Volume 42 Biographies 30: Wang Su, Liu Fang, Chang Shuang

王肅劉芳常爽

Wang Su, Liu Fang, and Chang Shuang

列傳第三十

Biographies 30

王肅劉芳孫逖芳從子懋常爽孫景

Wang Su; Liu Fang's grandson Ti; Fang's nephew Mao; and Chang Shuang's grandson Jing

王肅，字恭懿，琅邪臨沂人也。父奐，齊雍州刺史，《南史》有傳。肅少聰辯，涉獵經史，頗有大志。仕齊，位秘書丞。父奐及兄弟並為齊武帝所殺。太和十七年，肅自建鄴來奔。孝文幸鄴，聞其至，虛衿待之，引見問故。肅辭義敏切，辯而有禮，帝甚哀惻之。遂語及為國之道。肅所陳說，深會旨，帝促席移景，不覺坐之疲也。肅因言蕭氏危亡之兆，可以乘機，帝於是圖南之規轉銳。器重禮遇，日有加焉；親貴舊臣莫之間也，或屏左右，談說至夜分不罷。肅亦盡忠輸誠，無所隱避，自謂君臣之際，猶孔明之遇玄德也。尋除輔國、大將軍長史，賜爵開陽伯。肅固辭伯爵，許之。

Wang Su, whose courtesy name was Gongyi, came from Linyi in Langye commandery. His father Huan had served as governor of Yong Province under Qi; his biography appears in the Southern History. As a youth Su was quick-witted and articulate; he read widely in the classics and histories and harbored considerable ambition. He entered Qi service and rose to the post of secretaryship aide. His father Huan and his brothers were all put to death by Emperor Wu of Qi. In the seventeenth year of the Taihe reign (493), Su fled from Jiankang and came over to the Northern Wei. Emperor Xiaowen happened to be at Ye; when he heard of Su's arrival he received him with open arms, summoned him for an audience, and asked why he had come. Su spoke with sharp clarity and courteous force; the emperor was deeply moved with pity for him. The conversation soon turned to the principles of governing the realm. Everything Su proposed struck the emperor to the heart; Xiaowen drew his seat nearer as the hours passed and never noticed how long he had been sitting. Su went on to describe the signs that the house of Xiao was heading toward collapse and argued that the moment could be seized; from then on the emperor's designs on the south sharpened markedly. The esteem and honors shown him grew day by day; and none of the emperor's closest kin or veteran ministers could come between them. Sometimes they dismissed their attendants and talked on deep into the night. Su for his part gave his full loyalty and held nothing back, comparing the bond between himself and his sovereign to Zhuge Liang's meeting with Liu Bei. Before long he was made chief clerk to the General Who Assists the State and the grand general, and enfeoffed as Baron of Kaiyang. Su firmly declined the baron's title, and the emperor allowed it.

詔肅討齊義陽，聽招募壯勇以為爪牙，其募士有功，賞加等。其從肅行者，六品已下聽先擬用，以後聞；若投化人，聽五品已下先即優授。肅至義陽，頻破賊軍，除持節、都督、豫州刺史、揚州大中正。肅善撫接，甚有聲稱。尋征入朝，帝手詔曰：「不見君子，中心如醉，一日三歲，我勞如何。飾館華林，拂席相待，卿欲以何日發汝墳也？」又詔曰：「蕭丁荼虣世，志等伍胥，窮逾再期，蔬縕不改。有司依禮喻解，為裁練禪之制。」

An edict ordered Su to campaign against Yiyang in Qi territory and authorized him to recruit bold fighters as his shock troops; recruits who distinguished themselves were to receive rewards one grade higher than usual. Men of sixth rank and below who accompanied him might be provisionally appointed on his recommendation, with formal notification to follow; and defectors of fifth rank and below could be granted preferential appointments at once. When Su reached Yiyang he repeatedly routed the enemy and was appointed bearer of the staff, area commander, governor of Yu Province, and senior rectifier of Yang Province. Su won people over with skillful care and soon enjoyed a wide reputation. Soon he was recalled to court. The emperor wrote in his own hand: 'Not to see the gentleman leaves the heart dizzy as with wine; one day is like three years—how I weary for you! I have prepared the lodge in the Flowery Grove and brushed the mat in welcome—on what day will you set out from your post at Ru?' Another edict read: 'The lad of the Xiao house ravages the realm; his resolve matches that of Wu Zixu; his mourning has run past the second year, yet he still wears his coarse hemp unchanged. Let the proper offices, in accordance with ritual, urge him to end mourning and prescribe the change from hemp to silk.'

二十年七月，帝以久旱不雨輟膳，百寮詣闕。帝在崇虛樓，遣舍人問肅。對曰：「伏承陛下輟膳，已經三日，群臣不敢自寧。臣聞堯水湯旱，自定之數，須聖人以濟，未聞由聖以至災，是以國儲九年，以禦九年之變。昨四郊之外已蒙滂澍，唯京城之內微為少澤。蒸庶未闕一攵食，陛下輟膳三日，臣庶惶惶，無復情地。」帝遣答曰：「雖不食數朝，猶然無感，朕誠心未至之所致也。朕志確然，死而後已。」是夜，澍雨大降。以破齊將裴叔業功，進號鎮南將軍，加都督四州諸軍事，封汝陽縣子。肅頻表固讓，不許，詔加鼓吹一部。

In the seventh month of the twentieth year, prolonged drought led the emperor to stop taking meals, and the whole bureaucracy gathered at the palace gate. The emperor was in the Chongxu Tower and sent a palace attendant to ask Su's view. Su replied: 'I humbly learn that Your Majesty has abstained from food for three days already; the ministers dare not rest easy. I have heard that the floods of Yao and the drought of Tang were ordained by fate and required a sage to remedy them; I have never heard that a sage brings disaster upon himself. That is why a state keeps nine years' grain in reserve against nine years of hardship. Yesterday the countryside beyond the four suburbs already received a soaking rain; only within the capital was the moisture somewhat slight. The common people have not yet gone without a meal, yet Your Majesty has abstained for three days; officials and subjects alike are in dread and can find no peace of mind.' The emperor sent back his reply: 'Though I have gone without food for several mornings, heaven still does not respond; it must be because my sincerity has not yet been sufficient. My resolve is fixed; I shall not stop until death.' That night a torrential rain fell. For defeating the Qi general Pei Shuye he was promoted to General Who Pacifies the South, given overall command of military affairs in four provinces, and enfeoffed as Viscount of Ruyang. Su repeatedly submitted memorials firmly declining the honors, but the court would not accept; an edict instead added a full set of martial music to his entourage.

初，齊之收肅父奐也，奐司馬黃瑤起攻奐殺之。二十二年平漢陽，瑤起為輔國將軍，特詔以付肅，使紓泄哀情。

Earlier, when Qi arrested Su's father Huan, Huan's major Huang Yaoqi had risen against him, attacked him, and killed him. In the twenty-second year, when Hanyang was pacified, Yaoqi was serving as General Who Assists the State; a special edict handed him over to Su so that Su might vent his grief.

孝文崩，遺詔以肅為尚書令，與咸陽王禧等同為宰輔，征會駕魯陽。肅至，遂與禧參同謀謨。自魯陽至京洛，行途喪紀，委肅參量，憂勤經綜，有過舊戚。禧兄弟並敬昵之，上下稱為和輯。唯任城王澄以其起自羈遠，一旦在己之上，每謂人曰：「朝廷以王肅加我上，尚可；從叔廣陵，宗室尊宿，歷任內外，云何一朝令肅居其右也？」肅聞，恆降避之。尋為澄所奏劾，稱肅謀叛，事尋申釋。詔肅尚陳留長公主，本劉昶子婦彭城公主也，賜錢二十萬、帛三千疋。肅奏：「考以顯能，陟由績著升明退暗，於是乎在。自百寮曠察，四稔於茲，請依舊例，考檢能否。」從之。

When Emperor Xiaowen died, his final edict named Su Director of the Masters of Writing and made him a chief minister alongside Prince Xianyang of Xi and others, summoning him to join the funeral train at Luyang. When Su arrived he took part with Xi in all major deliberations. From Luyang to Luoyang the funeral observances along the route were entrusted to Su for planning; his anxious diligence in managing every detail surpassed even the emperor's own kin. Xi and his brothers all treated him with respect and warmth, and court and princes alike praised the harmony among them. Only Prince Rencheng of Cheng resented that a man who had come from a distant captive state should suddenly rank above him, and he often said: 'For the court to place Wang Su above me I can still accept; but my uncle Guangling is a senior prince of the imperial house who has served at court and in the provinces for years—how can Su in a single day be set above him?' When Su heard this he always deferred to Cheng and kept out of his way. Before long Cheng impeached him on a charge of plotting rebellion, but the accusation was soon cleared. An edict married Su to the Princess Chang of Chenliu—formerly the wife of Liu Chang's son and known as the Princess of Pengcheng—and granted him two hundred thousand cash and three thousand bolts of silk. Su memorialized: 'Examinations reveal ability, promotions follow demonstrated achievement, and advancing the capable while retiring the incompetent depend on this principle. The bureaucracy has gone without review for four years now; I ask that the old practice of assessing merit and competence be restored.' The request was granted.

裴叔業以壽春內附，拜肅使持節、都督江西諸軍事，與彭城王勰率步騎十萬以赴之。齊豫州刺史蕭懿屯小峴，交州刺史李叔獻屯合肥，將圖壽春。肅進師討擊，大破之，禽叔獻，走蕭懿。還京師，宣武臨東堂，引見勞之，進位開府儀同三司，封昌國縣侯。尋為散騎常侍、都督淮南諸軍事、揚州刺史。肅頻在邊，悉心撫接，遠近歸懷，附者若市，咸得其心。清身好施，簡絕聲色，終始廉約，家無餘財。然性微輕恌，頗以功名自許，護疵稱伐，少所推下，孝文每以此為言。

When Pei Shuye surrendered Shouchun to Wei, Su was appointed bearer of the staff and commander of all military affairs west of the river, and marched with Prince Pengcheng of Xie at the head of a hundred thousand infantry and cavalry to relieve the city. Qi's governor of Yu, Xiao Yi, encamped at Xiaoxian, and Jiaozhou governor Li Shuxian held Hefei, both intending to retake Shouchun. Su advanced to attack and routed them completely, capturing Li Shuxian while Xiao Yi fled. On his return to the capital Emperor Xuanwu received him in the Eastern Hall, summoned him for audience and praised his service, promoted him to Grand Preceptor with the privileges of the Three Excellencies, and enfeoffed him as Marquis of Changguo. Soon afterward he was appointed regular attendant, commander of all military affairs in Huainan, and governor of Yang Province. Su spent long stretches on the frontier and devoted himself to winning people over; subjects near and far came to him in allegiance, newcomers crowding in like shoppers at a market, and he won them all. He lived plainly, gave generously, shunned music and courtesans, and remained frugal to the end; his household held no surplus wealth. Yet he was somewhat vain by nature, rather full of himself about his achievements, inclined to gloss over his faults and boast of his victories, and rarely deferential to others—a point Xiaowen often raised with him.

景明二年，薨于壽春，年三十八。宣武為舉哀，給東園秘器、朝服一襲、錢三十萬、帛一千疋、布五百疋、蠟三百斤，並問其卜遷遠近，專遣侍御史一人監護喪事。又詔曰：「杜預之歿，窆于首陽，司空李沖，覆舟是托，顧瞻斯所，亦二代之九原也。故揚州刺史肅，忠義結於二世，英惠符于李、杜。平生本意，願終京陵，既有宿心，宜遂先志。其令葬於沖、預兩墳之間，使之神遊相得也。」贈侍中、司空公。有司奏以肅貞心大度，宜諡匡公，詔諡宣簡。明帝初，詔為肅建碑銘。

In the second year of the Jingming reign (501) he died at Shouchun at the age of thirty-eight. Xuanwu mourned him in person and granted the full Eastern Garden funeral regalia, a set of court robes, three hundred thousand cash, one thousand bolts of silk, five hundred bolts of cloth, and three hundred jin of wax; he also inquired about the auspices for the burial site and dispatched a dedicated attendant censor to supervise the rites. Another edict read: 'When Du Yu died he was buried at Shouyang; when Minister of Works Li Chong passed away he chose this place for his final rest—gazing upon it, one sees the common graveyard of two dynasties. The late governor of Yang, Su, bound loyalty and righteousness across two reigns, and his brilliance matched that of Li Chong and Du Yu. Throughout his life he had wished to be buried in the capital cemetery; since that was his settled wish, let his former intent be fulfilled. Let him be buried between the tombs of Chong and Yu, that their spirits may keep company in the afterlife.' He was posthumously appointed attendant-in-ordinary and Duke of Works. The relevant offices proposed the posthumous title Lord Who Rectifies for his upright heart and magnanimity, but the edict instead granted Lord Who Proclaims Simplicity. Early in Emperor Ming's reign an edict ordered a memorial stele erected for Su.

自晉氏喪亂，禮樂崩亡，孝文雖厘革制度，變更風俗，其間樸略，未能淳也。肅明練舊事，虛心受委，朝儀國曲，咸自肅出。子紹襲。

Since the fall of the Jin, ritual and music had collapsed; though Xiaowen reformed institutions and changed customs, much remained rough and had not yet been refined. Su was thoroughly versed in ancient precedent and accepted every commission with humility; court ceremony and state ritual largely took shape through him. His son Shao inherited his titles.

紹字三歸，位中書侍郎。卒，贈徐州刺史。子遷襲，齊受禪，爵隨例降。

Shao, whose courtesy name was Sangu, served as vice-director of the secretariat. He died and was posthumously appointed governor of Xu Province. His son Qian inherited the line; when Qi received the abdication of Wei, the family's rank was reduced in accordance with precedent.

