summer, the fourth month, King Jing of Chengyang, Zhang, died. ----5 At the outset, King Ao of Zhao presented a beauty to the High Ancestor; she won his favor and became pregnant. When the affair of Guan Gao broke out, the beauty was implicated as well and imprisoned in Henei. The beauty's younger brother Zhao Jian spoke through the Marquis of Piyang Shen Yishi to -{the cited text}-; the Empress Lü was jealous and would not plead for her. The beauty had already borne a son; in rage she killed herself. An officer brought the son to the emperor; the emperor was filled with regret, named him Chang, had -{the cited text}- raise him as mother, and buried his mother at Zhending. Later Chang was enfeoffed as king of Huainan.
2
淮南王蚤失母，常附呂后，故孝惠、-{呂后}-時得無患； 而常心怨辟陽侯，以為不強爭之於-{呂后}-，使其母恨而死也。 及帝即位，淮南王自以最親，驕蹇，數不奉法； 上常寬假之。 是歲，入朝，從上入苑囿獵，與上同車，常謂上「大兄」。 王有材力，能扛鼎。 乃往見辟陽侯，自袖鐵椎椎辟陽侯，令從者魏敬剄之； 馳走闕下，肉袒謝罪。 帝傷其志為親，故赦弗治。 當是時，薄太后及太子、諸大臣皆憚淮南王。 淮南王以此，歸國益驕恣，出入稱警蹕，稱制擬於天子。 袁盎諫曰：「諸侯太驕，必生患。」 上不聽。 ----6五月，匈奴右賢王入居河南地，侵盜上郡保塞蠻夷，殺略人民。 上幸甘泉。 遣丞相灌嬰發車騎八萬五千，詣高奴擊右賢王； 發中尉材官屬衛將軍，軍長安。 右賢王走出塞。 ----7上自甘泉之高奴，因幸太原，見故群臣，皆賜之； 復晉陽、中都民三歲租。 留游太原十餘日。 ----8初，大臣之誅諸呂也，朱虛侯功尤大。 大臣許盡以趙地王朱虛侯，盡以梁地王東牟侯。 及帝立，聞朱虛、東牟之初欲立齊王，故絀其功，及王諸子，乃割齊二郡以王之。 興居自以失職奪功，頗怏怏； 聞帝幸太原，以為天子且自擊胡，遂發兵反。 帝聞之，罷丞相及行兵皆歸長安，以棘浦侯柴武為大將軍，將四將軍、十萬眾擊之； 祁侯繒賀為將軍，軍滎陽。 秋，七月，上自太原至長安。 詔：「濟北吏民，兵未至先自定及以軍城邑降者，皆赦之，復官爵； 與王興居去來者，赦之。」 八月，濟北王興居兵敗，自殺。 ----9初，南陽張釋之為騎郎，十年不得調，欲免歸。 袁盎知其賢而薦之，為謁者僕射。
The king of Huainan had lost his mother early and clung to the Empress Lü; therefore under Emperor Hui and -{the cited text}- he came to no harm; yet he always resented the Marquis of Piyang, believing he had not pressed his case hard enough before -{the cited text}-, so that his mother died in bitterness. When the emperor took the throne, the king of Huainan, deeming himself the closest kin, grew arrogant and obstinate and repeatedly defied the law; the emperor constantly indulged him. That year he came to court, followed the emperor into the parklands to hunt, rode in the same carriage with him, and habitually called the emperor "Elder Brother." The king was powerfully built and could shoulder a cauldron. He then went to see the Marquis of Piyang, drew an iron mallet from his sleeve and struck him down, and ordered his follower Wei Jing to cut off his head; he galloped to the palace gate, bared his torso, and begged forgiveness. The emperor was moved by his devotion to kin and pardoned him without prosecution. At that time Empress Dowager Bo, the crown prince, and all the great ministers feared the king of Huainan. Because of this, on returning to his state the king of Huainan grew all the more arrogant and unrestrained; when he went abroad he proclaimed imperial escort and styled his commands like the Son of Heaven. Yuan Ang remonstrated, "If the feudal lords grow too arrogant, trouble will surely follow." The emperor did not heed him. ----6 In the fifth month, the Xiongnu Right Worthy King crossed into the lands south of the river, raided the fortified passes of Shang commandery and the frontier tribes, and killed and carried off the people. The emperor went to Ganquan. He sent Chancellor Guan Ying to mobilize eighty-five thousand chariots and horsemen to Gaonu to strike the Right Worthy King; he mobilized the commandant of the center's skilled soldiers under the Defender-General to garrison Chang'an. The Right Worthy King fled beyond the frontier. ----7 The emperor, traveling from Ganquan to Gaonu, then visited Taiyuan, saw his former ministers, and rewarded them all; he remitted three years' rent for the people of Jinyang and Zhongdu. He lingered in Taiyuan for more than ten days. ----8 At the outset, when the great ministers destroyed the Lü clan, the Marquis of Zhuwei's merit was especially great. The great ministers had promised to make the Marquis of Zhuwei king of Zhao in full and the Marquis of Dongmou king of Liang in full. When the emperor was installed, learning that Zhuwei and Dongmou had at first wished to install the king of Qi, he reduced their rewards; when he enfeoffed his sons as kings, he carved off only two commanderies of Qi for them. Xingju felt he had lost his post and been robbed of his due reward, and was deeply discontent; hearing that the emperor was visiting Taiyuan, he supposed the Son of Heaven was about to strike the barbarians in person, and raised troops in revolt. When the emperor heard it, he recalled the chancellor and all marching troops to Chang'an, made the Marquis of Jipo Chai Wu grand general, and sent four generals with a hundred thousand men against him; the Marquis of Qi He was made general and encamped at Xingyang. In autumn, the seventh month, the emperor returned from Taiyuan to Chang'an. An edict: "The officials and people of Jibei who before the army arrived had already settled matters themselves or surrendered cities and towns—all are pardoned and restored in office and rank; those who went and came with King Xingju are pardoned." In the eighth month, King Xingju of Jibei's troops were defeated and he killed himself. ----9 At the outset, Zhang Shizhi of Nanyang served as a cavalry gentleman of the palace; after ten years without promotion he wished to resign and go home. Yuan Ang knew his worth and recommended him; he was made usher and master of attendants.
3
釋之從行，登虎圈，上問上林尉諸禽獸簿。 十餘問，尉左右視，盡不能對。 虎圈嗇夫從旁代尉對。 上所問禽獸簿甚悉，欲以觀其能； 口對響應，無窮者。 帝曰：「吏不當若是邪！ 尉無賴！」 乃詔釋之拜嗇夫為上林令。 釋之久之前，曰：「陛下以絳侯周勃何如人也？」 上曰：「長者也。」 又復問：「東陽侯張相如何如人也？」 上復曰：「長者。」 釋之曰：「夫絳侯、東陽侯稱為長者，此兩人言事曾不能出口，豈效此嗇夫喋喋利口捷給哉！ 且秦以任刀筆之吏，爭以亟疾苛察相高。 其敝，徒文具而無實，不聞其過，陵遲至於土崩。 今陛下以嗇夫口辨而超遷之，臣恐天下隨風而靡，爭為口辨而無其實。 夫下之化上，疾於景響，舉錯不可不審也。」 帝曰：「善！」 乃不拜嗇夫。 上就車，詔釋之參乘。 徐行，問釋之秦之敝，具以質言。 至宮，上拜釋之為公車令。
Shizhi accompanied the journey; they ascended the tiger enclosure, and the emperor questioned the superintendent of the Shanglin park on the registers of birds and beasts. After more than ten questions the superintendent looked about; he could answer none of them. The chief of the tiger enclosure answered from the side in the superintendent's stead. The emperor's questions on the registers were very thorough; he wished to test the man's ability; the man answered fluently, without end. The emperor said, "Should an officer not be like this! The superintendent is worthless!" He then ordered Shizhi to invest the chief as superintendent of Shanglin. Shizhi stepped forward and said, "Your Majesty, what sort of man do you hold the Marquis of Jiang Zhou Bo to be?" The emperor said, "A man of worth." He asked again, "What sort of man is the Marquis of Dongyang Zhang Xiang?" The emperor again said, "A man of worth." Shizhi said, "The Marquis of Jiang and the Marquis of Dongyang are called men of worth—yet these two could scarcely get a word out when speaking of affairs. How could one imitate this chief's clattering, sharp-tongued quick replies! Moreover Qin put its trust in clerks with knife and brush; they vied to outdo one another in haste, severity, and petty scrutiny. The harm was empty paperwork without substance, faults went unheard, and decline dragged on until the realm collapsed. Now Your Majesty would promote this chief for glib speech—I fear the realm would follow the wind and strive for glib speech without substance. How the lower transforms to match the upper is swifter than shadow to echo; what you raise and set down cannot go unexamined." The emperor said, "Well said!" He then did not invest the chief. The emperor mounted his carriage and ordered Shizhi to ride beside him as attendant. They went slowly, and the emperor asked Shizhi about Qin's harms; he laid them out plainly and in full. On reaching the palace, the emperor made Shizhi master of the imperial carriages.
