1
韓麒麟程駿李彪高道悅甄琛張纂高聰
Han Qilin, Cheng Jun, Li Biao, Gao Daoyue, Zhen Chen, Zhang Zuan, and Gao Cong
2
列傳第二十八
Biographies 28
3
韓麒麟程駿李彪孫昶高道悅甄琛高聰
Han Qilin, Cheng Jun, Li Biao, Sun Chang, Gao Daoyue, Zhen Chen, and Gao Cong
4
孝文時,拜齊州刺史,假魏昌侯。 在官寡於刑罰,從事劉普慶說麒麟曰:「明公仗節方夏,無所斬戮,何以示威?」 麒麟曰:「人不犯法,何所戮乎? 若必須斬斷以立威名,當以卿應之。」 普慶慚懼而退。 麒麟以親附之人,未階台官,士人沈抑,乃表請守宰有闕,宜推用豪望,增置吏員,廣延賢哲,則華族蒙榮,良才獲敘,懷德安土,庶或在茲。 朝議從之。
Under Emperor Wen he was appointed inspector of Qizhou and given the provisional title Marquis of Weichang. While in office he rarely imposed punishments. His aide Liu Puqing urged him, "Your Excellency has taken up your commission at the height of summer yet have not carried out a single execution—how will you make your authority felt? Qilin replied, "If no one breaks the law, whom should I put to death? If heads truly must fall to establish a reputation for severity, you yourself ought to supply the example." Puqing withdrew, abashed and alarmed. Qilin observed that men connected to the throne by kinship had not advanced to court office while scholars languished in obscurity. He therefore memorialized that when prefectural and county posts fell vacant, locally eminent men should be promoted, the roster of officials expanded, and worthy men recruited broadly—so that great clans might gain honor, able men secure advancement, and the people, cherishing virtue, settle peacefully on the land. The court approved his proposal.
5
太和十一年,京都大饑,麒麟表陳時務曰:
In the eleventh year of the Taihe era, when the capital was stricken by severe famine, Qilin submitted a memorial on affairs of the day, stating:
6
古先哲王,經國立政,積儲九稔,謂之太平。 故躬藉千畝,以率百姓。 用能衣食滋茂,禮教興行。 逮於中代,亦崇斯業,入粟者與斬敵同爵,力田者與孝悌均賞。 實百王之常軌,為政之所先。 今京師人庶,不田者多; 遊食之口,三分居二。 蓋一夫不耕,或受其饑,況於今者,動以萬計? 故頃年山東遭水,而人有餒終,今秋京都遇旱,穀價踴貴,實由農人不勸,素無儲積故也。
The sage kings of antiquity, in governing the realm and establishing policy, laid up grain for nine harvests and called that true peace. They therefore personally plowed the sacred field to lead the common people by example. Thus food and clothing flourished and ritual instruction took root. Even in the middle dynasties this pursuit was honored: men who contributed grain won the same honors as those who slew enemies in battle, and diligent farmers received rewards equal to those given for filial piety. This was the constant practice of the hundred kings and the first priority of good government. Today in the capital, a great many people do not till the soil; and of those who live by wandering and consumption, two-thirds have no fields at all. When a single man fails to plow, others may go hungry because of it—how much worse when the idle now number in the tens of thousands? That is why in recent years, though Shandong suffered floods, people still starved to death, and this autumn, when drought struck the capital, grain prices soared—all because farming was not encouraged and no reserves had been laid up.
7
伏惟陛下天縱欽明,道高三五,上垂覆載之澤,下有凍餒之人,皆由有司不為其制,長吏不恤其本。 自承平日久,豐穰積年,競相矜誇,浸成侈俗。 故令耕者日少,田者日荒。 谷帛罄於府庫,寶貨盈於市里,衣食匱於室,麗服溢于路。 饑寒之本,實在於斯。 愚謂凡珍玩之物,皆宜禁斷。 吉凶之禮,備為格式,令貴賤有別,人歸樸素。 制天下男女,計口受田。 宰司四時巡行,台使歲一案檢,勤相勸課,嚴加賞罰。 數年之中,必有盈贍,雖遇凶災,免於流亡矣。
I humbly reflect that Your Majesty, endowed by Heaven with surpassing wisdom, whose Way rises above even the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors, extends from above the grace that shelters all beneath the sky—yet below, people freeze and starve, all because the responsible offices fail to set proper regulations and chief officials neglect the root of the problem. Peace has endured so long and harvests been so abundant year after year that people vie in ostentation until extravagance has become the norm. Hence those who plow grow fewer each day and fields lie more fallow each day. Grain and silk are exhausted in the government storehouses while precious goods overflow the markets; food and clothing are scarce within homes, yet splendid dress parades along every road. The root of hunger and cold lies here. I submit that all luxury trinkets and curios should be banned outright. Rites for joyous and mournful occasions should be codified in full, so that high and low are clearly distinguished and people return to plain living. Register all men and women in the realm and allot fields according to household size. Chief officials should tour the countryside in all four seasons, capital inspectors conduct yearly reviews, and rewards and punishments should be applied strictly to encourage diligent farming. Within a few years there will surely be surplus grain; even if disaster strikes, the people may be spared mass flight.
8
往年校比戶貫,租賦輕少。 臣所統齊州,租粟才可給俸,略無入倉。 雖于人為利,而不可長久。 脫有戎役,或遭天災,恐供給之方,無所取濟。 請減絹布,增益穀租,年豐多積,歲儉出振。 所謂私人之穀,寄積於官; 官有宿積,則人無荒年矣。
In past years, when household registers were checked and compared, rents and levies were kept light. In Qizhou, which I administer, grain rents barely cover official salaries, with scarcely any surplus entering the granaries. Though this benefits the people in the short term, it cannot be sustained. Should war break out or heaven send disaster, I fear there will be no reserves from which to draw. I request that silk and cloth levies be reduced and grain rents increased, so that more is stored in abundant years and relief distributed in lean ones. This is what is meant by the people's grain held in deposit with the state; when the state maintains standing reserves, the people need never face famine.
9
卒官,遺敕其子,殯以素棺,事從儉約。
He died in office, leaving instructions to his son to bury him in a plain coffin and keep the funeral simple.
10
麒麟立性恭慎,恆置律令於坐傍。 臨終之日,唯有俸絹數十疋,其清貧如此。 贈散騎常侍、燕郡公,諡曰康。 長子興宗,字茂先。 好學有文才,位秘書中散。 卒,贈漁陽太守。
Qilin was by nature respectful and cautious, always keeping the law codes at his side. At his death he possessed only several dozen bolts of salary silk—such was his integrity and poverty. He was posthumously appointed Regular Attendant-in-Ordinary and Duke of Yan Commandery, with the posthumous epithet Kang, meaning Peaceful. His eldest son Xingzong, courtesy name Maoxian. He loved learning and possessed literary talent, rising to the post of Secretariat Attendant. He died and was posthumously appointed governor of Yuyang.
11
子子熙,字元雍。 少自修整,頗有學識,為清河王懌郎中令。 初,子熙父以爵讓弟顯宗,不受; 子熙成父素懷,卒亦不襲。 及顯宗卒,子熙別蒙賜爵,乃以先爵讓弟仲穆。 兄弟友愛如此。 母亡,居喪有禮。 子熙為懌所眷遇,遂闕位,待其畢喪後,復引用。 及元叉害懌,久不得葬。 子熙為之憂悴,屏居田野。 每言王若不得復封,以禮遷葬,誓以終身不仕。 後靈太后反政,以叉為尚書令,解其領軍。 子熙與懌中大夫劉定興、學官令傅靈舣、賓客張子慎伏闕上書,理懌之冤,極言元叉、劉騰誣誷。 書奏,靈太后義之,乃引子熙為中書舍人。 後遂剖騰棺,賜叉死。 尋修國史。 建義初,兼黃門,尋為正。
His son Zixi, courtesy name Yuanyong. From youth he cultivated himself diligently and acquired considerable learning, serving as chamberlain to Prince Yi of Qinghe. Earlier, Zixi's father had offered his noble rank to his younger brother Xianzong, who refused to accept it; Zixi honored his father's lifelong intent and likewise never inherited the rank. After Xianzong died, Zixi received a separate grant of nobility and then yielded his original rank to his younger brother Zhongmu. Such was the mutual devotion among the brothers. When his mother died, he observed mourning with full propriety. Because Prince Yi favored Zixi, his post was left vacant until his mourning was complete, whereupon he was reappointed. When Yuan Cha murdered Prince Yi, burial was long delayed. Zixi grieved himself nearly to death over this and withdrew to live in seclusion in the countryside. He declared repeatedly that unless the prince were restored to his fief and properly reburied, he would never take office again for the rest of his life. Later, when Empress Dowager Ling restored her authority, she appointed Yuan Cha Minister of the Masters of Writing and stripped him of command of the guards. Zixi, together with Prince Yi's palace grandee Liu Dingxing, the director of the academy Fu Lingyi, and retainer Zhang Zishen, prostrated themselves at the palace gate and submitted a memorial vindicating Prince Yi, denouncing at length the false charges brought by Yuan Cha and Liu Teng. When the memorial was submitted, Empress Dowager Ling was moved by their righteousness and appointed Zixi Attendant of the Palace Secretariat. Liu Teng's coffin was later opened for investigation, and Yuan Cha was sentenced to death. He was soon assigned to compile the national history. At the beginning of the Jianyi era he served concurrently in the Yellow Gate Directorate and soon received the regular appointment.
12
子熙清白自守,不交人事。 又少孤,為叔顯宗所撫養。 及顯宗卒,顯宗子伯華又幼,子熙愛友等於同生。 長猶共居,車馬資財,隨其費用,未嘗見於言色。 又上書求析階與伯華,於是除伯華東太原太守。 及伯華在郡,為刺史元弼所辱。 子熙乃泣訴朝廷。 明帝詔遣案檢,弼遂大見詰讓。
Zixi maintained his integrity and kept aloof from worldly entanglements. Orphaned young, he had been raised by his uncle Xianzong. When Xianzong died, leaving his young son Bohua, Zixi loved the boy as he would a brother born of the same mother. Even after they came of age they continued to live together; carriages, horses, and property were freely at Bohua's disposal, yet Zixi never so much as hinted at it in word or bearing. He also memorialized requesting to share his official rank with Bohua, whereupon Bohua was appointed governor of Eastern Taiyuan. While Bohua served in the commandery, he was humiliated by the inspector Yuan Bi. Zixi thereupon went weeping to appeal to the throne. Emperor Ming ordered an investigation, and Bi was severely reprimanded.
13
爾硃榮之禽葛榮,送至京師。 莊帝欲面數之,子熙以為榮既元凶,自知必死,恐或不遜,無宜見之。 爾硃榮聞而大怒,請罪子熙。 莊帝恕而不責。 及邢杲起逆,詔子熙慰勞。 杲詐降,子熙信之。 遷至樂陵,杲復反,子熙還。 坐付廷尉,論以大辟,恕死免官。 孝武初,領著作,以奉冊勳,封曆城縣子。 天平初,為侍讀,除國子祭酒。 子熙儉素安貧,常好退靜。 遷鄴之始,百司並給兵力,時以祭酒閑務,止給二人。 或有令其陳請者,子熙曰:「朝廷自不與祭酒兵,何關韓子熙事。」 論者高之。 元象中,加衛大將軍。
When Erzhu Rong captured Ge Rong and sent him to the capital. Emperor Zhuang wished to confront him in person. Zixi argued that Ge Rong, as the chief rebel, knew he faced certain death and might behave insolently—there was no good reason to receive him. Erzhu Rong heard of this and flew into a rage, demanding that Zixi be punished. Emperor Zhuang pardoned him and imposed no penalty. When Xing Gai rose in rebellion, an edict ordered Zixi to go and offer reassurance to the affected regions. Gai feigned surrender, and Zixi believed him. When he reached Leling, Gai rebelled again, and Zixi withdrew. He was handed over to the Minister of Justice and sentenced to death, but the sentence was commuted and he was merely dismissed from office. At the beginning of Emperor Xiaowu's reign he headed the Bureau of Historiography and, for his service in presenting the enfeoffment documents, was enfeoffed as Viscount of Licheng. At the beginning of the Tianping era he became lecturer-in-attendance and was appointed director of the Imperial Academy. Zixi lived frugally and was content in poverty, always preferring retirement and quiet. When the court first moved to Ye, every office was allotted military retainers; because the director's post was considered a light duty, he was assigned only two. When some urged him to petition for more, Zixi said, "If the court itself chooses not to grant retainers to the director, what business is that of Han Zixi? Commentators admired him greatly for this. In the Yuanxiang era he was additionally appointed General of the Guards.
14
先是,子熙與弟娉王氏為妻,姑之女也,生二子。 子熙尚未婚,後遂與寡嫗李氏奸合而生三子。 王、李不穆,迭相告言。 子熙因此慚恨,遂以發疾。 卒,遺戒不求贈諡,其子不能遵奉,遂至幹謁。 武定初,贈驃騎大將軍、儀同三司、幽州刺史。
Earlier, Zixi had arranged for his younger brother to marry a woman of the Wang clan, a daughter of his aunt, who bore two sons. Zixi himself had not yet married; later he entered an illicit liaison with the widow Lady Li, who bore him three sons. Lady Wang and Lady Li could not abide each other and took turns lodging accusations. Ashamed and tormented by this, Zixi fell ill. At his death he left instructions not to seek posthumous honors, but his sons could not obey and went so far as to lobby the court for them. At the beginning of the Wuding era he was posthumously appointed General of Agile Cavalry, with honors equal to the Three Excellencies, and governor of You Province.
15
興宗弟顯宗,字茂親。 剛直,能面折廷諍,亦有才學。 沙門法撫,三齊稱其聰悟。 嘗與顯宗校試,抄百餘人名,各讀一遍,隨即覆呼,法撫猶有一二舛謬,顯宗了無誤錯。 法撫歎曰:「貧道生平以來,唯服郎耳。」
Xingzong's younger brother Xianzong, courtesy name Maoqin. He was upright and outspoken, able to speak bluntly in court debate, and possessed both talent and learning. The monk Fafu was renowned throughout the Three Qis for his quick wit. He once tested himself against Xianzong: they copied out more than a hundred names, each read the list once, then immediately recited it back in reverse order. Fafu still made one or two errors; Xianzong made none. Fafu sighed and said, "In all my years as a monk, I have yielded to no one but you, sir."
16
太和初,舉秀才,對策甲科,除著作佐郎。 後兼中書侍郎。 既定遷都,顯宗上書:
At the beginning of the Taihe era he was recommended as a xiucai, achieved top rank in the policy examination, and was appointed assistant in the Bureau of Historiography. He later served concurrently as vice director of the Palace Secretariat. After the decision to move the capital, Xianzong submitted a memorial:
17
一曰:竊聞輿駕今夏若不巡三齊,當幸中山。 竊以為非計也。 何者? 當今徭役宜早息,洛京宜速成。 省費則徭役可簡,並功則洛京易就。 願早還北京,以省諸州供帳之費,則南州免雜徭之煩,北都息分析之歎; 洛京可以時就,遷者僉爾如歸。
First: I have heard privately that if Your Majesty does not tour the Three Qis this summer, the imperial progress will visit Zhongshan instead. I venture to think this would be unwise. Why is this so? Corvée labor ought to end soon, and the Luo capital ought to be finished quickly. Reduce expenditures and corvée can be lightened; combine efforts and the Luo capital will be completed with ease. I urge an early return to the northern capital to spare the provinces the cost of provisioning the court, so that the southern provinces may be freed from miscellaneous corvée burdens and the northern capital relieved of the distress of being split apart; the Luo capital can be completed in due time, and those who relocate will come as willingly as returning home.
18
二曰:自古聖帝必以儉約為美,亂主必以奢侈貽患。 仰惟先朝,皆卑宮室而致力於經略,故能基宇開廣,業祚隆泰。 今洛陽基趾,魏明所營,取譏前代。 伏惟陛下損之又損之。 頃來北都富室,競以第宅相尚,今因遷徙,宜申禁約,令貴賤有檢,無得逾制。 端廣衢路,通利溝洫,使寺署有別,士庶異居,永垂百世不刊之範。
Second: From antiquity sage emperors have prized frugality, while disorderly rulers have brought disaster through extravagance. Reflecting on the former dynasty, our rulers kept their palaces humble and devoted themselves to statecraft, and thus broadened the foundation of the realm and secured a flourishing succession. The foundations of Luoyang were laid by Emperor Ming of Wei and drew mockery even in earlier ages. I humbly urge Your Majesty to scale them back again and yet again. Recently wealthy households in the northern capital have vied in ostentatious mansions; with the relocation now at hand, restrictions should be enforced so that high and low are held in check and none may exceed prescribed limits. Straighten and widen the thoroughfares, open the canals to good use, separate monasteries from government offices, and keep scholars and commoners in distinct quarters—establishing a model that will endure unaltered for a hundred generations.
19
三曰:竊聞輿駕還洛陽,輕將數千騎,臣甚為陛下不取也。 夫千金之子,猶坐不垂堂,況萬乘之尊,富有四海乎。 清道而行,尚恐銜橛之失,況履涉山河而不加三思哉。
Third: I have heard privately that when the imperial carriage returns to Luoyang, it will travel with only a few thousand horsemen as escort—I cannot approve this for Your Majesty's safety. Even the son of a house worth a thousand in gold will not sit where a tile might fall upon him—how much more should the Son of Heaven, who possesses all within the four seas, take such precautions. Even when the road is cleared beforehand, one still fears that a horse may bolt; how much more when crossing mountains and rivers without thinking thrice?
20
四曰:竊惟陛下耳聽法音,目玩墳典,口對百辟,心慮萬機,晷昃而食,夜分而寢。 加以孝思之至,與時而深; 文章之業,日成篇卷。 雖睿明所用,未足為煩,然非所以嗇神養性,熙無疆之祚。 莊周有言:「形有待而智無涯,以有待之形,役無涯之智,殆矣。」 此愚臣所不安也。
Fourth: I reflect that Your Majesty's ears hear the teachings of the law, your eyes peruse the classical texts, your mouth addresses the hundred officials, and your mind weighs ten thousand affairs—eating only when the sun slants westward, sleeping only when night is half spent. Added to this is the utmost depth of filial devotion, which grows deeper with the seasons; and the work of literary composition daily completes new scrolls. Though such exertions are well within Your Majesty's sagely powers, they are not the way to conserve the spirit, nurture one's nature, and extend boundless fortune. Zhuang Zhou said, "The body has its limits but the mind has none; to drive an unlimited mind with a limited body is perilous. This is what your humble servant finds unsettling.
21
孝文頗納之。 顯宗又上言:
Emperor Wen largely accepted his advice. Xianzong submitted another memorial:
22
前代取士,必先正名,故有賢良方正之稱。 今州郡貢察,徒有秀、孝之名,而無秀、孝之實。 而朝廷但檢其門望,不復彈坐。 如此則可令別貢門望以敘士人,何假冒秀、孝之名也? 夫門望者,是其父祖之遺烈,亦何益於皇家。 益于時者,賢才而已。 苟有其才,雖屠釣奴虜之賤,聖皇不恥以為臣; 苟非其才,雖三後之胤,自墜於皁隸矣。 議者或云:今世等無奇才,不若取士於門。 此亦失矣。 豈可以世無周、邵,便廢宰相而不置哉。 但當校其有寸長銖重者,即先敘之,則賢才無遺矣。
In former ages, in selecting officials the court first rectified names, hence the titles Worthy and Upright. Today when provinces and commanderies present candidates, they bear only the labels Excellent and Filial, without the substance of excellence or filial devotion. Yet the court examines only their family standing and no longer holds anyone accountable. If so, the court might as well rank scholars solely by family standing—why maintain the false pretense of the Excellent and Filial labels? Family standing is merely the legacy of one's forebears—what benefit does it bring the throne? What benefits the age is talent alone. If a man has talent, though he be as lowly as a butcher, fisherman, slave, or captive, the sage emperor will not disdain to make him a minister; if he lacks talent, though he be a descendant of the three queens, he will cast himself down among the common servants. Some argue that this age lacks extraordinary talent and that it is therefore better to select officials from eminent families. This too is mistaken. Surely one does not abolish the office of chief minister merely because the age lacks a Duke of Zhou or Duke of Shao. One need only assess whoever possesses even the smallest measure of merit and advance him first—then no worthy talent will be overlooked.
