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高熲牛弘李德林
Gao Jiong, Niu Hong, and Li Delin
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列傳第六十
Biography 60
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高熲牛弘李德林
Gao Jiong, Niu Hong, and Li Delin
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高熲,字昭玄,一名敏,自言勃海蓚人也。 其先因官北邊,沒于遼左。 曾祖皓,乙太和中自遼東歸魏,官至衛尉卿。 祖孝安,位兗州刺史。 父賓,仕東魏,位諫議大夫。 大統六年,避讒棄官奔西魏,獨孤信引賓為僚佐,賜姓獨孤氏。 及信誅,妻子徙蜀。 隋文獻皇后以賓父之故吏,每往來其家。 賓敏于從政,果敢斷決。 賜爵武陽縣伯,歷位齊公憲府長史、驃騎大將軍、開府儀同三司、襄州總管府司錄,卒於州。 及熲貴,開皇中,贈禮部尚書、武陽公,諡曰簡。 熲少明敏,有器局,略涉文史,尤善詞令。 初,孩孺時,家有柳樹,高百許尺,亭亭如蓋。 里中父老曰:「此家當出貴人。」 年十七,周齊王憲引為記室。 襲爵武陽縣伯,再遷內史下大夫。 以平齊功,拜開府。
Gao Jiong, whose courtesy name was Zhaoxuan and who was also known as Min, claimed to be from Zhuo in Bohai. His forebears had followed government posts to the northern border and ended up lost in eastern Liao. His great-grandfather Hao came back from Liaodong to Wei in the second year of Emperor Xiaowen's Taihe reign and rose to Commandant of the Guards. His grandfather Xiao'an served as Inspector of Yan Province. His father Bin held office under Eastern Wei as Remonstrance and Critic Grand Master. In the sixth year of the Datong era, fleeing slander he resigned and went to Western Wei, where Dugu Xin recruited him to his staff and granted him the surname Dugu. After Xin was put to death, his wife and children were sent into exile in Shu. Because Bin had once served under her father, Sui's Empress Wenxian was in the habit of coming and going at the Gao home. Bin was sharp in handling affairs, resolute and quick to decide. He was granted the rank of Baron of Wuyang, rose through posts including chief clerk to Prince Xian of Qi, Cavalry General, Pillar of State, and Registrar in the Xiangzhou governorate, and died there in office. After Jiong came to power, in Kaihuang his father was posthumously honored as Minister of Rites and Duke of Wuyang, with the posthumous epithet Jian. From youth Jiong was clever and perceptive, possessed of large capacity; he had some acquaintance with letters and history and was especially skilled at polished speech. In his infancy the family had a willow tree nearly a hundred feet high, spreading like a pavilion roof. Neighborhood elders said, "This family is destined to produce a man of rank. At seventeen he was recruited by Prince Xian of Qi of Northern Zhou as a staff recorder. He inherited the barony of Wuyang and was later promoted to Junior Grand Master of the Palace Secretariat. For his achievements in the conquest of Qi he was made a Pillar of State.
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隋文帝得政,素知熲強明,久習兵事,多計略,意欲引之入府。 遣邗公楊惠諭意,熲承旨忻然,曰:「願受驅馳。 縱公事不成,亦不辭滅族。」 於是為府司錄。 時長史鄭譯、司馬劉昉並以奢縱被疏,帝彌屬意於熲,委以心膂。 尉遲迥起兵也,帝令韋孝寬伐之,軍至河陽,莫敢先進。 帝以諸將不一,令崔仲方監之,仲方辭以父在山東。 時熲見劉昉、鄭譯等並無去意,遂自請行,深合上旨。 受命便發,遣人辭母雲,忠孝不可兩兼,歔欷就路。 至軍,為橋于沁水,賊於上流縱火筏,熲預為土狗以禦之。 既度,焚橋而戰,大破之。 軍還,侍宴於臥內,帝撤禦帷以賜之。 進位柱國,改封義寧縣公,遷丞相府司馬,任寄益隆。 及帝受禪,拜尚書左僕射、納言,進封勃海郡公。 朝臣莫與為比,帝每呼為獨孤而不名也。 熲佯避權勢,上表遜位,讓于蘇威。 帝欲成其美,聽解僕射。 數日,帝曰:「蘇威高蹈前朝,熲能舉善。 吾聞進賢受上賞,寧可令去官!」 於是令熲復位。 俄拜左衛大將軍,本官如故。 突厥屢為邊患,詔熲鎮遏緣邊。 及還,賜馬百疋,牛羊千計。 領新都大監,制度多出於熲。 熲每坐朝堂北槐樹下以聽事,其樹不依行列,有司將伐之。 帝特命勿去,以示後人。 其見重如此。 又拜左領軍大將軍。 餘官如故。 母憂去職,二旬,起令視事。 熲流涕辭讓,不許。
Once Emperor Wen of Sui took control, he already knew Jiong to be forceful and brilliant, versed in warfare and rich in stratagems, and meant to draw him into his staff. He dispatched Yang Hui, Duke of Han, to sound him out; Jiong accepted with delight and said, "I am ready to serve at your bidding. Even if the enterprise fails, I will not flinch from the destruction of my whole house. He was thereupon appointed Recorder of the princely establishment. Chief Administrator Zheng Yi and Marshal Liu Fang had both been kept at a distance for their excesses; the emperor relied on Jiong ever more closely and made him his trusted inner counselor. When Yuwen Yong rebelled, the emperor sent Wei Xiaokuan against him; the army reached Heyang, yet no commander would lead the advance. Finding the commanders divided, the emperor appointed Cui Zhongfang to supervise them, but Zhongfang pleaded that his father was still in Shandong. When Jiong saw that Liu Fang, Zheng Yi, and the others had no wish to march, he offered to go himself, which accorded perfectly with the emperor's intent. The moment he received the commission he departed, sending word to his mother that one cannot serve both filial piety and loyalty, and set off down the road in tears. At the front he threw a bridge across the Qin River; the enemy loosed fire-rafts from upstream, but Jiong had already built earthen barriers against them. After crossing he burned the bridge and fought, routing the enemy decisively. On the army's return he was feasted in the private apartments, and the emperor pulled aside the imperial curtain and gave it to him. He was promoted to Pillar of State, made Duke of Yining, transferred to Marshal of the chancellor's office, and his trust grew still heavier. When the emperor took the throne, Jiong was made Left Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs and Master of Writings, and enfeoffed as Duke of Bohai. None at court could stand beside him; the emperor always addressed him as Dugu, never by his given name. Jiong pretended to withdraw from power, memorialized to resign, and yielded his place to Su Wei. The emperor wished to burnish his reputation and permitted him to step down as vice director. A few days later the emperor said, "Su Wei held himself aloof under the previous reign, and Jiong knows how to elevate the capable. I have heard that promoting talent merits the highest reward; how could I let him go? He then ordered Jiong back to his post. Before long he was made General-in-Chief of the Left Guard while retaining his other offices. When the Turks repeatedly raided the borders, an edict sent Jiong to hold the frontier in check. On his return he was rewarded with a hundred horses and herds of cattle and sheep numbering in the thousands. He directed construction of the new capital, and much of its institutional design came from him. Each day Jiong heard cases beneath the northern locust at the audience hall; because the tree did not align with the official rows, the clerks prepared to fell it. The emperor expressly forbade its removal, as a sign for posterity. Such was the esteem in which he was held. He was again made General-in-Chief of the Left Army. His remaining offices were unchanged. When his mother died he left office; within twenty days he was ordered back to duty. Jiong wept and begged to be excused, but the emperor would not allow it.