4
頃之，太子與梁王共車入朝，不下司馬門。 於是釋之追止太子、梁王，無得入殿門，遂劾「不下公門，不敬」，奏之。 薄太后聞之； 帝免冠，謝教兒子不謹。 薄太后乃使使承詔赦太子、梁王，然後得入。 帝由是奇釋之，拜為中大夫； 頃之，至中郎將。
Before long the crown prince and the king of Liang entered court in the same carriage and did not dismount at the Gate of the Grand Marshal. Thereupon Shizhi pursued and halted the crown prince and the king of Liang; they might not enter the hall gate; he impeached them for "not dismounting at the public gate—indecorum" and memorialized it. Empress Dowager Bo heard of it; the emperor removed his cap and apologized for not having taught his sons with sufficient care. Empress Dowager Bo then sent an envoy bearing the edict to pardon the crown prince and the king of Liang; only then could they enter. The emperor for this reason marveled at Shizhi and made him palace grandee; before long he rose to commandant of the palace guards.
5
從行至霸陵，上謂群臣曰：「嗟乎！ 以北山石為槨，用紵絮昔斮陳漆其間，豈可動哉！」 左右皆曰：「善！」 釋之曰：「使其中有可欲者，雖錮南山猶有隙； 使其中無可欲者，雖無石槨，又何戚焉！」 帝稱善。
On the journey to Baling, the emperor said to the ministers, "Alas! to take stone from the northern mountains for the outer coffin, pack it with ramie floss and old hemp and lay lacquer within—who could breach it!" Those beside him all said, "Excellent!" Shizhi said, "If within there is something to be desired, though you caged the southern mountains there would still be a gap; if within there is nothing to be desired, though there were no stone coffin, what would there be to grieve over!" The emperor praised it as well said.
6
是歲，釋之為廷尉。 上行出中渭橋，有一人從橋下走，乘輿馬驚。 於是使騎捕之，屬廷尉。 釋之奏當：「此人犯蹕，當罰金。」 上怒曰：「此人親驚吾馬，馬賴和柔，令它馬，固不敗傷我乎！ 而廷尉乃當之罰金。」 釋之曰：「法者，天下公共也。 今法如是，更重之，是法不信於民也。 且方其時，上使使誅之則已。 今已下廷尉。 廷尉，天下之平也，壹傾，天下用法皆為之輕重，民安所錯其手足！ 唯陛下察之。」 上良久曰：「廷尉當是也。」
That year Shizhi became minister of justice. The emperor was traveling past the Zhongwei Bridge when a man ran out from beneath the bridge and the imperial carriage horses were startled. He sent horsemen to seize him and handed him over to the minister of justice. Shizhi memorialized the proper sentence: "This man violated the imperial progress and should be fined in gold." The emperor was enraged and said, "This man personally startled my horses; the horses were luckily gentle—had they been other horses, would they not surely have thrown and injured me! Yet the minister of justice sets the penalty at a fine in gold." Shizhi said, "Law is what all under Heaven share in common. Now the law is thus; if it were made heavier, the law would no longer be believed by the people. Moreover at that very moment, had Your Majesty sent an envoy to execute him, it would have been done. Now he has already been handed down to the minister of justice. The minister of justice is the balance of all under Heaven; once it tilts, everyone in applying the law will bend it to their own ends—where will the people place their hands and feet! I beg Your Majesty to examine this." After a long while the emperor said, "The minister of justice's sentence is correct."
7
其後人有盜高廟坐前玉環，得； 帝怒，下廷尉治。 釋之按「盜宗廟服御物者」為奏當：棄市。 上大怒曰：「人無道，乃盜先帝器！ 吾屬廷尉者，欲致之族； 而君以法奏之，非吾所以共承宗廟意也。」 釋之免冠頓首謝曰：「法如是，足也。 且罪等，然以逆順為差。 今盜宗廟器而族之，有如萬分一，假令愚民取長陵一抔土，陛下且何以加其法乎？」 帝乃白太后許之。----
Afterward someone stole the jade ring before the seat in the High Ancestor's temple and was captured; the emperor was enraged and handed him down to the minister of justice for prosecution. “Shizhi applied the statute on stealing vessels and regalia of the ancestral temple and memorialized the proper sentence: execution in the marketplace.” The Emperor was greatly angered and said, "The man is without principle—yet he steals the former Emperor's vessels! I handed him over to the Commandant of Justice intending to have his whole clan executed; yet you, my lord, reported him according to the law—this is not how we together uphold the ancestral temple's intent." Zhang Shizhi removed his cap and kowtowed in apology, saying, "The law is thus—that is enough. Moreover, though crimes may be equal, they are graded by whether they are rebellious or compliant. Now if one exterminates the clan for stealing temple vessels, suppose one in ten thousand—if foolish commoners took a handful of earth from Changling, how would Your Majesty increase the penalty against them?" The Emperor thereupon told the Empress Dowager and obtained her assent.
8
1冬，十二月，穎陰懿侯灌嬰薨。 ----2春，正月，甲午，以御史大夫陽武張蒼為丞相。 蒼好書，博聞，尤邃律曆。 ----3上召河東守季布，欲以為御史大夫。 有言其勇、使酒、難近者； 至，留邸一月，見罷。 季布因進曰：「臣無功竊寵，待罪河東，陛下無故召臣，此人必有以臣欺陛下者。 今臣至，無所受事，罷去，此人必有毀臣者。 夫陛下以一人之譽而召臣，以一人之毀而去臣，臣恐天下有識聞之，有以窺陛下之淺深也！」 上默然，慚，良久曰：「河東，吾股肱郡，故特召君耳。」 ----4上議以賈誼任公卿之位。 大臣多短之曰：「洛陽之人，年少初學，專欲擅權，紛亂諸事。」 於是天子後亦疏之，不用其議，以為長沙王太傅。 ----5絳侯周勃既就國，每河東守、尉行縣至絳，勃自畏恐誅，常被甲，令家人持兵以見之。 其後人有上書告勃欲反，下廷尉。 廷尉逮捕勃，治之。 勃恐，不知置辭。 吏稍侵辱之，勃以千金與獄吏，獄吏乃書牘背示之曰：「以公主為證。」 公主者，帝女也，勃太子勝之尚之。 薄太后亦以為勃無反事。 帝朝太后，太后以冒絮提帝曰：「絳侯始誅諸呂，綰皇帝璽，將兵於北軍，不以此時反，今居一小縣，顧欲反邪？」 帝既見絳侯獄辭，乃謝曰：「吏方驗而出之。」 於是使使持節赦絳侯，復爵邑。 絳侯既出，曰：「吾嘗將百萬軍，然安知獄吏之貴乎！」 ----6作顧成廟。 ----1春，二月，地震。 ----2初，秦用半兩錢，高祖嫌其重，難用，更鑄莢錢。 於是物價騰踴，米至石萬錢。 夏，四月，更造四銖錢，除盜鑄錢令，使民得自鑄。
In winter, the twelfth month, the Marquis Yi of Yingyin Guan Ying died. ----2 In spring, the first month, on jiawu, the Grandee Secretary Zhang Cang of Yangwu was made Chancellor. Zhang was fond of books, broadly learned, and especially expert in calendrical astronomy. ----3 The Emperor summoned the governor of Hedong Ji Bu, wishing to make him Grandee Secretary. Someone said he was brave, given to drink, and hard to approach; when he arrived, he was kept at the lodging house a month, then dismissed. Ji Bu thereupon advanced and said, "Your servant, without merit yet enjoying favor, awaits punishment in Hedong; Your Majesty summoned me without cause—someone must have used me to deceive Your Majesty. Now I have come and received no commission, yet am dismissed—someone must have slandered me. Your Majesty summoned me on one man's praise and dismissed me on one man's slander; I fear that those with understanding throughout the realm, hearing of it, will gauge Your Majesty's depth and shallowness!" The Emperor was silent, ashamed; after a long while he said, "Hedong is my arm-and-thigh district; therefore I specially summoned you." ----4 The Emperor deliberated on appointing Jia Yi to a ministerial post. Many great ministers spoke against him, saying, "A man of Luoyang, young and newly learning, who wishes only to monopolize power and throw affairs into confusion." Thereupon the Son of Heaven later also kept him at a distance, did not use his proposals, and made him Grand Tutor to the king of Changsha. ----5 After the Marquis of Jiang Zhou Bo had gone to his state, whenever the governor or commandant of Hedong on circuit reached Jiang on county rounds, Bo feared execution and often wore armor, ordering his household to hold weapons when receiving them. Afterward someone submitted a memorial accusing Bo of wishing to rebel; the case was sent to the Commandant of Justice. The Commandant of Justice arrested Bo and tried him. Bo was afraid and did not know what to say. The clerks gradually insulted and humiliated him; Bo gave a thousand in gold to the prison clerk, and the clerk wrote on the back of the document slip and showed him, saying, "Use the princess as witness." The princess was the Emperor's daughter; Bo's heir Sheng had married her. Empress Dowager Bo also held that Bo had no rebellious intent. When the Emperor attended the Empress Dowager, she took her padded cap-strings and struck the Emperor, saying, "The Marquis of Jiang at first executed the Lü clan, held the Emperor's seal, and commanded troops in the Northern Army—he did not rebel then; now dwelling in a small county, would he turn and rebel?" The Emperor, having seen the Marquis of Jiang's prison statement, then apologized, saying, "The clerks are just now verifying and will release him." Thereupon he sent an envoy bearing credentials to pardon the Marquis of Jiang and restore his rank and fief. Once the Marquis of Jiang was out, he said, "I once commanded a million troops—yet how did I know the prison clerk's exalted station!" ----6 The Gu Cheng temple was built. ----1 In spring, the second month, there was an earthquake. ----2 At first Qin used banliang coins; the High Emperor found them heavy and hard to use and recast elm-seed coins. Thereupon prices soared; rice reached ten thousand cash per picul. In summer, the fourth month, four-zhu coins were newly cast; the statute against illicit coinage was removed and the people were allowed to cast coins themselves.