紹弟理，孝靜初得還朝，位著作佐郎。紹，肅前妻謝生也。肅臨薨，謝始攜女及紹至壽春。宣武納其女為夫人，明帝又納紹女為嬪。

Shao's younger brother Li was able to return to court early in Emperor Xiaojing's reign and served as assistant in the Bureau of Composition. Shao was the son of Su's former wife, Lady Xie. When Su was dying, Lady Xie brought her daughter and Shao to Shouchun for the first time. Xuanwu took the daughter as his lady; Emperor Ming later took Shao's daughter as an imperial concubine.

肅弟康，字文政，涉獵書史，微有兄風。宣武初，攜兄子誦、翊、衍等入魏，拜中書侍郎。卒幽州刺史，贈征虜將軍、徐州刺史。

Su's younger brother Kang, whose courtesy name was Wenzheng, read widely in books and histories and showed something of his elder brother's bearing. Early in Xuanwu's reign he brought his elder brother's sons Song, Yi, Yan, and others into Wei and was appointed vice-director of the secretariat. He died while serving as governor of You Province and was posthumously appointed General Who Campaigns Against the Barbarians and governor of Xu Province.

誦字國章，肅長兄融之子。學涉有文才，神氣清俊，風流甚美。歷位散騎常侍、光祿大夫、右將軍、幽州刺史、長兼秘書監、給事黃門侍郎。明帝崩，靈太后之立幼主也，于時大赦。誦宣讀詔書，言制抑揚，風神竦秀，百寮傾屬，莫不歎美。孝莊初，于河陰遇害，贈尚書左僕射、司空公，諡曰文宣。子孝康，尚書郎中。孝康弟俊賦，性清雅，頗有文才，齊文襄王中外府祭酒。

Song, whose courtesy name was Guozhang, was the son of Su's elder brother Rong. He was learned and gifted as a writer; his bearing was clear and refined, and his elegance was widely admired. He rose through the posts of regular attendant, grand master for the glorious, general of the right, governor of You Province, concurrent supervisor of the secretariat, and attendant at the yellow gate. When Emperor Ming died and Empress Dowager Ling installed the young emperor, a general amnesty was proclaimed. Song read the amnesty edict aloud; his delivery rose and fell with perfect control, his presence lofty and striking, and the entire bureaucracy watched in admiration. Early in Emperor Xiaozhuang's reign he was killed at Heyin and was posthumously appointed left vice-director of the masters of writing and Duke of Works, with the posthumous title Lord Who Proclaims Culture. His son Xiaokang served as a master of writing lang. Xiaokang's younger brother Junfu was refined and retiring by nature, showed considerable literary talent, and served as libationer in the central and outer office of Prince Wenxiang of Qi.

誦弟衍，字文舒，名行器藝亞於誦。位光祿大夫、廷尉卿、揚州刺史、大中正、度支七兵二尚書、太常卿。出為散騎常侍、西兗州刺史。為爾硃仲遠所禽，以其名望，不害。令騎牛從軍，久乃見釋遠洛。孝靜初，位侍中。卒，敕給東園秘器，贈尚書令、司徒公，諡曰文獻。衍篤於交舊。有故人竺ＩＱ，於西兗州為仲遠所害，其妻子饑寒，衍置於家，累年贍恤，世人稱其敦厚。

Song's younger brother Yan, whose courtesy name was Wenshu, was slightly below Song in reputation, conduct, and ability. He served as grand master for the glorious, director of the court of justice, governor of Yang Province, senior rectifier, director of the masters of writing for revenue and the seven armies, and director of the imperial ancestral temple. He was sent out as regular attendant and governor of Western Yan Province. He was captured by Erzhu Zhongyuan, who spared his life out of respect for his reputation. He was made to ride an ox with the army and was not released to return to Luoyang until much later. Early in Emperor Xiaojing's reign he served as attendant-in-ordinary. He died; an edict granted the Eastern Garden funeral regalia; he was posthumously appointed director of the masters of writing and Duke of the Masses, with the posthumous title Lord Who Proclaims Documents. Yan was deeply loyal to old friends. An old friend of his named Zhu [IQ] had been killed by Zhongyuan while serving in Western Yan Province; when the man's wife and children were left hungry and cold, Yan took them into his household and supported them for years, earning wide praise for his steadfast kindness.

翊字士遊，肅次兄深子也。風神秀立，好學有文才。位中書侍郎。頗銳于榮利，結婚於元叉。為濟州刺史，清靜有政績。入為散騎常侍、金紫光祿大夫，領國子祭酒。卒，贈司空公、徐州刺史。子琛，武定中，儀同、開府記室參軍。

Yi, whose courtesy name was Shiyou, was the son of Shen, Su's second elder brother. He was graceful in bearing and upright in spirit, loved learning, and possessed literary talent. He served as a palace writer attendant. He was rather eager for rank and profit and entered into a marriage alliance with Yuan Cha. As governor of Ji Province he governed with quiet integrity and won a record of achievement. He was recalled to court as attendant-in-ordinary of scattered cavalry and grand master for the glorious with the golden seal and purple ribbon, and concurrently served as director of the national academy. He died and was posthumously appointed Duke of the Minister of Works and governor of Xu Province. His son Chen, during the Wuding era, served as pillar of state and staff officer of the opening office.

劉芳，字伯支，彭城叢亭里人，漢楚元王交之後也。六世祖訥，晉司隸校尉。祖該，宋青、徐二州刺史。父邕，宋兗州長史。芳出後宋東平太守遜之。邕同劉義宣之事，身死彭城。芳隨伯母房逃竄清州，會赦免。舅元慶，為宋青州刺史沈文秀建威府司馬，為文秀所殺。芳母子入梁鄒城。慕容白曜南討青、齊，梁鄒降，芳北徙為平齊人，時年十六。

Liu Fang, whose courtesy name was Bozhi, came from Congting Lane in Pengcheng and was a descendant of Jiao, Prince Yuan of Chu of the Han dynasty. His sixth-generation ancestor Ne had served as colonel director of retainers under Jin. His grandfather Gai had served as governor of Qing and Xu provinces under Song. His father Yong had served as chief administrator of Yan Province under Song. Fang was adopted as heir to Xunzhi, who had served as governor of Dongping under Song. Yong took part in Liu Yixuan's rebellion and was killed at Pengcheng. Fang fled with his aunt Fang to Qing Province and was spared when an amnesty was proclaimed. His maternal uncle Yuan Qing had served as major in the Establishing Might office of Shen Wenxiu, governor of Qing Province under Song, and was killed by Wenxiu. Fang and his mother took refuge in Liangzou. When Murong Baiyao marched south against Qing and Qi and Liangzou surrendered, Fang was resettled in the north and became a subject of Pingqi; he was sixteen at the time.

南部尚書李敷妻，司徒崔浩之弟女，芳祖母，浩之姑也。芳至京師，詣敷門。崔恥芳流播，拒不見之。芳雖處窮窘之中，而業尚貞固。聰敏過人，篤志墳典，晝則亻庸書以自資給，夜則誦經不寢。至有易衣亻並日之弊，而淡然自守，不急急於榮利，不戚戚於貧賤，乃著《窮通論》以自慰。常為諸僧亻庸寫經論，筆跡稱善，卷直一縑，歲中能入百餘疋。如此數年，賴以頗振。由是與德學大僧多有還往。時有南方沙門慧度以事被責，未幾暴亡，芳因緣聞知。文明太后召入禁中，鞭之一百。時中官李豐主其始末，知芳篤學有志行，言之于太后。微愧於心。會齊使劉纘至，芳之始族兄也，擢芳兼主客郎，與纘相接。拜中書博士。後與崔光、宋弁、刑產等俱為中書侍郎。俄而詔芳與產入授皇太子經，遷太子庶子，兼員外散騎常侍。

Li Fu, minister of the southern branch, had married the daughter of Cui Hao's younger brother; she was Fang's grandmother and Hao's paternal aunt. When Fang reached the capital he went to Li Fu's house. The Cui family were ashamed that Fang had been cast adrift in exile and refused to receive him. Though Fang lived in utter poverty, he held fast to his principles. Quick-witted beyond ordinary men, he devoted himself to the classics of antiquity; by day he copied texts for hire to support himself, and by night he recited scripture without rest. At times he could afford only to change clothes on alternate days, yet he remained calmly self-possessed, neither grasping after rank and profit nor brooding over poverty and obscurity, and wrote the 《On Fortune and Misfortune》 to console himself. He regularly copied sutras and treatises for monks on commission; his calligraphy was highly praised, each scroll bringing one bolt of silk, and in a year he could earn more than a hundred bolts. After several years of this work his circumstances improved considerably. Through this he came to associate with many eminent monks of virtue and learning. At the time a southern monk named Huidu was punished for some offense; he soon died suddenly, and Fang came to hear of it through his connections. Empress Dowager Wenming summoned him into the inner palace and had him flogged a hundred times. The palace eunuch Li Feng, who was in charge of the case, knew of Fang's devoted scholarship and upright character and reported this to the empress dowager. She felt a twinge of remorse. When the Qi envoy Liu Zhuan arrived—Fang's elder clansman—Fang was promoted to acting master of guests and received Zhuan. He was appointed palace writer erudite. Later he served together with Cui Guang, Song Bian, Xing Chan, and others as palace writer attendant. Soon an edict ordered Fang and Xing Chan to instruct the crown prince in the classics; Fang was transferred to crown prince household mentor and concurrently made acting attendant-in-ordinary of scattered cavalry.

從駕洛陽，自在路及旋京師，恆侍坐講讀。芳才思深敏，特精經義，博聞強記，兼覽《蒼雅》，尤長音訓，辯析無疑。於是禮遇日隆，賞賚豐渥。俄兼通直常侍，從駕南巡，撰述行事，尋而除正。

He accompanied the emperor to Luoyang and, both on the journey and on the return to the capital, constantly sat in attendance lecturing and reading with the crown prince. Fang's mind was deep and quick; he was especially expert in classical exegesis, broadly learned with a prodigious memory, and also mastered the 《Cangya》; he excelled above all in pronunciation and glosses and could analyze points without hesitation. His honors grew daily, and his rewards became ever more lavish. He was soon made acting direct attendant-in-ordinary, accompanied the emperor on the southern tour, and compiled an account of the journey; shortly afterward he received the regular appointment.

王肅之來奔也，孝文雅相器重，朝野屬目。芳未及相見。嘗宴群臣于華林，肅語次云：「古者唯婦人有笄，男子則無笄。」芳曰：「推經《禮》正文，古者男子婦人俱有笄。」肅曰：「《喪服》稱男子免而婦人髽，男子冠而婦人笄，如此則男子不應有笄。」芳曰：「此專謂凶事也。《禮》：初遭喪，男子免，時則婦人髽；男子冠，時則婦人笄。言俱時變，男子婦人免髽、冠笄之不同也。又冠尊，故奪其笄，且互言也。非謂男子無笄。又《禮內則》稱：'子事父母，雞初鳴，櫛纚笄總。 '以茲而言，男子有笄明矣。」高祖稱善者久之。肅亦以芳言為然，曰：「此非劉石經也？」昔漢世造三字石經于太學，學者文字不正，多往質焉。芳音義明辯，疑者皆往詢訪，故時人號為劉石經。酒闌，芳與肅俱出。肅執芳手曰：「吾少來留意《三禮》，在南諸儒，亟共討論，皆謂此義，如吾向言。今聞往釋，頓祛平生之惑。」芳理義精贍，類皆如是。

When Wang Su defected to the north, Emperor Xiaowen held him in high personal esteem, and all eyes in court and countryside were upon him. Fang had not yet met him. Once, while feasting the ministers at Hualin, Su remarked in conversation: 'In antiquity only women wore hairpins; men did not.' Fang replied: 'If one extrapolates from the main text of the 《Rites》, in antiquity both men and women wore hairpins.' Su said: 'The 《Mourning Dress》 states that when men remove their caps women wear mourning buns, and when men don caps women wear hairpins—by this reasoning men ought not to wear hairpins.' Fang said: 'That passage refers exclusively to mourning rites. The 《Rites》 says: when mourning first begins, the man removes his cap, and at that time the woman wears a mourning bun; when the man dons his cap, at that time the woman wears a hairpin. The text means that both change at the same time—it describes the different mourning forms for men and women: removing caps and wearing buns, and donning caps and wearing hairpins. Moreover, because the cap outranks the hairpin, the hairpin is set aside, and the phrasing is deliberately reciprocal. It does not mean that men wore no hairpins. Moreover the 《Inner Rules of the Rites》 states: 'When a son serves his parents, at the first crow of the cock he combs his hair, ties it, inserts his hairpin, and gathers it. From this it is clear that men wore hairpins.' Emperor Xiaowen praised the argument at length. Su also accepted Fang's argument and said: 'Is this not Liu the Stone Classics expert?' In Han times the Three-Character Stone Classics were carved at the Imperial University; whenever scholars were uncertain about written characters, many went to consult the expert. Fang's explanations of pronunciation and meaning were lucid and precise; all who were in doubt came to consult him, and people of the time called him Liu the Stone Classics expert. When the banquet drew to a close, Fang and Su left together. Su took Fang's hand and said: 'From youth I have devoted myself to the 《Three Rites》; with the southern scholars I discussed this point again and again, and all agreed with what I said earlier. Now, hearing your explanation, a lifelong doubt has been swept away at once.' Fang's reasoning was always as thorough and precise as this.