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開皇二年,長孫覽、元景山等伐陳,令熲節度諸軍。 會陳宣帝殂,熲以禮不伐喪,奏請班師。 蕭岩之叛,詔熲綏集江漢,甚得人和。 帝嘗問熲以取陳之策,熲曰:「江北地寒,田收差晚,江南土熱,水田早熟。 量彼收穫之際,微征士馬,聲言掩襲。 賊必屯兵禦守,足得廢其農時。 彼既聚兵,我更解甲,再三若此,賊以為常。 後更集兵,彼必不信,猶豫之頃,我乃濟師,登陸而戰,兵氣益倍。 又江南土薄,舍多竹茅,所有儲積,皆非地窖。 密遣行人,因風縱火,待彼修立,而更燒之。 不出數年,自可財力俱盡。」 帝用其策,由是陳人益弊。
In Kaihuang year two, when Zhangsun Lan and Yuan Jingshan marched against Chen, Jiong was placed in overall command. When Emperor Xuan of Chen died, Jiong argued that propriety forbade campaigning against a house in mourning and asked to withdraw. During Xiao Yan's rebellion an edict sent Jiong to settle the Jianghan region, where he won exceptional popular support. The emperor once asked his strategy for conquering Chen; Jiong replied, "North of the river the land is cold and the harvest late, while south of the river the soil is warm and rice ripens early. At their harvest season, raise a modest force and announce a sudden strike. The enemy will surely mass troops to defend, which will be enough to wreck their agricultural season. When they have gathered, we stand down again; repeat this several times and they will treat it as routine. When we mobilize again they will not believe us; in that moment of hesitation we cross, land, and fight with doubled spirit. Moreover, southern soil is thin and houses mostly bamboo and thatch; stores are not kept in underground vaults. Send agents secretly to set fires when the wind favors it, and when they rebuild, burn them again. Within a few years their wealth and strength will be exhausted on their own. The emperor adopted the plan, and Chen grew steadily weaker.
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九年,晉王廣大舉伐陳,以熲為無帥長史,三軍皆取斷於熲。 及陳平,晉王欲納陳主寵姬張麗華。 熲曰:「武王滅殷,戮妲己。 今平陳國,不宜取麗華。」 乃命斬之。 王甚不悅。 及軍還,以功加上柱國,進爵齊國公,賜物九千段,定食千乘縣千五百戶。 帝勞之曰:「公伐陳後,人云公反,朕已斬之。 君臣道合,非青蠅所間也。」 熲又遜位,優詔不許。
In year nine Prince Guang of Jin undertook the great conquest of Chen; Jiong served as chief clerk where no supreme commander was named, and the three armies obeyed his judgment. After Chen fell, the prince wished to take Zhang Lihua, the late ruler's favorite consort. Jiong said, "When King Wu overthrew Yin he executed Daji. Now that Chen is conquered, Lihua must not be taken. He thereupon ordered her beheaded. The prince was deeply displeased. On the army's return he was raised to Supreme Pillar of State, made Duke of Qi, rewarded with nine thousand bolts of goods, and granted fifteen hundred households in Qiansheng as his fief. The emperor praised him, saying, "After your campaign against Chen people said you had rebelled; I have already put them to death. When ruler and minister are of one mind, no whispering fly can come between them. Jiong again offered to resign; a gracious edict refused him.
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是後右衛將軍龐晃及將軍盧賁等,前後短熲於帝。 帝怒,皆被疏黜。 因謂熲曰:「獨孤公猶鏡也,每被磨瑩,皎然益明。」 未幾,尚書都事姜曄、楚州行參軍李君才並奏稱水旱不調,罪由高熲,請廢黜之。 二人俱得罪而去,親禮逾密。 帝幸并州,留熲居守。 及還,賜縑五千匹,行宮一所為莊舍。 其夫人賀拔氏寢疾,中使顧問不絕。 帝親幸其第,賜錢百萬,絹萬匹,復賜以千里馬。 嘗從容命熲與賀若弼言及平陳事,熲曰:「賀若弼先獻十策,後於蔣山苦戰破賊。 臣文吏耳,焉敢與猛將論功!」 帝大笑,時論嘉其有讓。 尋以其子表仁尚太子勇女,前後嘗賜,不可勝計。
After this Right Guard General Pang Huang, General Lu Fen, and others successively slandered Jiong to the emperor. The emperor grew angry and all were removed and cast aside. He then told Jiong, "Duke Dugu is like a mirror; every time it is polished it shines more clearly. Soon Director Jiang Ye and Acting Staff Officer Li Juncai of Chuzhou both memorialized that floods and droughts were out of season, blamed Gao Jiong, and asked that he be removed. Both were punished and dismissed, while the emperor's personal regard for Jiong grew still closer. When the emperor traveled to Bingzhou he left Jiong in charge at the capital. On his return he granted five thousand bolts of silk and one of the traveling palaces as a manor estate. When his wife Lady Heluo fell ill, palace envoys called without interruption. The emperor visited his house in person, gave a million cash and ten thousand bolts of silk, and again bestowed a horse famed for a thousand li. Once at leisure he had Jiong and He Ruo discuss the conquest of Chen; Jiong said, "He Ruo first offered ten stratagems, then fought hard at Mount Jiang and broke the enemy. I am only a civil clerk—how dare I compare achievements with fierce generals! The emperor laughed heartily, and contemporaries praised his humility. Soon his son Biaoren married the daughter of Crown Prince Yong; gifts before and after were beyond counting.
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時熒惑入太微,犯左執法。 術者劉暉私於熲曰:「天文不利宰相,可修德以禳之。」 熲不自安,以暉言奏之。 上厚加賞慰。 突厥犯塞,以熲為元帥擊破之。 又出白道,進圖入磧,遣使請兵,近臣言熲欲反,帝未有所答,熲亦破賊而還。
At that time Mars entered the Supreme Palace and struck the Left Enforcer. The diviner Liu Hui told Jiong privately, "The stars are ill for the chief minister; you should cultivate virtue to avert disaster. Uneasy, Jiong reported Hui's words to the throne. The emperor rewarded and reassured him generously. When the Turks raided the borders he was made commander-in-chief and routed them. He marched out by the White Road intending to penetrate the desert, sent to request reinforcements, and court intimates said he meant to rebel; the emperor gave no reply, and Jiong defeated the enemy and returned in any case.