9
賈誼諫曰：「法使天下公得雇租鑄銅、錫為錢，敢雜以鉛、鐵為它巧者，其罪黥。 然鑄錢之情，非殽雜為巧，則不可得贏； 而殽之甚微，為利其厚。 夫事有召禍而法有起奸； 今令細民人操造幣之勢，各隱屏而鑄作，因欲禁其厚利微奸，雖黥罪日報，其勢不止。 乃者，民人抵罪多者一縣百數，及吏之所疑搒笞奔走者甚眾。 夫縣法以誘民，使入隱阱，孰多於此！ 又民用錢，郡縣不同：或用輕錢，百加若干； 或用重錢，平稱不受。 法錢不立，吏急而壹之乎？ 則大為煩苛而力不能勝； 縱而弗呵乎？ 則市肆異用，錢文大亂； 苟非其術，何鄉而可哉！ 今農事棄捐而采銅者日蕃，釋其耒耨，冶熔炊炭； 奸錢日多，五穀不為多。 善人怵而為奸邪，願民陷而之刑戮； 刑戮將甚不詳，奈何而忽！ 國知患此，吏議必曰『禁之』。 禁之不得其術，其傷必大。 令禁鑄錢，則錢必重； 重則其利深，盜鑄如雲而起，棄市之罪又不足以禁矣。 奸數不勝而法禁數潰，銅使之然也。 銅佈於天下，其為禍博矣，故不如收之。」 賈山亦上書諫，以為：「錢者，亡用器也，而可以易富貴。 富貴者，人主之操柄也； 令民為之，是與人主共操柄，不可長也。」 上不聽。
Jia Yi remonstrated, saying, "The law allows all under Heaven publicly to hire out rent and cast copper and tin into coins; whoever dares to mix in lead or iron for other tricks—the penalty is tattooing. Yet those who cast coins, unless they adulterate for trickery, cannot obtain profit; and though the adulteration is very slight, the profit is very great. Affairs have that which summons disaster, and laws have that which raises villainy; now the order lets petty people grasp the power to make currency, each hiding behind screens and casting—yet one wishes to forbid their great profit and slight fraud; though tattooing penalties are reported daily, the trend does not stop. Recently, among the people convicted, in many counties the number reaches the hundreds, and those whom officials suspect, beat with the bastinado, and chase about are very numerous. To set up the law to lure the people and make them fall into traps—what exceeds this! Moreover, in the people's use of money, commanderies and counties differ: some use light coins, adding so many per hundred; some use heavy coins, and level weighing is not accepted. If the statutory coin is not established, shall officials press urgently to unify them? Then there will be great vexation and severity, yet strength cannot overcome it; or if one indulges and does not rebuke them? then markets and shops use different standards and coin inscriptions are greatly confused; if it is not the right method, in what direction can one go! Now farming is abandoned while those who gather copper daily multiply; they set aside plow and hoe, smelt and boil charcoal; illicit coin daily increases, and the five grains are not considered abundant. Good men are startled into villainy, and willing people fall into punishments and execution; punishments and executions will be very inauspicious—how can one neglect this! When the state knows this trouble, officials in council will surely say 'Forbid it.' To forbid it without the right method—the harm must be great. If one orders a ban on casting coins, then coins must become heavy; when heavy, their profit is deep; illicit casting rises like clouds, and the crime of exposure in the market is again not enough to forbid it. Villainy cannot be overcome while legal prohibitions repeatedly break down—copper makes it so. Copper spread through all under Heaven—its harm is broad; therefore it is better to take it back." Jia Shan also submitted a memorial remonstrating, holding, "Coin is a useless vessel, yet it can be exchanged for wealth and honor. Wealth and honor are the sovereign's handle of control; to let the people make it is to share the handle of control with the sovereign—it cannot be long endured." The Emperor did not heed them.
10
是時，太中大夫鄧通方寵幸，上欲其富，賜之蜀嚴道銅山，使鑄錢。 吳王濞有豫章銅山，招致天下亡命者以鑄錢； 東煮海水為鹽； 以故無賦而國用饒足。 於是吳、鄧錢布天下。 ----3初，帝分代為二國，立皇子武為代王，參為太原王。 是歲，徙代王武為淮陽王； 以太原王參為代王，盡得故地。 ----1冬，十月，桃、李華。 ----2淮南厲王長自作法令行於其國，逐漢所置吏，請自置相、二千石； 帝曲意從之。 又擅刑殺不辜及爵人至關內侯； 數上書不遜順。 帝重自切責之，乃令薄昭與書風諭之，引管、蔡及代頃王、濟北王興居以為儆戒。
At this time the Grand Master of the Palace Deng Tong was in favor; the Emperor wished him to be rich and granted him the copper mountain of Yandao in Shu, letting him cast coins. King Wu of Wu Liu Pi had the copper mountain of Yuzhang and gathered fugitives from all under Heaven to cast coins; eastward he boiled sea water for salt; for this reason without levies the state's expenditure was ample. Thereupon Wu and Deng coins spread through all under Heaven. ----3 At first the Emperor divided Dai into two states, installing his son Wu as king of Dai and Can as king of Taiyuan. This year the king of Dai Wu was moved to be king of Huaiyang; the king of Taiyuan Can was made king of Dai and fully received the former territory. ----1 In winter, the tenth month, peach and plum blossomed. ----2 King Li of Huainan Liu Chang himself made laws and executed them in his state, expelled Han-appointed officials, and requested to appoint his own chancellor and officials at two thousand dan; the Emperor bent his intent and assented. He also on his own authority punished and killed the innocent and ennobled men up to marquis within the passes; repeatedly submitted memorials that were not deferential and compliant. The Emperor heavily reproached him and then ordered Bo Zhao to write a letter admonishing him, citing Guan and Cai and the kings of Dai Qing, Jibei, and Xingju as warnings.
11
王不說，令大夫但、士伍開章等七十人與棘蒲侯柴武太子奇謀以輦車四十乘反谷口； 令人使閩越、匈奴。 事覺，有司治之。 使使召淮南王。 王至長安，丞相張蒼、典客馮敬行御史大夫事，與宗正、廷尉奏：「長罪當棄市。」 制曰：「其赦長死罪，廢，勿王； 徙處蜀郡嚴道邛郵。」 盡誅所與謀者。 載長以輜車，令縣以次傳之。
The king was displeased and ordered the grandee Dan, commoner Kai Zhang, and seventy others together with the heir of the Marquis of Jipu Chai Wu, Qi, to plot with forty chariots of the imperial train to rebel at Gukou; he sent men as envoys to Minyue and the Xiongnu. The affair was discovered and the relevant offices tried it. Envoys were sent to summon the king of Huainan. When the king reached Chang'an, Chancellor Zhang Cang and the Director of Guests Feng Jing acting as Grandee Secretary, together with the Director of the Imperial Clan and the Commandant of Justice, memorialized, "Chang's crime warrants exposure in the market." The rescript said, "Pardon Chang's capital crime; depose him—do not let him remain king; banish him to Qiongdu in Yandao of Shu commandery." All who plotted with him were executed. Chang was carried in a supply cart; counties were ordered to relay him in sequence.