孝文遷洛，路由朝歌，見殷比干墓，愴然悼懷，為文以吊之。芳為注解，表上之。詔曰：「覽卿注，殊為富博。但文非屈、宋，理慚張、賈。既有雅致，便可付之集書。」詔以芳經學精洽，超遷國子祭酒。以母憂去官。

When Emperor Xiaowen moved the capital to Luoyang, the route passed Chaoge; seeing the tomb of Bi Gan of Yin, he was deeply moved and composed a text to mourn him. Fang wrote annotations and submitted them in a memorial. An edict read: 'Having read your annotations, I find them exceptionally rich and comprehensive. But the prose does not match Qu Yuan and Song Yu, and the reasoning falls short of Zhang Yi and Jia Yi. Since it already has refined elegance, it may be entrusted to the compilation office.' An edict, recognizing Fang's mastery of classical learning, promoted him beyond regular rank to director of the national academy. He resigned to observe mourning for his mother.

夫為國家者罔不崇儒尊道，學校為先。唐虞以往，典籍無據；隆周以降，任居武門。蔡氏《勸學篇》云：「周之師氏居武門左。」今之祭酒則周師氏。《洛陽記》：「國子學宮與天子宮對。太學在開陽門外。」案《學記》云：「古之王者，建國親人，教學為先。」鄭氏注：「內則設師保以教，使國子學焉；外則有太學庠序之官。」由斯而言，國學在內，太學在外，明矣。臣謂今既徙縣崧瀍，皇居伊洛，宮闕府寺，僉復故址，至於國學，豈宜舛錯？校量舊事，應在宮門之左。至如太學，基所見存，仍舊營構。

Those who govern a state invariably exalt Confucian learning and honor the Way, putting schools first. From the age of Tang and Yu onward, the classics offer no clear evidence; but from flourishing Zhou downward, the office was located at the Martial Gate. Cai's 《Exhortation to Learning》 states: 'Zhou's master teacher dwelt to the left of the Martial Gate.' The present director of the national academy corresponds to Zhou's master teacher. The 《Record of Luoyang》 says: 'The national academy's school palace faced the Son of Heaven's palace. The imperial university stood outside the Kaiyang Gate.' Examining the 《Record of Learning》, it says: 'The ancient kings, in founding a state and cherishing the people, put teaching and learning first.' Zheng's commentary explains: 'Within the palace, masters and protectors were established to teach, and the sons of the state studied there; outside the palace were the officials of the imperial university and the village schools.' From this it is clear that the national academy lay within the palace and the imperial university without. Your subject holds that now, with the capital moved to the Song and Chan region and the imperial residence established at Luoyang, palaces and government offices have all been restored to their proper sites—how then can the national academy be placed incorrectly? Weighing the old precedents, it should stand to the left of the palace gate. As for the imperial university, the foundations I have seen still remain and should be rebuilt on the old site.

又云太初太和二十年，發敕立四門博士，于四門置學。臣案：自周已上，學唯以二，或尚東，或尚西，或貴在國，或貴在郊。爰暨周室，學蓋有六：師氏居內，太學在國，四小在效。《禮記云：「周人養庶老于虞庠，虞庠在國之四郊。」《禮》又云：「天子設四學，當入學而太子齒。」注云：「四學，周四郊之虞庠也。」《大戴·保傅篇》云：「帝入東學，尚親而貴仁；帝入南學，尚齒而貴信；帝入西學，尚賢而貴德；帝入北學，尚貴而尊爵；帝入太學，承師而問道。」周之五學，於此彌彰。案鄭注《學記》，周則六學，所以然者，注云：「內則設師保以教，使國子學焉；外則有太學庠序之官。」此其證也。漢、魏已降，無復四郊。謹尋先旨，宜在四門。案王肅注云：「天子四郊有學，去都五十里。」考之鄭氏，不雲遠近。今太學故坊，基址寬曠。四郊別置，相去遼闊，檢督難周。計太學坊並作四門，猶為太曠。以臣愚量，同處無嫌。且今時制置，多循中代，未審四學應從古不？求集儒禮官議其定所。

It also records that in the twentieth year of Taihe, during the Taichu reign, an edict established four-gate erudites and founded schools at the four gates. Your subject finds that from Zhou upward schools numbered only two; some honored the east, some the west, some valued those within the capital, and some those in the suburbs. By the Zhou dynasty schools altogether numbered six: the master teacher dwelt within the palace, the imperial university stood in the capital, and the four lesser schools lay in the suburbs. The 《Record of Rites》 says: 'The Zhou people nourished the common aged at the Yu school, and the Yu school stood in the four suburbs of the capital.' The 《Rites》 also says: 'The Son of Heaven established four schools; when he entered school the crown prince took his place according to age.' The commentary explains: 'The four schools were the Yu schools in the four suburbs of the capital.' The 《Da Dai · Protector and Tutor》 chapter says: 'The emperor entered the eastern school, honoring kinship and valuing benevolence; the emperor entered the southern school, honoring age and valuing trustworthiness; the emperor entered the western school, honoring worth and valuing virtue; the emperor entered the northern school, honoring rank and revering titles; the emperor entered the imperial university, receiving teachers and inquiring into the Way.' Zhou's five schools are here made all the clearer. Examining Zheng's commentary on the 《Record of Learning》, under Zhou there were six schools; the reason, as the commentary explains, is that 'within the palace, masters and protectors were established to teach, and the sons of the state studied there; outside the palace were the officials of the imperial university and the village schools.' This is the evidence for it. From Han and Wei downward, the four suburban districts no longer existed. Respectfully tracing the earlier intent, the schools should be placed at the four gates. Wang Su's commentary states: 'The Son of Heaven had schools in the four suburbs, fifty li from the capital.' Examining Zheng's commentary, it says nothing about distance. The former site of the imperial university has a broad and spacious foundation. Placing them separately in the four suburbs would leave them far apart, making inspection and supervision difficult to carry out fully. Even if the imperial university precinct and all four gate schools were combined, the space would still be too large. In this official's humble view, there would be no objection to placing them in the same location. Moreover, current arrangements largely follow the middle dynasties, and it is unclear whether the four schools should follow ancient precedent. I ask that Confucian scholars and ritual officials be convened to decide on a fixed location.

從之。遷中書令，祭酒如故。出除青州刺史。為政儒緩，不能禁止奸盜；然廉清寡欲，無撓公私。還朝，議定律令。芳斟酌古今，為大議之主，其中損益，多芳意也。宣武以朝儀多闕，其一切諸議悉委芳修正，於是朝廷吉凶大事，皆就諮訪焉。轉太常卿。

The proposal was adopted. He was promoted to Director of the Secretariat while retaining his post as Chancellor of the Imperial University. He left the capital to take up the post of Governor of Qing Province. His governance was scholarly and lenient, and he proved unable to suppress crime and banditry; yet he was incorruptible and moderate in his desires, interfering neither with public affairs nor with private interests. After returning to court, he took part in deliberations to codify statutes and ordinances. Fang weighed ancient and modern practice and served as the chief architect of the great deliberation; most of the revisions reflected his own views. Because court ritual contained many gaps, Emperor Xuanwu entrusted Fang with revising all such deliberations, and thereafter the court sought his counsel on all major state ceremonies, auspicious or otherwise. He was appointed Minister of Rites.

芳以所置五郊及日月之位，去城里數於《禮》有違；又靈星、周公之祀，不應隸太常，乃上疏曰：

Fang held that the locations established for the five suburban altars and for the sun and moon sacrifices, in their distance from the city in li, violated the requirements of the 《Rites》; He further argued that sacrifices to the Spirit Star and to the Duke of Zhou should not fall under the Ministry of Rites, and submitted a memorial stating:

臣聞國之大事，莫先郊祀；郊祀之本，實在審位。臣學謝全經，業乖通古，豈可輕薦瞽言，妄陳管說！竊見所置壇祠，遠近之宜，考之典制，或未允衷，既曰職司，請陳膚淺。

I have heard that among the great affairs of state, none takes precedence over suburban sacrifice; The foundation of suburban sacrifice lies in determining the correct locations. My learning falls short of a complete mastery of the classics, and my craft lacks full penetration of antiquity -- how could I lightly offer the words of a blind man or rashly advance narrow opinions! I have observed that the distances at which the established altars and shrines are placed may not, when checked against canonical institutions, be entirely satisfactory; as this falls within my official responsibilities, I beg leave to offer these preliminary views.

《孟春令》云：「其數八。」又云：「迎春於東郊。」盧植云：「東郊，八里郊也。」賈逵云：「東郊，木帝太昊，八里。」許慎云：「東郊，八里郊也。」鄭玄《孟春令》注云：「王居明堂。《禮》曰：「王出十五里迎歲。」蓋殷禮也。周禮，近郊五十里。」鄭玄別注云：「東郊去都城八里。」高誘云：「迎春氣於東方，八里郊也。」王肅云：「東郊八里，因木數也。」此皆同謂春郊八里之明據也。《孟夏令》云：「其數七。」又云：「迎夏於南郊。」盧植云：「南郊，七里郊。」賈逵云：「南郊，火帝，七里。許慎云：「南郊，七里郊也。」鄭玄云：「南郊去都城七里。」高誘云：「南郊，七里之郊也。」王肅云：「南郊七里，因火數也。」此又南郊七里之審據也。《中央令》云：「其數五。」盧植云：「中郊，五里之郊也，」賈逵云：「中兆黃帝之位，並南郊之季，故云兆五帝於四郊也。」鄭玄云：「中郊，西南未地，去都城五里。」此又中郊五里之審據也。《孟秋令》云：「其數九。」又云：「以迎秋於西郊。」盧植云：「西郊，九里。」賈逵云：「西郊，金帝少昊，九里。」許慎云：「西郊，九里郊也。」鄭玄云：「西郊去都城九里。」高誘云：「西郊，九里之郊也。」王肅云：「西郊九里，因金數也。」此又西郊九里之審據也。《孟冬令》云：「其數六。」又云：「迎冬於北郊。」盧植云：「北郊，六里郊也。」賈逵云：「北郊，水帝顓頊，六里，」許慎云：「北郊，六里郊也。」鄭玄云：「北郊去都城六里。」高誘云：「北郊，六里之郊也。」王肅云：「北郊六里，因水數也。」此又北郊六里之審據也。宋氏《含文嘉》注云：「《周禮》：王畿內千里，二十分其一，以為近郊。近郊五十里，倍之為遠郊。迎王氣蓋於近郊。漢不設王畿，則以其方數為郊處。故東郊八里，南郊七里，西郊九里，北郊六里，中郊在西南未地五里。」《祭祀志》云：「建武二年正月，初制郊兆于雒陽城南七里，依采元始中故事，北郊在雒陽城北四里。」此又漢世南、北郊之明據也。今地祗准此。至如三十里郊，進乖鄭玄所引殷、周二代之據，退違漢、魏所行故事。凡邑外曰郊。今計四郊各以郭門為限，里數依上。

The 《First Month of Spring Ordinance》 states: 「Its number is eight. 」 It also says: 「Welcome spring in the eastern suburb. 」 Lu Zhi writes: 「The eastern suburb is the eight-li suburban altar. 」 Jia Kui writes: 「The eastern suburb belongs to the Wood Emperor Tai Hao, eight li away. 」 Xu Shen writes: 「The eastern suburb is the eight-li suburban altar. 」 Zheng Xuan's commentary on the 《First Month of Spring Ordinance》 states: 「The king dwells in the Bright Hall. The 《Rites》 state: 「The king goes out fifteen li to welcome the year. 」 This was the ritual of the Yin dynasty. Under Zhou ritual, the near suburban altar lay fifty li away. 」 Zheng Xuan's separate commentary states: 「The eastern suburban altar is eight li from the capital. 」 Gao You writes: 「Welcoming the breath of spring in the east, at the eight-li suburban altar. 」 Wang Su writes: 「The eastern suburb lies eight li away, in accordance with the number associated with wood. 」 All these authorities clearly attest that the spring suburban altar lies eight li away. The 《First Month of Summer Ordinance》 states: 「Its number is seven. 」 It also says: 「Welcome summer in the southern suburb. 」 Lu Zhi writes: 「The southern suburb is the seven-li suburban altar. 」 Jia Kui writes: 「The southern suburb belongs to the Fire Emperor, seven li away. Xu Shen writes: 「The southern suburb is the seven-li suburban altar. 」 Zheng Xuan writes: 「The southern suburban altar is seven li from the capital. 」 Gao You writes: 「The southern suburb is the seven-li suburban altar. 」 Wang Su writes: 「The southern suburb lies seven li away, in accordance with the number associated with fire. 」 This is further clear evidence that the southern suburban altar lies seven li away. The 《Central Ordinance》 states: 「Its number is five. 」 Lu Zhi writes: 「The central suburban altar is the five-li suburban altar,」 and Jia Kui writes: 「The central altar marks the position of the Yellow Emperor, combined with the southern suburban season, hence the saying that the Five Emperors are enshrined in the four suburbs. 」 Zheng Xuan writes: 「The central suburban altar lies in the southwest wei position, five li from the capital. 」 This is further clear evidence that the central suburban altar lies five li away. The 《First Month of Autumn Ordinance》 states: 「Its number is nine. 」 It also says: 「Welcome autumn in the western suburb. 」 Lu Zhi writes: 「The western suburb, nine li. 」 Jia Kui writes: 「The western suburb belongs to the Metal Emperor Shao Hao, nine li away. 」 Xu Shen writes: 「The western suburb is the nine-li suburban altar. 」 Zheng Xuan writes: 「The western suburban altar is nine li from the capital. 」 Gao You writes: 「The western suburb is the nine-li suburban altar. 」 Wang Su writes: 「The western suburb lies nine li away, in accordance with the number associated with metal. 」 This is further clear evidence that the western suburban altar lies nine li away. The 《First Month of Winter Ordinance》 states: 「Its number is six. 」 It also says: 「Welcome winter in the northern suburb. 」 Lu Zhi writes: 「The northern suburb is the six-li suburban altar. 」 Jia Kui writes: 「The northern suburb belongs to the Water Emperor Zhuan Xu, six li away,」 and Xu Shen writes: 「The northern suburb is the six-li suburban altar. 」 Zheng Xuan writes: 「The northern suburban altar is six li from the capital. 」 Gao You writes: 「The northern suburb is the six-li suburban altar. 」 Wang Su writes: 「The northern suburb lies six li away, in accordance with the number associated with water. 」 This is further clear evidence that the northern suburban altar lies six li away. The Song dynasty annotated 《Hanwen Jia》 states: 「The 《Rites of Zhou》 says that within the royal domain of one thousand li, one twentieth constitutes the near suburban altar. The near suburban altar lay fifty li away; doubled, this became the far suburban altar. The welcoming of the royal qi took place at the near suburban altar. Because Han did not establish a royal domain, it used the directional numerological distances to determine the suburban locations. Hence the eastern suburban altar at eight li, the southern at seven li, the western at nine li, the northern at six li, and the central in the southwest wei position at five li. 」 The 《Treatise on Sacrifices》 records: 「In the first month of the second year of Jianwu, suburban altars were first established seven li south of Luoyang, following the Yuan-shi precedent; the northern suburban altar was four li north of Luoyang. 」 This provides further clear evidence for the Han dynasty's southern and northern suburban altars. The altar of the Earth Spirit should now follow this standard. A thirty-li suburban distance would violate both the evidence Zheng Xuan cites from the Yin and Zhou dynasties and the precedents followed under Han and Wei. In general, the area outside the city walls is called the suburban zone. For the four suburban altars, each should be measured from the outer city gate, with the distances given above.