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時太子勇失愛,帝潛有廢立志,謂熲曰:「晉王妃有神告之,言王必有天下。」 熲跪曰:「長幼有序,不可廢。」 遂止。 獨孤皇后知熲不可奪,陰欲去之。 初,熲夫人卒,後言於帝曰:「高僕射老矣,而喪夫人,陛下何以不為之娶?」 帝以後言告熲,熲流涕謝曰:「臣今已老,退朝唯齋居讀佛經而已。 雖陛下垂哀之深,至於納室,非臣所原。」 帝乃止。 至是,熲愛妾產男,帝聞極歡,後甚不悅,曰:「陛下當復信熲邪? 始陛下欲為熲娶,熲心存愛妾,面欺陛下,今其詐已見。」 帝由是疏熲。
When Crown Prince Yong had fallen from favor the emperor secretly planned to remove him and told Jiong, "The Jin prince's consort received a divine sign that her husband would rule the realm. Jiong knelt and said, "Senior and junior have a fixed order that must not be overturned." The plan was abandoned. Empress Dugu knew Jiong could not be moved and secretly sought to remove him. Earlier, after Jiong's wife died, the empress later said to the emperor, "Vice Director Gao is aged and bereaved—why not arrange a marriage for him? The emperor repeated the empress's words; Jiong wept and declined, saying, "I am old now; after court I only fast and read Buddhist sutras. However deep your kindness, taking another wife is not what I wish. The emperor let the matter drop. About then Jiong's favorite concubine gave birth to a son; the emperor was delighted, but the empress was deeply displeased and said, "Will Your Majesty ever trust Jiong again? You once meant to arrange a marriage for him, yet he cherished his concubine and lied to your face; now his deceit stands exposed. From that point the emperor kept Jiong at arm's length.
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會議伐遼東,熲固諫不可。 帝不從,以熲為元帥長史,從漢王征遼東,遇霖潦疾疫,不利而還。 後言於帝曰:「熲初不欲行,陛上強之,妾固知其無功矣。」 又帝以漢王年少,專委軍於熲。 熲以任寄隆重,每懷至公,無自疑意。 諒所言多不用,因甚銜之。 及還,諒泣言於後曰:「免熲殺,幸矣!」 帝聞,彌不平。 俄而上柱國王積以罪誅,當推覆之際,乃有禁中事,雲於熲處得之。 帝欲成熲罪,聞此大驚。 時上柱國賀若弼、吳州總管宇文幹、刑部尚書薛胄、戶部尚書斛律孝卿、兵部尚書柳述等明熲無罪,帝愈怒,皆以之屬吏。 自是朝臣莫敢言。 熲竟坐免,以公就第。
When the court debated an expedition to Liaodong, Jiong argued firmly against it. The emperor would not listen, appointed Jiong chief clerk on the campaign, and sent him with Prince Han against Liaodong; floods, disease, and rain ruined the effort and the army came back defeated. Later the empress told the emperor, "Jiong never wanted to march; you forced him—I knew from the start he would fail. The emperor moreover, thinking the prince young, placed the whole army under Jiong's control. Jiong, feeling the burden of trust, strove for absolute impartiality and harbored no private doubt. Most of the prince's words went unheeded, and he came to resent Jiong bitterly. On the return the prince wept to the empress, "That Jiong was not executed is our good luck! The emperor heard this and grew still angrier. Before long Supreme Pillar Wang Ji was put to death for crime; during the inquiry a palace matter surfaced, said to have come from Jiong's household. The emperor meant to fix guilt on Jiong and was startled by the discovery. Then He Ruo, Yuwen Gan of Wuzhou, Xue Zhou, Hulu Xiaqing, Liu Shu, and others declared Jiong innocent; the emperor only grew angrier and sent them all to the law officers. After that no one at court dared speak up. Jiong was at last dismissed and lived at his manor as a duke in name only.
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未幾,帝幸秦王俊第,召熲侍宴。 熲歔欷悲不自勝,獨孤皇后亦對之泣,左右皆流涕。 帝謂曰:「朕不負公,公自負朕也。」 因謂侍臣曰:「我于高熲勝兒子,雖或不見,常似目前。 自其解落,瞑然忘之,如本無高熲。 不可以身要君,自雲第一也。」 頃之,熲國令上熲陰事,稱:「其子表仁謂熲曰:「昔司馬仲達初托疾不朝,遂有天下。 公今遇此,安知非福?」 於是帝大怒,囚熲于內史省而鞫之。 憲司復奏熲他事,云:「沙門真覺嘗謂熲曰:'明年國有大喪。 '尼令暉復云:'十七、八年,皇帝有大厄。 十九年不可過。」 帝聞益怒,顧謂群臣曰:「帝王豈可力求。 孔丘以大聖之才,作法垂于後代,甯不欲大位邪? 天命不可耳。 熲與子言,自比晉帝,此何心乎?」 有司請斬之,帝曰:「去年殺虞慶則,今茲斬王積,如更誅熲,天下謂我何!」 於是除熲名。 初,熲為僕射,其母誡之曰:「汝富貴已極,但有斫頭耳,爾其慎之!」 熲由是常恐禍變。 及此,熲歡然無恨色,以為得免禍。
Soon the emperor visited Prince Jun of Qin and summoned Jiong to the feast. Jiong wept beyond control; Empress Dugu wept with him, and everyone present wept. The emperor said, "I have not failed you—you have failed me. He told the court, "Toward Gao Jiong I am more than to a son; though I may not see him, he is always before my eyes. Since his dismissal I forget him in sleep, as though Gao Jiong never existed. No man may hold the sovereign hostage by his person and boast that he comes first. Soon the director of Jiong's household reported private matters, saying his son Biaoren had told Jiong, "When Sima Yi first feigned illness and stayed from court, he eventually took the realm. You meet the same circumstance now—who says it may not be fortune? The emperor flew into rage and imprisoned Jiong in the palace secretariat for interrogation. The judicial office reported further charges, that the monk Zhenjue had told Jiong, "Next year the state will mourn greatly. The nun Linghui also said, "In the seventeenth and eighteenth years the emperor will face great disaster. The nineteenth year he cannot survive." Hearing this the emperor grew still angrier and said to the court, "Can an emperor seize the throne by force? Confucius, greatest of sages, framed laws for posterity—did he not desire supreme power? Heaven's mandate could not be grasped. Jiong and his son spoke and likened themselves to Jin emperors—what heart is this? The judges asked for execution; the emperor said, "Last year I killed Yu Qingze, this year Wang Ji—if I kill Jiong too, what will the world say?" He therefore struck Jiong's name from the registers. When Jiong was vice director his mother warned him, "Your wealth and rank are at their height—only the headsman's block remains; take care!" From then on Jiong lived in constant fear of ruin. Now he accepted it gladly without bitterness, believing he had escaped disaster.
13
熲有文武大略,明達政務。 及蒙任寄之後,竭誠盡節,進引貞良,發天下為己任。 蘇威、楊素、賀若弼、韓禽等皆熲所薦,各盡其用,為一代名臣。 自余立功立事者,不可勝數。 當朝執政將二十年,朝野推服,物無異議,時致升平,熲之力也。 論者以為真宰相。 及誅,天下入不傷惜,至今稱冤不已。 所有奇策良謀及損益時政,熲皆削稿,代無知者。
Jiong possessed great civil and military vision and a clear grasp of administration. Once entrusted with power he gave absolute loyalty, promoted the upright, and took the empire as his personal charge. Su Wei, Yang Su, He Ruo, Han Qin, and others were all Jiong's recommendations; each served to the full and became ministers of renown. Others who won merit and office under him are beyond counting. For nearly twenty years he governed the court; all bowed to him, the realm was without dissent, and an age of peace approached—this was Jiong's doing. Men called him a true prime minister. When he died the world did not lightly forget him; to this day men call his fate a lasting wrong. His subtle plans and reforms he destroyed in draft, so the age never knew them.