12
袁盎諫曰：「上素驕淮南王，弗為置嚴傅、相，以故至此。 淮南王為人剛，今暴摧折之，臣恐卒逢霧露病死，陛下有殺弟之名，奈何？」 上曰：「吾特苦之耳，今復之。」
Yuan Ang remonstrated, saying, "Your Majesty has always indulged the king of Huainan and did not appoint a strict tutor and chancellor; for this reason it has come to this. The king of Huainan is by nature stern; now if he is suddenly broken and bent, I fear he may in the end meet mist and dew and die of illness—Your Majesty would have the name of killing a younger brother; what is to be done?" The Emperor said, "I only meant to distress him; now I restore him."
13
淮南王果憤恚不食死。 縣傳至雍，雍令發封，以死聞。 上哭甚悲，謂袁盎曰：「吾不聽公言，卒亡淮南王！ 今為奈何？」 盎曰：「獨斬丞相、御史以謝天下乃可。」 上即令丞相、御史逮考諸縣傳送淮南王不發封饋侍者，皆棄市； 以列侯葬淮南王於雍，置守塚三十戶。 ----3匈奴單于遣漢書曰：「前時，皇帝言和親事，稱書意，合歡。 漢邊吏侵侮右賢王； 右賢王不請，聽後義盧侯難支等計，與漢吏相距。 絕二主之約，離兄弟之親，故罰右賢王，使之西求月氏擊之。 以天之福，吏卒良，馬力強，以夷滅月氏，盡斬殺、降下，定之； 樓蘭、烏孫、呼揭及其旁二十六國，皆已為匈奴，諸引弓之民並為一家，北州以定。 願寢兵，休士卒，養馬，除前事，復故約，以安邊民。 皇帝即不欲匈奴近塞，則且詔吏民遠舍。」 帝報書曰：「單于欲除前事，復故約，朕甚嘉之。 此古聖王之志也。 漢與匈奴約為兄弟，所以遺單于甚厚； 倍約、離兄弟之親者，常在匈奴。 然右賢王事已在赦前，單于勿深誅！ 單于若稱書意，明告諸吏，使無負約，有信，敬如單于書。」
The king of Huainan indeed died of rage and resentment from refusing food. When the relay reached Yong, the magistrate of Yong broke the seal and reported the death. The Emperor wept very bitterly and said to Yuan Ang, "I did not heed your words and in the end lost the king of Huainan! Now what is to be done?" Ang said, "Only by executing the Chancellor and the Censor to apologize to all under Heaven can it be done." The Emperor immediately ordered the Chancellor and Censor to arrest and try all along the relay who transported the king of Huainan without breaking the seal or supplying attendants—all were exposed in the market; the king of Huainan was buried at Yong with the rites of a full marquis, and thirty households were set to guard the tomb. ----3 The Chanyu of the Xiongnu sent a letter to Han, saying, "Previously the Emperor spoke of the marriage-alliance affair; the letter's intent was praised and accorded with joy. Han frontier officials insulted and humiliated the Right Worthy King; the Right Worthy King did not request permission but heeded the plan of the Rear Yilu Marquis Nazhi and others and opposed Han officials. He broke the covenant of the two rulers and severed the bond of brotherhood; therefore he punished the Wise King of the Right and sent him west to seek the Yuezhi and attack them. By Heaven's blessing, officers and soldiers were capable and horses strong; he destroyed the Yuezhi as barbarians, beheaded and killed them all, made them submit, and settled them; Kroraina, Wusun, Hujie, and the twenty-six states beside them all already belonged to the Xiongnu; all bow-drawing peoples became one house, and the northern regions were settled. I wish to lay down arms, rest the troops, nurture horses, set aside past affairs, restore the former covenant, and thereby settle the border people. If the Emperor does not wish the Xiongnu near the passes, then for the time being let him decree that officials and people move their dwellings far off." The Emperor replied in a letter: "The Chanyu wishes to set aside past affairs and restore the former covenant—I greatly commend this. This is the aim of the ancient sage kings. Han and the Xiongnu covenanted as brothers; for this reason what was sent to the Chanyu was very generous; those who broke the covenant and severed the bond of brotherhood were constantly on the Xiongnu side. Yet the Wise King of the Right's affair was already before the amnesty—the Chanyu must not punish him severely! If the Chanyu accords with the letter's intent, let him clearly tell all his officers not to betray the covenant and to keep faith—we will respect it as the Chanyu's letter."
14
後頃之，冒頓死，子稽粥立，號曰老上單于。 老上單于初立，帝復遣宗室女翁主為單于閼氏，使宦者燕人中行說傅翁主。 說不欲行，漢強使之。 說曰：「必我也，為漢患者！」 中行說既至，因降單于，單于甚親幸之。
After a short while Modun died; his son Jizhou was established, styled Laoshang Chanyu. When Laoshang Chanyu had just been established, the Emperor again sent a clanswoman, the Lady Wengzhu, to be the Chanyu's consort, and appointed the eunuch Yan man Zhonghang Yue to tutor the Lady Wengzhu. Yue did not wish to go; Han forced him to go. Yue said: "It must be I who will bring harm upon Han!" When Zhonghang Yue had arrived, he thereupon defected to the Chanyu; the Chanyu was very intimate with him and greatly favored him.
15
初，匈奴好漢繒絮、食物。 中行說曰：「匈奴人眾不能當漢之一郡，然所以強者，以衣食異，無仰於漢也。 今單于變俗，好漢物； 漢物不過什二，則匈奴盡歸於漢矣。」 其得漢繒絮，以馳草棘中，衣胯皆裂敝，以示不如旃裘之完善也； 得漢食物，皆去之，以示不如湩酪之便美也。 於是說教單于左右疏記，以計課其人眾、畜牧。 其遺漢書牘及印封，皆令長大，倨傲其辭，自稱「天地所生、日月所置匈奴大單于」。
At first the Xiongnu loved Han silk floss and foodstuffs. Zhonghang Yue said: "The Xiongnu in population cannot match a single Han commandery, yet the reason they are strong is that clothing and food differ and they have no dependence on Han. Now the Chanyu changes custom and loves Han goods; if Han goods do not exceed two-tenths, then the Xiongnu will all belong to Han." When they obtained Han silk floss, they galloped through grass and brambles with it; the clothing at the hips all split and wore out, to show it was not as durable as felt and fur robes; when they obtained Han foodstuffs, they all discarded them, to show they were not as convenient and fine as fermented mare's milk. Thereupon Yue taught the Chanyu's attendants to keep written tallies and, by reckoning, assess their population and livestock. When they sent letters and documents to Han and sealed them with the seal, he had them all made large, haughty in wording, styling himself "Great Chanyu of the Xiongnu, begotten by Heaven and Earth, established by sun and moon."
16
漢使或訾笑匈奴俗無禮義者，中行說輒窮漢使曰：「匈奴約束徑，易行； 君臣簡，可久； 一國之政，猶一體也。 故匈奴雖亂，必立宗種。 今中國雖-{云}-有禮義，及親屬益疏則相殺奪，以至易姓，皆從此類也。 嗟！ 土室之人，顧無多辭，喋喋占占！ 顧漢所輸匈奴繒絮、米薛，令其量中，必善美而已矣，何以言為乎！ 且所給，備、善，則已； 不備、苦惡，則候秋熟，以騎馳蹂而稼穡耳！」 ----4梁太傅賈誼上疏曰：
When Han envoys sometimes reviled and laughed at Xiongnu custom for lacking ritual and righteousness, Zhonghang Yue would press the Han envoys hard: "Xiongnu regulations are direct and easy to carry out; lord and minister are simple and can long endure; a state's government is like one body. Therefore though the Xiongnu are in disorder, they are sure to establish the lineage heir. Now China, though it has -{the cited text}- ritual and righteousness, when kin grow ever more distant they kill and seize from one another, even to the point of changing the surname-all from this sort of thing. Alas! Men of earthen chambers—why so much talk, chattering and prognosticating! Simply see that what Han sends the Xiongnu in silk floss and grain is measured full and must be good and fine—that is enough; what need is there for words! Moreover, what is given—if complete and good, then that is enough; if not complete and bitterly bad, then wait until the autumn ripening and with cavalry gallop and trample the crops!" ----4 Grand Tutor of Liang Jia Yi submitted a memorial, saying:
17
:「臣竊惟今之事勢，可為痛哭者一，可為流涕者二，可為長太息者六； 若其它背理而傷道者，難遍以疏舉。 進言者皆曰：『天下已安已治矣，』臣獨以為未也。 曰安且治者，非愚則諛，皆非事實知治亂之體者也。 夫抱火厝之積薪之下而寢其上，火未及然，因謂之安； 方今之勢，何以異此！ 陛下何不壹令臣得孰數之於前，因陳治安之策，試詳擇焉！
:"Your servant privately considers the present situation: there is one matter for which one may weep bitterly, two for which one may shed tears, and six for which one may sigh long; as for other matters contrary to principle and injurious to the Way, it is hard to enumerate them all in a memorial. Those who advance counsel all say: 'The realm is already secure and already well governed,' but your servant alone considers that it is not yet so. Those who say it is secure and well governed are either foolish or flatterers; none truly know the substance of order and disorder. To hold fire and place it under a pile of kindling yet sleep atop it—before the fire has reached the point of blazing, one therefore calls it secure; the present situation—how does it differ from this! Why does Your Majesty not at once let your servant enumerate them in detail before you and, thereby presenting policies for securing order, try to choose carefully among them!