《禮》：朝拜日月皆於東西門外。今日月之位，去城東西，路各三十，竊又未審。《禮》又云：「祭日於壇，祭月於坎。」今計造如上。《禮儀志》云：「立高禖祠于城南。」不雲里數，故今用舊。靈星本非禮事，兆自漢初，專為祈田，恆隸郡縣。《郊祀志》云：「高祖五年，制詔御史，其令天下立靈星祠，牲用太牢，縣邑令、長侍祠。」晉《祠令》云：「郡、縣、國祠社稷、先農，縣又祠靈星。」此靈星在天下諸縣之明據也。周公廟所以別在洛陽者，蓋緣姬旦創成洛邑，故傳世洛陽，崇祠不絕，以彰厥庸。夷、齊廟者，亦世為洛陽界內神祠。今並移太常，恐乖其本。正下此類甚眾，皆當部郡縣修理，公私施之禱請。竊惟太常所司，郊廟神祇自有常限，無宜臨時斟酌以意，若遂爾妄營，則不免淫祀。二祠在太常，在洛陽，于國一也，然貴在審本。

The 《Rites》 stipulate that court worship of the sun and moon takes place outside the eastern and western gates. The current locations for the sun and moon sacrifices lie thirty li from the city on the east and west roads respectively, which I also find questionable. The 《Rites》 also state: 「Sacrifice to the sun at a raised altar, and to the moon in a sunken pit. 」 The current planned construction follows the arrangement described above. The 《Treatise on Ritual》 records: 「Establish the Gaomei shrine south of the city. 」 As it does not specify a distance in li, the present practice follows the old arrangement. Worship of the Spirit Star was never part of classical ritual; the altar originated in early Han specifically to pray for good harvests and had always been administered by commanderies and counties. The 《Treatise on Suburban Sacrifices》 records: 「In the fifth year of Emperor Gaozu, an edict was issued to the Censor ordering the whole empire to establish Spirit Star shrines, using the grand sacrificial victim, with district and county magistrates presiding at the rites. 」 The Jin 《Regulations on Shrines》 state: 「Commanderies, counties, and kingdoms maintain shrines to the Soil and Grain and the First Farmer; counties also maintain shrines to the Spirit Star. 」 This provides clear evidence that Spirit Star shrines belonged to counties throughout the empire. The Duke of Zhou shrine stands separately in Luoyang because the Duke of Zhou, Ji Dan, established that city; worship there has continued through the generations to honor his achievement. The shrines to Bo Yi and Shu Qi have likewise been local spirit temples within Luoyang's jurisdiction for generations. Transferring them all to the Ministry of Rites would, I fear, violate their original purpose. There are many cases of this kind; all should remain under the maintenance of their respective commanderies and counties, with public and private offerings and prayers. The Ministry of Rites oversees suburban, temple, and spirit deities within fixed limits; it is not appropriate to make ad hoc arrangements at will, for rash changes would lead to improper worship. Whether these two shrines fall under the Ministry of Rites or remain in Luoyang is, for the state, a matter of indifference; what matters is respecting their original character.

臣以庸蔽，謬忝今職，考括墳籍，博采群議，既無異端，謂粗可依據。今玄冬務隙，野罄人閑，遷易郊壇，二三為便。

Though mediocre and unworthy of my present office, I have examined ancient records and gathered widely differing opinions; finding no serious dissent, I believe the evidence presented here is sufficient grounds for action. Deep winter brings a lull in affairs, when fields lie idle and people are free; it would be convenient to relocate the suburban altars within two or three months.

詔曰：「所上乃有明據，但先朝置立已久，且可從舊。」

An edict replied: 「Your memorial presents clear evidence, but the former court's arrangements have stood for many years; for now, let the old practice remain.」

先是，孝文於代都，詔中書監高閭、太常少卿陸琇並公孫崇等十餘人，修理金石及八音之器。後崇為太樂令，乃上請尚書僕射高肇，更共營理。宣武詔芳共主之。芳表以禮樂事大，不容輒決，自非博延公卿，廣集儒彥，討論得失，研窮是非，無以垂之萬葉，為不朽之式。被報聽許，數旬之間，頻煩三議。於是朝士頗以崇專綜既久，不應乖謬，各默然無發論者。芳乃探引經誥，搜括舊文，共相難質，皆有明據，以為盈縮有差，不合典式。崇雖示相酬答，而不會問意，卒無以自通。尚書依事述奏，仍詔委芳別更考制。於是學者彌歸宗焉。芳以社稷無樹，又上疏曰：

Previously, while at the capital in Dai, Emperor Xiaowen ordered Director of the Secretariat Gao Lu, Vice Minister of Rites Lu Xiu, Gongsun Chong, and more than ten others to restore metal and stone instruments and the full range of musical instruments. Later, after Chong became Director of Grand Music, he petitioned Deputy Director of the Department of State Affairs Gao Zhao to join him in managing the project. Emperor Xuanwu ordered Fang to join him in directing the effort. Fang submitted a memorial arguing that rites and music are matters of great weight and cannot be decided hastily; only by broadly convening dukes and ministers, gathering Confucian scholars of distinction, debating merits and flaws, and thoroughly investigating right and wrong could a model be established to endure through the ages. His request was granted, and within several weeks three successive deliberations were convened. The court officials largely assumed that Chong, having long supervised the project, could not be in error, and each remained silent, offering no objections. Fang then searched through canonical texts and edicts, gathered old writings, and they cross-examined one another. Each side had clear evidence, arguing that the discrepancies in surplus and deficit did not conform to the canonical standard. Chong offered replies in turn, but failed to grasp the point of the questions and ultimately could not clear himself. The Minister of the Secretariat reported the matter as it stood, and the emperor further ordered Fang to re-examine the system on his own. Thereafter scholars increasingly looked to him as their authority. Noting that the altars of state and grain had no trees, Fang submitted another memorial, saying:

依《合朔儀》注：日有變，以硃絲為繩，以繞系社樹三匝。而今無樹。又《周禮大司徒》職云：「設其社稷之壝而樹之田主，各以其社所宜木。」鄭玄注云：「所宜木，謂若松、柏、栗也。」此其一證也。又《小司徒·封人》職云：「掌設王之社壝，為畿封而樹之。」鄭玄注云：「不言稷者，王主於社；稷，社之細也。」此其二證也。又《論語》曰：「哀公問社於宰我。宰我對曰：夏後氏以松，殷人以柏，周人以栗。」是乃土地之所宜也。此其三證也。又《白武通》：社、稷所以有樹，何也？尊而識之也。使人望見既敬之，又所以表功也。」案此正解所以有樹之義，了不論有之與無也。此其四證也。此云「社、稷所以有樹何」，然則稷亦有樹明矣。又《五經通義》云：「天子太社、王社，諸侯國社、侯社，制度奈何？曰，社皆有垣無屋，樹其中以木。有木者，土主生萬物，萬物莫善於木，故樹木也。」此其五證也，此最其丁甯備解有樹之意也。又《五經要義》云：「社必樹之以木。《周禮·司徒》職曰：班社而樹之，各以土地所生。《尚書·逸篇》曰：太社惟松，東社惟柏，南社惟梓，西社惟栗，北社惟槐。」此其六證也。此又太社及四方皆有樹別之明據也。又見諸家《禮圖》，社稷圖皆畫為樹，唯誡社、誡稷無樹。此其七證也。

According to the commentary on the Rite for the New Moon, when the sun showed an anomaly, a cord of vermillion silk was made and wound three times around the tree at the altar of the soil god. Yet now there are no trees. Furthermore, the duties of the Grand Minister of Education in the Rites of Zhou state: "Establish the earthen mounds for the altars of state and grain and plant trees there as lords of the fields, each according to the wood suited to that altar." Zheng Xuan's commentary states: "The wood suited to each refers to trees such as pine, cypress, and chestnut." This is the first piece of evidence. Furthermore, the duties of the Lesser Minister of Education and the Boundary Master state: "They are in charge of establishing the king's altar mound and planting trees to mark the boundaries of the royal domain." Zheng Xuan's commentary states: "It does not mention the altar of grain because the king's primary concern is the altar of the soil god; the altar of grain is subsidiary to the altar of the soil god." This is the second piece of evidence. Furthermore, the Analects says: "Duke Ai of Lu asked Zai Wo about the altar of the soil god. Zai Wo replied: The Xia used pine, the Yin used cypress, and the Zhou used chestnut." These were the trees suited to the land. This is the third piece of evidence. Furthermore, the Baihu Tong asks: Why do the altars of state and grain have trees? To show reverence and make them recognizable. So that when people saw them they would revere them, and also to display their merit." This explanation precisely clarifies the meaning of having trees and never discusses whether they exist or not. This is the fourth piece of evidence. This passage asks "Why do the altars of state and grain have trees?"—thus it is clear that the altar of grain also has trees. Furthermore, the Tongyi of the Five Classics states: "The Grand Altar of State and the King's Altar for the Son of Heaven, the State Altar and the Marquis's Altar for feudal lords—what are their regulations? The answer: all altars have walls but no buildings, and trees are planted within them. The reason for having trees is that the lord of the soil produces the myriad things, and among the myriad things nothing excels wood—therefore trees are planted." This is the fifth piece of evidence, and it most clearly and completely explains the meaning of having trees. Furthermore, the Yaoyi of the Five Classics states: "The altar of the soil god must be planted with trees. The duties of the Minister of Education in the Rites of Zhou say: Altars are distributed and trees planted, each according to what the land produces. The apocryphal chapter of the Documents says: The Grand Altar uses only pine, the Eastern Altar only cypress, the Southern Altar only catalpa, the Western Altar only chestnut, and the Northern Altar only locust." This is the sixth piece of evidence. This is further clear evidence that the Grand Altar and the altars of the four directions each have distinct trees. Furthermore, in the ritual diagrams of various schools, the altars of state and grain are all depicted with trees—only the warning altars of state and grain have none. This is the seventh piece of evidence.

雖辨有樹之據，猶未正所植之木。案《論語》稱「夏後氏以松，殷人以柏，周人以栗」，便是世代不同。而《尚書·逸篇》則云「太社惟松」，如此，便以一代之中而立社各異也。愚以為宜植以松。何以言之？《逸書》云「太社惟松」，今者植松，不慮失禮。惟稷無成證。稷乃社之細，蓋亦不離松也。

Although the evidence for planting trees had been established, the species to be planted had not yet been determined. The Analects says "the Xia used pine, the Yin used cypress, the Zhou used chestnut"—this shows that different dynasties used different trees. But the apocryphal chapter of the Documents says "the Grand Altar uses only pine"—which would mean that within a single dynasty different altars would use different trees. I humbly believe pine should be planted. On what grounds? The apocryphal Documents say "the Grand Altar uses only pine." To plant pine now would not risk any breach of ritual propriety. Only the altar of grain lacks conclusive evidence. The altar of grain is subsidiary to the altar of the soil god and presumably would not depart from pine either.

宣武從之。

Emperor Xuanwu accepted his advice.

芳沈雅方正，概尚甚高，《經》、《傳》多通，孝文尤器敬之，動相顧訪。太子恂之在東宮，孝文欲為納芳女，芳辭以年貌非宜，帝歎其謙慎。帝更敕芳舉其宗女，芳乃稱其族子長文之女，孝文乃為恂娉之，與鄭懿女對為左右孺子焉。

Fang was deep, refined, upright, and principled, with elevated standards. He was broadly versed in the Classics and their commentaries. Emperor Xiaowen especially valued and respected him, consulting him frequently on important matters. When Crown Prince Xun was in the Eastern Palace, Emperor Xiaowen wished to marry Fang's daughter to him. Fang declined on grounds of unsuitable age and appearance, and the emperor sighed at his modest prudence. The emperor then ordered Fang to recommend a clanswoman. Fang named the daughter of his clansman Chang Wen. Emperor Xiaowen betrothed her to Xun, and she and Zheng Yi's daughter served together as junior consorts at the crown prince's left and right.