14
子盛道,位莒州刺史,徙柳城卒。 道弟弘德,封應國公,晉王記室; 次弟表仁,勃海郡公。 徒蜀郡。
His son Shengdong was Governor of Ju and died in exile at Liucheng. His younger brother Hongde was Duke of Ying and recorder to the Prince of Jin; the next, Biaoren, Duke of Bohai. The family was banished to Shu.
15
牛弘,字裏仁,安定鶉觚人也。 其先嘗避難,改姓遼氏。 祖熾,本郡中正。 父元,魏侍中、工部尚書、臨涇公,復姓牛氏。 弘在繈褓,有相者見之,謂其父曰:「此兒當貴,善愛養之。」 及長,須貌甚偉,性寬裕,好學博聞。 仕周,歷位中外府記室、內史上士、納言上士,專掌文翰,修起居注。 後襲封臨涇公,轉內史下大夫、儀同三司。 開皇初,授散騎常侍、秘書監。 弘以典籍遺逸,上表請開獻書之路,曰:
Niu Hong, courtesy name Liren, came from Zhegu in Anding. His forebears once fled trouble and took the surname Liao. His grandfather Chi was local rectifier of the commandery. His father Yuan under Wei was Attendant-in-Ordinary, Minister of Works, and Duke of Linjing, and restored the surname Niu. As an infant a physiognomist told his father, "This boy will rise high; raise him with care. Grown, he was imposing in stature, magnanimous, studious, and widely read. Under Zhou he served as recorder in central and outer offices, superior scribe and remonstrance master of writings, handling documents and editing the imperial diary. He later inherited the dukedom of Linjing, then became junior grand master of the secretariat and a Pillar of State. At the opening of Kaihuang he was made Regular Attendant and Director of the Palace Library. Seeing the classics lost and scattered, Hong memorialized to open a channel for submitting books, writing:
16
昔周德既衰,舊經紊棄。 孔子以大聖之才,開素王之業,憲章祖述,制《禮》刊《詩》,正五始而修《春秋》,闡《十翼》而弘《易》道。 及秦皇馭宇,吞滅諸侯,先王墳籍,掃地皆盡。 此則書之一厄也。 漢興,建藏書之策,置校書之官。 至孝成之代,遣謁者陳農求遺書於天下,詔劉向父子讎校篇籍。 漢之典文,于斯為盛。 及王莽之末,並從焚燼。 此則書之二厄也。 光武嗣興,尤重經誥,未及下車,先求文雅。 至肅宗親臨講肄,和帝數幸書林,其蘭台、石室、鴻都、東觀,秘牒填委,更倍於前。 及孝獻移都,吏人擾亂,圖書縑帛,皆取為帷囊。 所收而西,載七十餘乘,屬西京大亂,一時燔蕩。 此則書之三厄也。 魏文代漢,更集經典,皆藏在秘書,內外三閣,遣秘書郎鄭默刪定舊文,論者美其硃紫有別。 晉氏承之,文籍尤廣。 晉秘書監荀勖定魏《內經》,更著《新簿》。 屬劉、石馮陵,從而失墜。 此則書之四厄也。 永嘉之後,寇竊競興,其建國立家,雖傳名號,憲章禮樂,寂滅無聞。 劉裕平姚,收其圖籍,《五經》子史,才四千卷,皆赤軸青紙,文字古拙,並歸江左。 宋秘書丞王儉依劉氏《七略》,撰為《七志》。 梁人阮孝緒亦為《七錄》。 總其書數,三萬餘卷。 及侯景度江,破滅梁室,秘省經籍,雖從兵火,其文德殿內書史,宛然猶存。 蕭繹據有江陵,遣將破平侯景,收文德之書及公私典籍重本七萬餘卷,悉送荊州。 及周師入郢,繹悉焚之於外城,所收十才一二。 此則書之五厄也。
When Zhou virtue waned, the ancient canon fell into disorder and was cast aside. Confucius, with a sage's power, undertook the work of the uncrowned king, modeled his ancestors, shaped the Rites, edited the Odes, fixed the Spring and Autumn, and opened the Ten Wings to spread the Changes. When Qin's First Emperor seized the realm he swallowed the feudal lords and swept away the tombs and records of former kings. That was the first disaster for books. When Han rose it founded libraries and established collators of texts. Under Emperor Cheng, Chen Nong was sent to seek lost books across the empire, and Liu Xiang and his son were ordered to collate them. Han canonical literature then reached its height. At the end of Wang Mang's reign they were burned. That was the second disaster. When Guangwu succeeded he prized the classics; before he left his carriage he sought fine literature. When Emperor Suzong lectured in person and Emperor He often visited the book halls, the Orchid Terrace, Stone Chamber, Hongdu, and Eastern Observatory overflowed with archives, more than twice the former store. When Emperor Xian moved the capital, clerks and people rioted; books and silk were seized for curtains and sacks. What was gathered and sent west filled seventy carts; when the Western Capital collapsed, the whole train was burned. That was the third disaster. When Wei Emperor Wen replaced Han he gathered the canon again in the Secretariat's three pavilions; Zheng Mo edited the old texts, and critics praised the clarity of his distinctions. Jin inherited this, and its records grew especially vast. Jin library director Xun Xu fixed the Wei Inner Classic and compiled a New Bibliography. When Liu and Shi raided in turn, the collection was lost. That was the fourth disaster. After Yongjia, brigands rose everywhere; though states kept names, ritual and music vanished without trace. When Liu Yu conquered Yao he seized their books; the Five Classics and histories totaled four thousand scrolls on red shafts and blue paper, archaic in script, and all went south of the Yangtze. Song secretariat gentleman Wang Jian followed Liu's Seven Summaries and made the Seven Treatises. Liang's Ruan Xiaoxu likewise compiled the Seven Records. Together their holdings exceeded thirty thousand scrolls. When Hou Jing crossed the Yangtze he ruined Liang; palace classics burned with the armies, yet the Hall of Literary Virtue's books largely survived. Xiao Yi held Jiangling, broke Hou Jing, and gathered duplicate classics from the literary hall and public and private collections—more than seventy thousand scrolls—and sent them to Jingzhou. When Zhou armies entered Ying, Yi burned them outside the wall; barely one scroll in ten survived. That was the fifth disaster.
17
後魏爰自幽方,遷宅伊洛,日不暇給,經籍闕如。 周氏創基關右,戎車未息。 保定之始,書止八千,後加收集,方盈萬卷。 高氏據有山東,初亦採訪,驗其本目,殘闕猶多。 及東夏初平,獲其經史,四部重雜,三萬餘卷。 所益舊書,五千而已。 今禦出單本,合一萬五千餘卷,部帙之間,仍有殘缺。 比梁之舊目,止有其半。 至於陰陽《河洛》之篇,醫方圖譜之說,彌復為少。
Later Wei rose from the north and moved to Yiluo; pressed for time, the canon was thin. Zhou founded itself in Guanzhong while war never ceased. At Baoding's start there were only eight thousand scrolls; later collection barely reached ten thousand. Gao held Shandong and at first sought books too, yet his catalog showed vast gaps. When eastern Xia fell, his armies captured thirty thousand scrolls in four tangled departments. Added to the old stock, only five thousand were new. Today the imperial separate holdings exceed fifteen thousand scrolls, yet gaps remain between sections. Compared with Liang's old catalog, there is barely half. Works on the River Chart, medicine, and illustrated atlases are scarcer still.