18
:使為治，勞智慮，苦身體，乏鐘、鼓之樂，勿為可也。 樂與今同，而加之諸侯軌道，兵革不動，匈奴賓服，百姓素樸，生為明帝，沒為明神，名譽之美垂於無窮，使顧成之廟稱為太宗，上配太祖，與漢亡極，立經陳紀，為萬世法。 雖有愚幼、不肖之嗣，猶得蒙業而安。 以陛下之明達，因使少知治體者得佐下風，致此非難也。
:To govern may weary the mind's deliberation and distress the body, and lack the pleasure of bells and drums—that may be done. If pleasure is the same as today, yet in addition the feudal lords keep to the track, arms and armor are not moved, the Xiongnu guest and submit, the common people are plain and simple, living as a Brilliant Emperor and dying as a Brilliant Spirit, the beauty of fame extending without end, causing the temple of Gu Cheng to be styled Taizong, matching above with Taizu, with Han without end, establishing classics and setting forth ordinances as law for ten thousand generations. Even if there were a foolish young or unworthy heir, he would still obtain the inherited enterprise and be secure. With Your Majesty's brilliance and penetration, thereby letting those who slightly know the substance of governance assist below your wind—to achieve this is not difficult.
19
:夫樹國固必相疑之勢，下數被其殃，上數爽其憂，甚非所以安上而全下也。 今或親弟謀為東帝，親兄之子西鄉而擊，今吳又見告矣。 天子春秋鼎盛，行義未過，德澤有加焉，猶尚如是； 況莫大諸侯，權力且十此者虖！
:To plant states is inherently a situation of mutual suspicion; those below repeatedly suffer their calamities, those above repeatedly miss their worries—this is very far from securing the superior and preserving the inferior. Now perhaps a full younger brother plots to be Eastern Emperor, a full elder brother's son turns west and attacks, and now Wu has again been reported. The Son of Heaven is in the prime of life, his conduct and righteousness not yet in error, his virtue and grace still increasing—yet it is still like this; how much more when great feudal lords have power nearly ten times this!
20
:然而天下少安，何也？ 大國之王幼弱未壯，漢之所置傅、相方握其事。 數年之後，諸侯之王大抵皆冠，血氣方剛； 漢之傅、相稱病而賜罷，彼自丞、尉以上遍置私人。 如此，有異淮南、濟北之為邪？ 此時而欲為治安，雖堯、舜不治。
:Yet the realm is slightly secure—why? The kings of great states are young and weak, not yet grown; the tutors and chancellors Han has appointed just now hold their affairs. After several years, the kings of the feudal lords will for the most part all come of age, blood and vigor just firm; Han's tutors and chancellors will plead illness and be dismissed with gifts; they themselves from chancellors and commandants upward will everywhere place their own men. Like this, is there any difference from what Huainan and Jibei did? At this time to wish to secure order—even Yao and Shun could not govern it.
21
:黃帝曰：『日中必熭，操刀必割！』 今令此道順而全安甚易，不肯蚤為，已乃墮骨肉之屬而抗剄之，豈有異秦之季世虖！ 其異姓負強而動者，漢已幸而勝之矣，又不易其所以然； 同姓襲是跡而動，既有征矣，其勢盡又復然。 殃禍之變，未知所移，明帝處之尚不能以安，後世將如之何！
:The Yellow Emperor said: 'At midday one must singe; holding a knife one must cut!' Now to make this course accordant and wholly secure is very easy; unwilling to act early, only afterward to cast down kin of flesh and bone and resist them with the executioner's blade—is this not the same as the late age of Qin! Those of different surnames who relied on strength and moved—Han has already fortunately overcome them, yet does not change the reason it was so; those of the same surname follow these tracks and move—there are already signs; when their power is exhausted it will again be so. The shift of calamity and disaster is unknown where it will move; a Brilliant Emperor facing it still cannot thereby be secure—how will later generations do!
22
:臣竊跡前事，大抵強者先反。 長沙乃二萬五千戶耳，功少而最完，勢疏而最忠，非獨性異人也，亦形勢然也。 曩令樊、酈、絳、灌據數十城而王，今雖以殘亡可也； 令信、越之倫列為徹侯而居，雖至今存可也。 然則天下之大計可知已：欲諸王之皆忠附，則莫若令如長沙王； 欲臣子勿菹醢，則莫若令如樊、酈等； 欲天下之治安，莫若眾建諸侯而少其力。 力少則易使以義，國小則亡邪心。 令海內之勢，如身之使臂，臂之使指，莫不制從，諸侯之君不敢有異心，輻湊並進而歸命天子。 割地定製，令齊、趙、楚各為若干國，使悼惠王、幽王、元王之子孫畢以次各受祖之分地，地盡而止； 其分地眾而子孫少者，建以為國，空而置之，須其子孫生者舉使君之； 一寸之地，一人之眾，天子亡所利焉，誠以定治而已。 如此，則臥赤子天下之上而安，植遺腹，朝委裘而天下不亂； 當時大治，後世誦聖。 陛下誰憚而久不為此！
:Your servant privately traces former affairs: for the most part the strong rebel first. Changsha was only twenty-five thousand households; least in merit yet most complete, most distant in position yet most loyal—not solely because the nature was a different man, but also because the situation was so. If formerly Fan, Li, Jiang, and Guan had held dozens of cities and been kings, now even if reduced and destroyed that would be permissible; if Xin, Yue, and their sort were ranked as marquises and dwelt thus, even to the present to remain would be permissible. Then the great plan for the realm can be known: if one wishes all the kings to be loyal and attached, there is nothing like making them like the King of Changsha; if one wishes ministers and sons not to be minced and salted, there is nothing like making them like Fan, Li, and the rest; if one wishes security and order for the realm, there is nothing like establishing many feudal lords and diminishing their power. When power is little, they are easily employed by righteousness; when the state is small, perverse hearts perish. Make the situation within the seas like the body employing the arm, the arm employing the finger—all controlled and obedient; the lords of the feudal states dare not have divergent hearts, but like wheel spokes converging advance together and return their mandate to the Son of Heaven. Cut territory and fix institutions; let Qi, Zhao, and Chu each become several states; cause the descendants of King Daohui, King You, and King Yuan each in turn to receive their ancestor's allotted territory, stopping when the land is exhausted; where allotted territory is much yet descendants few, establish it as a state, leave it empty and set it aside, and when descendants are born raise one to lord it; an inch of land, a single man's multitude—the Son of Heaven has no profit from it; truly it is only to fix governance. Like this, then lying an infant red atop the realm one is secure, planting a posthumous heir, governing in court with a fur robe draped, yet the realm is not in disorder; the age then greatly ordered, later generations chanting the sage. Your Majesty—whom do you fear that you long do not do this!
23
:天下之勢方病大瘇，一脛之大幾如要，一指之大幾如股，平居不可屈伸，一二指慉，身慮亡聊。 失今不治，必為錮疾，後雖有扁鵲，不能為已。 病非徒腫也。 又苦蹠盭。 元王之子，帝之從弟也； 今之王者，從弟之子也。 惠王之子，親兄子也，今之王者，兄子之子也。 親者或亡分地以安天下，疏者或制大權以逼天子，臣故曰非徒病腫也，又苦蹠炙盭。 可痛哭者，此病是也。
:The situation of the realm is just now afflicted with a great tumor: one shin nearly as large as the waist, one finger nearly as large as the thigh; in ordinary living one cannot bend or stretch; if one or two fingers are distressed, the body fears it has nothing to rely on. If one misses treating it now, it will surely become an incurable malady; afterward, though there were a Bian Que, he could not cure it. The disease is not only swelling. There is also the distress of foot ailments. The son of King Yuan was the Emperor's younger cousin; the present king is the son of a younger cousin. The son of King Hui was a full elder brother's son; the present king is a brother's son's son. Among the close, some lack allotted territory yet secure the realm; among the distant, some wield great power to press the Son of Heaven—your servant therefore says it is not only the disease of swelling but also the distress of roasted foot ailments. That for which one may weep bitterly—this disease is it.