崔光於芳有中表之敬，每事詢仰。芳撰鄭玄所注《周官·儀禮音》、干寶所注《周官音》、王肅所注《尚書音》、何休所注《公羊音》、范寧所注《穀梁音》、韋昭所注《國語音》、范曄《後漢書音》各一卷，《辯類》三卷，《徐州人地錄》二十卷，《急就篇續注音義證》三卷，《毛詩箋音義證》十卷，《禮記義證》十卷，《周官·儀禮義證》各五卷。崔光表求以中書監讓芳，宣武不許。卒，贈鎮東將軍、徐州刺史，諡文貞侯。

Cui Guang held cousinly respect for Fang and on every matter sought his counsel and looked up to him. Fang compiled one fascicle each of phonological glosses on the Rites of Zhou and Rites as annotated by Zheng Xuan, on the Rites of Zhou as annotated by Gan Bao, on the Documents as annotated by Wang Su, on the Gongyang Commentary as annotated by He Xiu, on the Guliang Commentary as annotated by Fan Ning, on the Discourses of the States as annotated by Wei Zhao, and on Fan Ye's Book of Later Han; three fascicles of Classificatory Distinctions; twenty fascicles of Record of the People and Land of Xuzhou; three fascicles of Continued Glosses and Evidential Analysis of the Rapid Composition Primer; ten fascicles each of Glosses and Evidential Analysis of Mao's Commentary on the Odes and Evidential Analysis of the Record of Rites; and five fascicles each of Evidential Analysis of the Rites of Zhou and Rites. Cui Guang submitted a memorial asking to yield the post of Director of the Secretariat to Fang, but Emperor Xuanwu did not permit it. When he died, he was posthumously awarded the titles General Who Guards the East and Governor of Xuzhou, with the posthumous epithet Marquis Wen Zhen.

長子懌，字祖欣。雅有父風，頗好文翰。曆徐州別駕、兗州左軍府長史、司空諮議參軍，屢為行台出使，所曆皆有當官之稱。轉通直散騎常侍、徐州大中正，行郢州事，尋遷安南將軍、大司農卿。卒，贈徐州刺史，諡曰簡。無子，弟廞以第三子峻為後。

His eldest son was Yi, styled Zuxin. He naturally possessed his father's manner and was quite fond of literary composition. He served successively as Administrator in Xuzhou, Chief Clerk of the Left Army Office in Yanzhou, and Advisory Aide to the Minister of Works. He was repeatedly dispatched on missions by field headquarters, and in every post earned praise for fulfilling his duties well. He was transferred to Regular Attendant of the Fast Carriage and Grand Arbiter of Xuzhou, and held concurrent charge of Yingzhou affairs. Soon after he was promoted to General Who Pacifies the South and Grand Minister of Agriculture. When he died, he was posthumously named Governor of Xuzhou, with the posthumous epithet Jian. He had no sons. His younger brother Yin made his third son Jun the heir.

廞字景興，好學強立。善事當世，高肇之盛及清河王懌為宰輔，廞皆與其子侄交遊。靈太后臨朝，又與太后兄子往還相好。太后令廞以詩武授弟元吉。稍遷光祿大夫。孝武帝初，除散騎常侍，遷驃騎大將軍、國子祭酒。孝武于顯陽殿講《孝經》，廞為執經，雖酬答論難未能精盡，而風采音制，足有可觀。尋兼都官尚書，又兼殿中尚書。及孝武入關，齊神武至洛，責廞誅之。

Yin, styled Jingxing, loved learning and was forceful and upright. He knew how to navigate the world of his day. During Gao Zhao's ascendancy and when Prince of Qinghe Yi served as chief minister, Yin cultivated friendships with their sons and nephews. When Empress Dowager Ling presided over the court, he also maintained friendly relations with the empress dowager's brother's son. The empress dowager ordered Yin to instruct his younger brother Yuanji in literary and martial arts. He was gradually promoted to Grand Master of Splendid Virtue. At the beginning of Emperor Xiaowu's reign, he was appointed Regular Attendant of the Scatterbrushing Cavalry, then promoted to General of Rapid Cavalry and Chancellor of the Imperial University. Emperor Xiaowu lectured on the Classic of Filial Piety in the Hall of Manifest Yang. Yin served as the scripture-holder. Although his responses and debate lacked full depth, his bearing, voice, and presence were quite impressive. Soon he held concurrent posts as Minister of Justice and Minister of Palace Affairs. When Emperor Xiaowu entered the Pass, Gao Huan arrived at Luoyang and had Yin condemned and executed.

子騭，字子升。少有風氣，頗涉文史。位徐州開府從事中郎。父廞之死，騭率勒鄉部赴兗州，與刺史樊子鵠抗禦王師。每戰，流涕突陣。城陷，禽送晉陽。齊神武矜而赦之。文襄為儀同開府，以騭為屬本州大中正，轉中書舍人。時與梁和通，騭前後受敕對其使一十六人。為司徒左長史，卒，贈南青州刺史。廞弟彧，位金紫光祿大夫。彧子逖。

His son was Zhi, styled Zisheng. In youth he had a spirited character and was fairly versed in literature and history. He held the post of Attendant Gentleman on the staff of the Xuzhou field headquarters. After his father Yin's death, Zhi led local militias to Yanzhou and, together with Governor Fan Zihuo, resisted the imperial army. In every battle he wept as he charged the enemy lines. When the city fell, he was captured and sent to Jinyang. Gao Huan took pity on him and pardoned him. When Gao Cheng served as honorary commander with his own field headquarters, he made Zhi a subordinate and Grand Arbiter of his native province. Zhi then became a Secretariat Drafting Officer. At the time peace had been established with Liang. Zhi received orders on sixteen separate occasions to receive and respond to their envoys. He served as Chief Clerk on the Left of the Minister of Education. When he died, he was posthumously named Governor of Southern Qingzhou. Yin's younger brother Yu held the post of Grand Master of Splendid Virtue with the Golden Girdle. Yu had a son Ti.

逖字子長，少聰敏。好弋獵騎射，以行樂為事；愛交遊，善戲謔。齊文襄以為永安公浚開府行參軍。逖遠離家鄉，倦於羈旅，發憤自勵，專精讀書。晉陽都會之所，霸朝人士攸集，咸務於宴集。逖在遊宴之中，卷不離手，遇有文籍所未見者，則終日諷誦，或通夜不歸。其好學如此。亦留心文藻，頗工詩詠。

Ti, styled Zichang, was clever and quick from youth. He loved falconry, hunting, and mounted archery, and made going out for pleasure his occupation; He loved making friends and was skilled at jesting banter. Gao Cheng appointed him Acting Aide in the field headquarters of Prince Yong'an Jun. Far from home and weary of life on the road, Ti stirred himself to diligence and devoted himself exclusively to reading. Jinyang was a great gathering place where officials of the hegemonic court assembled, all devoted to feasting and conviviality. Even amid outings and feasts, Ti never let his scroll leave his hand. When he encountered texts he had not seen before, he would recite them all day, sometimes not returning home until dawn. Such was his love of learning. He also cultivated literary grace and was quite skilled at composing poetry.

武成時，和士開寵要，逖附之。正授中書侍郎，入典機密。時李愔獻賦，言天保中被讒。逖摘其文，奏曰：「誹謗先朝，大不敬。」武成怒，大加鞭樸。逖喜復前憾，曰：「高捶兩下，執鞭一百，何如呼劉二時。」尋兼散騎常侍，聘陳使主。逖欲獨擅文藻，不願與文士同行。時黃門侍郎王松年妹夫盧士游，性沈密，逖求以為副。又逖姊魏家者，收時已放出，逖因次欲嫁之士遊，不許。逖恐事露，亦不逼焉。遷給事黃門侍郎，修國史。加散騎常侍，除假儀同三司，聘周使副。二國始通，禮儀未定，逖與周朝議論往復，斟酌古今，事多合禮，兼文辭可觀，甚行名譽。使還，拜儀同三司。

During the reign of Wucheng, He Shikai was favored and influential, and Ti attached himself to him. He was formally appointed Vice Director of the Secretariat and entered into handling state secrets. At the time Li Yin submitted a rhapsody that spoke of having been slandered during the Tianbao reign. Ti extracted passages from the text and memorialized: "This slanders the former reign—a grave offense of disrespect." Emperor Wucheng was enraged and had Li Yin severely flogged. Ti, delighted to settle an old score, said: "Two blows from the high cudgel and a hundred strokes with the whip—how does that compare to when they summoned Liu the Second?" Soon afterward he held the concurrent post of Regular Attendant of the Scatterbrushing Cavalry and served as chief envoy on a mission to Chen. Ti wanted to monopolize literary display and did not wish to travel with literary men. At the time Lu Shiyou, son-in-law of Vice Director of the Yellow Gate Wang Songnian, was deep and discreet in character, and Ti requested him as deputy. Also, Ti's elder sister, who had married into the Wei family, had already been released during Wei Shou's time. Ti then wished to marry her off to Shiyou next, but permission was not granted. Ti, fearing the matter would be exposed, did not press it. He was transferred to Supervisor within the Yellow Gate and compiled the national history. He was further given the concurrent post of Regular Attendant of the Scatterbrushing Cavalry, appointed Acting Honorary Commander-in-Chief of Three Armies, and served as deputy envoy on a mission to Zhou. When the two states first opened diplomatic relations, ceremonial protocol had not yet been settled. Ti debated back and forth with the Zhou court, weighing ancient and modern practice. Most of his positions accorded with ritual propriety, and his prose was impressive as well. He won considerable renown. After returning from the mission, he was appointed Honorary Commander-in-Chief of Three Armies.

及武成崩，和士開欲改元，議者各異。逖請為「武平」，私謂士開曰：「武平反為明輔，逖作此以為公。」士開悅而從之。時士開為眾口所排，婁定遠同輔政，逖遂回附之，使得西貨，悉以餉定遠。定遠外任，逖不自安，又陰結斛律明月、胡長仁以自固。士開知之，未甚信，忽于明月門巷逢之，彌以為實。初，逖名宦未達時，欲事祖珽。珽未原，謂人曰：「我言彭城楚子，應有氣俠，唯將崔季舒詩示人，殊乖氣望。」逖乃為弟娶珽女，遂成密好。珽之將訴趙彥深、和士開也，先與逖謀，逖乃告二人。故二人得為之計。珽被黜，令弟出其妻。及是，逖解士開所嫌。尋出為仁州刺史。珽乃要行台尚書盧潛陷逖，許潛重遷。潛曰：「如此事，吾不為也。」更戒逖而護之。後被征還，待詔文林館，重除散騎常侍，奏門下事。未幾與崔季舒等同戮，時年四十九。所制文筆三十卷。子逸人，開府行參軍。仕隋，終於洛陽令。芳懋從子懋。

When Wucheng died, He Shikai wished to change the reign title, but the deliberators could not agree. Ti proposed "Wuping," privately telling He Shikai: "Reversed, Wuping becomes Pingwu, which sounds like 'ministry aid'--I propose this for your sake." He Shikai was pleased and followed his suggestion. At the time He Shikai was being pushed aside by public opinion, and Lou Dingyuan shared in the regency. Ti then switched allegiance to Lou, obtaining Western goods and sending them all to Dingyuan as gifts. When Dingyuan took an outside appointment, Ti felt insecure and secretly cultivated ties with Hulu Mingyue and Hu Changren to shore up his position. He Shikai learned of this but did not fully believe it until, by chance, he ran into Ti in Mingyue's lane--and then took it as confirmed. Earlier, before Ti had attained fame and office, he wished to serve Zu Ting. Zu Ting did not forgive him and said to others: "I speak of the Chu lad from Pengcheng--he ought to have spirit and chivalry--yet all he does is show people Cui Jishu's poems. That falls far short of what one expects of him." Ti then had his younger brother marry Zu's daughter, and they formed a close alliance. When Zu Ting was about to bring grievances against Zhao Yanshen and He Shikai, he first plotted with Ti--but Ti then informed the two men. Thus the two men were able to prepare countermeasures. Zu Ting was dismissed and made Ti's brother divorce his wife. On this occasion, Ti cleared away He Shikai's suspicions. Soon after he was sent out as Governor of Renzhou. Zu Ting then tried to get Mobile Secretariat Minister Lu Qian to frame Ti, promising Lu a major transfer in return. Lu Qian said: "I will not do such a thing." Instead he warned Ti and protected him. Later he was recalled, kept at the Hall of Literary Groves awaiting imperial orders, reappointed Regular Attendant of the Scatterbrushing Cavalry, and reported affairs to the Secretariat. Before long he was executed together with Cui Jishu and others, at the age of forty-nine. The collected writings he produced ran to thirty fascicles. His son Yiren served as Acting Aide in a field headquarters. He served under the Sui and ended his career as Magistrate of Luoyang. Fang Mao had a younger clansman Mao.