23
又曰:夫帝皇所以居尊以禦下者,威也; 兆庶所以徙惡以從善者,法也。 是以有國有家,必以刑法為政,生人之命,於是而在。 有罪必罰,罰必當辜,則雖以捶撻薄刑,而人莫敢犯。 有制不行,人得僥倖,則雖參夷之誅,不足以肅。 自太和以來,未多坐盜棄市,而遠近肅清。 由此言之,止奸在於防檢,不在嚴刑。 今州郡牧守,邀當時之名,行一切之法; 台閣百官,亦咸以深酷為無私,以仁恕為容盜。 迭相敦厲,遂成風俗。 陛下居九重之內,視人如赤子; 百司分萬務之要,遇下如仇讎。 是則堯、舜止一人,而桀、紂以千百,和氣不至,蓋由於此。 宜敕示百官,以惠元元之命。
He also said: Emperors dwell in exalted dignity to rule those below through authority; the myriad people turn from evil to follow good through law. Therefore every state and every household must govern through penal law, for the lives of the people depend upon it. If the guilty are surely punished and punishments fit the crime, then even light penalties of beating will deter all offense. If regulations exist but are not enforced and people escape through luck, then even the most severe punishments are insufficient to inspire awe. Since the Taihe era, few thieves have been executed in the marketplace, yet far and near the realm has been orderly and pure. From this we see that stopping wickedness lies in prevention and inspection, not in severe punishment. Today provincial and commandery governors seek momentary reputation and apply draconian methods; while officials at court likewise regard deep severity as impartiality and kindness and forbearance as indulging thieves. They urge one another on until this has become custom. Your Majesty dwells within the ninefold palace and views the people as newborn infants; while the hundred offices, dividing among them the essentials of ten thousand affairs, treat those below like mortal enemies. Thus there is only one Yao or Shun above, while below Jie and Zhou multiply by the hundreds and thousands—harmonious qi never arrives, and the reason lies here. An edict should instruct the hundred officials to show kindness to the lives of the common people.
24
又曰:昔周王為犬戎所逐,東遷河洛,鎬京猶稱宗周,以存本也。 光武雖曰中興,實自草創,西京尚置京尹,亦不廢舊。 今陛下光隆先業,遷宅中土,稽古復禮,于斯為盛。 按《春秋》之義,有宗廟謂之都,無謂之邑,此不刊之典也。 況北代,宗廟在焉,山陵托焉,王業所基,聖躬所載,其為神鄉福地,實亦遠矣。 今便同之郡國,臣竊不安。 愚謂代京宜建畿置尹,一如故事。 崇本重舊,以光萬葉。
He also said: When the Zhou king was driven east by the Quanrong to the He and Luo region, Hao was still called Ancestral Zhou, to preserve the root of the dynasty. Though Guangwu's reign is called a restoration, it was in fact a new founding; he still appointed a Capital Intendant for the Western Capital and did not abandon the old capital. Now Your Majesty gloriously uplifts the former enterprise, moves the capital to the central land, examines antiquity and restores ritual—never has this been grander. According to the Spring and Autumn Annals, where ancestral temples stand it is called a capital; where they do not, merely a town—this is an unalterable canon. How much more the northern capital of Dai, where the ancestral temples stand, where the imperial tombs rest, the foundation of the royal enterprise and the dwelling of the sacred person—its status as a divine homeland and blessed land is beyond measure. To reduce it now to the status of an ordinary commandery fills me with unease. I submit that the capital of Dai should be established as an inner domain with an intendant appointed, following precedent. Honoring the root and valuing the old will glorify the dynasty for ten thousand generations.
25
又曰:「伏見洛京之制,居人以官位相從,不依族類。 然官位非常,有朝榮而夕悴,則衣冠淪於廝豎之邑,臧獲顯於膏腴之裏,物之顛倒,或至於斯。 古之聖王,必令四人異居者,欲其業定而志專。 業定則不偽,志專則不淫,故耳目所習,不督而就; 父兄之教,不肅而成。 仰惟太祖道武皇帝,創基撥亂,日不暇給,然猶分別士庶,不令雜居,伎作屠沽,各有攸處。 但不設科禁,買賣任情,販貴易賤,錯居渾雜。 假令一處彈箏吹笛,緩舞長歌; 一處嚴師苦訓,誦《詩》講《禮》,宣令童齔,任意所從,其走赴舞堂者萬數,往就學館者無一。 此則伎作不可雜居,士人不宜異處之明驗也。 故孔父雲裏仁之美,孟母弘三徙之訓。 賢聖明誨,若此之重。 今令伎作之家習士人風禮,則百年難成; 令士人兒童效伎作容態,則一朝可得。 以士人同處,則禮教易興; 伎作雜居,則風俗難改。 朝廷每選舉人士,則校其一婚一官,以為升降,何其密也。 至於伎作官塗,得與膏梁華望接閈連甍,何其略也。 今稽古建極,光宅中區,凡所徙居,皆是公地。 分別伎作,在於一言,有何為疑,而虧盛美?
He also said: "I observe that in the regulations of the Luo capital, residents are grouped by official rank rather than by clan or occupation. Yet official rank is not constant—honored in the morning, ruined by evening—so that scholars sink into neighborhoods of servants while slaves and attendants appear in the finest districts; things may be inverted to this degree. The sage kings of antiquity required the four classes to dwell apart, wishing their occupations settled and their wills focused. When occupation is settled there is no falsity; when the will is focused there is no dissipation—therefore what eyes and ears habitually learn is mastered without supervision; and the teaching of fathers and elder brothers takes effect without severity. Reflecting on Grand Ancestor Emperor Daowu, who founded the realm and quelled disorder without a moment's rest, yet still distinguished scholars from commoners and forbade mixed dwelling—performers, craftsmen, butchers, and vendors each had their proper place. But because no statutory prohibitions were established, buying and selling followed whim, the expensive was traded for the cheap, and quarters became confused and blended. Suppose in one quarter zithers are plucked and flutes blown, with slow dances and long songs; in another stern teachers train diligently, reciting the Odes and lecturing on the Rites—if children are left free to choose, tens of thousands will run to the dance hall and not one to the schoolhouse. This is clear proof that performers must not dwell among scholars, and that scholars should not be scattered among other classes. Therefore Confucius spoke of the beauty of dwelling amid benevolence, and Mencius's mother magnified the lesson of thrice moving house. The teachings of sages and worthies carry such weight. If households of performers are made to learn the manners and ritual of scholars, a hundred years will hardly suffice; but if scholars' children are made to imitate the bearing of performers, it can be achieved in a single morning. When scholars dwell together, ritual instruction flourishes easily; when performers dwell mixed among them, custom is hard to reform. Whenever the court selects officials, it scrutinizes their marriage alliances and official posts for promotion or demotion—how meticulous! Yet performers on the official path may dwell door to door with the noblest families—how lax! Now, as the court examines antiquity and establishes its pinnacle in the central region, all who relocate dwell on public land. Separating performers requires only a single edict—what is there to hesitate over, that would diminish this great achievement?
26
又曰:自南偽相承,竊有淮北,欲擅中華之稱,且以招誘邊人,故僑置中州郡縣。 自皇風南被,仍而不改,凡有重名,其數甚眾,非所以疆域物士,必也正名之謂也。 愚以為可依地理舊名,一皆厘革,小者併合,大者分置。 及中州郡縣,昔以戶少並省,今人口既多,亦可復舊。 君人者,以天下為家,不得有所私也。 故倉庫儲貯,以俟水旱之災,供軍國之用。 至於有功德者,然後加賜。 爰及末代,乃寵之所隆,賜賚無限。 自比以來,亦為太過。 在朝諸貴,受祿不輕,土本被綺羅,僕妾厭梁肉,而復厚賚屢加,動以千計。 若分賜鰥寡,贍濟實多。 如不悛革,豈「周急不繼富」之謂也?
He also said: Since the southern regime succeeded one another, usurping the north of the Huai and claiming the title of Central States to entice border peoples, they established expatriate commanderies and counties of the Central Province. Since the imperial influence spread south, this has continued unchanged; duplicate place names are now exceedingly numerous—this is no way to delimit territory and classify the people; the ancients called this failure to rectify names. I submit that the old geographical names should be followed and all reorganized at once—small districts merged, large ones divided anew. As for Central Province commanderies and counties, formerly merged because households were few, they may now be restored as population has grown. One who rules men takes the realm as his home and may keep nothing for himself. Therefore granaries and storehouses are stocked to await flood and drought and to supply the army and the state. Additional grants should be made only to those who have earned merit. By the late age, favoritism had become the norm and grants knew no limit. Since then this too has been excessive. The eminent at court receive substantial salaries; their estates are draped in brocade, their servants and concubines sated with fine food—yet lavish grants are repeatedly added, often reaching into the thousands. If distributed to widows and orphans, the relief would be far greater. If this is not reformed, does it not violate the principle of relieving the urgent rather than enriching the wealthy?
27
又曰:諸宿衛內直者,宜令武官習弓矢,文官諷書傳。 無令繕其蒲博之具,以成褻狎之容,徙損朝儀,無益事實。 如此之類,一宜禁止。
He also said: Palace guards on inner duty should have military officers practice archery and civil officers study the classics and histories. They should not prepare gambling equipment and adopt irreverent familiar manners, vainly damaging court ritual without benefiting practical affairs. Matters of this kind should all be prohibited.
28
帝善之。
The emperor approved his advice.
29
孝文曾謂顯宗及程靈虯曰:「著作之任,國書是司。 卿等之文,朕自委悉; 中省之品,卿等所聞。 若欲取況古人,班、馬之徒,固自遼闊。 若求之當世,文學之能,卿等應推崔孝伯。」 又謂顯宗曰:「校卿才能,可居中第。」 謂程靈虯曰:「卿與顯宗,復有差降,可居下上。」 顯宗曰:「臣才第短淺,比于崔光,實為隆渥。 然臣竊謂陛下貴古而賤今。 昔揚雄著《太玄經》,當時不免覆甕之譚,二百年外,則越諸子。 今臣所撰,雖未足光述帝載,然萬祀之後,仰觀祖宗巍巍之功,上睹陛下明明之德,亦何謝欽明于《唐典》,慎徽于《虞書》。」 帝曰:「假使朕無愧於虞舜,卿復何如堯臣?」 顯宗曰:「陛下齊蹤堯、舜,公卿寧非二八之儔。」 帝曰:「卿為著作,僅名奉職,未是良史也。」 顯宗曰:「臣仰遭明時,直筆無懼,又不受金,安眠美食,此優於遷、固也。」 帝哂之。 後與員外郎崔逸等參定朝儀。
Emperor Wen once said to Xianzong and Cheng Lingbin: "The Historiography Office oversees the national records. Your writings I know well myself; the rankings at court you have heard discussed. If you wish to compare yourselves with the ancients, Ban Gu, Sima Qian, and their like are naturally far beyond reach. If you seek literary ability in the present age, you should rank Cui Xiaobo first." He also said to Xianzong: "Assessing your talent, you may rank in the middle grade." To Cheng Lingbin he said: "Between you and Xianzong there is again a difference; you may rank lower-upper." Xianzong said: "Your servant's talent is modest and shallow; compared with Cui Guang, this ranking is truly generous favor. Yet I privately believe that Your Majesty values the past while undervaluing the present. In the past Yang Xiong wrote the *Classic of the Supreme Mystery*; in his own day he could not escape mockery as one who had "overturned the jar," yet two centuries later his work surpassed that of all other masters. What I have compiled today may not suffice to gloriously record the imperial reign, yet ten thousand generations hence, readers looking up to the towering achievements of your ancestors and beholding Your Majesty's luminous virtue will find nothing to envy in the reverent clarity of the *Documents of Tang* or the scrupulous virtue recorded in the *Documents of Yu*." The Emperor said: "Suppose I have nothing to be ashamed of before Yu Shun—what then would you compare to among Yao's ministers?" Xianzong said: "Your Majesty follows in the footsteps of Yao and Shun; surely the ministers and grandees are no less than the Eight Wise and the Two Worthies." The Emperor said: "As historiographer you merely hold the title and perform the duty in name—you are not yet a fine historian." Xianzong said: "I am fortunate to live in an enlightened age, can write with an honest brush without fear, take no bribes, and enjoy peaceful sleep and good food—this is better than Sima Qian and Ban Gu." The Emperor smiled at this. Later he worked with Vice-Director Cui Yi and others to finalize the court rituals.
30
帝曾詔諸官曰:「近代已來,高卑出身,恆有常分。 朕意所為可,復以為不可,宜校量之。」 李沖曰:「未審上古已來,置官列位,為欲為膏梁兒地,為欲益政贊時?」 帝曰:「俱欲為人。」 沖曰:「若欲為人,陛下今日何為專崇門品,不有拔才之詔?」 帝曰:「苟有殊人之技,不患不知。 然君子之門,假使無當世之用者,要自德行純篤,朕是以用之。」 沖曰:「傅岩、呂望,豈可以門見舉?」 帝曰:「如此濟世者希,曠代有一兩耳。」 沖謂諸卿士曰:「適欲請救諸賢。」 秘書令李彪曰:「師旅寡少,未足為援,意有所懷,敢不盡言於聖日。 陛下若專以地望,不審魯之三卿,孰若四科?」 帝曰:「猶如向解。」 顯宗進曰:「陛下光宅洛邑,百禮惟新,國之興否,指此一選。 且以國事論之,不審中秘監、令之子,必為秘書郎,頃來為監、令者,子皆可為不?」 帝曰:「卿何不論當世膏腴為監、令者?」 顯宗曰:「陛下以物不可類,不應以貴承貴,以賤襲賤。」 帝曰:「若有高明卓爾,才具俊出者,朕亦不拘此例。」 後為本州中正。
The Emperor once issued an edict to the officials saying: "In recent times officials of high and low status have invariably come from fixed backgrounds. What I consider acceptable, others deem unacceptable—this merits careful review." Li Chong said: "I wonder: since high antiquity, when offices were created and ranks assigned, was the purpose to carve out positions for the sons of the wealthy, or to improve governance and serve the times?" The Emperor said: "Both purposes serve people." Chong said: "If the aim is to serve people, why does Your Majesty today exclusively exalt family rank and issue no edict to elevate men of talent?" The Emperor said: "Anyone with exceptional ability need not fear being overlooked. Yet even if a gentleman family produces no one useful to the present age, their character is inherently pure and steadfast, and that is why I employ them." Chong said: "Could men like Fu Yue of Fu Rock and Lü Wang have been recommended on the basis of family standing?" The Emperor said: "Such rescuers of the age are rare—perhaps one or two in an entire era." Chong turned to the assembled ministers and said: "I had just meant to appeal to you gentlemen for support." Chief Secretary Li Biao said: "I have few allies here and cannot count on much support, but I have something on my mind and dare not withhold my full views on this occasion. If Your Majesty selects men solely by land and family prestige, I ask: were the Three Ministers of Lu superior to Confucius's four categories of students?" The Emperor said: "The same answer as before applies." Xianzong stepped forward and said: "Your Majesty has established glory at Luoyang; every ritual is being renewed—the nation's rise or fall turns on this single choice of officials. As a matter of state policy, must the sons of Central Secretariat supervisors and directors necessarily become secretariat attendants? Were all the sons of recent supervisors and directors truly qualified?" The Emperor said: "Why not discuss the wealthy elite who currently serve as supervisors and directors?" Xianzong said: "Your Majesty holds that people cannot be lumped together—nobility should not simply inherit nobility, nor humble status perpetuate humble status." The Emperor said: "Where a man is eminent, brilliant, and outstanding in talent, I too will not be bound by this rule." Later he was appointed provincial appraiser for his home province.
31
二十一年,車駕南征,以顯宗為右軍府長史、統軍。 次赭陽,齊戍主成公期遣其軍主胡松、高法援等並引蠻賊,來擊軍營。 顯宗拒戰,斬法援首。 顯宗至新野,帝曰:「何不作露布也?」 顯宗曰:「臣頃見鎮南將軍王肅獲賊二三,驢馬數匹,皆為露布。 臣在東觀,私每哂之。 近雖仰憑威靈,得摧醜虜,兵寡力弱,禽斬不多。 脫復高曳長縑,虛張功捷,尤而效之,其罪彌甚。 所以斂毫卷帛,解上而已。」 帝笑曰:「如卿此勳,誠合茅社,須赭陽平定,檢審相酬。」 新野平,以顯宗為鎮南廣陽王嘉諮議參軍。 顯宗上表,頗自矜伐,訴前征勳。 詔曰:「顯宗進退無檢,虧我清風,付尚書推列以聞。」 兼尚書張彝奏免顯宗官。 詔以白衣守諮議,展其後效。 顯宗既失意,遇信向洛,乃為五言詩贈御史中尉李彪,以申憤結。 二十三年卒。 顯宗撰馮氏《燕志》、《孝友傳》各十卷。 景明初,追赭陽勳,賜爵章武男。 子伯華襲。
In the twenty-first year, during the southern campaign, Xianzong was made chief clerk of the Right Army Office and given command of troops. When the army halted at Zheyang, the Qi garrison commander Cheng Gongqi sent his subcommanders Hu Song, Gao Fayuan, and others to lead barbarian allies in an attack on the encampment. Xianzong fought them off and took Gao Fayuan's head. When Xianzong reached Xinye, the Emperor asked: "Why haven't you issued a victory bulletin?" Xianzong said: "I recently saw Pacifier-General of the South Wang Su issue victory bulletins for capturing just two or three enemy soldiers and a few donkeys and horses. When I was at the Eastern Pavilion, I used to laugh at that privately. Recently, though I have relied on your martial authority to defeat the enemy, my forces are few and weak, and the prisoners killed and captured are not many. If I were now to hoist long banners and inflate my achievements, imitating what I once mocked, my offense would be all the worse. That is why I have merely rolled up my brush and silk and submitted a brief report." The Emperor smiled and said: "Merit like yours truly merits a feudal estate; once Zheyang is pacified, we shall review and reward you accordingly." After Xinye fell, Xianzong was appointed advisory adjutant to Pacifier-General of the South Prince Guang of Yangjia. Xianzong submitted a memorial in which he rather self-aggrandizingly pressed his claims for earlier campaign merits. An edict said: "Xianzong lacks restraint in word and deed and has compromised our standards of integrity—refer the matter to the Ministry of State for investigation and report." Concurrent Minister Zhang Yi memorialized for Xianzong's removal from office. An edict allowed him to retain his advisory post as a commoner, so that he might prove himself in future service. Disheartened, Xianzong happened to be traveling toward Luoyang on official business and wrote a five-character poem for the Censor-in-Chief Li Biao to vent his resentment. He died in the twenty-third year. Xianzong compiled the Feng clan's *Records of Yan* and *Biographies of Filial Friendship*, ten scrolls each. At the start of the Jingming era, his merit at Zheyang was recognized posthumously and he was granted the title Baron of Zhangwu. His son Bohua inherited the rank.
32
程逡,字驎駒,本廣平曲安人也。 六世祖良,晉都水使者,坐事流涼州。 祖父肇,呂光人部尚書。 駿少孤貧,居喪以孝稱。 師事劉延明,性機敏好學,晝夜無倦。 延明謂門人曰:「舉一隅而以三隅反者,此子亞之也。」 駿白延明曰:「今名教之儒,咸謂老莊其言虛誕,不切實要,不可以經世。 駿為不然。 夫老子著抱一之言,莊生申性本之旨,若斯者,可謂至順矣。 人若乖一,則煩偽生; 爽性,則沖真喪。」 延明曰:「卿年尚幼,言若老成,美哉。」 由是聲譽益播。 沮渠牧犍擢為東宮侍講。
Cheng Jun, courtesy name Linju, was a native of Qu'an in Guangping. His sixth-generation ancestor Liang, a Jin Director of Waterways, was banished to Liangzhou for a crime. His grandfather Zhao served as Minister of Personnel under Lü Guang. Orphaned early and poor, Jun was known for filial devotion during mourning. He studied under Liu Yanming. Quick-witted and devoted to learning, he studied day and night without tiring. Yanming told his disciples: "When shown one corner of a subject, this boy can infer the other three—among you he ranks next to such a student." Jun said to Yanming: "Confucian scholars today all say that Laozi and Zhuangzi speak empty, fantastic words with no practical bearing and unsuited to governing the world. Jun disagreed. Laozi taught the doctrine of holding to the One; Zhuangzi expounded the principle of innate nature—teachings such as these may be called perfectly in accord with the Way. When people depart from unity, artifice and disorder arise; when nature is violated, pure genuineness is lost." Yanming said: "You are still young, yet you speak like a mature scholar—how admirable." His reputation spread all the more after this. Juqu Mujian appointed him lecturer in the Eastern Palace.