24
:天下之勢方倒懸。 凡天子者，天下之首。 何也？ 上也。 蠻夷者，天下之足。 何也？ 下也。 今匈奴嫚侮侵掠，至不敬也； 而漢歲致金絮采繒以奉之。 足反居上，首顧居下，倒縣如此，莫之能解，猶為國有人乎？ 可為流涕者此也。
:The situation of the realm is just now inverted and hung. In general the Son of Heaven is the head of all under Heaven. Why? Because he is above. The barbarians are the feet of all under Heaven. Why? Because they are below. Now the Xiongnu insult, encroach, and plunder, reaching to lack of respect; yet Han year after year sends gold, floss, colored silks, and brocades to serve them. The feet instead dwell above, the head instead dwells below—inverted and hung like this, none able to resolve it; is there still someone in the state? That for which one may shed tears is this.
25
:今不獵猛敵而獵田彘，不搏反寇而搏畜菟，翫玩細娛而不圖大患，德可遠加而直數百里外，威令不伸，可為流涕者此也。
:Now one does not hunt fierce enemies but hunts field pigs; does not grapple with rebellious bandits but grapples with domestic rabbits; indulges in petty amusements and does not plan for great peril; virtue could extend far yet reaches only several hundred li beyond, authority and orders not extended—that for which one may shed tears is this.
26
:今庶人屋壁得為帝服，倡優下賤得為-{后}-飾； 且帝之身自衣皁綈，而富民牆屋被文繡； 天子之-{后}-以緣其領，庶人孽妾以緣其履； 此臣所謂舛也。 夫百人作之不能衣一人，欲天下亡寒，胡可得也； 一人耕之，十人聚而食之，欲天下亡饑，不可得也； 饑寒切於民之肌膚，欲其亡為奸邪，不可得也。 可為長太息者此也。
:Now commoners' house walls may have imperial dress; actors and lowly performers may have -{the cited text}- adornments; moreover the Emperor's own person wears black coarse silk, while rich men's wall houses are draped with patterned embroidery; the Son of Heaven's -{the cited text}- uses trim for her collar, while a commoner's concubine uses trim for her shoes; That is the inversion I mean. A hundred laborers may weave enough to dress one wastrel—how then can you hope that no one in the realm will shiver? One farmer tills while ten mouths feast on his harvest—you will never banish famine that way. When hunger and cold bite into the flesh, you cannot expect ordinary folk to stay honest. This is another of the six causes for a long, bitter sigh.
27
:商君遺禮義，棄仁恩，並心於進取； 行之二歲，秦俗日敗。 故秦人家富子壯則出分，家貧子壯則出贅； 借父櫌鉏，慮有德色； 母取箕帚，立而誶語； 抱哺其子，與公並居； 婦姑不相說，則反脣而相稽； 其慈子、耆利，不同禽獸者亡幾耳。 今其遺見餘俗，猶尚未改，棄禮誼，捐廉恥日甚，可謂月異而歲不同矣。 逐利不耳，慮非顧行也； 今其甚者殺父兄矣。 而大臣特以簿書不報、期會之間以為大故，至於俗流失，世壞敗，因恬而不知怪，慮不動於耳目，以為是適然耳。 夫移風易俗，使天下回心而鄉道，類非俗吏之所能為也。 俗吏之所務，在於刀筆、筐篋而不知大體。 陛下又不自憂，竊為陛下惜之！ 豈如今定經制，令君君、臣臣，上下有差，父子六親各得其宜。 此業壹定，世世常安，而後有所持循矣； 若夫經制不定，是猶渡江河亡維楫，中流而遇風波，船必覆矣。 可為長太息者此也。
: When Lord Shang discarded ritual, benevolence, and every humane restraint in favor of naked ambition, within two years the customs of Qin rotted away. Hence in Qin a rich family drove out grown sons to split the estate, while a poor family sent them out as indentured sons-in-law; a son who borrows his father's hoe expects a scowl of condescending favor in return; a mother-in-law who lends her broom hears muttered curses before her feet have left the room; a daughter-in-law nurses her baby while lounging as insolently as her father-in-law; when wife and mother-in-law quarrel, they answer each other with sneers and spiteful jibes; parental tenderness there is, but it is love of gain; they stand barely a hair's breadth above the beasts. The foul habits Qin left behind linger still: ritual and right are abandoned, honor is shed, and the decline worsens by the month until the year is unrecognizable. Profit is all they hear; decency never enters the reckoning; until some go so far as to murder father or brother. Yet high ministers fuss only over late paperwork and missed deadlines, as if those were the gravest crises. When custom rots and society crumbles, they remain placid and call it normal, for nothing their eyes or ears report seems worth a second thought. To shift the wind of custom and turn the empire's heart toward the Way is not work for petty bureaucrats. Such men live for their brush cases and document satchels; they have no grasp of the larger pattern. When Your Majesty will not even trouble yourself over it, I can only grieve in private! Better to fix the fundamental laws now: true sovereignty above, true service below, clear ranks from top to bottom, every family relationship in its proper place. Once that settlement is made, peace can pass down the generations, and posterity will have a model to follow; leave the basic order unsettled and you cross a great river without oar or rudder: meet a squall midstream and the vessel must founder. This too is cause for one of the six long sighs.
28
:夏、殷、周為天子皆數十世，秦為天子二世而亡。 人性不甚相遠也，何三代之君有道之長而秦無道之暴也？ 其故可知也。 古之王者，太子乃生，固舉以禮，有司齊肅端冕，見之南郊，過闕則下，過廟則趨，故自為赤子，而教固已行矣。 孩提有識，三公、三少明孝仁禮義以道習之，逐去邪人，不使見惡行，於是皆選天下之端士、孝悌博聞有道術者以衛翼之，使與太子居處出入。 故太子乃生而見正事，聞正言，行正道，左右前後皆正人也。 夫習與正人居之不能毋正，猶生長於齊不能不齊言也； 習與不正人居之不能毋不正，猶生長於楚之地不能不楚言也。 孔子曰：『少成若天性，習貫如自然。』 習與智長，故切而不愧； 化與心成，故中道若性。 夫三代之所以長久者，以其輔翼太子有此具也。 及秦而不然，使趙高傅胡亥而教之獄，所習者非斬、劓人，則夷人之三族也。 胡亥今日即位而明日射人，忠諫者謂之誹謗，深計者謂之妖言，其視殺人若艾草菅然。 豈惟胡亥之性惡哉？ 彼其所以道之者非其理故也。 鄙諺曰：『前車覆，後車誡。』 秦世之所以亟絕者，其轍跡可見也； 然而不避，是後車又將覆也。 天下之命，縣於太子，太子之善，在於早諭教與選左右。 夫心未濫而先諭都，則化易成也； 開於道術智誼之指，則教之力也； 若其服習積貫，則左右而已。 夫胡、粵之人，生而同聲，嗜欲不異； 及其長而成俗，累數譯而不能相通，有雖死而不相為者，則教習然也。 臣故曰選左右、早諭教最急。 夫教得而左右正，則太子正矣，太子正而天下定矣。 《書》曰：『一人有慶，兆民賴之。』 此時務也。
: The Xia, Shang, and Zhou each held the mandate for dozens of reigns; Qin held it for two reigns and collapsed. Human nature has not changed much across the ages—so why did the rulers of the three ancient dynasties enjoy long, virtuous reigns while Qin's lack of the Way brought sudden ruin? The reason is not hard to see. The kings of old, as soon as the heir was born, received him with full ceremony: officers in fasting garb and formal regalia presented him at the southern suburb; he dismounted at the palace gate and quickened his step past the ancestral shrine—thus moral instruction began while he was still in swaddling clothes. From the moment the boy could understand speech, the six mentors drilled him in filial piety, humanity, ritual, and right, drove away corrupt companions, and shielded him from base example; the court then chose the finest scholars in the land—men of filial piety, wide learning, and proven principle—to attend the heir at home and abroad. Thus from birth the crown prince saw only upright conduct, heard only upright speech, and walked only upright paths; every face around him belonged to a good man. Live always among the upright and you cannot help becoming upright, just as a child raised in Qi cannot help speaking the Qi dialect; dwell among the crooked and you will twist like them, as surely as a child of Chu speaks the Chu tongue. Confucius said, "What the boy learns in youth becomes second nature; habit hardens into instinct." Counsel grows sharper as his mind matures, so rebukes can be blunt without giving offense; moral transformation fuses with his inner heart until the middle path feels as natural as instinct. The three dynasties endured because they furnished the crown prince with exactly this support. Qin did the opposite: Zhao Gao was made tutor to Huhai and schooled him in the jail, where he learned nothing but beheadings, mutilations, and the extermination of whole clans. Huhai took the throne one day and the next was shooting people; loyal counsel was labeled slander, thoughtful policy was labeled sedition, and he treated killing men like mowing weeds. Was Huhai's nature alone to blame? Those who guided him taught him what was not right. A common proverb runs, "When the lead wagon spills, the wagon behind should beware." Why Qin fell so swiftly is written clear as wagon ruts in the mud; yet we swerve aside from none of its mistakes—the second wagon is about to overturn. The fate of the empire hangs from the crown prince; his worth depends on early teaching and careful choice of companions. Instruct the heart before passions run wild and moral transformation comes easily; open his mind to the Way, to method, to wisdom and right—that is the true force of education; if you want lasting habit and inward conviction, nothing matters more than those who stand at his elbow. The Hu and the Yue are born with the same infant cry and the same appetites; grown to manhood they grow so far apart that stacks of interpreters cannot bridge their speech, and men will die before aiding the other—all from upbringing and habit. I repeat: choose his companions and begin his instruction early—nothing is more urgent. When teaching succeeds and his attendants are upright, the heir becomes upright; when the heir is upright, the realm is settled. The Documents says, "When the ruler knows blessing, the myriad people lean upon him." That is the business of the hour.