懋字仲華，祖泰之，父承伯，仕宋並有名位。懋聰敏好學，博綜經史；善草隸書，識奇字。宣武初入朝，位尚書外兵郎中。芳甚重之，凡所撰朝廷軌儀，皆與參量。尚書博議，懋與殿中郎袁翻常為議主。達于從政，台中疑事，咸所訪決。尚書李平與結莫逆交。遷步兵校尉，領郎中，兼東宮中舍人。轉員外常侍、鎮遠將軍，領考功郎中，立考課之科，明黜陟之法，甚有條貫。

Mao, styled Zhonghua, had grandfather Taizhi and father Chengbai--all three served in Song and held noted rank. Mao was clever, quick to learn, and broadly versed in the classics and histories; skilled in cursive and clerical script, and versed in unusual characters. When Emperor Xuanwu first entered court, he held the post of Director in the Outer Troops section of the Secretariat. Fang greatly valued him, and in all court protocol Fang composed, Mao participated in deliberation. When the Secretariat held broad deliberations, Mao and Palace Attendant Yuan Fan often served as chief debaters. He was adept at governance, and all doubtful matters at headquarters were referred to him for decision. He formed with Secretariat Minister Li Ping an inseparable friendship. He was promoted to Commandant of Footsoldiers, continued as Director, and concurrently served as Attendant in the Eastern Palace. He became Extraordinary Attendant, General Who Pacifies the Distance, and continued as Director of Merit Assessment. He established assessment categories and clarified rules for promotion and demotion--very systematic.

孝昭初，大軍攻硤石，懋為李平行台郎中。城拔，懋頗有功。太傅、清河王懌愛其風雅，常目而送之曰：「劉生堂堂，搢紳領袖，若天假之年，必為魏朝宰輔。」詔懋與諸才學之士撰成儀令。懌為宰相積年，禮懋尤重，令諸子師之。遷太尉司馬。熙平二年冬，暴病卒。家甚清貧，亡之日，徙四壁而已。太傅懌及當時才俊莫不痛惜之。贈持節、前將軍、南泰州刺史，諡曰宣簡。懋詩誄賦頌及文筆見稱于時，又撰諸器物造作之始十五卷，名曰《物祖》。

At the start of Xiaozhao's reign, when the great army attacked Xiashi, Mao served as Director in Li Ping's field headquarters. When the city was taken, Mao rendered considerable service. Grand Tutor Prince of Qinghe Yi admired his elegance and refinement, often watching him go and saying: "Master Liu is magnificent--a leader among the gentry. If Heaven grants him years, he will surely become chief minister of the Wei court." An edict ordered Mao, together with other men of talent and learning, to compile completed ritual regulations. Yi served as chief minister for many years and treated Mao with special respect, ordering his sons to take Mao as their teacher. He was promoted to Marshal of the Grand Commandant. In the winter of the second year of Xiping, he died suddenly of illness. His household was very poor; at his death there was nothing but bare walls to be moved. Grand Tutor Yi and all the talented men of the age grieved deeply for him. He was posthumously granted the insignia of authority, the title Former General, and Governor of Southern Taizhou, with the posthumous epithet Xuan Jian. Mao's poems, dirges, rhapsodies, eulogies, and collected writings were acclaimed in their day. He also compiled fifteen fascicles on the origins of various implements and constructions, entitled Origins of Things.

常爽，字仕明，河內溫人，魏太常卿林六世孫也。祖珍，苻堅南安太守，因世亂，遂居涼州。父坦，乞伏世鎮遠將軍、大夏鎮將、顯美侯。

Chang Shuang, styled Shiming, was a native of Wen in Henei and sixth-generation descendant of Lin, Grand Minister of Ceremonial of Wei. His grandfather Zhen was Administrator of Nan'an under Fu Jian; because of the turmoil of the times, he settled in Liangzhou. His father Tan, under the Qifu regime, was General Who Guards the Distance, Garrison Commander of Daxia, and Marquis of Xianmei.

爽少而聰敏，嚴正有志概，雖家人僮隸未嘗見其寬誕之容。篤志好學，博聞強識，明習緯候、《五經》、百家，多所研綜。州郡禮命，皆不就。武成西征涼土，爽與兄士國歸款軍門。武成嘉之，賜士國爵五品，顯美男；爽為六品，拜宣威將軍。是時，戎車屢駕，征伐為事，貴遊子弟未遑學術。爽置館溫水之右，教授門徒七百餘人，京師學業，翕然復興。爽立訓甚有勸罰之科，弟子事之，若嚴君焉。尚書左僕射元贊、平原太守司馬真安、著作郎程靈虯皆是爽教所就。崔浩、高允並稱爽之嚴教，獎勵有方。允曰：「文翁柔勝，先生剛克，立教雖殊，成人一也。」其為通識嘆服如此。因教授之暇，述《六經略注》，以廣製作，甚有條貫。其序曰：

Shuang was clever from youth, stern and upright with high aspiration; even household servants and slaves never saw an indulgent or frivolous expression on his face. He devoted himself to learning with broad knowledge and strong memory, thoroughly versed in omen lore, the Five Classics, and the hundred schools--he synthesized them extensively. He declined all honorary appointments from province and commandery. When Wucheng marched west against Liang territory, Shuang and his elder brother Shiguo came to offer allegiance at the army gate. Wucheng commended them, granting Shiguo fifth-rank nobility and the title Baron of Xianmei; Shuang received sixth rank and was appointed General Who Proclaims Might. At that time the war chariots rolled out again and again and campaigns were the business at hand; sons of noble families had no leisure for scholarship. Shuang established a lodge on the right bank of the Wen River and instructed more than seven hundred disciples. Scholarship in the capital region revived with gathering momentum. Shuang established teachings with clear rules of encouragement and punishment; disciples served him as they would a strict father. Left Vice Director Yuan Zan, Administrator of Pingyuan Sima Zhen'an, and Compiler Cheng Lingqiu were all products of Shuang's instruction. Cui Hao and Gao Yun both praised Shuang's strict teaching and his well-directed encouragement. Gao Yun said: "Wen Weng prevailed through gentleness; the Master prevails through firmness. Their methods of instruction differ, yet in forming people they achieve the same end." Scholars of broad learning admired him to this degree. In intervals between teaching, he composed Summary Notes on the Six Classics to expand his literary production--very systematic. Its preface reads:

《傳》稱立天之道，曰陰與陽；立地之道，曰柔與剛；立人之道，曰仁與義。然則仁義者，人之性也；經典者，身之文也。皆以陶鑄神情，啟悟耳目，未有不由學而能成其器，不由習而能利其業。是故季路勇士也，服道以成忠烈之概；寧越庸夫也，講藝以全高尚之節。蓋所由者習也，所因者本也；本立而道生，身文而德備焉。

The Commentary says: "To establish the Way of Heaven is to set forth yin and yang;" "To establish the Way of Earth is to set forth softness and firmness;" "To establish the Way of Man is to set forth benevolence and righteousness." Thus benevolence and righteousness are the nature of man; the classics are the ornament of the person. Both serve to mold the spirit and awaken the senses. None can complete their capacity without learning, nor can they benefit their work without practice. Thus Zilu was a warrior, yet by embracing the Way he achieved the stature of loyal martyrdom; Ning Yue was a common man, yet by studying the arts he preserved the integrity of high principle. What one travels by is practice; what one relies on is the root; when the root is established the Way arises, and when the person is adorned virtue is complete.

昔者先王之訓天下也，莫不導以《詩》、《書》，教以《禮》、《樂》，移其風俗，和其人民。故恭儉莊敬而不煩者，教深於《禮》也；廣博易良而不奢者，教深于《樂》也；溫柔敦厚而不愚者，教深於《詩》也；疏通知遠而不誣者，教深於《書》也；潔靜精微而不賊者，教深于《易》也；屬辭比事而不亂者，教深於《春秋》也。夫《樂》以和神，《詩》以正言，《禮》以明體，《書》以廣聽，《春秋》以斷事。五者，蓋五常之道，相須而備。《易》為之源，故曰《易》不可見，則乾坤其幾乎息矣。由是言之，《六經》者，先王之遺烈，聖人之盛事也，安可不遊心寓目習性文身哉！頃因暇日，屬意藝林，略撰所聞，討論其本，名曰《六經略注》，以訓門徒焉！

In antiquity when the former kings instructed the realm, none failed to guide it with the Odes and Documents, teach it with the Rites and Music, transform its customs, and harmonize its people. Thus one who is reverent, frugal, dignified, and respectful without being troubled--such teaching has penetrated deeply into the Rites; one who is broad, easy, good, and unpretentious without being extravagant--such teaching has penetrated deeply into the Music; one who is gentle, yielding, generous, and substantial without being foolish--such teaching has penetrated deeply into the Odes; one who is perspicacious, knowing, and far-reaching without being deceitful--such teaching has penetrated deeply into the Documents; one who is pure, quiet, subtle, and refined without being harmful--such teaching has penetrated deeply into the Changes; one who connects words and compares events without confusion--such teaching has penetrated deeply into the Spring and Autumn. Music harmonizes the spirit; the Odes rectify speech; the Rites clarify form; the Documents broaden hearing; the Spring and Autumn adjudicate affairs. These five are essentially the Way of the Five Constants--they depend on one another and are complete together. The Changes is their source. Thus it is said: "If the Changes cannot be seen, then Heaven and Earth are nearly at rest." From this it follows that the Six Classics are the luminous legacy of the former kings and the grand achievement of the sages. How can one fail to fix the mind upon them, give them one's attention, cultivate one's nature through them, and adorn oneself with their text! Recently, on leisure days, I have devoted myself to the grove of learning, briefly setting down what I have heard and examining its foundations. I call it Summary Notes on the Six Classics, to instruct my disciples!

其《略注》行於世。

The Summary Notes circulated in the world.

爽不事王侯，獨守閒靜，講肄經典二十餘年，時號為「儒林先生」。年六十三，卒於家。子文通，曆官至鎮西司馬、南天水太守、西翼校尉。文通子景。

Shuang did not serve princes and nobles, keeping to quiet seclusion and lecturing on the classics for more than twenty years. He was known in his time as "Master Scholar of the Forest." At the age of sixty-three he died at home. His son Wentong rose through the ranks to Marshal of the Army Who Guards the West, Governor of Southern Tianshui, and Commandant of the Western Wing. Wentong had a son Jing.

景字永昌，少聰敏，初讀《論語》、《毛詩》，一受便覽。及長，有才思，雅好文章。廷尉公孫良舉為協律博士，孝文親得其名，既而用之為門下錄事。正始初，招尚書、門下于金墉中書外省考論律令，敕景參議。宣武季舅護軍將軍高顯卒，其兄右僕射肇托景及尚書邢巒、并州刺史高聰、通直郎徐紇各作碑銘，並以呈禦。帝悉付侍中崔光簡之，光奏景名位乃處諸人之下，文出諸人之上，遂以景文刊石。

Jing, styled Yongchang, was clever from youth; when he first read the Analects and Mao's Odes, one reading was enough for him to comprehend them. When grown, he had literary talent and loved composition. Court Commandant Gongsun Liang recommended him as Doctor of Harmonious Music. Emperor Xiaowen personally learned his name and soon after employed him as Recorder in the Secretariat. At the beginning of Zhengshi, the Secretariat and the Secretariat Drafting Office were summoned to the Outer Secretariat at Jinyong to examine and discuss statutes and commands; the emperor ordered Jing to participate in deliberation. Emperor Xuanwu's younger maternal uncle, General Who Protects the Army Gao Xian, died. His elder brother Vice Director Gao Zhao entrusted Jing along with Secretariat Minister Xing Luan, Governor of Bingzhou Gao Cong, and Court Gentleman for Direct Transmission Xu He each to compose an epitaph--all were submitted to the emperor. The emperor entrusted them all to Attendant Within Cui Guang for selection. Guang reported that though Jing's rank and position were below the others, his writing surpassed them all, and so Jing's text was carved in stone.

肇尚平陽公主，未幾主薨，肇欲使公主家令居廬制服，已付學官議正施行。尚書又以訪景，景以婦人無專國之理，家令不得有純臣之義，乃執議曰：

Gao Zhao had married the Princess of Pingyang. Before long the princess died. Gao Zhao wished to have the princess's household steward observe mourning in a hut and wear mourning garments--this had already been submitted to the scholar-officials for deliberation to determine proper implementation. The Secretariat again consulted Jing. Jing held that a woman cannot hold exclusive authority over the state, and a household steward cannot bear the full loyalty owed by a pure minister. He therefore submitted an opinion, saying:

喪紀之本，實稱物以立情；輕重所因，亦緣情以制禮。雖理關盛衰，事經今古，而製作之本，降殺之宜，其實一焉。是故臣之為君，所以資敬而崇重；為君母妻，所以從服而制義。然而諸侯大夫之君者，謂其有地土、有吏屬，無服文者，言其非世爵也。今王姬降適，雖加爵命，事非君邑，理異列土。何者？諸王開國，備立臣吏，生有趨奉之勤，死盡致喪之禮。而公主家令，唯有一人，其丞已下，命之屬官，既無接事之儀，實闕為臣之體。原夫公主之貴，所以立家令者，蓋以主之內事，脫須關外，理無自達，必也因人。然則家令唯通內外之職及典主家之事耳，無關君臣之理，名義之分也。由是推之，家令不得為純臣，公主不可為正君，明矣。

The foundation of mourning regulations truly lies in matching external form to inner feeling; What makes mourning lighter or heavier likewise arises from feeling and is shaped into ritual. Though the principle touches prosperity and decline and the matter runs through past and present, the root of ritual design and the propriety of graduated mourning are fundamentally the same. Thus when a subject serves a lord, it is to furnish reverence and heighten respect; and when one serves a lord's mother or wife, it is to follow mourning garments and fix the rules of propriety. Yet the "lord" of feudal lords and grand masters refers to one who holds land and commands officials; where no mourning text applies, it shows the rank is not a hereditary fief. Today, when an imperial princess marries into a lesser house, though she receives titles and honors, this is not the case of a lord's fief; the principle differs from holding landed rank. Why? When princes of the blood establish their states, they appoint a full staff of ministers: in life there is the labor of attendance; in death the full rites of mourning. Yet a princess's household steward is a single officer; the assistants and subordinates below him have no ritual of receiving office and lack the substance of ministerial service. Reflecting on why a princess of rank needs a household steward: her domestic affairs, if they must reach beyond the household, cannot by nature be handled directly and must pass through another. The steward therefore only mediates between inner and outer affairs and manages the princess's household; he has no bearing on the relation of lord and subject or on the distinction of names and ranks. From this it is clear that the steward cannot be a full minister, nor can the princess be a true lord.