18
臣以經書自仲尼迄今,數遭五厄,興集之期,屬膺聖代。 今秘藏見書,亦足披覽,但一時載籍,須令大備。 不可王府所無,私家乃有。 若猥發明詔,兼開購賞,則異典必致,觀閣斯積。
From Confucius to today the canon has suffered five calamities; the hour to gather it again is this sage reign. The palace collection suffices for reading, yet the age's records must be made whole. The imperial library must not lack what private homes hold. If Your Majesty issues a broad edict and opens purchase rewards, rare texts will come and the viewing halls will fill.
19
上納之,於是下詔,獻書一卷,賚縑一疋。 一二年間,篇籍稍備。 進爵奇章公。
The emperor accepted the proposal and decreed one bolt of silk for every scroll submitted. Within a year or two the holdings were largely restored. He was enfeoffed as Duke of Qizhang.
20
三年,拜禮部尚書,奉敕修撰《五禮》,勒成百卷,行於當代。 弘請依古制,修立明堂,上議曰:
In year three he became Minister of Rites and compiled the Five Rites in a hundred scrolls that became the standard of the age. Hong asked to restore the Bright Hall by ancient precedent and memorialized as follows:
21
竊謂明堂者,所以通神靈,感天地,出教化,崇有德。 黃帝曰合宮,堯曰五府,舜曰總章,布政興教,由來尚矣。 《周官考工記》曰:「夏後氏代室,堂脩二七,廣四脩一。」 鄭玄注云:「脩十四步,其廣益以四分脩之一,則廣十七步半也。」 「殷人重屋,堂脩七尋,四阿重屋。」 鄭云:「其脩七尋,廣九尋也。」 「周人明堂,度九尺之筵,南北七筵。 五室,凡室二筵。」 鄭玄云:「此三者,或舉宗廟,或舉王寢,或舉明堂,互言之明其制同也。」 馬融、王肅、干寶所注,與鄭亦異,今不具出。 漢司徒馬宮議云「夏後氏代室,室顯於堂,故命以室。 殷人重屋,屋顯於堂,故命以屋。 周人明堂,堂大於夏室,故命以堂。 夏後氏益其堂之廣百四十四尺,周人明堂,以為兩序間大夏後氏七十二尺。」 若據鄭玄之說,則夏室大於周堂,如依馬宮之言,則周堂大於夏室。 後王轉文,周大為是。 但宮之所言,未詳其義。 此皆去聖久遠,《禮》文殘缺,先儒解說,家異人殊。 鄭注《玉藻》亦云:「宗廟路寢,與明堂同制。」 《王制》曰:「寢不逾廟,明大小是同」。 今依鄭注,每室及堂,止有一丈八尺,四壁之外,四尺有餘。 若以宗廟論之,袷享之日,周人旅酬六屍,並後褷為七,先公昭穆二屍,先王昭穆二屍,合十一屍,三十六主,及君北面行事於二丈之堂,愚不及此。 若以正寢論之,便須朝宴。 據《燕禮》:「諸侯宴則賓及卿大夫脫屨升坐。」 是知天子宴,則三公九卿並升堂。 《燕義》又云:「席小卿次上卿。」 言皆侍席。 止於二筵之間,豈得行禮? 若以明堂論之,總享之時,五帝各於其室。 設青帝之位,須於木室內少北西面。 太昊從食,坐於其西,近南北面。 祖宗配享者,又于青帝南,稍退西面。 丈八之室,神位有三,加以簠簋豆籩,牛羊之俎,四海九州美物咸設,復須席上升歌,出樽反坫,揖讓升降,亦以隘矣。 據茲而說,近是不然。 案劉向別錄及馬宮、祭邕等所見,當時有《古文明堂禮》、《王居明堂禮》、《明堂圖》、《明堂大圖》、《明堂陰陽》、《太山通義》、《魏文侯孝經傳》等,並說古明堂事。 其書皆亡,莫得而正。 今《明堂月令》者,鄭玄雲是呂不韋著,《春秋十二紀》之首章,禮家鈔合為記。 祭邕、王肅雲周公作,《周書》有《月令》第五十三,即此也。 各有證明,文多不載。 束皙以為夏時書。 劉瓛云:「不韋鳩集儒者,尋于聖王月令之事而記之。 不韋安能獨為此記?」 今案不得全稱周書,亦不可即為秦典,其內雜有虞、夏、殷之法,皆聖王仁恕之政也。 蔡邕具為章名,又論之曰:「明堂所以宗祀其祖,以配上帝也。」 夏後氏曰代室,殷人曰重屋,周人曰明堂。 東曰青陽,南曰明堂,西曰總章,北曰玄堂,內曰太室。 聖人南面而聽,響明而治,人君之位莫不正焉。 故雖有五名,而主以明堂也。 制度之數,各有所依。 方一百四十四尺,坤之策也,屋圓楣徑二百一十六尺,乾之策也。 太廟明堂方六丈,通天屋徑九丈,陰陽九六之變,且圓蓋方覆,九六之道也。 八闥以象卦,九室以象州,十二宮應日辰。 三十六戶,七十二牖,以四戶八牖乘九宮之數也。 戶皆外設而不閉,示天下以不藏也。 通天屋高八十一尺,黃鐘九九之實也。 二十八柱布四方,四方七宿之象也。 堂高三尺,以應三統,四向五色,各象其行。 水闊二十四丈,象二十四氣,於外,以象四海。 王者之大禮也。」 觀其模範天地,則象陰陽,必據古文,義不虛出。 今若直取《考工》,不參《月令》,青陽總章之號不得而稱,九月享帝之禮不得而用。 漢代二京所建,與此說悉同。
The Bright Hall, I hold, joins spirits to men, moves heaven and earth, issues transforming teaching, and honors the worthy. The Yellow Emperor named it the Harmonious Palace, Yao the Five Mansions, Shun the General Banner; to proclaim government and foster teaching has been honored since antiquity. The Zhou Artificers' Record says, "The Xia Replacement Hall had a hall length of seven double units, width four plus one-fourth of the length. Zheng Xuan notes, "Fourteen paces in length; width adds one-fourth of the length, making seventeen and a half paces wide." The Yin Layered Roof hall was seven xun long, with four eaves and a double roof." Zheng says, "Seven xun in length, nine in width." The Zhou Bright Hall used nine-foot mats; seven mats north to south. Five chambers, each two mats wide." Zheng Xuan says these three names—ancestral temple, royal apartments, or Bright Hall—are interchangeable, showing one underlying design. Ma Rong, Wang Su, and Gan Bao also differ from Zheng; their views are omitted here for brevity. Han Minister Ma Gong argued, "Xia called it Replacement Hall because the chamber stands clear of the hall. Yin called it Layered Roof because the roof stands clear of the hall. Zhou called it Bright Hall because the hall exceeds the Xia chamber. Xia widened the hall to one hundred forty-four feet; Zhou made the space between side corridors equal to Xia's seventy-two-foot hall. By Zheng Xuan the Xia chamber exceeds the Zhou hall; by Ma Gong the Zhou hall exceeds the Xia chamber. Later kings revised the texts; Zhou's larger measure is authoritative. Yet Ma Gong's account does not explain the rationale fully. All lie far from the sages; ritual texts are broken, and earlier commentators disagree from school to school. Zheng's note on Jade Ornaments also says the ancestral temple and the road apartments share the Bright Hall's form. Royal Regulations says, "Apartments do not exceed the temple," showing the scale is meant to be one. On Zheng's reckoning each chamber and hall is only eighteen feet square, with barely four feet beyond the walls. For the ancestral temple, on the great combined sacrifice Zhou sets six corpse-figures plus the rear canopy—eleven in all with thirty-six