29
:凡人之智，能見已然，不能見將然。 夫禮者禁於將然之前，而法者禁於已然之後，是故法之所為用易見而禮之所為生難知也。 若夫慶賞以勸善，刑罰以懲惡，先王執此之政，堅如金石； 行此之令，信如四時； 據此之公，無私如天地，豈顧不用哉？ 然而曰禮雲、禮雲者，貴絕惡於未萌而起教於微眇，使民日遷善、遠罪而不自知也。 孔子曰：『聽訟，吾猶人也； 必也使毋訟乎！』 為人主計者，莫如先審取舍，取舍之極定於內而安危之萌應於外矣。 秦王之欲尊宗廟而安子孫，與湯、武同。 然而湯、武廣大其德行，六七百歲而弗失，秦王治天下十餘歲則大敗。 此亡他故矣：湯、武之定取舍審而秦王之定取舍不審矣。 夫天下，大器也； 今人之置器，置諸安處則安，置諸危處則危。 天下之情，與器無以異，在天子之所置之。 湯、武置天下於仁、義、禮、樂，累子孫數十世，此天下所共聞也； 秦王置天下於法令、刑罰，禍幾及身，子孫誅絕，此天下之所共見也。 是非其明效大驗邪！ 人之言曰：『聽言之道，必以其事觀之，則言者莫敢妄言。』 今或言禮誼之不如法令，教化之不如刑罰，人主胡不引殷、周、秦事以觀之也！ 人主之尊譬如堂，群臣如陛，眾庶如地。 故陛九級上，廉遠地，則堂高； 陛無級，廉近地，則堂卑。 高者難攀，卑者易陵，理勢然也。 故古者聖王制為等列，內有公、卿、大夫、士，外有公、侯、伯、子、男，然後有官師、小吏，延及庶人，等級分明而天子加焉，故其尊不可及也。
: Ordinary wit sees only what has already happened; it cannot see what is coming. Ritual stops wrong before it sprouts; law punishes wrong after the fact. The effects of law are obvious; the quiet work of ritual is easy to overlook. Rewards to encourage good and punishments to check evil—the ancient kings wielded both, unshakable as metal; as reliable as the seasons; as impartial as heaven and earth. Of course they used them—why would they not? When we speak of ritual, we mean killing evil in the bud and teaching in the finest grain of life, so the people drift toward goodness and away from crime without noticing the tug. Confucius said, "In hearing cases I am no wiser than other men; what I want is to bring it about that there are no cases at all!" For a ruler's counselor, nothing comes before weighing what to embrace and what to reject; once that choice is settled within, the seeds of safety or ruin appear without. The Qin king wanted to glorify his shrines and secure his line no less than Tang or Wu. Yet Tang and Wu broadened their virtue and held the realm six or seven hundred years, while Qin's way collapsed in little more than a decade. No other cause lies beneath it: Tang and Wu chose their course with care, while the King of Qin chose his with blind recklessness. The empire is a great vessel; set a precious thing on a safe shelf and it stays whole; set it on a ledge over a cliff and it will shatter. The realm is no different: everything depends on where the Son of Heaven places it. Tang and Wu set the realm on benevolence, right, ritual, and music, and their houses ruled dozens of generations—that story the whole world knows by heart; the Qin king set the realm on statutes and the rack: disaster brushed his own skin, and his line was cut off root and branch—that spectacle everyone has seen with his own eyes. Could proof be clearer or the lesson louder? Men say, "Test every counsel against the facts, and no one will dare traffic in empty words." If anyone claims ritual cannot match statute or moral suasion the rack, let the ruler weigh the histories of Yin, Zhou, and Qin and judge for himself! The ruler's majesty is the high hall; his ministers are the stair; the common people are the earth below. Many tiers of steps lift the hall high above the ground; strip away those steps and the hall sits almost in the dust. What stands high is hard to storm; what lies low invites trampling—that is simply how things work. The sage kings built a ladder of rank—within the court from dukes down to ordinary knights, without from feudal princes down to petty clerks and then the people—each step distinct, with the Son of Heaven alone above them all. That is how his majesty became unapproachable.
30
:里諺曰：『欲投鼠而忌器。』 此善諭也。 鼠近於器，尚憚不投，恐傷其器，況於貴臣之近主乎！ 廉恥節禮以治君子，故有賜死而亡戮辱。 是以黥、劓之罪不及大夫，以其離主上不遠也。 禮：不敢齒君之路馬，蹴其芻者有罰，所以為主上豫遠不敬也。 今自王、侯、三公之貴，皆天子之所改容而禮之也，古天子之所謂伯父、伯舅也； 而令與眾庶同黥、劓、髡、刖、笞、傌、棄市之法，然則堂不無陛虖！ 被戮辱者不泰迫虖！ 廉恥不行，大臣無乃握重權、大官而有徒隸無恥之心虖！ 夫望夷之事，二世見當以重法者，投鼠而不忌器之習也。 臣聞之：履雖鮮不加於枕，冠雖敝不以苴履。 夫嘗已在貴寵之位，天子改容而禮貌之矣，吏民嘗俯伏以敬畏之矣； 今而有過，帝令廢之可也，退之可也，賜之死可也，滅之可也； 若夫束縛之，系媟之，輸之司寇，編之徒官，司寇小吏詈罵而榜笞之，殆非所以令眾庶見也。 夫卑賤者習知尊貴者之一旦吾亦乃可以加此也，非所以尊尊、貴貴之化也。 古者大臣有坐不廉而廢者，不謂不廉，曰簠簋不飾」； 坐污穢淫亂、男女無別者，不曰污穢，曰『帷薄不修』； 坐罷軟不勝任者，不謂罷軟，曰『下官不職』。 故貴大臣定有其罪矣，猶未斥然正以呼之也，尚遷就而為之諱也。 故其在大譴、大何之域者，聞譴、何則白冠氂纓，盤水加劍，造請室而請罪耳，上不執縛系引而行也； 其有中罪者，聞命而自弛，上不使人頸盭而加也； 其有大罪者，聞命則北面再拜，跪而自裁，上不使人捽抑而刑之也。 曰：『子大夫自有過耳，吾遇子有禮矣。』 遇之有禮，故群臣自熹； 嬰以廉恥，故人矜節行。 上設廉恥、禮義以遇其臣不以節行報其上者，則非人類也。 故化成俗定，則為人臣者皆顧行而忘利，守節而伏義，故可以托不御之權，可以寄六尺之孤，此厲廉恥、行禮誼之所致也，主上何喪焉！ 此之不為而顧彼之久行，故曰可為長太息者此也。
: The proverb says, "You hesitate to strike the rat for fear of the vase beside it." That is apt counsel. Even a rat beside a precious jar gives pause—how much more a high minister standing at the ruler's elbow! Integrity, shame, and ritual governed the gentleman class: they might be sentenced to die, but never dragged through public mutilation. Branding and cropping never touched a grandee, for he stood too close to the throne. Ritual forbade even naming the age of the ruler's team horses; kick their fodder and you were fined—all to keep contempt at a distance from the ruler. Today kings, marquises, and the three dukes—men the emperor greets with altered mien, the very kin the ancients called uncle or great-uncle; are thrown to the same branding, cropping, shaving, hobbling, flogging, and public execution as common felons. Is that not tearing the steps from under the hall! Are not those who suffer such shame driven past endurance! When shame no longer restrains them, will not great officers who hold the levers of power begin to think like shackled slaves! The slaughter at Wangyi Palace, where the Second Emperor fell to harsh law, was the fruit of striking rats without regard for the vase. I have heard it said: never put new shoes on the pillow, nor plug worn-out shoes with your cap—each thing keeps its proper use. A man raised to high favor—whom the emperor has greeted with respect and whom officials and commoners have learned to revere— may be cashiered, demoted, sentenced to death, or his house destroyed if he sins; but to bind him, drag him in disgrace to the Minister of Justice, register him with the convict labor corps, and let petty jailers curse and flog him—that is no sight for the people to witness. Low folk will learn that even the mighty may one day be treated so—that trains the realm in contempt, not in reverence for rank. When a great officer was removed for corruption, the court did not call it corruption; it said his "sacrificial vessels lacked proper polish"; when charged with sexual scandal, they spoke of "slack inner curtains" instead of naming the filth; when removed for incompetence, they blamed "subordinate officers" rather than call him weak. Even when guilt was fixed, the court still wrapped the fault in euphemism rather than shout the crime aloud. For grave faults the minister donned white mourning garb, carried sword across a basin of water, and presented himself in the plea chamber; the emperor did not send guards to drag him in chains. For middling crimes he removed his own insignia at the order; no bailiff wrenched his collar or forced the halter on him; For the gravest crimes the minister, on receiving the order, faced north, bowed twice, knelt, and took his own life; the emperor did not send men to seize him, wrestle him down, and apply the rack. He would say, "You, sir, were at fault—but I treated you with ritual propriety." Because the ruler met them with propriety, the ministers took heart of themselves; they were nurtured in integrity and shame, and men therefore prized upright conduct. When the ruler established integrity, shame, ritual, and right to treat his ministers, anyone who failed to repay his lord with upright conduct was scarcely human. Once custom was formed and fixed, ministers thought of conduct and forgot profit, kept their integrity and bowed to right; then one could entrust unchecked authority and commit a fatherless child six feet tall to their care—that is what fostering integrity and shame and practicing ritual and right achieves. What has the ruler lost! To leave this undone while clinging to what has long been practiced—this too is cause for one of the six long sighs."