且女人之為君，男子之為臣，古禮所不載，先朝所未議。而四門博士裴道廣、孫榮乂等以公主為之君，以家令為之臣，制服以斬，乖繆彌甚。又張虛景、吾難羈等不推君臣之分，不尋致服之情，猶同其議，准母制齊，求之名實，理未為允。竊謂公主之爵，既非食采之君；家令之官，又無純臣之式。若附如母，則情議罔施；若准小君，則從服無據。案如經《禮》，事無成文，即之愚見，謂不應服。

Furthermore, a woman serving as lord with a man as subject appears nowhere in ancient ritual and was never discussed by earlier courts. Yet Erudites of the Four Gates Pei Daoguang, Sun Rongyi, and others make the princess their lord and the steward their subject and prescribe the heaviest mourning--a distortion all the worse. Zhang Xujing, Wu Nanji, and others likewise fail to consider the lord-subject distinction or the grounds for mourning, yet follow that opinion and apply mourning as for a mother in qi garments-- judged by name and fact, this cannot stand. I submit that a princess's title is not the rank of a fief-holding lord; and the office of household steward has no model of a full minister. If one treats the case like a mother, feeling and reason cannot be applied; if one follows the model of a lesser lady of the house, there is no ground for derived mourning. According to the canonical "Rituals," no established rule covers this case; in my humble opinion, mourning ought not to be worn.

朝廷從之。

The court accepted his view.

景淹滯門下積歲，不至顯官，以蜀司馬相如、王褒、嚴君平、揚子雲等四賢，皆有高才而無重位，乃托意以贊之。景在樞密十有餘年，為侍中崔光、盧昶、遊肇、元暉尤所知賞。累遷積射將軍、給事中。延昌初，東宮建，兼太子屯騎校尉，錄事皆如故。受敕撰門下詔書凡四十卷。尚書元萇出為安西將軍、雍州刺史，請景為司馬。以景階次不及，除錄事參軍、襄威將軍，帶長安令，甚有惠政，人吏稱之。

Jing remained at the Secretariat Gate for years without rising to a high office. Thinking of four men of Shu--Sima Xiangru, Wang Bao, Yan Junping, and Yang Ziyun--all gifted yet never granted great rank, he poured his feelings into praise of them. For more than ten years Jing served in the inner councils and won particular recognition from Attendants Within Cui Guang, Lu Chang, You Zhao, and Yuan Ye. He rose in turn to General Who Shoots Rapidly and Supervisor of Attendants. At the start of Yanchang, when the Eastern Palace was established, he was also made Commandant of Cavalry of the Crown Prince Retinue while continuing as Recorder. By imperial order he compiled forty volumes of edicts from the Secretariat Gate. When Secretariat Minister Yuan Chang was posted as General Who Pacifies the West and Governor of Yong Province, he asked that Jing serve as his Chief Administrator. Because Jing's rank was still too low for that post, he was made Recording Secretary and General Who Spreads Might, concurrently Magistrate of Chang'an. He governed with notable kindness, and officials and people alike praised him.

先是，太常劉芳與景等撰朝令，未及班行。別典儀注，多所草創，未成。芳卒，景纂成其事。及宣武崩，召景赴京，還修儀注。拜謁者僕射，加甯遠將軍，又以本官兼中書舍人。後授步兵校尉，仍舍人。又敕撰太和之後朝儀已施行者，凡五十餘卷。時靈太后詔依漢世陰、鄧二後故事，親奉廟祀，與帝交獻。景乃據正以定儀注，朝廷是之。正光初，除龍驤將軍、中散大夫，舍人如故。時明帝行講學之禮于國子寺，司徒崔光執經，敕景與董紹、張徹、馮元興、王延業、鄭伯猷等俱為錄義。事畢，又行釋奠之禮，並詔百官作釋奠詩，以景作為美。

Previously Court Director Liu Fang, Jing, and others had drafted court ordinances that had not yet been promulgated. Separate ritual codes had also been largely drafted but left unfinished. After Liu Fang died, Jing gathered the materials and finished the work. When Emperor Xuanwu died, Jing was called to the capital and resumed editing the ritual codes. He was made Master of Ceremonial Attendants and General Who Pacifies the Distant, and continued concurrently as Secretariat Drafting Attendant. Later he received the post of Commandant of Foot Soldiers while remaining an attendant. He was further ordered to compile the court rituals put into practice since the Taihe era, more than fifty volumes in total. At that time Empress Dowager Ling ordered that, following Han precedents of Empresses Yin and Deng, she would personally attend temple sacrifices and alternate offerings with the emperor. Jing then fixed the ritual regulations on orthodox grounds, and the court agreed. At the start of Zhenguang he was appointed General Who Dragon-Prances and Palace Attendant, retaining his attendant duties. At that time Emperor Ming performed the lecture rite at the Imperial Academy. Minister of Works Cui Guang expounded the classics, and Jing was ordered, together with Dong Shao, Zhang Che, Feng Yuanxing, Wang Yanye, and Zheng Boyou, to record the discussion. When that was finished, the libation ceremony was also held, and all officials were ordered to compose libation poems; Jing's was judged the best.

是年九月，蠕蠕主阿那瑰歸闕，朝廷疑其位次。高陽王雍訪景。曰：「昔咸甯中，南單于來朝，晉世處之王公、特進之下。今日為班，宜在蕃王、儀同三司之間。」雍從之。朝廷典章，疑而不決，則時訪景而行。

That year in the ninth month the Rouran chief Anagui came to court, and the court was unsure where to place him in the seating order. The Prince of Gaoyang, Yuan Yong, asked Jing's opinion. He said: "In the Xianning era, when the Southern Chanyu came to court, the Jin seated him below dukes, grandees, and holders of special advancement. For today's order of precedence, he should be placed between foreign princes and Honorary Commanders-in-Chief of Three Armies." Yong took his advice. Whenever court ritual was uncertain and could not be settled, the court would consult Jing before acting.

初，平齊之後，光祿大夫高聰徙於北京，中書監高允為之聘妻，給其資宅。聰後為允立碑，每云「吾以此文報德足矣。」豫州刺史常綽以未盡其美。景尚允才器，先為《遺德頌》，司徒崔光聞而觀之，尋味良久，乃云：「高光祿平日每矜其文，自許報允之德，今見常生此頌，高氏不得獨擅其美也。」侍中崔光、安豐王延明受詔議定服章，敕景參修其事。尋進號冠軍將軍。阿那瑰之還國也，境上遷延，仍陳窘乏。遣尚書左丞元孚奉詔振恤，阿那瑰執孚過柔玄，奔於漠北。遣尚書令李崇、御史中尉兼右僕射元纂追討不及。乃令景出塞，經絺山，臨瀚海，宣敕勒眾而返。景經涉山水，悵然懷古，乃擬劉琨《扶風歌》十二首。進號征虜將軍。

Earlier, after Qi was pacified, Grand Master of Splendor Gao Cong was moved to the Northern Capital; Secretariat Director Gao Yun found him a wife and supplied a house. Later Cong erected a stele for Yun and often said: "With this inscription I have repaid his kindness enough." Governor of Yuzhou Chang Chuo felt it did not fully express Yun's virtues. Jing admired Yun's talent and had already written "An Ode to His Transmitted Virtue." Minister of Works Cui Guang heard of it and read the piece; after pondering it for a long time he said: "Master Gao the Grand Master of Splendor always prided himself on his prose and claimed it repaid Yun's kindness--now that I see Master Chang's ode, the Gao family can no longer keep the praise to themselves." Attendants Within Cui Guang and Prince of Anfeng Yuan Yanming were ordered to deliberate on ceremonial dress, and Jing was directed to help revise the regulations. Soon after he was promoted to General Who Champions the State. When Anagui was returning home, he delayed at the frontier and again pleaded hardship and poverty. Left Assistant of the Secretariat Yuan Fu was sent with an edict to provide relief, but Anagui seized him, passed through Rouxuan, and fled into the northern desert. Secretariat Director Li Chong and Censor-in-Chief and concurrent Vice Director Yuan Zuan were sent in pursuit but could not overtake him. Jing was then ordered to go beyond the frontier, pass Qishan, reach the Hanhai, proclaim the edict, rally the troops, and return. Crossing mountains and rivers, Jing was moved to melancholy and looked back to antiquity, composing twelve poems after the manner of Liu Kun's "Fufeng Songs." He was advanced to General Who Subdues the Barbarians.

孝昌初，給事黃門侍郎，尋除左將軍、太府少卿，仍舍人。固辭少卿不拜，改授散騎常侍，將軍如故。徐州刺史元法僧叛入梁，梁武遣其豫章王蕭綜入據彭城。時安豐王延明為大都督、大行台，率臨淮王彧等眾軍討之。既而蕭綜降附，徐州清復，遣景兼尚書，持節馳與行台都督觀機部分。景經洛納，乃作銘焉。是時尚書令蕭寶夤、都督崔延伯、都督北海王顥、都督車騎將軍元恆芝等並各出討，詔景詣軍宣旨勞問。還，以本將軍授徐州刺史。 b杜洛周反于燕州，仍以景兼尚書為行台，與幽州都督、平北將軍元譚以禦之。景表求勒幽州諸縣悉入古城，山路有通賊之處，權發兵夫，隨宜置戍，以為防遏。又以頃來差兵，不盡強壯，今之三長，綿是豪門多丁為之，今求權發為兵。明帝皆從之。進號平北將軍。別敕譚西至軍都關，北從盧龍塞，據此二險，以杜賊出入之路。又詔景山中險路之處，悉令捍塞。景遣府錄事參軍裴智成發范陽三長之兵以守白曵閏，都督元譚據居庸下口。俄而安州石離、冗城、斛鹽三戍兵反，結洛周，有眾二萬餘落，自松岍赴賊。譚勒別將崔仲哲等截軍都關以待之。仲哲戰沒，洛周又自外應之，腹背受敵，譚遂大敗，諸軍夜散。詔以景所部別將李琚為都督，代譚征下口，降景為後將軍，解州任。仍詔景為幽、安、玄四州行台。

At the start of Xiaochang he was appointed Attendant Gentleman in the Yellow Gate Service; soon after he was made Left General and Vice Director of the Imperial Storehouse while continuing as an attendant. He firmly declined the vice directorship and refused the appointment; he was reassigned Regular Attendant, and his generalship remained as before. Governor of Xuzhou Yuan Faseng rebelled and went over to Liang; Emperor Wu of Liang sent his Prince of Yuzhang, Xiao Zong, to enter and occupy Pengcheng. At the time Prince of Anfeng Yuan Yanming served as Grand Commander and Grand Mobile Headquarters, leading the armies of Prince of Linhuai Yuan Yu and others against them. Before long Xiao Zong surrendered, Xuzhou was recovered, and Jing was sent as Acting Secretariat Minister with credentials to ride post-haste and join the Mobile Headquarters commander in directing operations as circumstances required. When he passed Luona, Jing composed an inscription. At that time Secretariat Director Xiao Baoyin, Commander Cui Yanbo, Commander Prince of Beihai Yuan Hao, Commander General of Chariots and Cavalry Yuan Hengzhi, and others each marched out on campaign; Jing was ordered to visit the armies, proclaim the imperial will, and convey the court's regard. On returning he was appointed Governor of Xuzhou while retaining his generalship. Du Luozhou rebelled in Yan Province; Jing was again made Acting Secretariat Minister and Mobile Headquarters commander to join Yan Province Commander and General Who Pacifies the North Yuan Tan in resisting him. Jing submitted a memorial asking that all counties in You Province be urged into the old walled cities; wherever mountain paths gave bandits passage, troops and laborers should be dispatched as needed and garrisons set up to block them. He also argued that recent levies had not produced enough strong men, and that the three-elder posts were now largely filled by powerful clans with many sons; he asked permission to conscript them for military service. Emperor Ming approved everything. He was promoted to General Who Pacifies the North. A separate edict ordered Tan west to Jundu Pass and north through Lulong Pass, holding these two strongpoints to cut off the bandits' routes in and out. Jing was also ordered to block every dangerous mountain pass. Jing sent his Recording Secretary Pei Zhicheng to raise the three-elder militia of Fanyang to hold Baiye Pass, while Commander Yuan Tan held the lower mouth of Juyong. Soon the garrison troops at Shili, Rongcheng, and Huyan in An Province rebelled, joined Luozhou, gathered more than twenty thousand households, and marched from Songqian to join the rebels. Tan ordered subordinate general Cui Zhongzhe and others to block Jundu Pass and wait for them. Zhongzhe fell in battle; Luozhou also answered from outside, Tan was caught between two enemies and suffered a crushing defeat, and the armies broke up in the night. An edict made Li Ju, a subordinate general under Jing, commander in Tan's place at the lower pass; Jing was demoted to Rear General and relieved of his provincial post. Jing was nevertheless appointed Mobile Headquarters commander over the four provinces including You, An, and Xuan.