33
太延五年,涼州平,遷于京師。 為司徒崔浩所知。 文成踐阼,為著作郎。 皇興中,除高密太守。 尚書李敷奏駿實史才,方申直筆,請留之。 書奏,從之。 獻文屢引駿與論《易》、《老》義,顧謂群臣曰:「朕與此人言,意甚開暢。」 問駿年,對曰:「六十一。」 帝曰:「昔太公老而遭文王,卿今遇朕,豈非早也。」 駿曰:「臣雖才謝呂望,陛下尊過西伯。 覬天假餘年,竭《六韜》之效。」
In the fifth year of Taiyan, after Liangzhou was pacified, he was relocated to the capital. He came to the attention of Grand Minister Cui Hao. When Emperor Wencheng ascended the throne, he was appointed historiographer. During the Huangxing era, he was appointed administrator of Gaomi. Minister Li Fu memorialized that Jun truly possessed historian's talent and was in the midst of honest historical writing, and requested that he be kept at his post. The memorial was submitted and approved. Emperor Xianwen repeatedly had Jun discuss the meanings of the *Book of Changes* and the *Laozi*, and turning to the assembled ministers said: "When I talk with this man, my mind feels remarkably clear and at ease." He asked Jun's age. Jun replied: "Sixty-one." The Emperor said: "Long ago the Grand Duke, already old, met King Wen—you meet me at sixty-one; is that not still early?" Jun said: "My talent cannot compare with Jiang Ziya's, but Your Majesty's eminence surpasses that of the Western Duke. I only hope Heaven grants me more years, that I may give all the service described in the *Six Secret Teachings*."
34
延興末,高麗王璉求納女於掖庭,假駿散騎常侍,賜爵安豐男,持節如高麗迎女。 駿至平壤城。 或勸璉曰:「魏昔與燕婚,既而伐之,由行人具其夷險故也。 今若送女,恐不異于馮氏。」 璉遂謬言女喪。 駿與璉往復經年,責璉以義方。 璉不勝其忿,遂斷駿從者酒食,欲逼辱之,憚而不敢害。 會獻文崩,乃還。 拜秘書令。
Near the end of the Yanxing era, King Rian of Goguryeo requested to send his daughter to the imperial harem. Jun was appointed acting Regular Palace Attendant, granted the title Baron of Anfeng, and sent with imperial credentials to Goguryeo to escort the princess. Jun reached the city of Pyongyang. Someone advised Rian: "Wei once allied with Yan by marriage and then attacked it—because their envoy had learned its terrain and defenses in detail. If you send your daughter now, I fear the same thing will happen as with the Feng clan marriage." Rian then falsely claimed that the princess had died. Jun and Rian exchanged messages for a full year, Jun upbraiding Rian on grounds of righteousness and propriety. Rian, unable to contain his rage, cut off food and drink for Jun's attendants in an attempt to humiliate him, but fear held him back from doing Jun harm. When Emperor Xianwen died, he returned home. He was appointed chief secretary.
35
初,遷神主於太廟,有司奏:舊事,廟中執事官例皆賜爵,今宜依舊。 詔百寮評議,群臣咸以為宜依舊事。 駿獨以為不可,表曰:「臣聞名器為帝王所貴,山河為區夏之重,是以漢祖有約,非功不侯。 未見預事於宗廟,而獲賞於疆土。 雖復帝王制作,弗相沿襲。 然一時恩澤,豈足為長世之軌乎。」 書奏,從之。 文明太后謂群臣曰:「言事,固當正直而准古典; 安可依附暫時舊事乎!」 賜駿衣一襲,帛二百匹。 又詔曰:「駿曆官清慎,言事每愜。 門無挾貨之賓,室有懷道之士。 可賜帛六百匹,旌其儉德。」 駿悉散之親舊。
When the imperial spirit tablets were first moved to the Grand Ancestral Temple, the responsible officials memorialized that by precedent all temple officiants received noble titles, and proposed following that practice. An edict ordered the full court to discuss the matter, and all the ministers agreed that the old practice should be followed. Jun alone objected, submitting a memorial: "I have heard that titles and honors are treasures of the emperor and that territory is the foundation of the realm. The founder of Han established the rule that there should be no enfeoffment without merit. I have never seen men rewarded with territorial lordships merely for participating in ancestral temple rituals. Though each emperor may make institutions of his own and need not follow precedent, can a one-time act of grace really serve as a model for generations to come?" The memorial was submitted and the court accepted his view. Empress Dowager Wenming told the ministers: "Memorials should be upright and grounded in classical precedent; how can one simply cling to a temporary precedent from the past!" She rewarded Jun with one suit of clothes and two hundred bolts of silk. Another edict said: "Jun has served with integrity and discretion in every office, and his memorials always hit the mark. No briber crossed his threshold, and men devoted to the Way gathered in his home. Grant him six hundred bolts of silk in recognition of his frugal integrity." Jun gave it all away among relatives and friends.
36
性介直,不競時榮。 太和九年正月病篤,遺命曰:「吾存尚儉薄,豈可沒為奢厚哉。 昔王孫裸葬,有感而然; 士安籧篨,頗亦矯厲。 可斂以時服,明器從古。」 初駿病甚,孝文、文明太后遣使者更問其疾,敕侍御師徐謇診視,賜以湯藥。 臨終,詔以小子公稱為中散,從子靈虯為著作佐郎。 及卒,孝文、文明太后傷惜之。 賜東園秘器、朝服一稱、帛三百匹,贈兗州刺史、曲安侯,諡曰憲。 所作文章,自有集錄。
Upright and forthright by nature, he did not chase after worldly fame. In the first month of the ninth year of Taihe, gravely ill, he left testament instructions: "In life I have practiced thrift—how can I in death be laid out in lavish splendor! Wangsun was buried unclothed in antiquity, and I am moved to follow his example; and Xi Kang's rush mat was likewise an admirable austerity. Let me be laid out in garments suited to the season, and let funerary objects follow ancient usage. When Cheng Jun first grew seriously ill, Emperor Xiaowen and Empress Dowager Wenming sent messengers again and again to ask after him, ordered the palace physician Xu Jian to diagnose and treat him, and bestowed medicinal decoctions. At his deathbed, an edict appointed his youngest son Gongcheng as Secretariat Attendant and his nephew Lingqiu as assistant in the Bureau of Historiography. When he died, Emperor Xiaowen and Empress Dowager Wenming mourned him with deep regret. The court granted him the Eastern Garden funeral regalia, one set of court dress, and three hundred bolts of silk, and posthumously appointed him Inspector of Yan Province and Marquis of Qu'an, with the posthumous epithet Xian, meaning Discerning. The writings he composed survive in a collected record of their own.
37
李彪,字道固,頓丘衛國人也,孝文賜名焉。 家寒微,少孤貧,有大志,好學不倦。 初受業于長樂監伯陽,伯陽稱美之。 晚與漁陽高悅、北平陽尼等將隱名山,不果而罷。 悅兄閭博學高才,家富典籍,彪遂於悅家手抄口誦,不暇寢食。 既而還鄉里。 平原王陸睿年將弱冠,雅有志業。 娶東徐州刺史博陵崔鑒女,路由冀、相,聞彪名而詣之。 修師友之禮,稱之州郡遂。 遂舉孝廉,至京師,館而受業焉。 高閭稱之朝貴,李沖禮之其厚,彪深宗附之。
Li Biao, styled Daogu, was a native of Dunqiu in the Wei Principality; Emperor Xiaowen granted him the name Biao. His family was poor and humble. Orphaned in youth and left in want, he nevertheless nursed great ambitions and studied tirelessly. He first studied under Boyang, Supervisor of Changle, who spoke highly of him. Later, together with Gaoyue of Yuyang, Yang Ni of Beiping, and others, he planned to withdraw to a famous mountain, but the plan never came to fruition. Gaoyue's elder brother Lu was learned and gifted, with a household rich in books. Biao therefore copied texts by hand and recited them aloud at Gaoyue's home, scarcely pausing even to sleep or eat. Before long he returned home. Prince of Pingyuan Lu Rui was nearing twenty and already possessed refined aspirations and serious purpose. On his way to marry the daughter of Cui Jian, Inspector of Eastern Xu Province, of Boling, he passed through Ji and Xiang, heard of Biao's reputation, and went to call on him. He observed the courtesies due between teacher and friend and praised him throughout the province and commandery. Biao was then recommended as Filial and Incorrupt, went to the capital, and was given lodging there while pursuing his studies. Gao Lu commended him to the court nobility, and Li Chong treated him with exceptional courtesy; Biao became deeply devoted to them.
38
孝文初,為中書教學博士。 後假散騎常侍、衛國子,使于齊。 遷秘書丞,參著作事。 自成帝已來,至於太和,崔浩、高允著述國書,編年序錄為《春秋》體,遺落時事。 彪與秘書令高祐始奏從遷、固體,創為紀、傳、表、志之目焉。
At the start of Emperor Xiaowen's reign, he served as Doctor of Instruction in the Secretariat. Later he served as Acting Regular Attendant of the Scattered Cavalry and Duke of Weiguo on a mission to Qi. He was promoted to Secretary Assistant and took part in historiographical work. From Emperor Chengdi down through the Taihe era, Cui Hao and Gao Yun compiled the national history in annalistic form after the model of the Spring and Autumn Annals, leaving out contemporary events. Biao and Secretary Director Gao You were the first to memorialize for adopting the format of Sima Qian and Ban Gu and establishing the categories of Annals, Biographies, Tables, and Treatises.
39
彪又表上封事七條,曰:
Biao also submitted a sealed memorial in seven sections, saying:
40
古先哲王之為制也,自天子以至公卿,下及抱關擊柝,其宮室車服,各有差品。 小不得僭大,賤不得逾貴。 夫然,故上下序而人志定。 今時浮華相競,情無常守; 大為消功之物,巨制費力之事,豈不謬哉。 夫消功者,錦繡雕文是也; 費力者,廣宅高宇,壯制麗飾是也。 其妨男業害女工者,可勝言哉! 漢文時,賈誼上疏,雲今之王政可為長太息者六,此即是其一也。 夫上之所好,下必從之。 故越王好勇而士多輕死; 楚王好瘠而國有饑人。 今二聖躬行儉素,詔令殷勤,而百姓之奢猶未革者,豈楚、越之人易變如彼,大魏之士難化如此? 此蓋朝制不宣,人未見德使之然耳。 臣愚以為第宅車服,自百官以下至於庶人,宜為其等制。 使貴不逼賤,卑不僭高,不可以稱其侈意,用違經典。
When the sage kings of antiquity established institutions, from the Son of Heaven down to high ministers and on to gatekeepers and night watchmen, palaces, carriages, and vestments each had their proper rank. The humble might not encroach upon the great, nor the lowly exceed the noble. Only thus were high and low set in order and men's hearts at rest. In the present age people compete in display and extravagance, with no constancy in their hearts; yet they pursue things that squander labor and grand undertakings that drain strength—is this not absurd? What squanders labor is brocade and carved ornament; what drains strength is vast estates and towering halls, imposing scale and gorgeous adornment. The harm they do to men's labor and women's handicraft—can it even be fully told! In the reign of Emperor Wen of Han, Jia Yi submitted a memorial saying that among the six matters in governance today worth long sighs, this is one. What those above cherish, those below are sure to follow. Thus the King of Yue loved valor, and his gentlemen were many who lightly faced death; the King of Chu loved slender waists, and his state had starving men. Now the Two Sages personally practice thrift and simplicity, and their edicts are earnest and repeated, yet the people's extravagance remains unreformed—can it be that men of Chu and Yue change easily like that, while the people of Great Wei are so hard to transform? This is surely because court regulations have not been proclaimed and the people have not witnessed virtue in action. Your humble servant considers that for residences, carriages, and vestments, from all officials down to commoners, graded standards ought to be established. Thus the noble would not press upon the base, nor the lowly usurp the high; none could indulge extravagance to suit whim and violate the classics.
41
其二曰:
The second section reads:
42
《易》稱:「主器者莫若長子。」 《傳》曰:「太子奉塚嫡之粢盛。」 然則祭無主則宗廟無所饗,塚嫡廢則神器無所傳。 聖賢知其如此,故垂誥以為長世之法。 昔姬王得斯道也,故恢崇儒術以訓世嫡。 世嫡於是乎習成懿德,用大協于黎蒸。 是以世統黎元,載祀八百。 逮嬴氏之君于秦也,弗以義方教厥塚子,塚子於是習成凶德,肆虐以臨黔首。 是以饗年不永,二世而亡。 亡之與興,道在於師傅。 故《禮》云:「塚子生,因舉以禮,使士負之,有司齊肅端冕,見於南郊。」 明塚嫡之重,見乎天也。 「過闕則下,過廟則趨,」明孝敬之道也。 然古之太子,自為赤子而教固以行矣。 此則遠世之鏡也。 高宗文成皇帝慨少時師不勤教,嘗謂群臣曰:「朕始學之日,年尚幼沖,情未能專。 既臨萬機,不遑溫習。 今而思之,豈非唯予之咎,抑亦師傅之不勤。」 尚書李䐶免冠而謝。 此則近日之可鑒也。 伏惟太皇太后翼贊高宗,訓成顯祖,使巍巍之功,邈乎前王。 陛下幼蒙鞠誨,聖敬日躋,及儲宮誕育,復親撫誥,日省月課,實勞神慮。 今誠宜准古立師傅,以詔導太子。 詔導正則太子正,太子正則皇家慶,皇家慶則人事幸甚矣。
The Book of Changes says, "He who holds the vessels of the state—none is fitter than the eldest son." The Classic of Filial Piety says, "The heir apparent presents the sacrificial grain of the lineage heir." Thus if sacrifice has no master, the ancestral temple has no one to receive offerings; if the lineage heir is set aside, the sacred regalia has no one to inherit it. The sages knew this to be so, and therefore left instructions as a law for enduring generations. In antiquity the Zhou kings grasped this Way and therefore broadly honored Confucian doctrine to instruct the lineage heirs. The lineage heirs thereby cultivated excellent virtue and greatly harmonized with the people. Thus the succession passed among the people, and their sacrifices endured eight hundred years. When the lords of Qin came to power, they did not instruct their heirs in righteousness; the heirs therefore cultivated cruel virtue and tyrannized the common people. Thus their years of enjoyment were brief, and they perished in the second generation. Whether a state perishes or rises depends on the tutors. Thus the Book of Rites says, "When the lineage heir is born, rites are performed for him; a gentleman carries him, and officials with reverent bearing and proper caps present him at the southern suburb." This shows the weight of the lineage heir—it is made visible before Heaven. "When passing the gate-tower he descends; when passing the temple he quickens his pace"—this shows the way of filial reverence. Yet the crown princes of antiquity, from the time they were infants, were already instructed and truly put it into practice. This is a mirror from distant ages. Emperor Gaozong, the Cultured Emperor, lamented that in youth his teachers had not instructed him diligently; he once told the assembled ministers, "When I first began my studies, I was still very young and could not fix my mind. Once I assumed the myriad affairs of state, I had no leisure to review what I had learned. Reflecting on it now—is this not my fault alone, but also the tutors' failure to be diligent? Minister of Works Li Chong removed his cap and apologized. This is a recent example one may take as a warning. I reverently consider that the Grand Empress Dowager aided Emperor Gaozong and instructed Emperor Xianzu, enabling towering achievements far surpassing the kings of old. Your Majesty, nurtured in instruction from youth, grows daily in sacred reverence; and when the Heir Apparent was born, you personally nurtured and instructed him, examining him daily and reviewing his progress monthly—truly this has taxed your mind and care. Now it is truly fitting to establish tutors according to antiquity and instruct and guide the Crown Prince by edict. When instruction by edict is upright, the Crown Prince is upright; when the Crown Prince is upright, the imperial house is blessed; when the imperial house is blessed, the affairs of the realm are exceedingly fortunate.
43
其三曰:
The third section reads:
44
《記》云:國無三年之儲,謂國非其國。 光武以一畝不實,罪及牧守。 聖人之憂世重谷,殷勤如彼; 明君之恤人勸農,相切若此。 頃年山東饑,去歲京師儉,內外人庶,出入就豐。 既廢營產,疲困乃加,又於國體,實有虛損。 若先多積穀,安而給之,豈有驅督老弱,糊口千里之外。 以今況古,誠可懼也。 臣以為宜析州郡常調九分之二,京都度支歲用之餘,各立官司。 年豐糴積于倉,時儉則加私之二,糶之於人。 如此,人必事田以買官絹,又務貯財以取官粟。 年登則常積,歲凶則直給。 又別立農官,取州郡戶十分之一以為屯人。 相水陸之宜,料頃畝之數,以贓贖雜物余財市牛科給,令其肆力。 一夫之田,歲責六十斛,甄其正課並征戍雜役。 行此二事,數年之中,則穀積而人足,雖災不害。
The Record says, "A state without three years' stores of grain cannot be called a state." Emperor Guangwu punished prefects and governors when even a single mu failed to yield. The sages' concern for the world and esteem for grain was as earnest as that; a bright ruler's care for the people and encouragement of farming was as pressing as this. In recent years the region east of the mountains suffered famine; last year the capital region was lean; officials and commoners within and without the court went out to seek plenty elsewhere. Abandoning their farms and property, they added exhaustion to exhaustion; the body politic as well suffered real depletion. If grain had first been accumulated in abundance and distributed in peace, how could the aged and weak have been driven and pressed to scrape a living a thousand li away? Weighing the present against antiquity, this is truly something to fear. Your servant considers that two-ninths of the regular levies from provinces and commanderies, together with the surplus of the capital's annual expenditures, should each be placed under dedicated offices. In years of plenty grain should be purchased and stored in granaries; in lean seasons a two-tenths premium should be added and grain sold to the people. Thus people will surely cultivate fields to buy official silk and also strive to store wealth to obtain official grain. In prosperous years stores will be regularly accumulated; in famine years they will be directly distributed. Separate agricultural offices should also be established, taking one-tenth of households from each province and commandery as colonists. According with the suitability of land and water and calculating the number of mu, fines, miscellaneous revenues, and surplus funds should be used to purchase cattle and assign them by quota, ordering the colonists to exert their strength. Each man's field would be assessed at sixty hu per year, together with the regular tax, frontier garrison duty, and miscellaneous corvée. Implementing these two measures, within a few years grain will accumulate and the people will be provided for—even disaster will not harm them.
45
臣又聞前代明王皆務懷遠人,禮賢引滯。 故漢高過趙,求樂毅之胄; 晉武廓定,旌吳、蜀之彥。 臣謂宜於河表七州人中,擢其門才,引令赴闕,依中州官比,隨能序之。 一可以廣聖朝均新舊之義,二可以懷江、漢歸有道之情。
Your servant has also heard that enlightened kings of former ages all devoted themselves to cherishing distant peoples, honoring the worthy, and drawing in those who had been overlooked. Thus Emperor Gaozu of Han, passing through Zhao, sought descendants of Yue Yi; Emperor Wu of Jin, upon pacifying the realm, honored the eminent men of Wu and Shu. Your servant considers that among the people of the seven provinces south of the Yellow River, local talent should be selected and summoned to court, ranked according to Central Region office equivalents and ordered by ability. First, this would broaden the sacred court's principle of treating old and new equally; second, it would win the hearts of the Yangzi and Han regions toward the Way.
46
其四曰:
The fourth section reads:
47
漢制,舊斷獄報重盡季冬,至孝章時改盡十月,以育三微。 後歲旱,論者以不十月斷獄,陰氣微,陽氣泄,以故致旱,事下公卿。 尚書陳寵曰:「冬至陽氣始萌,故十一月有射幹芸荔之應,周以為春。 十二月陽氣上通,雉雊雞乳,殷以為春。 十三月陽氣已至,蟄蟲皆震,夏以為春。 三微成著,以通三統。 三統之月斷獄流血,是不稽天意也。」 章帝善其言,卒以十月斷。 今京都及四方斷獄報重,常竟季冬,不推三正以育三微。 寬宥之情,每過於昔,遵之典憲,猶或闕然。 今豈所謂助陽發生,垂奉微之仁也? 誠宜遠稽周典,近采漢制,天下斷獄起自初秋,盡于孟冬。 不於三統之春,行斬絞之刑。 如此則道協幽顯,仁垂後昆矣。
Under Han institutions, capital cases were traditionally concluded by the end of winter; in the reign of Emperor Xiaozhang this was changed to conclude by the tenth month, to nurture the Three Beginnings. Later a drought year came; commentators held that failing to conclude cases in the tenth month caused yin to be slight and yang to leak, thus bringing drought; the matter was referred to the ministers. Minister of Works Chen Chong said, "At the winter solstice yang begins to sprout—thus in the eleventh month there is the response of arrow-root and artemisia; Zhou regarded this as spring. In the twelfth month yang rises upward; pheasants call and hens brood; Yin regarded this as spring. In the thirteenth month yang has fully arrived; hibernating insects all stir; Xia regarded this as spring. When the Three Beginnings are established and manifest, the Three Successions are joined. To execute capital punishments and shed blood in the months of the Three Successions is to fail to examine Heaven's intent. Emperor Zhang approved his words and finally concluded cases in the tenth month. Now in the capital and throughout the land, capital cases are regularly concluded only at year's end, without deferring to the Three Correct Starts to nurture the Three Beginnings. The spirit of clemency often exceeds that of old, yet observance of canonical statutes still falls short. Now can this be what is called aiding yang's birth and extending the benevolence of nurturing the Three Beginnings? It is truly fitting to examine the Zhou canon from afar and adopt Han institutions from near at hand: throughout the realm capital cases should begin from early autumn and conclude by mid-winter. During the spring of the Three Successions, execution and strangulation punishments should not be carried out. In this way the Way would harmonize the seen and unseen realms, and benevolence would reach down through generations yet to come.