tablets—while the ruler faces north in a hall only twenty feet wide; I cannot see how that fits. For the principal apartments, court audiences and banquets are required. Banquet Rites says feudal lords' feasts bring guests and ministers shoeless to their seats. Hence at the Son of Heaven's banquet the Three Excellencies and nine ministers all mount the hall. Banquet Meaning adds, "Lesser ministers' mats follow the greater. All attend at their mats. Within only two mats' space, how can ritual be performed? For the Bright Hall, at the general offering each of the Five Thearchs has his chamber. The Green Thearch's seat must stand in the Wood Chamber, slightly north and facing west. Taihao shares the offering west of him, nearly facing north-south. Ancestors paired in the offering sit south of the Green Thearch, withdrawn and facing west. An eighteen-foot chamber holds three spirit seats, plus vessels, sacrificial meats, tribute from all realms, singers on the mats, wine jars and stands, and the full round of bows—there is no room. On these grounds the small measure simply will not serve. Liu Xiang's catalog and texts seen by Ma Gong, Cai Yong, and others list Ancient Bright Hall Rites, Royal Dwelling Rites, diagrams, Yin-Yang treatises, Mount Tai meanings, and Wei Wenhou's Filial Classic—all on the ancient hall. Those books are lost beyond recovery. The Bright Hall Monthly Ordinance—Zheng Xuan attributes it to Lü Buwei as the opening of his Twelve Records, stitched together by later ritualists. Cai Yong and Wang Su credit the Duke of Zhou; Zhou Documents chapter fifty-three is the same text. Each view has evidence; most citations are omitted here. Shu Xi held it for a Xia document. Liu Xuan said, "Buwei assembled scholars to recover the sage-kings' monthly ordinances and record them. Buwei alone could not have invented the whole record. It cannot be called purely Zhou Documents, nor simply a Qin classic; it mingles Yu, Xia, and Yin methods—the benevolent policies of sage-kings. Cai Yong listed the chapter titles and wrote, "The Bright Hall honors ancestors in sacrifice paired with Supreme God. Xia named it Replacement Hall, Yin Layered Roof, Zhou Bright Hall. East was Green Yang, south Bright Hall, west General Banner, north Dark Hall, center Great Chamber. The sage listens facing south, governing in luminous clarity; no royal posture stands outside this frame. Though five names exist, Bright Hall remains the chief name. Each measure of the design rests on a principle. The square of one hundred forty-four feet follows Kun's number; the round roof with ridge diameter two hundred sixteen follows Qian's. Great temple and hall six zhang square, penetrating roof nine zhang round—the play of yin and yang in nine and six, round heaven covering square earth. Eight gates mirror the trigrams, nine chambers the provinces, twelve palaces the hours of the day. Thirty-six doors and seventy-two windows multiply four doors and eight windows by the nine palaces. Doors open outward and never shut, showing the realm that nothing is concealed. The penetrating roof rises eighty-one feet—the fullness of Yellow Bell's nine-times-nine. Twenty-eight pillars in the four quarters image the seven lodges of each direction. Hall height three feet answers the three cosmic sequences; four sides in five colors image the elements. Water twenty-four zhang wide images the twenty-four seasons and, outward, the four seas. Such is the king's supreme rite. Modeling heaven and earth and imaging yin and yang, it must rest on ancient authority—not on empty invention. If one took only the Artificers' Record without the Monthly Ordinance, names like Green Yang and General Banner would fail, and the ninth-month thearch offering could not be performed. Han builds at the two capitals followed this theory in full.
22
建安之後,海內大亂,魏氏三方未平,無聞興造。 晉則侍中裴頠議「直為一殿,以崇嚴父之祀,其餘雜碎,一皆除之。」 宋、齊已還,咸率茲禮,前王盛事,於是不行。 後魏代都所造,也自李沖,三三相重,合為九屋。 簷不覆基,房間通街,穿鑿處多,迄無可取。 及遷洛陽,更加營構,五九紛競,遂至不成。 宗祀之事,於焉靡托。
After Jian'an the empire collapsed; Wei had not pacified its three regions, and no building is recorded. Jin's Pei Wei argued for a single hall to exalt the father's sacrifice and to cut all other clutter. From Song and Qi onward courts followed that reduced rite, and the former kings' great enterprise lapsed. Later Wei's capital hall, by Li Chong, stacked threes into nine roofs. Eaves failed to cover the base, rooms opened onto streets, and piercings abounded—nothing in it could be adopted. After the move to Luoyang construction resumed, but five-nine disputes left the work unfinished. Ancestral rites thus lacked a home.