賊既南出，鈔略薊城，景命統軍梁仲禮率兵士邀擊。破之，獲賊將禦夷鎮軍主孫念恆。都督李琚為賊所攻薊城之北，軍敗而死。率屬城人禦之，賊不敢逼。洛周還據上穀。授景平北將軍、光祿大夫，行台如故。洛周遣其都督王曹紇真、馬叱斤等率眾薊南，以掠人穀，乃遇連雨，賊眾疲勞。景與都督于榮、制史王延年置兵栗國，邀其走路，大敗之，斬曹紇真。洛周率眾南趨范陽，景與延年及榮破之。又遣別將重破之於州西彪眼泉，禽斬之及溺死者甚眾。後洛周南圍范陽，城人翻降，執刺史延年及景，送于洛周。尋為葛榮所吞，景又入榮。榮破，景得還朝。

When the bandits moved south and raided Ji City, Jing ordered Commander Liang Zhongli to lead troops against them. They routed them and captured the bandit general Defender of Yuyi Garrison Commander Sun Nianheng. Commander Li Ju was attacked by bandits north of Ji City, his force was defeated, and he was killed. Jing led the people of the dependent cities to resist, and the bandits did not dare advance. Luozhou withdrew to hold Shanggu. Jing was made General Who Pacifies the North and Grand Master of Splendor, and retained his Mobile Headquarters post. Luozhou sent his commanders Wang Cao Gezhen, Ma Chijin, and others south of Ji with troops to seize grain and captives; they met with days of rain, and the bandit force grew exhausted. Jing, together with Commander Yu Rong and Inspector Wang Yannian, set troops at Liguo, cut off their line of retreat, routed them, and killed Cao Gezhen. Luozhou led his force south toward Fanyang; Jing, Yannian, and Rong defeated them. He also sent a subordinate general to defeat them again at Biaoyan Spring west of the province; a great many were captured, killed, or drowned. Later Luozhou besieged Fanyang from the south; the townspeople turned and surrendered, seized Governor Yannian and Jing, and handed them over to Luozhou. Before long Luozhou was swallowed up by Ge Rong, and Jing passed into Rong's camp as well. When Ge Rong was broken, Jing was able to return to court.

永安初，詔復本官，兼黃門侍郎，又攝著作，固辭不就。二年，除中軍將軍，正黃門。先是參議《正光壬子曆》，至是賜爵高陽子。元顥內逼，莊帝北巡，景與侍中、大司馬、安豐王延明在禁中召諸親賓，乃安慰京師。顥入洛，景乃居本位。莊帝還宮，解黃門。普泰初，除車騎將軍、右光祿大夫、秘書監。以預詔命之勤，封濮陽縣子，後以例追。永熙二年，監議事。

At the start of Yongan an edict restored his former posts and additionally made him Attendant in the Yellow Gate Service and acting Director of Compilation; he firmly declined and would not accept. In the second year he was made Central Army General and Regular Attendant of the Yellow Gate. He had earlier taken part in deliberating the "Zhenguang Rensi Calendar"; at this time he was enfeoffed as Viscount of Gaoyang. When Yuan Hao pressed inward, Emperor Zhuang went north on tour; Jing, together with Attendant Within, Grand Marshal, and Prince of Anfeng Yuan Yanming, summoned kinsmen and guests within the palace and thus steadied the capital. When Hao entered Luoyang, Jing returned to his proper offices. When Emperor Zhuang returned to the palace, Jing was relieved of his Yellow Gate post. At the start of Putai he was appointed General of Chariots and Cavalry, Right Grand Master of Splendor, and Director of the Secretariat Library. For his diligence in preparing imperial edicts in advance, he was enfeoffed as Viscount of Puyang County; later the title was rescinded according to precedent. In the second year of Yongxi, he served as overseer of deliberative affairs.

景善與人交，終始若一。其遊處者皆服其深遠之度，未曾見其矜吝之心。好飲酒，淡于榮利，自得懷抱，不事權門。性和厚恭慎。每讀書見韋弦之事、深薄之危，乃圖古昔可以鑒戒，指事為象，贊而述之曰：

In his dealings with others, Jing was steadfast from first to last. All who kept company with him admired his depth and long perspective; none ever saw in him pride or miserliness. He loved wine, cared little for rank and gain, was self-sufficient in spirit, and would not court powerful families. His character was gentle, sincere, and discreetly cautious. Whenever he read of the bowstring-at-the-waist and the danger of deep and shallow waters, he would draw lessons from the past for warning and reflection, shape events into emblems, and compose a rhapsody in praise, saying:

《周雅》云：「謂天蓋高，不敢不局；謂地蓋厚，不敢不蹐。」有朝隱大夫鑒戒斯文，乃惕焉而懼曰：夫道喪則性傾，利重則身輕。是故乘和體遜，式銘方冊；防微慎獨，載象丹青。信哉辭人之賦，文晦而理明。仰瞻高天，聽卑視諦；俯測厚地，嶽峻川渟。誰共戴之，不私不畏；誰其踐之，不陷不墜。故善惡是征，物罔同異。論亢匪久，人咸敬忌。嗟乎！唯地厚矣，尚亦兢兢。。浩浩名位，孰識其親。搏之弗得，聆之無聞。故有戒於顯而急於微。好爵是冒，聲奢是基。身陷於祿利，言溺於是非。或求欲而未厭，或知足而不辭。是故位高而勢逾迫，正立而邪逾欺。安有位朽而危不萃，邪榮而正不雕。故悔多於地厚，禍甚于天高。夫悔未結，誰肯曲躬。夫禍未加，誰肯累足。固機發而後思圖，車覆而後改躅。改之無及，故狡兔失穴；思之在後，故逆鱗易觸。君子則不然。體舒則懷卷，視溺則思濟。原夫人闕之度，邈於無階之天，勢位之危，深於不測之地。餌厚而躬不競，爵降而心不系。守善於已成，懼愆於未敗。雖盈而戒沖，通而慮滯。以知命為遐齡，以樂天為大惠。以戢智而從時，以懷愚而遊世。曲躬焉，累足焉，苟行之晝已決矣，猶夜則思其計；誦之口亦明矣，故心必賞其契。故能不同不誘，而弭謗於群小；無毀無譽，而貽信於上帝。托身與金石俱固，立名與天壤相弊。囂競無侵，優遊獨逝。夫如是，綺閣金門，可安其宅；錦衣玉食，可頤其形。柳下三黜，不慍其色；子文三陟，不喜其情。

The Odes of Zhou say: 'Heaven, we are told, stretches overhead, and none dares fail to crouch beneath it; Earth, we are told, lies deep beneath, and none dares fail to walk upon it with care.' The Court Recluse Grandee took this as a text for warning and reflection, and in vigilance and fear he said: When the Way is lost, one's nature tilts awry; when profit weighs heavy, one's person grows light. So, embracing harmony and the body of humility, he inscribed it in the written records; guarded against what is subtle and watched himself in solitude, and placed its images in scarlet and ink. How true is the poet's song: the language is indirect, yet the meaning shines clear. He looked up at the lofty heavens and listened humbly with fixed attention; he looked down to measure the deep earth, where peaks rise sharp and rivers lie still. Who bears it above us all? It shows no favor, accepts no fear; who walks upon it? He does not sink, does not fall. Thus good and evil are tested alike, and nothing escapes distinction. High station cannot long endure in talk alone; all men feel awe and dread toward it. Alas! Earth is deep indeed, yet still one must walk with trembling care. Fame and title spread boundless as the flood--who can say what they truly are? Clutch at them and they slip away; listen, and no sound returns. Hence warning comes from what is plain, urgency from what is small. Men covet noble rank; they build their lives on clamorous fame. The body is swallowed by salary and gain; speech is drowned in the quarrels of right and wrong. Some crave without ever being satisfied; some know enough yet will not step back. Thus the higher one stands, the fiercer power presses in; set on uprightness, yet depravity presses all the closer. When rank rots, peril always gathers; when wickedness prospers, integrity is always cut away. Regret runs deeper than the earth; disaster rises higher than heaven. Before regret takes root, who will humble himself? Before disaster strikes, who will walk with careful steps? Only after the mechanism fires do men think to plan; only after the cart overturns do they change their step. When there is no time left to turn back, the clever hare loses its den; when thought comes too late, the dragon's scales are easy to touch and provoke. The gentleman does not act like this. At ease he still keeps the book in hand; when he sees another drowning he thinks how to save him. Reflect that human limitation stretches farther than ladderless heaven, and that the peril of power and rank runs deeper than unfathomable earth. Though rich bait is offered, his person does not struggle for it; though rank falls away, his heart is not tied down. He guards what is already good, and dreads error while nothing has yet gone wrong. Though he is filled, he warns himself against overflowing; though all flows freely, he considers how it may stall. He counts knowing one's lot as longevity, and delight in Heaven's order as the deepest blessing. He sheathes his wit and moves with the age; he keeps a store of simplicity and walks through the world. He bends low, he walks with restrained steps; if by day the path is already settled, at night he still weighs the design; though his lips speak it plainly, his heart must honor its inner truth. Thus, neither drawn aside nor tempted, he stills the gossip of petty men; neither defamed nor flattered, he yet wins trust from the Lord on High. He anchors his life in what is hard as metal and stone; he builds a name to perish only with heaven and earth. Noise and strife cannot touch him; he drifts at ease, alone. Then brocade chambers and gilded gates may safely hold his home; silken robes and jade dishes may rightly sustain his body. Liu Xia Hui was demoted three times, yet his face never darkened; Zi Wen was raised three times, yet his heart never swelled with joy.

而惑者見居高可以持勢，欲乘高以據榮。見直道可以修己，欲專道以邀聲。夫去聲然後聲可立，豈矜道之所宣。慮危然後安可固，豈假道之所全。是以君子鑒恃道不可以流聲，故去聲而懷道。鑒專道不可以守勢，故去勢以崇道。何者？履道雖高，不得無亢；求聲雖道，不得無悔。然則聲奢繁則實儉雕，功業進則身跡退。如此則精靈遂越，驕侈自親。情與道絕，事與勢鄰。方欲役思以持勢，乘勢以求津。故利欲誘其性，禍難嬰其身。利欲交則幽顯以之變，禍難構則智術無所陳。若然者，雖縻爵帝局，焉得而寧之？雖結珮皇庭，焉得而榮之？故身道未究，而崇邪之徑已形。成功未立，而修正之術已生。福祿交蹇於人事，屯難頓萃于時情。忠介剖心于白日，耿節沉骨於幽靈。因斯愚智之所機，倚伏之所系，全亡之所依，其在遜順而已哉。嗚呼鑒之！嗚呼鑒之！

Yet the deluded see that height can hold power, and seek to climb high and seize honor. They see that the straight Way can refine the self, and seek to hoard the Way and harvest fame. Only when reputation is cast off can a true name stand--how, then, can one vaunt the Way to broadcast oneself? Only by foreseeing danger can peace endure--how can one use the Way as a shelter to save oneself whole? The gentleman therefore sees that leaning on the Way cannot spread one's name, and so puts fame aside to hold fast to the Way. Seeing that clinging to the Way cannot protect one's power, he relinquishes power to honor the Way. Why? To walk the Way is lofty indeed, yet one cannot be free of overbearing pride; to pursue fame, even along the Way, is to invite regret. When name grows loud and ornate, substance thins and is pared away; when merit advances, the man himself recedes. Then the spirit slips away, and pride and excess draw close unbidden. The heart severs itself from the Way; office and ambition become neighbors. At once one sets the mind to clutch power, and rides power in search of passage. Profit and craving twist the nature; disaster and peril seize the body. Where profit and craving meet, what is hidden and what is plain are altered together; when disaster takes shape, wit and skill have no field in which to act. For such a man, even bound in high noble rank at the emperor's court, what peace can there be? Even jade pendants at the royal threshold--what glory can they bring him? Before the Way within is fully pursued, the crooked path already shows itself. Before success is won, the need to repair oneself has already appeared. Fortune and office trip together through human affairs; distress suddenly masses in the mood of the age. Loyal men lay open their hearts in the light of day; the steadfast sink their bones into the unseen world. Thus the hinge on which fool and sage turn, the bond that links fortune and fall, the ground on which survival and ruin rest--all of it comes down to yielding and compliance, and nothing else. Take this to heart--mark it well! Take this to heart--mark it well!

景所著述數百篇見行於世。刪正晉司空張華《博物志》及撰《儒林》、《列女傳》各數十篇云。長子昶，少學識，有文才，早卒。昶弟彪之，永安中，司空行參軍。

Several hundred pieces written by Jing circulate in the world. He edited and corrected Jin Minister of Works Zhang Hua's Records of Broad Learning, and also compiled several dozen chapters each of Record of the Confucian Grove and Biographies of Exemplary Women, and the like. His eldest son Chang was learned from youth and possessed literary talent, but died young. Chang's younger brother Biao Zhi, during Yong'an, served as acting staff officer to the Minister of Works.

論曰：古人云：才未半古，功已過之。王肅流寓之士，見知一面，榮任赫然，寄同舊列，雖器業自致，抑亦逢時之所致焉。劉芳矯然特立，沈深好古，博通洽識，為世儒宗。懋才流識學，見重於世，不虛然也。常爽以儒素著稱，景以文義見宗，美乎。

The historian comments: The ancients said, 'His talent was not half that of the men of old, yet his achievement already surpassed theirs.' Wang Su was a man cast adrift from his homeland; known after one audience, he blazed into lofty office and was treated like the veterans of an earlier age. Though his talent and success were his own, they owed something as well to the age that received him. Liu Fang stood upright and alone, steeped in antiquity, deep and grave, with broad and thorough learning--the age's leading scholar. Mao's gifts were abundant and his learning widely admired; that the world honored him was no empty praise. Chang Shuang was celebrated for scholarly simplicity; Jing was revered for the force of his writing--worthy indeed.

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