48
其五曰:
The fifth recommendation:
49
古者大臣有坐不廉而廢者,不謂之不廉,乃曰簠簋不飾。 此君之所以禮貴臣,不明言其過也。 臣有大譴,則白冠氂纓盤水加劍,造室而請死,此臣之所以知罪而不敢逃刑也。 聖朝賓遇大臣,禮崇古典,自太和降,有負罪當陷大辟者,多得歸第自盡。 遣之日,深垂隱湣,言發淒淚,百官莫不見,四海莫不聞,誠足以感將死之心,慰戚屬之情。 然恩發於衷,未著永制,此愚臣所以敢陳末見。
In antiquity, when a great minister was removed for corruption, no one called it corruption outright—they would say only that his sacrificial vessels were not properly maintained. This was how a ruler showed honor to his high ministers while avoiding blunt disclosure of their faults. When a minister incurred grave blame, he would don the white cap with yak-tail tassel, set out a basin of water with a sword laid upon it, and go to his chamber to beg for death—thus acknowledging guilt and accepting punishment rather than fleeing it. Our sage court receives ministers as honored guests and holds to the ancient rites; since the Taihe era, ministers who have incurred guilt warranting capital punishment have for the most part been allowed to return home and take their own lives. On the day they were sent away, the throne showed deep, restrained compassion, its words breaking in tears of sorrow—every official witnessed it, and the whole realm heard of it—enough truly to touch the hearts of men facing death and console the grief of their families. Yet this grace has issued from the heart alone and has not been enshrined as permanent law—hence this unworthy minister ventures to offer his humble views.
50
昔漢文時,人有告丞相勃謀反者,逮系長安獄,頓辱之與皁隸同。 賈誼乃上書,極陳君臣之義,不宜如是。 夫貴臣者,天子為其改容而體貌之,吏人為共俯伏而敬貴之。 其有罪過,廢之可也,賜之死可也; 若束縛之,輸之司寇,搒笞之,小吏詈罵之,殆非所以令眾庶見也。 及將刑也,臣則北面再拜,跪而自裁。 天子曰:「子大夫自有過耳,吾遇子有禮矣。 上不使人抑而刑之也。」 孝文深納其言。 是後大臣有罪,皆自殺不受刑。 至孝武時,稍復下獄。 良由孝文行之當時,不為永制故耳。 今天下有道,庶人不議之時,安可陳瞽言於朝? 且恐萬世之後,繼體之主有若漢武之事。 焉得行恩當時,不著長世之制乎。
In the time of Emperor Wen of Han, someone accused Chancellor Bo of plotting rebellion. Bo was arrested and imprisoned in Chang'an, humiliated and degraded alongside the lowest jail servants. Jia Yi submitted a memorial arguing at length that the bonds between ruler and minister should never be handled in such a fashion. An eminent minister was one for whom the Son of Heaven would soften his bearing and show personal regard, and whose subordinates would bow low in reverence. If guilty, he might be dismissed—or granted the grace of death; But to bind him, turn him over to the judicial officer, beat and flog him, and let petty clerks revile and abuse him—this is scarcely the sort of spectacle the people should witness. When execution was at hand, the minister would face north, bow twice, kneel, and take his own life. The Son of Heaven said, "You, sir, have your own faults—but I have treated you with due ceremony. The ruler does not have men bind and punish you. Emperor Wen accepted his counsel wholeheartedly. After this, ministers who committed crimes all took their own lives rather than submit to judicial punishment. By the time of Emperor Wu, ministers were once again gradually thrown into prison. This was precisely because Emperor Wen had practiced it only in his own day and had not made it a permanent institution. Today, when the realm is well governed and the common people offer no criticism, how can one dare offer blind counsel at court? Moreover, I fear that ten thousand generations hence, succeeding sovereigns may act as Emperor Wu did. How can grace be exercised only for the present moment, without establishing institutions to endure through the ages?
51
其六曰:
The sixth recommendation:
52
《孝經》稱父子之道天性,蓋明一體而同氣,可共而不右離者也。 及其有罪不相及者,乃君上之厚恩也。 而無情之人,父兄系獄,子弟無慘惕之容; 子弟即刑,父兄無愧恧之色。 宴安榮位,游從自若,軍馬仍華,衣冠猶飾。 寧是同體共氣,分憂均戚之理也? 臣愚以為父兄有犯,宜令子弟素服肉袒,詣闕請罪; 子弟有坐,宜令父兄露板引咎,乞解所司。 若職任必要,不宜許者,慰勉留之。 如此,足以敦厲凡薄,使人知有所恥矣。
The Classic of Filial Piety says that the bond between father and son is innate—making clear that they are one body sharing one breath, that may dwell together and cannot be torn apart. That guilt does not extend to one's kin is the sovereign's great grace. Yet the heartless—when a father or elder brother is imprisoned, sons and younger brothers show no trace of grief or apprehension; when sons and younger brothers face execution, fathers and elder brothers show no sign of shame. They feast in ease, hold honored posts, and go about their companions as before—their mounts still splendid, their dress still adorned. Can this be the principle of sharing one body and one breath, dividing worry and sharing grief alike? This unworthy minister holds that when a father or elder brother offends, sons and younger brothers should wear plain white and bare the upper body, go to the palace gate, and beg for punishment; when sons and younger brothers are implicated, fathers and elder brothers should post a public confession of guilt and beg to be relieved of their offices. If the office is indispensable and dismissal is not appropriate, they should be comforted and encouraged to remain at their posts. In this way it would be enough to strengthen the shallow and insipid and teach people to know shame.
53
其七曰:
The seventh recommendation:
54
《禮》云:臣有大喪,君三年不呼其門。 此聖人緣情制禮,以終孝子之情也。 周季陵夷,喪禮稍亡,是以要糸至即戎,素冠作刺。 逮乎虐秦,殆皆泯矣。 漢初,軍旅屢興,未能遵古。 至宣帝時,人當從軍屯者,遭大父母、父母死,未滿三月,皆弗徭役。 其朝臣喪制,未有定聞。 至後漢元初中,大臣有重憂,始得去官終服。 暨魏武、孫、劉之世,日尋干戈,前世禮制,復廢不行。 晉時鴻臚鄭默喪親,固請終服,武帝感其孝誠,遂著令以為常。
The Rites say: when a minister suffers a major bereavement, the ruler for three years does not summon him at his gate. This is the sage regulating rites according to human feeling, to fulfill the filial son's devotion. When Zhou's late age declined, mourning rites gradually died out; hence when the hemmed mourning sash arrived one went straight to war, and "The Plain Cap" became a satirical lament. By the time of tyrannical Qin, they were nearly all extinguished. At the beginning of Han, armies were repeatedly raised and the ancient rites could not be followed. By the time of Emperor Xuan, those due for frontier garrison duty who lost a grandparent or parent were exempt from corvée labor for three months. As for mourning regulations for court ministers, no fixed rule was yet established. By the early Yuanchu era of Later Han, ministers who suffered a major bereavement were at last permitted to leave office and complete their mourning. Through the eras of Cao Wei, Sun Wu, and Liu Han, as warfare raged day after day, the ritual systems of former ages were again abandoned and left unpracticed. In Jin times, when Honglu Secretary Zheng Mo lost a parent and firmly requested to complete his mourning, Emperor Wu was moved by his filial sincerity and issued an ordinance making it the regular rule.
55
聖魏之初,撥亂反正,未遑建終喪之制。 今四方無虞,百姓安逸,誠是孝慈道洽,禮教興行之日也。 然愚臣所懷,竊有未盡。 伏見朝臣丁大憂者,假滿赴職,衣錦乘軒,從效廟之祀; 鳴玉垂緌,同節慶之宴。 傷人子之道,虧天地之經。 愚謂如有遭父母喪者,皆得終服。 若無其人有曠官者,則優旨慰喻,起令視事。 但綜理所司,出納敷奏而已,國之吉慶,一令無預。 其軍戎之警,墨縗從役,雖愆於禮,事所宜行也。
At the founding of sacred Wei, in setting chaos aright, there was no leisure to establish regulations for complete mourning. Now the four quarters are untroubled and the common people live in ease—truly this is the day when filial piety and compassion permeate the realm and ritual instruction flourishes. Yet what this unworthy minister harbors in his heart still falls short of completion. I humbly observe that court ministers who have completed their mourning leave return to office dressed in brocade and riding in curtained carriages, attending ancestral temple sacrifices; jade pendants sounding at their belts, trailing tassels, joining festive banquets. This wounds the way of a son and falls short of Heaven and Earth's constant principle. I hold that those who lose a parent should all be permitted to complete full mourning. If no substitute is available and the office would go vacant, then with gracious edicts comfort and instruct them, and summon them back to resume their duties. They should manage only the routine affairs of their office—receiving documents and presenting reports—and have no part whatever in the state's joyous celebrations. When military alarm arises, serving in black-clad mourning—though a lapse from ritual—is something circumstances require.
56
帝覽而善之,尋皆施行。 彪稍見禮遇。 詔曰:「彪雖宿非清第,代闕華資,然識性嚴聰,學博墳籍,剛辯之才,頗堪時用。 兼優吏職,載宣朝美,若不賞庸敘績,將何以勸獎勤能。 特遷秘書令。 以參議律令之勤,賜帛五百匹,馬一匹、牛二頭。」 其年,加員外散騎常侍,使于齊。
The Emperor read the memorial and approved it; soon all of it was put into practice. Biao gradually came to receive courteous treatment at court. An edict said, "Although Biao by origin was not of distinguished lineage and in his generation lacked illustrious credentials, yet his nature is keen and intelligent, his learning broad in the classics, and his talent for bold debate quite suited to the needs of the age. He excels moreover in administrative office and has spread the court's excellence abroad—if we do not reward merit and record achievement, with what shall we encourage diligence and ability? He is specially promoted to Secretary Director. For his diligence in deliberating on statutes and ordinances, he is granted five hundred bolts of silk, one horse, and two head of cattle. That same year he was additionally appointed Supernumerary Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary and sent as envoy to Qi.
57
齊遣其主客郎劉繪接對,並設宴樂。 彪辭樂。 及坐,彪曰:「向辭樂者,卿或未相體。 我皇孝性自天,追慕罔極,故有今者喪除之議。 去三月晦,朝臣始除縗裳,猶以素服從事。 裴、謝在北,固應具此。 今辭樂,想卿無怪。」 繪答言:「請問魏朝喪禮竟何所依?」 彪曰:「高宗三年,孝文逾月。 今聖上追鞠育之深恩,感慈訓之厚德,報于殷、漢之間,可謂得禮之變。」 繪復問:「若欲遵古,何不終三年?」 彪曰:「萬機不可久曠,故割至慕,俯從群議。 服變不異三年,而限同一期,可謂失禮?」 繪言:「汰哉叔氏,專以禮許人。」 彪曰:「聖朝自為曠代之制,何關許人。」 繪言:「百官總己聽於塚宰,萬機何慮於曠?」 彪曰:「五帝之臣,臣不若君,故君親攬其事。 三王君臣智等,故共理機務。 主上親攬,蓋遠軌軒、唐。」 彪將還,齊主親謂彪曰:「卿前使還日,賦阮詩云:'但願長閒暇,後歲復來遊。 '果如今日。 卿此還也,復有來理否?」 彪答:「請重賦阮詩曰:'宴衍清都中,一去永矣哉。 '」齊主惘然曰:「清都可爾,一去何事! 觀卿此言,似成長闊。 朕當以殊禮相送。」 遂親至琅邪城,登山臨水,命群臣賦詩以送別。 其見重如此。 彪前後六度銜命,南人奇其謇博。 後為御史中尉,領著作郎。
Qi sent its Master of Guests Attendant Liu Hui to receive him and also laid out a banquet with music. Biao declined the music. When they were seated, Biao said, "As for my declining the music just now—you perhaps did not fully grasp my meaning. Our Emperor's filial nature is heaven-sent and his longing boundless; hence the present discussion of ending mourning. At the end of the third month the court ministers first removed their hemp mourning garments, yet still wear plain dress while attending to affairs. Pei and Xie in the north should naturally observe the same. In declining music now, I trust you will not take offense. Hui replied, "May I ask what the Wei court's mourning rites are ultimately based on? Biao said, "Gaozong mourned three years; Emperor Wen of Han exceeded one month. Now His Majesty responds to the deep grace of nurture and cherishes the great virtue of maternal instruction, requiting it between the standards of Yin and Han—it may be called a proper variation of ritual. Hui asked again, "If you wish to follow antiquity, why not complete three years? Biao said, "The myriad affairs of state cannot long go unattended; hence, setting aside his deepest grief, he humbly follows the counsel of the assembly. The outward change of dress is no different from three years, yet the term equals one full cycle—can this be called a breach of ritual? Hui said, "How lax, Uncle! You use ritual solely to make excuses for people." Biao said, "The sage court establishes its own institutions for an age apart—what has that to do with making excuses for anyone?" Hui said, "When the hundred officials concentrate affairs upon themselves and obey the Chief Minister, why worry that the myriad affairs of state would lie idle?" Biao said, "Under the Five Emperors, ministers were not the equal of their lords, hence the lord personally handled affairs. Under the Three Kings, ruler and minister were equal in wisdom, hence they jointly managed affairs of state. Our sovereign personally handles affairs—surely treading the distant tracks of Xuanyuan and Tang. When Biao was about to return, the Qi sovereign personally said to him, "When you came as envoy before, you composed a Ruan poem saying, 'I only wish for long leisure—to come again and wander next year. It has truly come to pass as today. On this return of yours, is there again reason to come? Biao replied, "Allow me to compose another Ruan poem: 'Feasting and roaming in the pure capital—once gone, forever gone. The Qi sovereign, dismayed, said, "The pure capital—that can be managed; but 'once gone'—what does that mean! Judging from your words, it seems a long separation is in store. I shall send you off with extraordinary ceremony. Thereupon he personally went to Langya city, climbed the mountain and looked over the water, and ordered his ministers to compose poems to bid farewell. He was held in such esteem. Biao on six occasions in succession bore imperial commission; southerners marveled at his forthrightness and erudition. Later he became Censor-in-Chief and concurrently served as Director of Compilation.
58
彪既為孝文所寵,性又剛直,遂多劾糾,遠近畏之。 豪右屏氣。 帝常呼為李生,從容謂群臣曰:「吾之有李生,猶漢之有汲黯。」 後除散騎常侍,領御史中尉,解著作事。 帝宴群臣于流化池,謂僕射李沖曰:「崔光之博,李彪之直,是我國得賢之基。」
Biao, being favored by Emperor Wen and by nature upright and unyielding, thereupon impeached and investigated many; near and far feared him. Powerful local gentry held their breath. The Emperor often called him Master Li, and at ease said to the ministers, "My having Master Li is like Han's having Ji An. Later he was appointed Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary, retaining the censorate, and relieved of the compilation post. The Emperor feasted the ministers at the Flowing Transformation Pool and said to Director Li Chong, "Cui Guang's erudition and Li Biao's integrity are the foundation on which our state gains worthy men."
59
車駕南伐,彪兼度支尚書,與僕射李沖、任城王澄等參理留台事。 彪素性剛豪,與沖等意議乖異,遂形於聲色,殊無降下之心。 沖積其前後罪過,乃於尚書省禁止彪,上表曰:「案臣彪昔於凡品,特以才拔,等望清華,司文東觀,綢繆恩眷,繩直憲台,左加金璫,右珥蟬冕。 東省。 宜感恩厲節,忠以報德。 而竊名忝職,身為違傲,矜勢高亢,公行僭逸。 坐與禁省,冒取官材,輒駕乘黃,無所憚懼。 肆志傲然,愚聾視聽。 此而可忍,誰不可懷。 臣今請以見事免彪所居職,付廷尉獄。」 沖又表曰:
When the imperial carriage marched south on campaign, Biao concurrently served as Minister of Revenue and, with Director Li Chong, Prince of Rencheng Yuan Cheng, and others, jointly managed affairs of the rear capital. Biao's nature was bold and proud; his views differed from Chong and the others, and this showed plainly in voice and countenance—entirely lacking any spirit of deference. Chong accumulated his faults past and present, and thereupon detained Biao at the Ministry of State Affairs, submitting a memorial saying, "In review, your subject Biao formerly arose from common rank, specially raised for talent, matching in eminence the clear and splendid, overseeing texts at the Eastern Pavilion, bound close by imperial favor, straightening the rope at the censorate, on the left adding the golden earring, on the right wearing the cicada cap. He served in the Eastern Department. He ought to have felt gratitude, strengthened his integrity, and repaid the state's favor with loyal service. Instead he stole renown and disgraced his office, behaved with defiant arrogance, flaunted his power, and openly indulged in presumptuous excess. He sat as an equal among the restricted ministries, seized official timber without authorization, drove imperial yellow horses at will, and feared nothing. He indulged his whims with arrogant defiance and turned a deaf ear to all around him. If this can be tolerated, what outrage could not be borne? Your subject now requests that, on the basis of these facts, Biao be removed from office and handed over to the Court Commandant for trial." Chong submitted a further memorial saying:
60
臣與彪相識以來,垂二十二載。 彪始南使之時,見其色厲辭辯,臣之愚識,謂是拔萃之一人。 及彪官位升達,參與言宴,聞彪平章古今,商略人物。 興言於侍筵之次,啟論于眾英之中; 賞忠識正,發言懇惻,惟直是語,辭無隱避。 臣雖下愚,輒亦欽其正直。 及其始居司直,執志徑行,其所彈劾,應弦而倒。 赫赫之威,振于下國; 肅肅之稱,著自京師; 天下改目,貪暴僉槠手。 然時有私於臣雲其威暴者,臣以直繩之官,人所忌疾,風謗之際,易生音謠,心不承信。
I have known Biao for nearly twenty-two years. When Biao first went south as envoy, I saw his stern bearing and sharp eloquence and, in my limited judgment, took him for a man who stood out from the crowd. When Biao rose to high office and took part in discussions and banquets, I heard him weigh ancient and modern affairs and appraise men of talent. He would rise to speak at the side of the imperial banquet and open debate among the assembled worthies; praising loyalty, recognizing what was right, speaking with earnest sincerity, saying only what was straight, and never hiding or evading his meaning. Though I am a man of little wit, I too admired his integrity. When he first took up the censorate, he pursued his purpose without deviation; those he impeached fell as if struck the moment the bowstring was released. His formidable authority resounded through the provinces; his stern reputation was known throughout the capital; All under Heaven took notice, and the greedy and violent alike held back their hands. Yet some privately told me he was tyrannical in his authority. I considered that the censor's office is one people hate and that slander easily breeds rumor in such times, and so I did not believe them.