23
今皇猷遐闡,化覃海外,方建大禮,垂之無窮。 弘等不以庸虛,謬當議限。 今檢明堂必須五室者何? 《尚書帝命驗》曰:「帝者承天立五府,赤曰文祖,黃曰神鬥,白曰顯紀,黑曰玄矩,蒼曰靈府。」 鄭玄注曰:「五府與周明堂同矣。」 且三代相沿,多有損益,至於五室,確然不變。 夫室以祭天,天實有五,若立九室,四無所用。 布政視朔,自依其辰。 鄭司農云:「十二月分在青陽等左右之位」,不雲居室。 鄭玄亦云「每月于其時之堂而聽政焉。」 《禮圖》畫個,皆在堂偏,是以須為五室。 明堂必須上圓下方者何? 《孝經援神契》曰:「明堂者,上圓下方,八窗四達,布政之宮。」 《禮記盛德篇》曰:「明堂四戶八牖,上圓下方。」 是以須為圓方。 明堂必須重屋者何? 案《考工記》,夏言「九階,四旁兩夾窗,門堂三之二,室三之一。」 殷、周不言者,明一同夏制。 殷言「四阿重屋,」周承其後不言屋,制亦盡同可知也。 其「殷人重屋」之下,本無五室之文。 鄭注云:「五室者,亦據夏以知之。」 明周不雲重屋,因殷則有,灼然可見。 《禮記明堂位》曰:「太廟,天子明堂。」 言魯為周公之故,得用天子禮樂,魯之太廟,與周之明堂同。 又曰:「復廟重簷,刮楹達響,天子之廟飾。」 鄭注:「復廟,重屋也。」 據廟既重屋,明堂亦不疑矣。 《春秋》文公十三年,太室屋壞,《五行志》曰:「前堂曰太廟,中央曰太室,屋其上重者也。」 服虔亦云「太室,太廟之上屋也。」 《周書·作洛篇》曰:「乃立太廟宗宮路寢明堂,咸有四阿反坫,重亢重廊。」 孔晁注云:「重亢,累棟; 重廊,累屋也。」 依《黃圖》所載,漢之宗廟皆為重屋。 此去古猶近,遺法尚存,是以須為重屋。 明堂必須為辟雍者何? 《禮記盛德篇》云:「明堂者,明諸侯尊卑也。 外水曰辟雍。」 《明堂陰陽錄》曰:「明堂之制,周圜行水,左旋以象天,內有太室,以象紫宮。」 此則明堂有水之明文也。 然馬宮、王肅以為明堂、辟雍、太學同處,蔡邕、盧植亦以為明堂、靈台、辟雍、太學同實異名。 邕云:「明堂者,取其宗祀之清貌,則謂之清廟,取其正室,則曰太室,取其堂,則曰明堂,取其四門之學,則曰太學,取其周水圜如璧,則曰辟雍,其實一也。」 其言別者,《五經通義》曰:「靈台以望氣,明堂以布政,辟雍以養老教學。」 三者不同。 袁准、鄭玄亦以為別。 歷代所疑,豈能輒定? 今據《郊祀志》云:「欲為明堂,未曉其制。 濟南人公玉帶上黃帝時《明堂圖》,一殿無壁,蓋之以茅,水圜宮垣,天子從之。」 以此而言,其來則久。 漢中元二年,起明堂、辟雍、靈台於洛陽,並別處。 然明堂並有璧水,李尤明堂銘曰「流水洋洋」是也。 以此須有辟雍。
Now the royal design spreads far and transforming power reaches the seas; the great rites are being raised for endless posterity. Hong and his colleagues, unworthy as we are, have been charged with this deliberation. Why must the Bright Hall have five chambers? Documents, Emperor's Command Verification says, "The emperor receives heaven and raises five mansions: red Literary Ancestor, yellow Spirit Dipper, white Manifest Record, black Dark Frame, green Spirit Mansion. Zheng Xuan notes, "The five mansions match Zhou's Bright Hall." Three dynasties altered many measures, yet five chambers remained fixed. Chambers sacrifice to heaven, and heaven has five faces; nine chambers would leave four unused. Government and new-moon observances follow their seasons. Zheng the ritual director says the twelve months sit in Green Yang and related positions—not in dwelling chambers. Zheng Xuan also says, "Each month government is conducted in that season's hall. Ritual diagrams place the figures along the hall sides; hence five chambers are required. Why must the hall be round above and square below? Filial Classic, Divine Contract says, "The Bright Hall is round above, square below, eight windows and four openings—the palace of government. Rites, Abundant Virtue says, "Four doors, eight windows, round above and square below." Round and square are therefore required. Why must it have a double roof? The Artificers' Record has Xia with nine steps, flanking windows, gate-hall two-thirds and chambers one-third. Yin and Zhou are silent, showing they followed Xia alike. Yin speaks of four-eaved layered roofs; Zhou inherits without naming roofs—yet the form is the same. Under "Yin layered roof" there was originally no mention of five chambers. Zheng notes five chambers are inferred from Xia. Zhou does not name the layered roof, yet inherits it from Yin—this is plain. Rites, Bright Hall Position says, "The Great Temple is the Son of Heaven's Bright Hall. Lu, honoring the Duke of Zhou, used royal ritual; Lu's Great Temple equaled Zhou's Bright Hall. It also says, "Double temple, layered eaves, scraped pillars carrying sound—the Son of Heaven's temple ornament. Zheng notes, "Double temple means layered roof." If temples already had layered roofs, the Bright Hall surely did as well. Spring and Autumn records that in Duke Wen's thirteenth year the Great Chamber roof fell; the Five Elements Annals explains, "The front hall is the Great Temple, the center the Great Chamber—the layered structure above. Fu Qian likewise said the Great Chamber was the roof-structure over the Great Temple. Making of Luo in Zhou Documents says they raised Great Temple, Ancestral Palace, Road Apartments, and Bright Hall, all with four eaves, jar-stands, and double beams and corridors. Kong Chao notes, "Layered ridge-beams mean piled beams; layered corridors mean piled roofs. The Yellow Diagram shows Han ancestral temples all as layered roofs. That age still lay near antiquity and preserved the old method—hence the layered roof is required. Why must the Bright Hall include a Ring Moat? Rites, Abundant Virtue says the Bright Hall clarifies feudal lords' ranks. The outer water is called the Ring Moat. Bright Hall Yin-Yang Record says the design runs water in a circle, turning left to image heaven, with a Great Chamber within imaging the Purple Palace. This is explicit testimony that the Bright Hall had water. Ma Gong and Wang Su placed Bright Hall, Ring Moat, and Imperial Academy together; Cai Yong and Lu Zhi treated Bright Hall, Spirit Terrace, Ring Moat, and Academy as one institution under many names. Cai Yong wrote, "From its role in ancestral sacrifice it is the Clear Temple; as main chamber, Great Chamber; as hall, Bright Hall; as four-gate school, Imperial Academy; as encircling water like a jade disk, Ring Moat—yet it is one building. Others separated them: Five Classics Comprehensive Meaning says the Spirit Terrace observed qi, the Bright Hall issued government, the Ring Moat nourished the aged and taught. These three were distinct. Yuan Zhun and Zheng Xuan also treated them as separate. Generations have disputed the point—how can we decide rashly? The Record of Suburban Sacrifices says that when the court wished to build a Bright Hall it did not know the design. Gongyu Dai of Jinan presented the Yellow Emperor's Bright Hall Diagram—a hall without walls, thatched roof, water encircling the wall—and the emperor followed it. By this account the tradition is very old. In Han Zhongyuan year two the Bright Hall, Ring Moat, and Spirit Terrace were raised at Luoyang in separate locations. Yet the Bright Hall also had jade-water; Li You's inscription says "the flowing waters wide"—that is the evidence. Hence a Ring Moat is required.
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今造明堂,須以禮經為本。 形制依于周法,度數取於《月令》,遺闕之處,參以餘書,庶使該詳沿革之理。 其五室九階,上圓下方,四阿重屋,四旁兩門,依《考工記》、《孝經》說。 堂方一百四十四尺,屋圓楣徑二百一十六尺,太室方六丈,通天屋徑九丈,八闥二十八柱,堂高三尺,四向五色,依《周書月令》論。 殿垣方在內,水周如外,水內徑三百步,依《太山》、《盛德記》、《觀禮經》。 仰觀俯察,皆有則象,足以盡誠上帝,祗配祖宗,弘風布教,作范於後矣。
Today's Bright Hall must take the ritual classics as foundation. Its form should follow Zhou law, its measures the Monthly Ordinance, and gaps should be filled from other books so the history of the institution is fully traced. Five chambers, nine steps, round above and square below, four-eaved layered roof, and two gates on each side follow the Artificers' Record and Filial Classic. A hall one hundred forty-four feet square, round roof two hundred sixteen across, Great Chamber six zhang square, penetrating roof nine zhang round, eight gates and twenty-eight pillars, hall three feet high and four colors in the quarters follow Zhou's Monthly Ordinance. The palace wall square within, water circling without to three hundred paces' inner diameter, follows Mount Tai, Abundant Virtue, and Observance of Rites. In every dimension it bears a cosmic pattern, enough to show full sincerity to God, pair the ancestors, spread transforming teaching, and set a model for posterity.