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誼以絳侯前逮繫獄，卒無事，故以此譏上。 上深納其言，養臣下有節，是後大臣有罪，皆自殺，不受刑。 ----1冬，十月，令列侯太夫人、夫人、諸侯王子及吏二千石無得擅征捕。 ----2夏，四月，赦天下。 ----3六月，癸酉，未央宮東闕罘罳災。 ----4民有歌淮南王者曰：「一尺布，尚可縫； 一斗粟，尚可舂； 兄弟二人不相容！」 帝聞而病之。 ----1夏，封淮南厲王子安等四人為列侯。 賈誼知上必將復王之也，上疏諫曰：「淮南王之悖逆無道，天下孰不知其罪！ 陛下幸而赦遷之，自疾而死，天下孰以王死之不噹！ 今奉尊罪人之子，適足以負謗於天下耳。 此人少壯，豈能忘其父哉！ 白公勝所為父報仇者，大父與叔父也。 白公為亂，非欲取國代主，發忿快志，剡手以沖仇人之匈，固為俱靡而已。 淮南雖小，黥布嘗用之矣，漢存，特幸耳。 夫擅仇人足以危漢之資，於策不便。 予之眾，積之財，此非有子胥、白公報於廣都之中，即疑有專諸、荊軻起於兩柱之間，所謂假賊兵，為虎翼者也。 願陛下少留計！」 上弗聽。 ----2有長星出於東方。 ----1春，大旱。 ----1冬，上行幸甘泉。 ----2將軍薄昭殺漢使者。 帝不忍加誅，使公卿從之飲酒。 欲令自引分，昭不肯； 使群臣喪服往哭之，乃自殺。
Jia Yi cited how the Marquis of Jiang had once been arrested and jailed yet came to no harm, and used that episode to reproach the emperor. The emperor took his counsel deeply to heart and treated his ministers with ritual propriety; thereafter guilty great ministers all took their own lives rather than submit to punishment. ----1 In winter, the tenth month, an edict forbade the great ladies and consorts of marquises, feudal princes, and officials of two thousand piculs from arresting anyone on their own authority. ----2 In summer, the fourth month, the emperor amnestied all under Heaven. ----3 In the sixth month, on guiyou, fire destroyed the screen curtains at the eastern tower gate of Weiyang Palace. ----4 The people sang of the King of Huainan: "A foot of cloth can still be sewn; a peck of grain can still be husked; two brothers cannot dwell together!" The emperor heard it and was deeply troubled. ----1 In summer, he enfeoffed Liu An and three other sons of the Lamented King of Huainan as marquises. Jia Yi knew the emperor would surely restore him as king; he submitted a memorial remonstrating: "The King of Huainan's perverse rebellion against the Way—who under Heaven does not know his guilt! Your Majesty graciously pardoned and banished him; he died of his own illness—who under Heaven will say the king's death was undeserved! Now to honor and elevate a guilty man's son is only enough to earn slander from all under Heaven. This man is young and in his prime—how could he forget his father! Duke Bai Sheng avenged his father upon his grandfather and his uncle. Duke Bai raised rebellion not to seize the state and replace his lord, but to vent his rage and satisfy his will—to drive his hand into the enemy's breast and perish together. Though Huainan is small, Qing Bu once made use of it; Han survives only by special fortune. To arm a man who harbors enmity with resources enough to endanger Han is poor policy. Give him troops and pile up wealth for him—if this is not to breed another Zixu or Duke Bai taking revenge in the capital, it is to risk another Zhuan Zhu or Jing Ke rising between the palace pillars; it is what men call lending arms to bandits and giving wings to a tiger. Your Majesty, I beg you to pause and reconsider!" The emperor did not listen. ----2 A long comet appeared in the east. ----1 In spring, a great drought. ----1 In winter, the emperor traveled in person to Sweet Springs. ----2 General Bo Zhao killed a Han envoy. The emperor could not bear to execute him outright and had the high ministers drink with him. He hoped Zhao would take his own life; Zhao refused; he sent the ministers in mourning garb to wail for him—then Zhao killed himself.
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::臣光曰：李德裕以為：「漢文帝誅薄昭，斷則明矣，於義則未安也。 秦康送晉文，興如存之感； 況太后尚存，唯一弟薄昭，斷之不疑，非所以慰母氏之心也。」 臣愚以為法者天下之公器，惟善持法者，親疏如一，無所不行，則人莫敢有所恃而犯之也。 夫薄昭雖素稱長者，文帝不為置賢師傅而用之典兵； 驕而犯上，至於殺漢使者，非有恃而然乎！ 若又從而赦之，則與成、哀之世何異哉！ 魏文帝嘗稱漢文帝之美，而不取其殺薄昭，曰：「-{舅后}-之家，但當養育以恩而不當假藉以權，既觸罪法，又不得不害。」 譏文帝之始不防閒昭也，斯言得之矣。 然則欲慰母心者，將慎之於始乎！
:: Your servant Guang says: Li Deyu held that "Emperor Wen of Han executed Bo Zhao—decisive, it was clear; in righteousness, it was not settled. Duke Kang of Qin escorted Duke Wen of Jin—the stirring was as if he still lived; how much more when the empress dowager still lived and Bo Zhao was her only brother—to cut him off without hesitation was no comfort to a mother's heart." Your servant holds that law is the public instrument of all under Heaven; only one skilled at upholding law treats kin and stranger alike and applies it without exception—then no one dares rely on favor and transgress it. Though Bo Zhao was always called a worthy elder, Emperor Wen did not assign him worthy teachers and tutors but used him to command troops; grew proud, transgressed against his superiors, and killed a Han envoy—did he not act so because he had something to rely on! If the emperor then pardoned him, how would that differ from the age of Cheng and Ai! Emperor Wen of Wei once praised Emperor Wen of Han's excellence yet did not approve his killing Bo Zhao, saying, "The house of -{the cited text}- should only be nurtured with kindness and must not be lent authority; once they touch the penal law, one must punish them." He reproached Emperor Wen for not guarding against Bo Zhao at the start—this saying hits the mark. If so, one who wishes to comfort a mother's heart must be careful at the beginning!