61
往年以河陽事,曾與彪在領軍府共太尉、司空及領軍諸卿等集閱廷尉所問囚徒。 時有人訴枉者,二公及臣少欲聽采。 語理未盡,彪便振怒,東坐攘袂揮赫,口稱賊奴,叱吒左右。 高聲大呼曰:「南台中取我木手去,搭奴肋折!」 雖有此言,終竟不取。 即言:「南台所問,唯恐枉活,終無枉死。」 時諸人以所枉至重,有首實者多,又心難彪,遂各默爾。 因緣此事,臣遂心疑有濫,知其威虐。 猶謂益多損少,故不以申徹,實失為臣知無不聞之義。 及去年大駕南行以來,彪兼尚書,日夕共事,始乃知其言與行舛,是己非人,專恣無忌,尊身忽物。 臣與任城卑躬曲己,其所欲者無不屈從。 依事求實,悉有成驗。 如臣列得實,宜亟投彪於有北,以除奸矯之亂政; 如臣列無證,宜放臣於四裔,以息青蠅之白黑。
In a former year, over the Heyang affair, I was with Biao at the Garrison General's headquarters, together with the Grand Commandant, Minister of Works, and other ministers of the Garrison, reviewing prisoners interrogated by the Court Commandant. At the time someone appealed that he had been wronged, and the two Excellencies and I were inclined to hear him out. Before the argument was finished, Biao suddenly flared with rage, sat facing east with sleeves flung back, gestured violently, called them "traitor slaves," and berated his attendants. He shouted loudly: "Send someone to the Southern Court to fetch my wooden cudgel—I'll break the wretch's ribs!" Although he said this, in the end he did not have the cudgel brought. He then said: "When the Southern Court interrogates a case, I only fear letting the guilty go free—I never fear putting an innocent man to death." At the time the others, seeing how grave the injustice was and how many had already confessed, and being intimidated by Biao, each fell silent. Because of this incident, I began to suspect that abuses were occurring and came to know his tyrannical cruelty. Still I judged that his service did more good than harm, and so did not report it fully—a failure of the minister's duty to leave nothing unheard unreported. Since last year, when the imperial procession went south and Biao concurrently served as Minister, working with him day and night, I came to see that his words and deeds diverged: he praised himself and blamed others, acted with unchecked wilfulness, and valued himself while disdaining everyone else. The Prince of Rencheng and I bowed and yielded to him; whatever he wanted, we never failed to comply. Investigating the facts, I found confirmatory proof for every charge. If what I have listed is true, Biao should promptly be cast into the northern wilds to remove this corrupt and perverse misrule; if what I have listed lacks proof, I should be sent to the four borderlands to still the buzzing of slander.
62
帝在懸瓠,覽表歎愕曰:「何意留京如此也!」 有司處彪大辟; 帝恕之,除名而已。
The Emperor was at Xuanhu. Reading the memorial, he sighed in astonishment and said: "Who would have thought he behaved like this while left in the capital!" The responsible office sentenced Biao to death; The Emperor pardoned him and merely struck his name from the rolls.
63
彪尋歸本鄉。 帝北幸鄴,彪野服稱草茅臣,拜迎鄴南。 帝曰:「朕以卿為已死。」 彪對曰:「子在,回何敢死。」 帝悅,因謂曰:「朕期卿每以貞松為志,歲寒為心,卿應報國,盡心為用,近見彈文,殊乖所以。 卿罹此譴,為朕與卿? 為宰事? 為卿自取?」 彪曰:「臣愆由己至,罪自身招,實非陛下橫與臣罪,又非宰事無辜濫臣。 臣罪既如此,宜伏東皋之下,不應遠點屬車之清塵。 但伏承聖躬不豫,臣肝膽塗地,是以敢至,非謝罪而來。」 帝曰:「朕欲用卿,憶李僕射不得。」 帝尋納宋弁之言,將復採用。 會留台表至,言彪與御史賈尚往窮庶人恂事,理有誣抑,奏請收彪。 彪自言事枉,帝明彪無此,遣左右慰勉之。 聽以牛車散載,送之洛陽。 會赦得免。
Biao soon returned to his native place. When the Emperor traveled north to Ye, Biao came in plain clothes, calling himself a humble commoner, and bowed in welcome south of the city. The Emperor said: "I thought you were already dead." Biao replied: "While the Master lives, how dare Hui die?" The Emperor was pleased and then said: "I expected you always to take the steadfast pine as your ideal and the cold of winter as your test of character. You should serve the state with all your heart. Reading the impeachment papers recently, I find they greatly miss the point. Did you suffer this punishment because of you and me? Because of the chief minister? Or did you bring it on yourself?" Biao said: "The fault was mine alone; I brought the punishment on myself. It was not that Your Majesty wrongly condemned me, nor that the chief minister falsely accused me without cause. Since my guilt is such as this, I ought to lie prostrate beneath the eastern mulberry and have no business coming from afar to touch the dust of Your Majesty's retinue. But I humbly heard that Your Majesty was unwell, and my heart was torn with concern—therefore I dared to come, not to offer an apology." The Emperor said: "I wish to employ you again, but when I think of Director Li, I cannot." Soon the Emperor accepted Song Bian's advice and was about to employ him again. Just then a memorial arrived from the Rear Capital saying that Biao and Censor Jia Shang had investigated the case of the commoner Xun and that the proceedings involved wrongful suppression; it requested Biao's arrest. Biao declared that the case was wrongful. The Emperor knew Biao had done no such thing and sent attendants to comfort and encourage him. He was permitted to travel by ox-cart with his belongings scattered about and was sent to Luoyang. An amnesty was then issued and he was spared.
64
宣武踐阼,彪自托于王肅,又與郭祚、崔光、劉芳、甄琛、邢巒等詩書往來,迭相稱重。 因論求復舊職,修史官之事,肅等許為左右。 彪乃表曰:
When Emperor Xuanwu ascended the throne, Biao attached himself to Wang Su and exchanged poems and letters with Guo Zuo, Cui Guang, Liu Fang, Zhen Chen, Xing Luan, and others, each praising the other's eminence in turn. They then discussed seeking restoration to his former post and reviving the historiographic office, and Su and the others promised to support him. Biao thereupon submitted a memorial saying:
65
惟我皇魏之奄有中華也,歲越百齡,年幾十紀,史官敘錄,未充其盛。 加以東觀中圮,冊勳有闕,美隨日落,善因月稀。 故諺曰:「一日不書,百事荒蕪。」 至於太和之十一年,先帝,先後召名儒博達之士,以充麟閣之選。 于時忘臣眾短,采臣片志,令臣出納,授臣丞職,猥屬斯事,無所與讓。 高祖時詔臣曰:「平爾雅志,正爾筆端,書而不法,後世何觀。」 臣奉以周旋,不敢失墜。
Consider that our august Wei has held all of China for more than a century, nearly ten decades, yet the historians' record has not matched that greatness. Moreover the Eastern Pavilion fell into ruin midway through, meritorious deeds went unrecorded in the annals, and fine achievements faded like the setting sun while good deeds grew scarce as the waning moon. Hence the proverb says: "One day without writing, and a hundred affairs fall into ruin." As for the eleventh year of Taihe, the Former Emperor summoned renowned scholars and broadly learned men to fill the posts at the Qilin Pavilion. At that time, overlooking my many shortcomings and taking note of my limited ambition, he ordered me to serve in the archives, granted me the assistant post, and unworthily entrusted me with this work, which I did not yield to anyone else. In Emperor Gaozu's time an edict told me: "Set your lofty ambition straight and keep your brush true. If what you write is not according to proper standards, what will later ages have to look upon?" I received this charge and carried it out, not daring to let it slip.
66
伏惟孝文皇帝承天地之寶,崇祖宗之業,景功未就,奄焉崩殂,凡百黎萌,若無天地。 賴遇陛下體明睿之真,應保合之量,恢大明以燭物,履靜恭以和邦。 天清其氣,地樂其靜,可謂重明疊聖,元首康哉。 《記》曰:「善跡者欲人繼其行,善歌者欲人繼其聲。」 故《傳》曰:「文王基之,周公成之。」 然先皇之茂勳聖達,今王之懿美洞鑒,准之前代,其德靡悔也。 時哉時哉,可不光昭哉! 合德二儀者,先皇之陶鈞也。 齊明日月者,先皇之洞照也。 慮周四時者,先皇之茂功也。 合契鬼神者,先皇之玄燭也。 遷都改邑者,先皇之達也。 變是協和者,先皇之鑒也。 思同書軌者,先皇之遠也。 守在四夷者,先皇之略也。 海外有截者,先皇之威也。 禮由岐陽者,先皇之義也。 張樂岱郊者,先皇之仁也。 鑾幸幽漠者,先皇之智也。 燮伐南荊者,先皇之禮也。 升中告成者,先皇之肅也。 親虔宗社者,先皇之敬也。 兗實無闕者,先皇之德也。 開物成務者,先皇之貞也。 觀乎人文者,先皇之蘊也。 革弊創新者,先皇之志也。 孝慈道洽者,先皇之衷也。 先皇有大功二十,加以謙尊而光,為而弗有者,可謂四三皇而六五帝矣。 誠宜功書於竹素,聲播于金石。
Humbly consider that Emperor Xiaowen received the treasure of Heaven and Earth and exalted the enterprise of his ancestors, yet his great achievement was not yet complete when he suddenly perished, and all the common people were as if left without Heaven and Earth. Fortunately we now have Your Majesty, who embodies true enlightened wisdom, possesses the capacity to preserve and harmonize, broadly extends great brilliance to illuminate all things, and treads in quiet reverence to bring harmony to the realm. Heaven clears its air and earth rejoices in its stillness—it may truly be called an age of redoubled sage-kings; the sovereign is secure indeed! The Record says: "He who leaves good tracks wishes others to follow in his path; he who sings well wishes others to carry on his song." Therefore the Tradition says: "King Wen laid the foundation; the Duke of Zhou completed it." Yet the Former Emperor's abundant merit and sagely attainment, and the present King's fine virtue and penetrating insight—measured against former ages, leave nothing to regret. What a time! What a time! How could it not shine forth in glory! Matching the virtue of Heaven and Earth—that was the Former Emperor shaping the realm on his potter's wheel. Equal in brilliance to the sun and moon—that was the Former Emperor's penetrating illumination. Thought encompassing all four seasons—that was the Former Emperor's abundant achievement. In accord with the will of spirits and gods—that was the Former Emperor's mysterious illumination. Moving the capital and changing the seat of government—that was the Former Emperor's far-reaching wisdom. Correcting what was wrong and bringing harmony—that was the Former Emperor's discerning judgment. Aspiring to unify script and cart tracks—that was the Former Emperor's far-reaching vision. Keeping defense at the four frontiers—that was the Former Emperor's strategic design. Order established even beyond the seas—that was the Former Emperor's authority. Rites originating from Qiyang—that was the Former Emperor's righteousness. Spreading music at the foot of Mount Tai—that was the Former Emperor's benevolence. The imperial procession journeying to the northern desert—that was the Former Emperor's wisdom. Harmonizing relations while chastising southern Jing—that was the Former Emperor's ritual propriety. Ascending the central peak to report completion—that was the Former Emperor's solemn reverence. Personally reverent toward the altars of state—that was the Former Emperor's devotion. Yan's granaries filled without shortfall—that was the Former Emperor's virtue. Opening new possibilities and completing great undertakings—that was the Former Emperor's steadfast resolve. Contemplating the patterns of civilization—that was the Former Emperor's deep cultivation. Reforming abuses and creating the new—that was the Former Emperor's aspiration. Filial piety and compassion pervading the realm—that was the Former Emperor's innermost heart. The Former Emperor had twenty great achievements; added to this, he was humble yet radiant, accomplished yet claiming nothing for himself—he may be said to have matched three of the Three Sovereigns and six of the Five Emperors. Truly his achievements ought to be written on bamboo and silk and his fame inscribed in bronze and stone.
67
臣竊謂史官之達者,大則與日月齊其明,小則與四時並其茂,故能聲流無窮,義昭來裔。 是以金石可滅,而風流不泯者,其唯載籍乎。 諺曰:「相門有相,將門有將。」 斯不唯其性,蓋言習之所得也。 竊謂天文之官,太史之職,如有其人,宜其世矣。 是以談、遷世事而功立,彪、固世事而名成,此乃前鑒之軌轍,後鏡之蓍龜也。 然前代史官之不終業者,皆陵遲之世,不能容善。 是以平子去史而成賦,伯喈違閣而就志。 近僭晉之世,有佐郎王隱,為著作虞預所毀,亡官在家。 晝則樵薪供爨,夜則觀文屬綴,集成《晉書》,存一代之事。 司馬紹敕尚書唯給筆劄而已。 國之大籍,成於私家,末世之弊,乃至如此。 此史官之不遇時也。 今大魏之史,職則身貴,祿則親榮,優哉遊哉,式穀令爾休矣! 而典謨弗恢者,其有以也。 而故著作漁陽傅毗、北平陽尼、河間邢產、廣平宋弁、昌黎韓顯宗並以文才見舉,注述是同,並登年不永,弗終茂績。 前著作程靈虯同時應舉,共掌此務,今徙他職,官非所司。 唯著作崔光一人,雖不移任,然侍官兩兼,故載述致闕。
Your subject ventures to say that when historiographers attain mastery, in great matters they match the sun and moon in brilliance, in small matters they match the four seasons in flourishing—thus their fame flows without end and their meaning shines for generations to come. Therefore, though bronze and stone may perish, elegant reputation endures—is this not solely through the written record? The proverb says: "A minister's house produces ministers; a general's house produces generals." This depends not on nature alone—it speaks rather of what training and habit can achieve. Your subject ventures to say that for the office of heavenly observances and the post of Grand Historian, if there is a man suited to the task, how fitting he would be for this age! Therefore Tan and Qian completed their worldly tasks and established lasting achievement; Biao and Gu completed theirs and won enduring fame—this is the track of a mirror for those who came before and an oracle for those who come after. Yet those historiographers of former ages who did not finish their work all lived in declining times that could not tolerate excellence. Therefore Zhang Heng left the history office and completed his rhapsody, and Cai Yong abandoned the pavilion and pursued his own chronicle. In the recent Jin usurpation era, there was Assistant Gentleman Wang Yin, ruined by Compiler Yu Yu, who lost his office and lived at home. By day he gathered firewood for the hearth; by night he read texts and stitched passages together, compiling the *History of Jin* and preserving the affairs of an entire age. Sima Shao ordered the Ministry of State Affairs to supply him with nothing but writing materials. The great records of the state were completed in a private household—the abuses of a declining age had sunk to this. This was what it meant for historiographers to be out of step with their age. Now the historians of great Wei hold honored posts and salaries that bring glory to their families—how easy and pleasant their lot! May goodness make them prosper! Yet the canonical records remain incomplete—and there are reasons for it. Former compilers Fu Pi of Yuyang, Yang Ni of Beiping, Xing Chan of Hejian, Song Bian of Guangping, and Han Xianzong of Changli were all recommended for literary talent and shared the same historiographic work, yet all died young and failed to complete their great undertakings. Former compiler Cheng Lingqiu was recommended at the same time and jointly managed this work, but has now been transferred to another post and no longer oversees historiography. Only Compiler Cui Guang, though not transferred from his post, held two concurrent court offices and therefore left gaps in the historical record.
68
臣聞載籍之興,由於大業; 雅頌垂薦,起於德美。 昔史談誡其子遷曰:「當世有美而不書,汝之罪也。」 是以久而見美。 孔明在蜀,不以史官留意,是以久而受譏。 《書》稱「無曠庶官,」《詩》有「職思其憂」,臣雖今非所司,然昔忝斯任,故不以草茅自疏,敢言及於此。 語曰:「患為之者不必知,知之者不得為。」 臣誠不知,強欲為之耳。 竊尋先朝賜臣名彪者,遠則擬《漢史》之叔皮,近則准《晉史》之紹統,推名求義,欲罷不能。 今求都下乞一靜處,綜理國籍,以終前志。 官給事力,以充所須。 雖不能光啟大錄,庶不為飽食終日耳。 近則期月可就,遠則三年有成,正本蘊之麟閣,副貳藏之名山。
Your subject has heard that written records arise from great enterprise; and that the Odes and Hymns handed down for praise spring from virtue and excellence. Formerly Shi Tan admonished his son Qian, saying: "If the age has excellence and you fail to record it, that is your crime." Therefore excellence becomes visible over time. Kongming in Shu paid no attention to the historiographic office, and therefore over time came to be ridiculed for it. The *Documents* say, "Let no common office stand idle," and the *Odes* have, "In office, think of its cares." Though I no longer hold this post, I once unworthily did, and so I do not hold myself aloof as a humble commoner but dare to speak of this matter. A saying goes: "The trouble is that those who would do the work need not know how, while those who know how may not do it." I truly do not know enough, yet I strongly wish to do it all the same. Your subject privately considers that when the Former Court granted me the name Biao, it was distantly comparing me to Ban Shupi of the *History of Han* and recently to Zhang Shaotong of the *History of Jin*. Weighing the name for its meaning, I wish to stop yet cannot. Now I request a quiet place in the capital where I may organize the national records and fulfill my former aspiration. The office should supply clerks and attendants to meet my needs. Though I cannot brilliantly open the great historical record, I hope at least not to end my days with a full belly and nothing accomplished. In the near term it may be completed within a month; at most within three years it will be done—the original stored in the Qilin Pavilion, a duplicate kept on the sacred mountain.
69
時司空北海王詳、尚書令王肅許之。 肅以其無祿,頗相賑餉。 遂在秘書省,同王隱故事,白衣修史。
At the time Minister of Works Prince of Beihai Yuan Xiang and Director Wang Su approved the request. Because Biao had no salary, Su considerably aided and supplied him. Thereupon he worked in the Secretariat, following Wang Yin's precedent, compiling history as a commoner in plain clothes.
70
宣武親政,崔光表曰:「臣昔為彪所致,與之同業積年,其志力貞強,考述無倦。 頃來契闊,多所廢離,近蒙收起,還綜厥事。 老而彌厲,史才日新。 若克復舊職,專功不殆,必能昭明《春秋》,闡成皇籍。 既先帝厚委,宿曆高班,纖負微愆,應從滌洗。 愚謂宜申以常伯,正綰著作。」 宣武不許。 詔彪兼通直散騎常侍、行汾州事,非彪好也,固請不行。 卒於洛陽。
When Emperor Xuanwu personally took power, Cui Guang submitted a memorial saying: "Your subject was formerly recruited by Biao and worked with him in the same field for many years. His will and strength are steadfast, and his research and writing know no weariness. Recently we have been parted and much of our work abandoned; recently he was mercifully taken back in and has resumed organizing this project. Growing old yet ever more vigorous, his historiographic talent improves day by day. If he can recover his former post and devote himself without slackening, he will surely illuminate the *Spring and Autumn Annals* and complete the imperial historical record. Since the Former Emperor heavily entrusted him and he long held high rank, a slight fault ought to be washed away. Your subject ventures to say he should be appointed Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary and properly put in charge of the historiographic office." Emperor Xuanwu did not approve. An edict appointed Biao concurrently Attendant Cavalier in Direct Service and acting administrator of Fenzhou—not to Biao's liking; he firmly requested not to go. He died in Luoyang.
71
始彪為中尉,號為嚴酷。 以奸款難得,乃為木手擊其脅腋,氣絕而復屬者時有焉。 又慰喻汾州叛胡,得其凶渠,皆鞭面殺之。 及彪病,體上往往瘡潰,痛毒備極。 贈汾州刺史,諡曰剛憲。 彪在秘書歲餘,史業竟未及就,然區分書體,皆彪之功。 述《春秋三傳》,合成十卷。 其餘著詩頌賦誄章表別有集。
When Biao first served as Censor-in-Chief, he was known for severity and cruelty. Because confessions were hard to obtain, he had prisoners struck in the ribs and armpits with a wooden cudgel; sometimes they lost consciousness and were revived. He also pacified the rebel Hu of Fenzhou; capturing their ringleaders, he whipped their faces and killed them all. When Biao fell ill, sores often ulcerated across his body, and the pain was extreme. He was posthumously granted Inspector of Fenzhou with the posthumous title Gangxian, Steadfast and Lawful. Biao spent more than a year in the Secretariat; the historiographic work was never completed, yet the classification of writing styles was entirely his achievement. He expounded the Three Commentaries on the *Spring and Autumn*, compiling them into ten scrolls. His other works—poems, eulogies, rhapsodies, dirges, and memorials—were collected separately.
72
彪雖與宋弁結管、鮑交,弁為大中正,與孝文私議,猶以寒地處之,殊不欲微相優假。 彪亦知之,不以為恨。 弁卒,彪痛之無已,為之哀誄,備盡辛酸。 郭祚為吏部,彪為子志求官,祚乃以舊第處之。 彪以位經常伯,又兼尚書,謂祚應以貴遊拔之,深用忿怨,形於言色。 時論以此非祚。 祚每曰:「爾與義和至友,豈能饒爾而怨我乎。」 任城王澄與彪先亦不穆,及為雍州,彪詣澄,為志求其府寮。 澄釋然為啟,得為列曹行參軍,時稱澄之美。
Though Biao formed a deep friendship with Song Bian like Guan Zhong and Bao Shuya, when Bian served as Grand Rectifier and privately discussed the matter with Emperor Wen, he still treated Biao as a man of humble origin and was utterly unwilling to show him the slightest favor. Biao knew this and bore no resentment. When Bian died, Biao grieved for him without end and composed a mournful dirge that fully expressed his bitterness and sorrow. When Guo Zuo was Minister of Personnel, Biao sought an office for his son Zhi, and Zuo assigned him according to his former rank. Biao, who had held the rank of Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary and had also concurrently served as Minister, felt Zuo ought to have promoted his son as a noble associate. Deeply resentful, he showed it plainly in word and countenance. Contemporary opinion criticized Zuo for this. Zuo often said: "You and Yihe are the closest of friends—can you spare yourself yet blame me for this?" Prince of Rencheng Yuan Cheng and Biao had not been on good terms, but when Cheng became governor of Yongzhou, Biao visited him to seek a staff post for Zhi. Cheng readily submitted a recommendation, and Zhi obtained the post of Acting Staff Officer of the Various Bureaus. At the time Cheng's magnanimity was praised.
73
志字鴻道,博學有才幹,年十餘,便能屬文。 彪奇之,謂崔鴻曰:「子宜與鴻道為二鴻於洛陽。」 鴻遂與交款往來。
Zhi, courtesy name Hongdao, was broadly learned and capable. Before he was even ten, he could compose literary works. Biao marveled at him and said to Cui Hong: "You and Hongdao ought to be the two great swans of Luoyang." Hong thereupon formed a warm friendship with him and they exchanged visits.
74
彪有女,幼而聰令。 彪每奇之,教之書學,讀誦經傳。 嘗竊謂所親曰:「此當興我家,卿曹容得其力。」 彪亡後,宣武聞其名,召為婕好。 在宮常教帝妹書,誦授經史。 始彪奇志及婕妤,特加器愛。 公私坐集,必自稱詠,由是為孝文所貴。 及彪亡後,婕妤果入掖廷,後宮咸師宗之。 宣武崩後,為比丘尼,通習經義,法座講說,諸僧歎重之。
Biao had a daughter who was clever and gifted from childhood. Biao always marveled at her and taught her writing and learning, having her read and recite the classics and commentaries. He once privately told those close to him: "This girl will surely raise our house; you may all benefit from her someday." After Biao died, Emperor Xuanwu heard of her and summoned her as a palace lady. In the palace she often taught the Emperor's younger sister to write and instructed her in the classics and histories. At first Biao especially valued and loved Zhi and his daughter the palace lady. At public and private gatherings he always recited their works himself, and thereby came to be valued by Emperor Wen. After Biao died, his daughter indeed entered the inner palace, and all the women of the harem took her as their teacher and model. After Emperor Xuanwu died, she became a Buddhist nun, thoroughly versed in scriptural doctrine. From the dharma seat she lectured and expounded, and the monks admired her deeply.
75
志曆官所在著績。 桓叔興外叛,南荊荒毀,領軍元叉舉其才任撫導,抉為南荊州刺史。 建義初,叛入梁。
Zhi achieved notable results in every office he held. When Huan Shuxing rebelled, southern Jing lay in ruins. Garrison General Yuan Cha recommended Zhi's talent for pacification and guidance, and he was appointed Inspector of Southern Jing. At the beginning of the Jianyi era, he rebelled and defected to Liang.
76
志弟游,有才行。 隨兄志在南荊州,屬爾硃之亂,與志俱奔江左。 子昶。
Zhi's younger brother You had talent and ability. He followed his elder brother Zhi to Southern Jingzhou; when the Erzhu rebellion broke out, he fled with Zhi to the lands south of the Yangtze. His son was Chang.
77
昶小名那。 性峻急,不雜交遊。 幼年已解屬文,有聲洛下。 時洛陽初置明堂,昶年十數歲,為《明堂賦》,雖優洽未足,才制可觀。 見者咸曰有家風也。 初謁周文,周文深奇之,厚加資給,令入太學。 周文每見學生,必問才行於昶。 昶神情清悟,應對明辯,周文每稱歎之。 綏德公陸通盛選僚采,請以昶為司馬,周文許之。 昶雖年少,通特加接待,公私之事,咸取決焉。 又兼二千石郎中,典儀注。 累遷都官郎中、相州大中正。 昶雖處郎官,周文恆欲以書記委之。 於是以為丞相府記室參軍、著作郎、修國史,轉大行台郎中、中書侍郎,又轉黃門侍郎,對臨黃縣伯。 嘗謂曰:「卿祖昔在中朝,為御史中尉; 卿操尚貞固,理應不墜家風。 但孤以中尉彈劾之官,愛憎所在,故未即授卿耳。 然此職久曠,無以易卿。」 乃奏昶為御史中尉,賜姓宇文氏。
Chang's childhood name was Na. His nature was stern and impatient, and he did not mix freely in social circles. From youth he could already compose literary works and had a reputation in Luoyang. When Luoyang had just established the Bright Hall, Chang, still in his teens, composed a *Rhapsody on the Bright Hall*. Though its polish was not yet complete, its talent and structure were impressive. All who read it said he had inherited the family talent. When he first paid court to Emperor Wen of Zhou, the Emperor deeply marveled at him, generously supported him, and ordered him to enter the Imperial Academy. Whenever Emperor Wen of Zhou saw students, he always asked Chang about their talent and character. Chang's bearing was clear and perceptive, and his replies were bright and eloquent. Emperor Wen of Zhou always praised him with admiration. Duke of Suide Lu Tong carefully selected staff members and requested Chang as his Marshal. Emperor Wen of Zhou approved. Though Chang was young, Tong especially favored him, and all public and private affairs were decided by him. He also concurrently served as Gentleman of the Two Thousand Bushels, managing ritual regulations. He was promoted in succession to Gentleman of the Palace Guard and Grand Rectifier of Xiangzhou. Though Chang held a gentleman post, Emperor Wen of Zhou always wished to entrust secretarial duties to him. Thereupon he was made Staff Secretary of the Chancellor's Office, Compiler, and editor of the national history; then transferred to Gentleman of the Grand Secretariat and Vice Director of the Secretariat; then to Vice Director of the Yellow Gate, enfeoffed as Baron of Huang in Lin. He once said to him: "Your grandfather formerly served in the Central Court as Censor-in-Chief; your conduct is steadfast and firm—you ought by rights to uphold the family tradition. But because the censorate is an office of impeachment where personal likes and dislikes hold sway, I have not immediately granted it to you. Yet this post has long stood vacant, and there is no one better suited to it than you." Thereupon he memorialized that Chang be made Censor-in-Chief and granted the surname Yuwen.
78
六官建,拜內史下大夫,進爵為侯。 明帝初,行禦伯中大夫。 武成元年,除中外府司錄。 保定初,進驃騎大將軍、開府儀同三司,轉禦正中大夫。 時以近侍清要,盛選國華,乃以昶及安昌西元則、中都公陸逞、臨淄公唐瑾等並為納言。 尋進爵為公。 五年,出為昌州刺史。 在州遇疾,求入朝,詔許之。 未至京,卒,贈相、瀛二州刺史。
When the Six Offices were established, he was appointed Lower Grand Master of the Inner Scribe and advanced in rank to Marquis. At the beginning of Emperor Ming's reign, he served as acting Middle Grand Master of the Imperial Earl. In the first year of Wucheng, he was appointed Chief Recorder of the Inner and Outer Offices. At the beginning of Baoding, he was promoted to General of Agile Cavalry with Grand Master of the Third Rank privileges and transferred to Middle Grand Master of the Imperial Rectifier. At the time, because close attendance at court was a clear and essential post, the finest talents of the state were lavishly selected; Chang, Yuan Ze of Anchang West, Duke of Zhongdu Lu Cheng, Duke of Linzi Tang Jin, and others were all made Remonstrating Officials. Soon he was advanced in rank to Duke. In the fifth year, he was appointed Inspector of Changzhou. While serving in the province he fell ill and requested permission to return to court; an edict approved it. Before reaching the capital he died and was posthumously granted the posts of Inspector of Xiang and Ying.
79
昶,周文世已當樞要。 兵馬處分,專以委之; 詔冊文筆,皆昶所作也。 及晉公護執政,委任如舊。 昶常曰:「文章之事,不足流於後世,經邦致化,庶及古人。」 故所作文筆,了無槁草,唯留心政事而已。 又以父在江南,身寓關右,自少及終,不飲酒聽樂。 時論以此稱焉。 子丹嗣。
Chang already held a pivotal position in Emperor Wen of Zhou's reign. The disposition of troops and horses was entirely entrusted to him; Edicts, patents, and official documents were all composed by Chang. When Duke of Jin Yu Hu took power, Chang's responsibilities remained as before. Chang often said: "Literary composition alone is not enough to endure for posterity; governing the state and bringing transformation—there one may hope to match the ancients." Therefore he left behind almost no literary drafts, devoting himself solely to governmental affairs. Because his father remained in the south while he himself lived in the northwest, from youth to the end of his life he neither drank wine nor listened to music. Contemporary opinion praised him for this. His son Dan succeeded him.
80
高道悅,字文欣,遼東新昌人也。 曾祖策,馮跋散騎常侍、新昌侯。 祖育,馮弘建德令。 太武東討,率部歸命,授建忠將軍、齊郡建德二郡太守,賜爵肥如子。 父玄起,武邑太守,遂居勃海蓧縣。
Gao Daoyue, courtesy name Wenxin, was a native of Xinchang in Liaodong. His great-grandfather Ce served Feng Ba as Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary and was enfeoffed as Marquis of Xinchang. His grandfather Yu was Magistrate of Jiande under Feng Hong. When Emperor Taiwu marched east on campaign, he led his division to submit. He was granted General Who Establishes Loyalty, appointed Grand Administrator of Qijun and Jiande, and enfeoffed as Viscount of Feiru. His father Xuanqi was Grand Administrator of Wuyi and settled in Tiao County in Bohai.
81
道悅少為中書學生、侍御主文中散。 後為諫議大夫,正色當官,不憚強禦。 車駕南征,徵兵秦、雍,大期秋季閱集洛陽。 道悅以使者書侍御史薛聰、侍御史主文中散元志等稽違期會,奏舉其罪。 又奏兼左僕射、吏部尚書、任城王澄,位總朝右,任屬戎機,兵使會否,曾不檢奏。 尚書左丞公孫良職綰樞轄,蒙冒莫舉。 請以見事免澄、良等所居官。 時道悅兄觀為外兵郎中,澄奏道悅有党兄之負,孝文詔責。 然以事經恩宥,遂寢而不論。 詔曰:「道悅資性忠篤,稟操貞亮。 居法樹平肅之規,處諫著必犯之節。 王公憚其風鯁,朕實嘉其一至,謇諤之誠,何愧黯、鮑也。 其以為主爵下大夫,諫議如故。」
In youth Daoyue was a student of the Secretariat and Attendant Cavalier in Direct Service in charge of documents. Later he became Grand Master of Remonstrance, maintaining a stern bearing in office and not fearing the powerful. When the imperial procession marched south on campaign, troops were levied from Qin and Yong, with a deadline of autumn for review and assembly at Luoyang. Daoyue memorialized to impeach Attendant Censor Xue Cong, Attendant Cavalier in Direct Service Yuan Zhi, and others for delaying and missing the deadline, as shown by the envoys' reports. He further memorialized that Concurrent Left Director, Minister of Personnel, and Prince of Rencheng Yuan Cheng, who commanded the right flank of court and bore responsibility for military affairs, had never inspected or reported whether the troops and envoys met the deadline. Left Assistant Director Gongsun Liang, whose duty controlled the pivot of administration, covered up the matter and failed to report it. He requested that Cheng, Liang, and the others be removed from office on the basis of these facts. At the time Daoyue's elder brother Guan was Gentleman of External Troops. Cheng memorialized that Daoyue was guilty of favoring his brother, and Emperor Wen issued an edict rebuking him. Yet because the matter had received imperial grace and pardon, it was shelved and not pursued. An edict said: "Daoyue is by nature loyal and sincere, and his character is steadfast and upright. In upholding the law he establishes rules of fairness and solemnity; in holding the remonstrance post he displays the integrity of one who must speak out. Princes and ministers fear his stern uprightness; We truly commend his single-minded devotion. His honest and forthright sincerity would not shame Ji An or Bao Shuya. Let him be appointed Lower Grand Master of Ennoblement while retaining his remonstrance post as before."
82
車駕幸鄴,又兼御史中尉,留守洛京。 時宮闕初基,廟庫未構,車駕將水路幸鄴。 已詔都水回營構之材,以造舟楫。 道悅表諫,以為闕居宇之功,作遊嬉之用,損耗殊倍。 又深薄之危,古今共慎。 於是帝遂從陸路。 轉道悅太子中庶子,正色立朝,嚴然難犯,宮官上下,咸畏憚之。
When the imperial procession visited Ye, he was also appointed Censor-in-Chief and remained to guard Luoyang. At the time the palace foundations had just been laid and the ancestral temples and storehouses were not yet built. The imperial procession was about to travel to Ye by water. An edict had already ordered the Director of Waterways to divert construction materials to build boats. Daoyue submitted a memorial of remonstrance, arguing that abandoning palace construction for pleasure craft would waste resources many times over. He also cited the danger of deep waters, which ancients and moderns alike have always feared. Thereupon the Emperor took the land route instead. Daoyue was transferred to Palace Attendant of the Crown Prince. Maintaining a stern bearing at court, he was solemn and formidable, and palace officials high and low all feared and respected him.
83
太和二十年秋,車駕幸中嶽,詔太子恂入居金墉。 而恂潛謀還代,忿道悅前後規諫,遂於禁中殺之。 帝甚加悲惜,贈散騎常侍、營州刺史,並遣王人慰其妻子,又詔使者監護喪事。 葬於舊塋,諡曰貞侯。 宣武又追錄忠概,拜長子顯族給事中。 顯族亦以忠厚見稱,卒于右軍將軍。
In autumn of the twentieth year of Taihe, when the imperial procession visited the Central Peak, an edict ordered Crown Prince Xun to take up residence at Jinyong. But Xun secretly plotted to return to Dai. Resenting Daoyue's repeated admonitions, he killed him within the palace precinct. The Emperor grieved deeply, posthumously granting him Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary and Inspector of Yingzhou, sending a royal envoy to comfort his wife and children, and ordering an envoy to supervise the funeral. He was buried in the family tomb with the posthumous title Marquis Zhen. Emperor Xuanwu further honored his loyal spirit and appointed his eldest son Xianzu as Attendant Within the Gates. Xianzu was also praised for loyalty and honesty and died while serving as General of the Right Army.
84
顯族弟敬猷,有風度。 蕭寶夤西征,引為驃騎司馬。 及寶夤謀逆,敬猷與行台郎中封偉伯等潛圖義舉,謀泄見殺。 贈滄州刺史,聽一子出身。 道悅長兄嵩,字昆侖,魏郡太守。
Xianzu's younger brother Jingyou had bearing and presence. When Xiao Baoyin marched west on campaign, he recruited Jingyou as Marshal of Agile Cavalry. When Baoyin plotted rebellion, Jingyou and Mobile Secretariat Gentleman Feng Weibo and others secretly plotted a righteous rising. The plot was discovered and he was killed. He was posthumously granted Inspector of Cangzhou, and one of his sons was permitted to enter office. Daoyue's elder brother Song, courtesy name Kunlun, was Grand Administrator of Wei Commandery.
85
嵩弟雙,清河太守。 坐黷貨,將刑於市,遇赦免。 時北海王詳為錄尚書事,雙多納金寶,除司空長史。 後為涼州刺史,專肆貪暴,以罪免。 後貨高肇,復起為幽州刺史。 以貪穢被劾,罪未判,遇赦復任。 未幾而卒。
Song's younger brother Shuang was Grand Administrator of Qinghe. Convicted of corruption and about to be executed in the marketplace, he was spared by an amnesty. At the time Prince of Beihai Yuan Xiang was Recorder of Affairs of the Ministry of State Affairs. Shuang gave him much gold and treasure and was appointed Chief Clerk of the Minister of Works. Later he became Inspector of Liangzhou, where he was wantonly greedy and violent and was removed from office for his crimes. Later he bribed Gao Zhao and was restored as Inspector of Youzhou. Impeached for greed and corruption, he met an amnesty before judgment was passed and was restored to office. Before long he died.
86
雙弟觀,尚書左外兵郎中、城陽王鸞司馬。 南征赭陽,先驅而歿,諡曰閔。
Shuang's younger brother Guan was Gentleman of External Troops of the Left in the Ministry and Marshal to Prince of Chengyang Yuan Luan. On the southern campaign against Zheyang, he died while serving as vanguard. His posthumous title was Min.
87
甄琛,字思伯,中山毋極人,漢太保邯之後也。 父凝,州主簿。 琛少敏悟。 閨門之內,兄弟戲狎,不以禮法自居。 學覽經史,稱有刀筆。 而形貌短陋,鮮風儀。 舉秀才,入都積歲,頗以奕棋棄日,至乃通夜不止。 手下倉頭,常令執燭,或時睡頓,大加其杖,如此非一。 奴後不勝楚痛,乃曰:「郎君辭父母仕宦,若為讀書執燭,不敢辭罪,乃以圍棋,日夜不息,豈是向京之意? 而賜加杖罰,不亦非理!」 琛悵然慚感。 遂從許赤彪假書研習,聞見日優。 太和初,拜中書博士,遷諫議大夫,時有所陳,亦為孝文知賞。 宣武踐阼,以琛為中散大夫,兼御史中尉。 琛表曰:
Zhen Chen, courtesy name Sibo, was a native of Wuji in Zhongshan and a descendant of Han Grand Tutor Han. His father Ning was Prefecture Chief Clerk. Chen was quick and perceptive from youth. Within the household, the brothers played familiarly among themselves and did not hold themselves to ritual propriety. He studied the classics and histories and was said to have skill with the brush. Yet he was short and plain in appearance, with little bearing or presence. Recommended as Presented Scholar, he went to the capital and over the years wasted much time on chess, even playing through the night without stopping. He often ordered his household steward to hold the candle while he played. If the man dozed off, he beat him severely—more than once. The servant finally could not bear the beatings and said: "Master, you left your parents to take office. If you needed me to hold the candle while you read, I would not dare complain. But you play go day and night without rest—is this why you came to the capital? Yet you beat me for it—is that not also unreasonable!" Chen was moved to shame and regret. Thereupon he borrowed books from Xu Chi and Li Biao to study, and his knowledge improved day by day. At the beginning of Taihe he was appointed Doctor of the Secretariat and later transferred to Grand Master of Remonstrance. When he submitted proposals, Emperor Wen came to know and appreciate him. When Emperor Xuanwu ascended the throne, Chen was appointed Grand Master of Palace Attendance and concurrently Censor-in-Chief. Chen submitted a memorial saying:
88
《月令》稱山林藪澤,有能取蔬食禽獸者,皆野虞教導之。 其迭相侵奪者,罪之無赦。 此明導人而弗禁,通有無以相濟也。 《周禮》雖有川澤之禁,正所以防其殘盡,必令取之有時。 斯所謂鄣護在公,更所以為人守之耳。 今者天為黔首生鹽,國為黔首鄣護。 假獲其利,猶是富專口齗,不及四體也。 且天下夫婦,歲貢粟帛,四海之有,備奉一人; 軍國之資,取給百姓,天子亦何患乎貧,而苟禁一池? 臣每觀上古愛人之跡,時讀中葉驟稅之書,未嘗不歎彼遠大,惜此近狹。 今偽弊相承,仍崇關廛之稅。 大魏宏博,唯受穀帛之輸。 是使遠方聞者,莫不歌德。 語稱出內之吝,有司之福; 施惠之難,人君之禍。 夫以府藏之物,猶以不施而為災,況府外之利,而可吝之於黔首? 願弛鹽禁,使沛然遠及。 依《周體》置川衡之法,使之監導而已。
The *Monthly Ordinances* say that in mountains, forests, marshes, and lakes, those able to gather vegetables, food, birds, and beasts are all instructed and guided by the wild-game wardens. Those who repeatedly encroach on one another are punished without pardon. This clearly means guiding people rather than forbidding them, allowing what is abundant to aid what is lacking. Though the *Rites of Zhou* has prohibitions on rivers and marshes, this is precisely to guard against their complete exhaustion and to ensure that resources are taken only at proper times. This is what is called protective barriers held in the public trust—the purpose is for people to guard them on behalf of one another. Heaven has produced salt for the common people, and the state protects it on their behalf. Even if one obtains its profit, it enriches only the mouth and teeth, not the whole body. Moreover, couples throughout the realm yearly tribute grain and silk; all that the four seas possess suffices to serve one person; the resources of army and state are drawn from the common people—why should the Son of Heaven worry about poverty, yet grudgingly forbid access to one salt pond? Whenever I observe how the ancients cared for the people, and read accounts of sudden taxation from the middle ages, I cannot help sighing at their far-reaching vision and regretting our present narrowness. Now false abuses succeed one another, and market-gate and stall taxes are still honored. Great Wei is vast and broad, accepting only the delivery of grain and silk. This makes all who hear of it from afar sing of its virtue. A saying calls stinginess in disbursement the blessing of officials; and the difficulty of bestowing favor the misfortune of the ruler. If goods in the treasury become a disaster when not disbursed, how much more profits outside the treasury—how can these be grudged to the common people? Your subject wishes to relax the salt prohibition so that its benefits may flow abundantly to all. Following the *Rites of Zhou*, establish river wardens to oversee and guide production—that is all.
89
詔付八坐議可否以聞。 彭城王勰、兼尚書邢巒等奏:
An edict ordered the Eight Excellencies to deliberate on its feasibility and report back. Prince of Pengcheng Yuan Xie, Concurrent Minister Xing Luan, and others submitted:
90
琛之所列,但恐坐談則理高,行之則事闕,是用遲回,未謂為可。 竊惟大道既往,恩惠生焉,下奉上施,卑高理睦。 恆恐財不賙國,澤不厚人,故多方以達其情,立法以行其志。 至乃取貨山澤,輕在人之貢; 立稅關市,裨十一之儲。 收此與彼,非利己也; 回彼就此,非為身也。 所謂集天地之產,惠天地之人,藉造物之富,賑造物之貧。 禁此泉池,不專太官之禦; 僉槠此匹帛,豈為後宮之資。 既潤不在己,彼我理一,積而散之,將焉所吝。 然自行以來,典司多怠,出入之間,事不如法。 此乃用之者無方,非興之者有謬。 至使朝廷識者,聽營其間。 今而罷之,懼失前旨。 宜依前式。
What Chen has proposed—we fear that in discussion the principle sounds lofty, but in execution it would fall short. Therefore we hesitate and do not consider it feasible. Your subjects privately consider that when the Great Way has passed, favor arises; the lower serves the upper and bestows gifts, and low and high are harmoniously ordered. Always fearing that wealth cannot supply the state and bounty cannot enrich the people, the rulers devised many means to understand the people's needs and established laws to carry out their purpose. They even took revenue from mountains and marshes, lightening the people's tribute; established taxes at passes and markets, supplementing the state's reserves. Collecting here and there was not for self-benefit; turning that to this was not for personal gain. This is what is meant by gathering the produce of Heaven and Earth to benefit its people, borrowing the wealth of creation to relieve the poverty of creation. Forbidding these springs and ponds was not solely for the Grand Steward's imperial supply; collecting this cloth and silk was hardly resources for the inner palace alone. Since the enrichment is not for oneself alone, other and self share one principle—accumulating and dispersing wealth, where is there room for grudging? Yet since implementation began, those in charge have often been negligent, and in the handling of goods affairs have not accorded with law. This means those who administer it lack proper method—not that those who established the system were in error. Even knowledgeable men at court were permitted to operate among them. To abolish it now would mean losing the original intent. It is fitting to follow the former model.
91
詔曰:「司鹽之稅,乃自古通典,然興制利人,亦世或不同。 甄琛之表,實所謂助政毗俗者也。 可從其前計,尚書嚴為禁豪強之制也。」
An edict said: "The salt administration tax is an ancient universal institution, yet in establishing systems to benefit the people, each age may differ. Zhen Chen's memorial is truly what is meant by assisting government and harmonizing with custom. His former plan may be followed, and let the Ministry strictly enforce prohibitions against powerful local gentry."
92
詔琛參八坐議事,尋正中尉。 遷侍中,領中尉。 琛俛眉畏避,不能繩糾貴遊,凡所劾者,率多下吏。 于時趙修寵貴,琛傾身事之。 琛父凝為中散大夫,弟僧林為本州別駕,皆托修申達。 至修奸詐事露,明當收考,今日乃舉其罪。 及監決修鞭,猶相隱惻,然告人曰:「趙修小人,背如土牛,殊耐鞭杖。」 有識以此非之。 修死之明日,琛與黃門郎李憑以朋黨被召詣尚書。 兼尚書元英、邢巒窮其阿附之狀。 琛曾拜官,諸賓悉集,巒乃晚至。 琛謂巒:「何處放蛆來,今晚始顧?」 雖以言戲,巒變色銜忿。 及此,大相推窮。 司徒、錄尚書事、北海王詳等奏曰:
An edict ordered Chen to participate in the Eight Excellencies' deliberations, and soon he was appointed Censor-in-Chief. He was transferred to Palace Attendant while retaining the censorate. Chen lowered his brows in fear and avoidance, unable to investigate noble associates. Of those he impeached, most were lower officials. At the time Zhao Xiu was favored and honored, and Chen devoted himself entirely to serving him. Chen's father Ning was Grand Master of Palace Attendance and his younger brother Senglin was Vice-Prefect of their native province—all entrusted Zhao Xiu to convey their requests. When Xiu's treacherous and deceitful affairs were exposed and it was clear he should be arrested and interrogated, only then did Chen impeach him. When overseeing Xiu's execution by whipping, he still showed hidden sympathy, yet told others: "Zhao Xiu is a petty man; his back is like an earthen ox and can endure the whip extraordinarily well." Knowledgeable men criticized him for this. The day after Xiu died, Chen and Vice Director of the Yellow Gate Li Ping were summoned to the Ministry on charges of factionalism. Concurrent Ministers Yuan Ying and Xing Luan thoroughly investigated their fawning attachment to Zhao Xiu. When Chen once received an appointment, all guests had assembled, yet Luan arrived late. Chen said to Luan: "Where did you release the maggots from, that you only show up tonight?" Though spoken in jest, Luan changed color and harbored resentment. At this time they pressed the investigation against each other with great vigor. Minister of Education, Recorder of Affairs of the Ministry of State Affairs, Prince of Beihai Yuan Xiang, and others submitted:
93
謹案侍中、領御史中尉甄琛,身居直法,糾擿是司。 風邪響黷,猶宜劾糾,況趙修侵公害私,朝野切齒? 而琛嘗不陳奏,方更往來,中外影響,致其談譽。 令布衣之父,超登正四之官; 七品之弟,越陟三階之祿。 虧先皇之選典,塵聖明之官人。 又與黃門郎李憑,相為表裏。 憑兄叨封,知而不言。 及修釁彰,方加彈奏。 生則附其形勢,死則就地排之。 竊天之功,以為己力,仰欺朝廷,俯罔百司。 其為鄙詐,於茲甚矣。 謹依律科從,請以職除。 其父中散,實為叨越,雖皇族帝孫,未有此例。 既得不以倫,請下收奪。 李憑朋附趙修,是親是仗,緇點皇風,塵鄙正化,此而不糾,將何以肅整阿諛,獎厲忠概? 請免所居官以肅風軌。
We respectfully report that Palace Attendant and Censor-in-Chief Zhen Chen, holding the post of upholding the law, has impeachment as his charge. Wind and corruption ought still to be impeached and investigated—how much more Zhao Xiu, who harmed the public for private gain and was hated by court and countryside alike? Yet Chen never submitted a memorial but instead continued to associate with him. Inside and outside court echoed his influence, enhancing Zhao Xiu's reputation. He caused a commoner's father to leap to a rank-four regular post; and a rank-seven younger brother to surpass three ranks in salary. He damaged the Former Emperor's selection standards and sullied the sage Emperor's appointment of officials. He also acted in collusion with Vice Director of the Yellow Gate Li Ping. Ping's elder brother presumptuously received enfeoffment, and Chen knew yet did not speak. Only when Xiu's offense became manifest did he submit an impeachment. While Zhao Xiu lived he attached himself to his power; when Xiu died he cast him aside. He stole credit that belonged to Heaven as his own strength, deceiving the court above and misleading the hundred offices below. His baseness and deceit reached an extreme here. Respectfully following the legal statutes, we request his removal from office. His father's post as Grand Master of Palace Attendance was truly presumptuous overstepping; even for imperial clansmen and the emperor's grandsons, there has been no such precedent. Since it was obtained improperly, we request that it be seized and revoked. Li Ping factionally attached himself to Zhao Xiu, relying on kinship and power, staining the imperial style and sullying upright governance. If this is not investigated, how will we sternly rectify flattery and reward loyal spirit? We request their removal from office to restore proper conduct and standards.
94
奏可。 琛遂免歸本郡。 左右相連死黜者二十餘人。
The memorial was approved. Chen was thereupon removed from office and returned to his native commandery. More than twenty of his associates were connected in death or dismissal.
95
始琛以父母老,常求解官扶侍,故孝文授以本州長史。 及貴達,不復請歸,至是乃還。 供養數年,遭母憂。 母钜鹿曹氏,有孝性。 夫氏去家,路逾百里,每得魚肉菜果珍美口實者,必令僮僕走奉其母,乃後食焉。 琛母服未闋,復喪父。 琛於塋兆內手種松柏,隆冬負掘水土。 鄉老哀之,咸助加力。 十餘年中,墳成木茂。 與弟僧林誓以同居沒齒,專事產業,躬親農圃,時以鷹犬馳逐自娛。 朝廷有大事,猶上表陳情。
At first Chen, because his parents were old, often requested release from office to support and attend them. Therefore Emperor Wen granted him Chief Clerk of his native province. When he reached honor and advancement, he no longer requested to return home; only now did he go back. He supported them for several years, then his mother died. His mother was Lady Cao of Julu, a woman of filial nature. The husband's clan lived more than a hundred li away. Whenever she obtained fish, meat, vegetables, fruit, or other delicacies, she always sent servants to present them to her mother-in-law before eating herself. Before Chen's mourning for his mother was complete, his father also died. Chen personally planted pines and cypresses within the tomb precinct, bearing soil and water on his back to dig even in deep winter. Village elders pitied him and all came to help. Within more than ten years, the tomb was complete and the trees flourished. With his younger brother Senglin he vowed to live together for life, devoting himself to estate affairs, personally tending fields and gardens, and at times amusing himself with hawking and hunting. When the court had great affairs, he still submitted memorials stating his views.
96
久之,復除散騎常侍,領給事黃門侍郎、定州大中正,大見親寵。 委以門下庶事,出參尚書,入廁帷幄。 孝文時,琛兼主客郎,迎送齊使彭城劉纘。 琛欽其器貌,常歎詠之。 纘子昕為朐山戍主。 昕死,家屬入洛。 有女年未二十,琛乃納昕女為妻。 婚日,詔給廚費。 琛所好悅,宣武時調戲之。 遷河南尹,黃門、中正如故。 琛表曰:
After a long time he was again appointed Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary, retaining Attendant Within the Gates Who Handles Affairs and Grand Rectifier of Dingzhou, and was greatly favored. Entrusted with miscellaneous affairs of the Secretariat, he participated in Ministry business when abroad and attended within the imperial curtain when at court. In Emperor Wen's time, Chen concurrently served as Gentleman of Reception and received and escorted the Qi envoy Liu Zuan of Pengcheng. Chen admired his talent and appearance and often praised him in verse. Zuan's son Xin was garrison commander of Qushan. When Xin died, his family entered Luoyang. Xin had a daughter not yet twenty, and Chen thereupon took her as his wife. On the wedding day, an edict granted kitchen expenses. The woman Chen favored—in Emperor Xuanwu's time he was teased about it. He was transferred to Intendant of Henan while retaining his Yellow Gate and Grand Rectifier posts. Chen submitted a memorial saying:
97
國家居代,患多盜竊。 世祖太武皇帝親自發憤,廣置主司,裏宰皆以下代令長及五等散男有經略者乃得為之。 又多置吏士,為其羽翼。 崇而重之,始得禁止。 今遷都已來,天下轉廣; 四遠赴會,事過代都。 寇盜公行,劫害不絕。 此由諸坊混雜,厘比不精,主司闇弱,不堪檢察故也。 今擇尹既非南金,裏尉鉛刀而割,欲望清肅都邑,不可得也。 里正乃流外四品,職輕任碎,多是下才。 人懷苟且,不能督察,故使盜得容奸,百賦失理。 邊外小縣,所領不過百戶,而令長皆以將軍居之。 京邑諸坊,大者或千戶、五百戶,其中皆王公卿尹,貴勢姻戚,豪猾僕隸,廕養奸徒,高門邃宇,不可幹問。 比之邊縣,難易不同。 今難彼易此,實為未愜。
When the state was based in Dai, theft was rampant. Emperor Taiwu personally roused himself in indignation and broadly established chief offices. Ward chiefs were drawn only from lower-generation magistrates and fifth-rank scattered barons with strategic ability. He also placed many clerks and gentlemen to serve as their support. Honoring and weighting these posts, only then could theft be stopped. Now since the capital was moved, the realm has grown broader; people converge from all four directions, and affairs surpass those of the old capital at Dai. Bandits and robbers walk openly, and plunder never ceases. This is because the various wards are mixed and confused, household registration is imprecise, and the chief offices are weak and unable to conduct proper inspection. The Intendant selected is not the finest metal; ward wardens cut with lead knives—to expect the capital to be cleared and solemnized is impossible. Ward chiefs are outside-the-flow rank four; their posts are light and duties fragmented, and most are men of lower talent. People harbor perfunctory attitudes and cannot inspect or supervise properly, allowing thieves to operate and all taxes to fall into disorder. Small frontier counties administer no more than a hundred households, yet their magistrates and chiefs all hold general ranks. Wards of the capital, some with a thousand or five hundred households, contain princes, dukes, ministers, and intendants, noble power and kin connections, fierce servants and slaves, sheltered criminals, and high gates and deep halls that cannot be approached or questioned. Compared with frontier counties, the difficulty differs greatly. To treat the difficult as easy and the easy as difficult is truly unsatisfactory.
98
王者立法,隨時從宜; 先朝立品,不必即定。 施而觀之,不便則改。 今閑官靜任,猶聽長兼,況煩劇要務,不得簡能下領。 請取武官中八品將軍以下幹用貞濟者,以本官俸恤領裏尉之任,各食其祿。 高者領六部尉,中者領經途尉,下者領里正。 不爾,請少高裏尉之品,選下品中應遷者,進而為之。 則督責有所,輦轂可清。
Kings establish laws, adapting to the times as fitting; the Former Court established ranks—not necessarily fixed immediately. Implement and observe; if inconvenient, then change. Even idle offices and quiet posts still permit long concurrent holding—how much more urgent and essential affairs, which cannot be entrusted to lower-ranking men of talent? Your subject requests selecting from military officers of rank-eight generals and below those capable and steadfast in service to hold ward warden posts on their original salaries. Higher ones would lead the six-department wardens, middle ones the thoroughfare wardens, and lower ones the ward chiefs. If not, your subject requests slightly raising the rank of ward wardens and selecting from lower ranks those due for promotion to fill the posts. Then supervision and responsibility would have a proper place, and the capital could be cleared of crime.
99
詔曰:「里正可進至勳品、經途從九品、六部尉正九品諸職中簡取,何必須武人也。」 琛又奏以羽林為游軍,于諸坊巷司察盜賊。 於是京邑清靜,後皆踵焉。
An edict said: "Ward chiefs may be advanced to merit rank; thoroughfare wardens from rank nine; six-department wardens from rank nine regular posts—select from these. Why must they be military men?" Chen further memorialized to use the Feathered Forest guards as roaming troops to inspect the various wards and lanes for bandits and thieves. Thereupon the capital was cleared and quiet, and later all followed this model.
100
轉太子少保,黃門如故。 及高肇死,琛以黨不宜復參朝政,出為營州刺史,遷涼州刺史。 猶以高氏之昵,不欲處之於內。 久之,為吏部尚書。 未幾,除定州刺史。 固辭曰:「陛下在東宮,崔光為少傅,臣為少保,今光為車騎大將軍、儀同三司、開國公。 故僕射游肇時為侍中,與臣官階相似; 肇在省為僕射,死贈車騎將軍、儀同三司、冀州刺史。 臣今適為征北將軍、定州刺史。 生師保不如死遊肇。」 詔書慰遣之。 琛既至鄉,衣錦晝遊,大為稱滿; 政體嚴細,甚無聲譽。
He was transferred to Junior Tutor of the Crown Prince while retaining his Yellow Gate post. When Gao Zhao died, Chen, as a faction member, was deemed unfit to participate in court politics again. He was sent out as Inspector of Yingzhou and later transferred to Inspector of Liangzhou. Because of his intimacy with the Gao clan, they still did not wish to place him within the capital. After a long time he became Minister of Personnel. Before long he was appointed Inspector of Dingzhou. He firmly declined, saying: "When Your Majesty was in the Eastern Palace, Cui Guang was Junior Tutor and I was Junior Guardian. Now Guang is General of Chariots and Cavalry, Grand Master of the Third Rank, and Duke with an Established State. Former Director You Zhao at the time was Palace Attendant, similar in rank to me; Zhao served in the Ministry as Director and at death was posthumously granted General of Chariots and Cavalry, Grand Master of the Third Rank, and Inspector of Jizhou. I now happen to be General Who Conquers the North and Inspector of Dingzhou. Alive, a tutor and guardian is worth less than the dead You Zhao." An edict comforted him and sent him on his way. When Chen reached his native place, he toured in brocade by day to great acclaim; but his governance was strict and detailed and won little reputation.
101
崔光辭司徒之授也,琛與光書,外相抑揚,內實附會。 光亦揣其意,復書以悅之。 徵為車騎將軍、特進,又拜侍中。 以其衰老,詔賜禦府杖,朝直杖以出入。 卒,詔給東園秘器,贈司徒公、尚書左僕射,加後部鼓吹。 太常議諡文穆,吏部郎袁翻奏曰:
When Cui Guang declined appointment as Minister of Education, Chen wrote to him—outwardly praising and disparaging in turn, but inwardly seeking to align himself with Guang. Guang also gauged his intent and replied with a letter to please him. He was summoned as General of Chariots and Cavalry and Special Advance, and again appointed Palace Attendant. Because of his old age, an edict granted him an imperial staff and a court-attendance staff for going in and out. When he died, an edict granted Eastern Garden secret vessels and posthumously granted him Duke Minister of Education and Left Director of the Ministry, with rear guard music added. The Minister of Ceremonies proposed the posthumous title Wenmu; Gentleman of the Ministry of Personnel Yuan Fan submitted:
102
案禮,諡者行之跡也; 號者功之表也; 車服者位之章也。 是以大行受大名,細行受細名。 行生於己,名生於人。 故闔棺然後定諡,皆累其生時美惡,所以為將來勸戒; 身雖死,使名常存也。 凡薨亡者,屬所即言大鴻臚,移本郡大中正。 條其行跡功過,承中正移,言公府,下太常部博士評議,為諡列上。 諡不應法者,博士坐如選舉不以實論。 若行狀失實,中正坐如博士。 自古帝王,莫不殷勤重慎,以為褒貶之實也。 今之行狀,皆出自其家,任其臣子自言君父之行,無復是非之事。 臣子之欲光揚君父,但苦跡之不高,行之不美,是以極辭肆意,無復限量。 觀其狀也,則周、孔聯鏕,伊顏接衽。 論其諡也,雖窮文盡武,無或加焉。 然今之博士與古不同,唯知依其行狀,又先問其家人之意; 臣子所求,便為議上。 都不復斟酌與奪,商量是非。 致號諡之加,與泛階莫異; 專以極美為稱,無復貶降之名。 禮官之失,一至於此。 案甄司徒行狀,至德與聖人齊蹤,鴻名共大賢比跡,文穆之諡,何足加焉。 但比來贈諡,於例普重,如甄之流,無不復諡。 謂宜依諡法,慈惠愛人曰孝,宜諡曰孝穆公。
According to ritual, a posthumous title is the trace of conduct; a style-name is the manifestation of achievement; carriage and robes are the insignia of rank. Therefore great conduct receives a great name and minor conduct receives a minor name. Conduct arises from oneself; name arises from others. Therefore only after the coffin is closed is the posthumous title fixed, accumulating the good and bad of his living years to serve as admonition for the future; so that though the person dies, the name endures. For all who die in office, the responsible office immediately informs the Grand Herald, who transmits to the native commandery's Grand Rectifier. He lists conduct, achievements, and faults; the report goes to the public offices, then to the Minister of Ceremonies' doctors for deliberation, who fix the posthumous title and submit it upward. If the posthumous title does not accord with law, the doctor is punished as for selection not according to fact. If the conduct report is untrue, the Rectifier is punished as the doctor. From antiquity emperors and kings have all been earnest and careful, taking this as the substance of praise and blame. Today's conduct reports all come from the family itself, allowing ministers and sons to speak of their lord and father's conduct themselves—with no regard for right and wrong. Ministers and sons wishing to glorify their lord and father, troubled only that the traces are not lofty and the conduct not beautiful, use extreme words without restraint and without limit. Viewing their reports, Zhou and Confucius walk side by side and Yi Yin and Yan Hui share the same robe. Speaking of their posthumous titles, though literary and martial terms are exhausted, none can be added. Yet today's doctors differ from antiquity, knowing only to follow conduct reports and first asking the family's intent; whatever ministers and sons request is immediately deliberated and submitted. No longer weighing grant and denial or deliberating right and wrong. The addition of style and posthumous title differs not from general rank advancement; using only the most flattering titles, with no names of demotion. The failure of ritual officers has reached this point. In review of Minister of Education Zhen's conduct report—supreme virtue walks equal with sages and great name matches great worthies—the posthumous title Wenmu is more than sufficient. But recently posthumous grants have been universally generous; men like Zhen invariably receive posthumous titles. Your subject ventures that according to posthumous-title law, compassionate and benevolent love of people is called Xiao—it is fitting to posthumously title him Duke Xiaomu.
103
自今以後,明勒太常、司徒,有行狀如此,言辭流宕,無復節限者,悉請裁量,不聽為受。 仍踵前來之失者,皆付法司科罪。
From now onward, clearly instruct the Minister of Ceremonies and Minister of Education: when conduct reports are like this, with words flowing unrestrained without limit, all such reports should be measured and cut—do not accept them. Those who still follow the former failures should all be handed over to the legal office for punishment according to statute.
104
詔從之。 琛祖載,明帝親送,降車就輿,吊服哭之,遣舍人慰其諸子。
The edict approved it. When Chen's coffin was loaded, Emperor Ming personally escorted it, descending from his carriage to approach the bier and weeping in mourning dress. He sent a palace attendant to comfort Chen's sons.
105
琛性輕簡,好嘲謔,故少風望。 然明解有幹具,在官清白。 自孝文、宣武,咸相知待。 明帝以師傅之義而加禮焉。 所著文章,鄙碎無大體,時有理詣。 《磔四聲》、《姓族廢興》、《會通緇素三論》及《家晦》二十篇,《篤學文》一卷,頗行於世。
Chen's nature was light and simple and fond of mockery and jest, and therefore he had little reputation and esteem. Yet he was clear in understanding and capable in affairs, and in office he was clean and honest. From Emperor Wen and Emperor Xuanwu onward, all knew and treated him well. Emperor Ming added ceremony toward him because of their bond as tutor and pupil. The writings he composed were vulgar and fragmented without great structure, yet at times showed rational insight. *Dissecting the Four Tones*, *Rise and Fall of Clans*, *Three Treatises on Harmonizing Black and White*, and twenty chapters of *Family Obscurity*, plus one scroll of *Essay on Earnest Study*, all circulated to some extent.
106
琛長子侃,字道正,位秘書郎。 性險薄,多與盜劫交通。 隨琛在京,以酒色夜宿洛水亭舍,毆擊主人。 為司州所劾,淹在州獄。 琛大以慚慨。 廣平王懷為牧,與琛先不協,欲具案窮推。 琛托左右以聞,宣武敕懷寬放。 懷固執之,久乃特旨出侃。 自此沈廢,卒家。
Chen's eldest son Kan, courtesy name Daozheng, held the post of Secretary. His nature was treacherous and base, and he often associated with bandits and robbers. Following Chen to the capital, he spent a night at a Luoyang River pavilion lodge indulging in wine and women and beat the host. Impeached by the Department of State Affairs, he lingered in the provincial prison. Chen was greatly ashamed and indignant. Prince of Guangping Yuan Huai was governor. He and Chen had not been on good terms and wished to fully investigate and press the case. Chen entrusted attendants to report the matter; Emperor Xuanwu ordered Huai to release Kan leniently. Huai firmly held to the case; only after a long time did a special edict release Kan. From this he sank into disgrace and died at home.
107
侃弟楷,字德方。 粗有文學,頗更吏事。 琛啟除秘書郎。 宣武崩,未葬,楷與河南尹丞張普惠等飲戲,免官。 後稍遷尚書儀曹郎。 有當官之稱。 明帝末,丁憂在鄉,定州刺史廣陽王深召楷兼長史,委以州任。 尋屬鮮于修禮、毛普賢等率北鎮流人反於州西北之左人城,屠村掠野,引向州城。 州城內先有燕、恆、雲三州避難戶,修禮等聲雲,欲將此輩共為舉動。 楷見人情不安,慮有變起,乃走收三州人中粗暴者殺之,以威外賊。 及刺史元冏、大都督揚津等至,楷乃還家。 後修禮等忿楷屠害北人,遂掘其父墓,載棺巡城,示相報復。 孝莊時,徵為中書侍郎。 後齊文襄取為儀同府諮議參軍。 卒,贈驃騎將軍、秘書監、滄州刺史。
Kan's younger brother Kai, courtesy name Defang. He had some literary learning and considerable experience in clerical affairs. Chen memorialized for his appointment as Secretary. When Emperor Xuanwu died, before burial Kai drank and played games with Assistant Intendant of Henan Zhang Puhui and others and was removed from office. Later he was gradually promoted to Gentleman of Ritual Affairs in the Ministry. He had the reputation of fulfilling his office well. At the end of Emperor Ming's reign, while in mourning in his native place, Inspector of Dingzhou Prince of Guangyang Yuan Shen summoned Kai as concurrent Chief Clerk and entrusted him with provincial duties. Soon thereafter Xianyu Xiuli, Mao Puxian, and others led displaced people from the northern garrisons to rebel at Zuoren City northwest of the province, slaughtering villages and plundering the countryside as they advanced toward the provincial city. Within the provincial city there were refugee households from Yan, Heng, and Yun provinces. Xiuli and others spread word that they wished to take these people together in a rising. Kai saw the people's sentiments unsettled and feared a mutiny would arise. He seized and killed the rough and violent among the refugees from the three provinces to awe the external bandits. When Inspector Yuan Jiong, Grand Commander Yang Jin, and others arrived, Kai returned home. Later Xiuli and others, resenting Kai's slaughter of northerners, dug up his father's tomb, loaded the coffin, and paraded it around the city to show retaliation. In Emperor Xiaozhuang's time, he was summoned as Vice Director of the Secretariat. Later Qi Wenxiang took him as Advisory Staff Officer of the Equally Ranked Office. When he died, he was posthumously granted General of Agile Cavalry, Director of the Secretariat, and Inspector of Cangzhou.
108
琛從父弟密,字叔雍。 清謹少嗜欲,頗涉書史。 疾世俗貪競,乾沒榮寵,曾為《風賦》以見意。 後參中山王英軍事。 英鐘離敗退,鄉人蘇良沒於賊中,密盡私財以贖之。 良歸,傾資報密。 密一皆不受,曰:「濟君之日,本不求貨,豈相贖之意。」 及葛榮侵擾河北,詔密為相州行台,援守鄴城。 莊帝以密全鄴勳,賞安市縣子。 孝靜初,為衛尉卿,在官有平直之譽。 出為北徐州刺史,卒官。 贈驃騎將軍、儀同三司、瀛州刺史,諡曰靖。
Chen's paternal cousin Mi, courtesy name Shuyong. Clear and careful with few desires, he read widely in books and histories. He detested worldly greed and competition and seizing glory and favor; he once composed a *Rhapsody on Wind* to express his views. Later he participated in Prince of Zhongshan Yuan Ying's military affairs. When Ying was defeated and retreated at Zhongli, his fellow townsman Su Liang was captured by bandits. Mi exhausted his private wealth to ransom him. When Liang returned, he poured out his wealth to repay Mi. Mi refused everything, saying: "The day I helped you, I sought no payment—this was not meant as a ransom." When Ge Rong harassed Hebei, an edict appointed Mi Mobile Secretariat of Xiangzhou to reinforce and defend Ye City. Emperor Zhuang rewarded him as Viscount of Anshi for his merit in preserving Ye. At the beginning of Emperor Xiaojing's reign, he became Commandant of the Guard and earned a reputation for fairness and uprightness in office. He went out as Inspector of Northern Xuzhou and died in office. He was posthumously granted General of Agile Cavalry, Grand Master of the Third Rank, and Inspector of Yingzhou, with the posthumous title Jing.
109
琛同郡張纂,字伯業。 祖珍,字文表,慕容寶度支尚書。 道武平中山,入魏,卒于涼州刺史,諡曰穆。 纂頗涉經史,雅有氣尚,交結勝流。 為樂陵太守,在郡多所受納。 聞御史至,棄郡逃走,於是除名,乃卒。 天平初,贈定州刺史。 纂叔感,字崇仁,有器業,不應州郡之命。
Zhang Zuan of the same commandery as Chen, courtesy name Boye. His grandfather Zhen, courtesy name Wenbiao, was Minister of Revenue under Murong Bao. When Emperor Daowu pacified Zhongshan, he entered Wei and died while serving as Inspector of Liangzhou, with the posthumous title Mu. Zuan read widely in the classics and histories, had an elegant and spirited character, and formed connections with eminent men. He was Grand Administrator of Leling and accepted many bribes while in the commandery. Hearing that censors had arrived, he abandoned the commandery and fled. His name was struck from the rolls, and he died. At the beginning of Tianping he was posthumously granted Inspector of Dingzhou. Zuan's uncle Gan, courtesy name Chongren, had talent and achievement and did not respond to provincial and commandery appointments.
110
子宣軌,少孤,事母以孝聞。 累遷相州撫軍府司馬。 宣軌性通率,輕財好施。 屬葛榮圍城,與刺史李神有固守效,以功賜爵中山公。 後坐事死鄴。 纂從弟元賓,位奉朝請。 及外生高昂貴達,啟贈瀛州刺史。
His son Xuan Gui, orphaned in youth, was known for filial service to his mother. He was promoted in succession to Marshal of the Pacification Army headquarters of Xiangzhou. Xuan Gui's nature was open and direct; he lightly valued wealth and liked to give. When Ge Rong besieged the city, he and Inspector Li Shen held firm in defense and he was granted the title Duke of Zhongshan for his merit. Later convicted of an offense, he was executed at Ye. Zuan's younger paternal cousin Yuan Bin held the post of Attendant at Court. When his maternal nephew Gao Ang reached noble advancement, a memorial posthumously granted him Inspector of Yingzhou.
111
高聰,字僧智,本勃海人也。 曾祖軌,隨慕容德徙青州,因居北海之劇縣。 父法昂,少隨其車騎將軍王玄謨征伐,以功至員外郎,早卒。 聰生而喪母,祖母王撫育之。 大軍攻克東陽,聰徙平城,與蔣少遊為雲中兵戶,窘困無所不為。 族祖允視之若孫,大加賙給。 聰涉獵經史,頗有文才。 允嘉之,數稱其美,言之朝廷,由是與少遊同拜中書博士。 轉侍郎,為高陽王雍傅,稍為孝文知賞。 太和十七年,兼員外散騎常侍,使于齊。 後兼太子左率。
Gao Cong, courtesy name Sengzhi, was originally a native of Bohai. His great-grandfather Gui followed Murong De in moving to Qingzhou and settled in Ju County in Beihai. His father Fa'ang in youth followed General of Chariots and Cavalry Wang Xuanmo on campaign, reached Vice-Director for his merit, and died early. Cong lost his mother at birth and was raised by his grandmother Wang. When the great army captured Dongyang, Cong was moved to Pingcheng. With Jiang Shaoyou he became a military household of Yunzhong and in dire straits did everything he could to survive. His clan elder Yun treated him as a grandson and greatly aided and supplied him. Cong read widely in the classics and histories and had considerable literary talent. Yun praised him, repeatedly commended his excellence, and spoke of him at court. Thereby Cong and Shaoyou were together appointed Doctors of the Secretariat. Transferred to Vice Director, he became Tutor to Prince of Gaoyang Yuan Yong and gradually came to be known and appreciated by Emperor Wen. In the seventeenth year of Taihe he served concurrently as Vice Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary and was envoy to Qi. Later he concurrently served as Left Leader of the Crown Prince's Household.
112
聰微習弓馬,乃以將略自許。 孝文銳意南討,專訪王肅以軍事。 聰托肅,願以偏裨自效。 肅言於帝,故假聰輔國將軍,受肅節度,同援渦陽。 聰躁怯少威重,及與賊交,望風退敗。 孝文恕死,徙平州。 行屆瀛州,刺史王質獲白兔,將獻,托聰為表。 帝見表,顧王肅曰:「在下那得有此才,令朕不知。」 肅曰:「比高聰北徙,或其所制。」 帝悟曰:「必應然也。」
Cong had some training in archery and horsemanship and prided himself on military strategy. Emperor Wen was keen on a southern campaign and specially consulted Wang Su on military affairs. Cong entrusted himself to Su, wishing to serve as a subordinate commander. Su spoke to the Emperor, and Cong was temporarily made General Who Supports the State, subject to Su's command, to reinforce Woyang jointly. Cong was impetuous and timid with little authority. When he engaged the enemy, he retreated in defeat at the first sign of danger. Emperor Wen pardoned him from death and exiled him to Pingzhou. Passing through Yingzhou, Inspector Wang Zhi obtained a white hare and was about to present it. He entrusted Cong to compose the memorial. The Emperor saw the memorial and turned to Wang Su, saying: "How could there be such talent below that We did not know of?" Su said: "Recently Gao Cong was moved north—perhaps he composed it." The Emperor understood and said: "It must indeed be so."
113
宣武初,聰復竊還京師,說高肇廢六輔。 宣武親政,除給事黃門侍郎,後加散騎常侍。 及幸鄴還,於河內懷界,帝射矢一里五十餘步。 侍中高顯等奏,盛事奇跡必宜表述,請勒銘射宮,永彰聖藝。 遂刊銘射所,聰為之詞。 趙修嬖境,聰深朋附。 及詔追贈修父,聰為碑文,出入同載,觀視碑石。 聰每見修,迎送盡禮。 聰又為修作表,陳當時便宜,教其自安之術,由是迭相親狎。 修死,甄琛、李憑皆被黜落,聰深用危慮,而先以疏宗之情,曲事高肇,竟獲自免,肇之力也。 修之任勢,聰傾身事之; 及死,言必毀惡。 茹皓之寵,聰又媚附,每相招命,稱皓才識非修之儔。 乃因皓啟請田宅,皆被遂許。 及皓見罪戮,聰以為死之晚也。 其薄於情義皆如此。
At the beginning of Emperor Xuanwu's reign, Cong secretly returned to the capital again and persuaded Gao Zhao to abolish the Six Assistants. When Emperor Xuanwu personally took power, Cong was appointed Attendant Within the Gates Who Handles Affairs and later given the additional title of Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary. When returning from visiting Ye, at the border of Huai in Henei, the Emperor shot an arrow more than a li and fifty paces. Palace Attendant Gao Xian and others submitted that such a great event and wondrous feat must be recorded. They requested an inscription carved at the archery palace to eternally display the Emperor's skill. Thereupon an inscription was carved at the archery site, and Cong composed its words. Zhao Xiu was a favored minion, and Cong deeply attached himself to him. When an edict posthumously honored Xiu's father, Cong composed the stele inscription. They rode together going in and out, viewing the stele. Whenever Cong saw Xiu, he welcomed and escorted him with full ceremony. Cong also composed memorials for Xiu, stating present conveniences and teaching him methods of self-preservation. Thereby they became mutually intimate. When Xiu died, Zhen Chen and Li Ping were all dismissed. Cong was deeply anxious, but because of distant clan kinship he had fawningly served Gao Zhao and in the end escaped punishment—thanks to Zhao's power. While Xiu held power, Cong devoted himself entirely to serving him; when he died, Cong always spoke to slander and revile him. When Ru Hao was favored, Cong again fawned and attached himself. Whenever they met, he praised Hao's talent and insight as far surpassing Xiu's. Thereupon through Hao he memorialized requesting fields and houses, and all were granted. When Hao was condemned and executed, Cong considered his death overdue. His thinness in sentiment and righteousness were all like this.
114
侍中高顯為護軍,聰代兼其任。 顯與兄肇疑聰間構而求之。 聰居兼十餘旬,出入機要,言即真,無遠慮,藉貴因權,耽於聲色,賄納之音,聞於遐邇。 中尉崔亮知肇微恨,遂面陳聰罪,出為并州刺史。 聰善於去就,知肇嫌之,側身承奉,肇遂待之如舊。 聰在并州數歲,多不率法,又與太原太守王椿有隙,再為大使御史舉奏。 肇每以宗私相援,事得寢緩。 宣武末,拜散騎常侍、平北將軍。
Palace Attendant Gao Xian was Protector of the Army, and Cong replaced him concurrently in the post. Xian and his elder brother Zhao suspected Cong of intrigue and sought to remove him. Cong held the concurrent post for more than three months, entering and exiting crucial affairs. His words were immediately enacted without far-sighted consideration. Borrowing nobility and wielding power, he indulged in pleasure, and reports of bribery were heard near and far. Censor-in-Chief Cui Liang knew Zhao's slight resentment and thereupon stated Cong's crimes to his face. Cong was sent out as Inspector of Bingzhou. Cong was skilled at advancing and retreating. Knowing Zhao resented him, he bent himself in service, and Zhao thereupon treated him as before. Cong spent several years in Bingzhou mostly failing to follow the law. He also had a rift with Grand Administrator of Taiyuan Wang Chun and was twice impeached by envoy censors. Zhao each time aided him out of clan loyalty, and the matters were shelved and delayed. At the end of Emperor Xuanwu's reign, he was appointed Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary and General Who Pacifies the North.
115
明帝踐阼,以其素附高肇,出為幽州刺史。 尋以高肇之党,與王世義、高綽、李憲、崔楷、蘭氛之為中尉元匡所彈,靈太后並特原之。 聰遂廢於家,斷絕人事,唯修營園果,世稱高聰梨,以為珍異。 又唯以聲色自娛。 後拜光祿大夫,卒。 靈太后聞其亡,嗟惋良久。 贈青州刺史,諡曰獻。
When Emperor Ming ascended the throne, because Cong had long attached himself to Gao Zhao, he was sent out as Inspector of Youzhou. Soon, as a member of Gao Zhao's faction, he was impeached by Censor-in-Chief Yuan Kuang together with Wang Shiyi, Gao Chuo, Li Xian, Cui Kai, and Lan Fen. Empress Dowager Ling specially pardoned them all. Cong thereupon lived in retirement at home, cutting off human relations and cultivating gardens and fruit. The world called them Gao Cong pears and considered them rare delicacies. He also amused himself only with music and women. Later he was appointed Grand Master of Glorious Blessings and died. When Empress Dowager Ling heard of his death, she sighed and lamented for a long time. He was posthumously granted Inspector of Qingzhou with the posthumous title Xian.
116
聰有妓十餘人,有子無子皆注籍為妾,以悅其情。 及病,欲不適他人,並令燒指吞炭,出家為尼。 聰所作文筆二十卷。 長子雲,字彥鴻,位輔國將軍、中散大夫。 河陰遇害,贈兗州刺史。
Cong had more than ten courtesans. Whether they had sons or not, all were registered as concubines to please them. When he fell ill, wishing they not go to others, he had them all burn their fingers and swallow charcoal and become Buddhist nuns. Cong's literary compositions totaled twenty scrolls. His eldest son Yun, courtesy name Yanhong, held the posts of General Who Supports the State and Grand Master of Palace Attendance. He was killed at Heyin and was posthumously granted Inspector of Yanzhou.
117
論曰:韓麒麟由才器識用,遂見紀于齊士。 顯宗以文學自立,而時務屢陳; 至於實錄之功,未之聞也。 子熙清尚自守,榮過其器。 程駿才業見知,蓋當時之長策。 李彪生自微族,見擢明世,輶軒驟指,聲駭江南,執筆立言,遂為良史。 逮於直繩在手,厲氣明目,持堅無術,末路蹉跎。 行百里者半於九十,彪之謂也。 高道悅謇直之風,見憚於世,醜正貽禍,有可悲乎! 甄琛以學尚刀筆,早樹聲名; 受遇三朝,終至崇重。 高聰才尚見知,名位顯著。 而異軌同奔,咸經于危覆之轍,惜乎!
The commentary says: Han Qilin, through talent, capacity, and recognized employment, was recorded among the worthies of Qi. Xianzong established himself through literary learning and repeatedly addressed affairs of the time; but achievement in true historical records has not been heard of. Zi Xi was pure and elevated in self-preservation, but honor exceeded his capacity. Cheng Jun's talent and achievement were recognized—probably the best policy of the time. Li Biao, born from a humble clan, was raised in a bright age. Envoy carriages suddenly pointed south and his fame startled the south. Holding the brush and establishing words, he became a good historian. When the straight rope was in his hand, he showed fierce spirit and bright eyes, but holding firm without method, his final path was wasted and stumbling. He who travels a hundred li is half done at ninety—this applies to Biao. Gao Daoyue's forthright and upright character was feared by the world. Uglifying the upright brings disaster—is it not lamentable! Zhen Chen, through learning and skill with the brush, early established fame; was favored through three reigns and in the end reached honored eminence. Gao Cong's talent was recognized; his name and rank were prominent. Yet though their paths differed, all ran the same course through the ruts of peril and ruin—alas!