25
上以時事草創,未邊製作,竟寢不行。
The emperor, pressed by founding affairs, never carried the project through.
26
六年,除太常卿。 九年,詔定雅樂,又作樂府歌詞,撰定圓丘五帝凱樂,並議樂事。 弘上議云:
In year six he became Director of the Imperial Sacrifices. In year nine an edict fixed court music; he composed Music Bureau lyrics, set the Round Mound triumph for the Five Thearchs, and debated music policy. Hong memorialized as follows:
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謹案禮,五聲六律,十二管還相為宮。 《周禮》奏黃鐘,歌大呂,奏太蔟,歌應鐘,皆旋相為宮之義。 蔡邕《明堂月令章句》曰:「孟春月則太蔟為宮,姑洗為商,蕤賓為角,南呂為徵,應鐘為羽,大呂為變宮,夷則為變徵。 他月放此。」 故先王之作律呂也,所以辨天地四方陰陽之聲。 揚子雲曰:「聲生於律,律生於辰。」 故律呂配五行,通八風,曆十二辰,行十二月,迴圈轉運,義無停止。 譬如立春木王火相,立夏火王土相,季夏餘分,土王金相,立秋金王水相,立冬水王木相。 遞相為宮者,謂當其王月,名之為宮。 今若十一月不以黃鐘為宮,十三月不乙太蔟為宮,便是春木不王,夏土不相。 豈不陰陽失度,天地不通哉? 劉歆《鍾律書》云:「春宮秋律,百卉必凋; 秋宮春律,萬物必榮; 夏宮冬律,雨雹必降; 冬宮夏律,雷必發聲。」 以斯而論,誠為不易。 且律十二,今直為黃鐘一均,唯用七律,以外五律竟復何施? 恐失聖人製作本意。 故須依《禮》作還相為宮之法。
Ritual prescribes five tones, six standards, and twelve tubes cyclically generating palace modes. Offices of Zhou pairs performing Yellow Bell with singing Great Offering, performing Great Cluster with singing Responding Bell—each a cycle of palace generation. Cai Yong's Bright Hall Monthly Ordinance says, "In mid-spring Great Cluster is palace, Gu Xian merchant tone, Rui Bin angle, Southern Lu zhi, Responding Bell yu, Great Offering altered palace, Yi Ze altered zhi. Other months follow the same pattern. The sage-kings fashioned pitch pipes to distinguish the sounds of heaven, earth, quarters, and yin-yang. Yang Xiong said, "Sound arises from pitch; pitch arises from chronograms. Pitch pipes match the five phases, penetrate the eight winds, traverse twelve chronograms and twelve months in endless rotation. As at Establishment of Spring wood rules and fire assists, at Establishment of Summer fire rules and earth assists, in late summer earth rules and metal assists, at Establishment of Autumn metal rules and water assists, at Establishment of Winter water rules and wood assists. Cyclical palace generation means naming as palace the tone of the element that rules that month. If the eleventh month does not take Yellow Bell as palace and the thirteenth does not take Great Cluster, spring wood no longer rules and summer earth no longer assists. Would not yin and yang lose their measure and heaven and earth fall out of communication? Liu Xin's Bell and Pitch Book says, "Spring palace with autumn pitch—the hundred plants wither; autumn palace with spring pitch—the ten thousand things flourish; summer palace with winter pitch—hail falls; winter palace with summer pitch—thunder sounds. On this evidence the matter is truly not simple. There are twelve pitch-standards, yet today only Yellow Bell's key is used with seven tones—what becomes of the other five? That would betray the sages' original intent. Ritual therefore requires restoring cyclical palace generation.
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上曰:「不須作旋相為宮,且作黃鐘一均也。」 弘又論六十律不可行:
The emperor said, "Do not restore cyclical generation for now; keep only the Yellow Bell key. Hong argued further that the sixty pitch-standards cannot be practiced:
29
謹案《續漢書律曆志》:「元帝遣韋玄成問京房於樂府。 房對:'受學故小黃令焦延壽。 六十律相生之法:以上生下,皆三生二; 以下生上,皆三生四。 陽下生陰,陰上生陽,終於中呂,十二律畢矣。 中呂上生執始,執始下生去滅,上下相生,終於南事,六十律畢矣。 十二律之變至於六十,猶八卦之變至於六十四也。 冬至之聲,以黃鐘為宮,太蔟為商,姑洗為角,林鐘為徵,南呂為羽,應鐘為變宮,蕤賓為變徵。 此聲氣之元,五音之正也。 故各統一日。 其餘以次運行,當日者各自為宮,而商徵以類從焉。 '房又曰:'竹聲不可以度調,故作準以定數。 准之狀如瑟,長一丈而十三弦,隱間九尺,以應黃鐘之律九寸。 中央一弦,下畫分寸,以為六十律清濁之節。 '執始之類,皆房自造。 房雲受法于焦延壽,未知延壽所承也。 至元和元年,待詔候鐘律般肜上言:'官無曉六十律以准調音者。 故待詔嚴嵩,具以准法教其子宣,願召宣補學官,主調樂器。 '太史丞弘試宣十二律,其二中,其四不中,其六不知何律,宣遂罷。 自此律家莫能為准施弦。 熹平六年,東觀召典律者太子舍人張光問准意。 光等不知,歸閱舊藏,乃得其器,形制如房書,猶不能定其弦緩急,故史官能辯清濁者遂絕。 其可以相傳者,唯大榷常數及候氣而已。」 據此而論,房法漢世已不能行。 沈約《宋志》曰:「詳案古典及今音家,六十律無施于樂。」 《禮》云「十二管還相為宮」,不言六十。 《封禪書》云「大帝使素女鼓五十弦瑟而悲,破為二十五弦。」 假令六十律為樂得成,亦所不用,取大樂必易,大禮必簡之意也。
The Continued Han Treatise on Pitch and Calendars records that Emperor Yuan sent Wei Xuancheng to question Jing Fang at the Music Bureau. Fang replied, "I learned from the former Junior Yellow Director Jiao Yanshou. The sixty pitch-standards generate one another: generating downward, three becomes two; generating upward, three becomes four. Yang generates yin below, yin generates yang above, ending at Middle Lu when the twelve standards are complete. Middle Lu generates Holding Beginning above, Holding Beginning generates Removing Extinction below, until Southern Affairs completes the sixty standards. Twelve standards expanding to sixty mirror the eight trigrams expanding to sixty-four. Winter solstice sound takes Yellow Bell as palace, Great Cluster shang, Gu Xian jue, Forest Bell zhi, Southern Lu yu, Responding Bell altered palace, Rui Bin altered zhi. This is the root of sound and qi and the rectitude of the five tones. Each therefore governs one day. The rest rotate in order; on its day each becomes palace while shang and zhi follow by category. Fang also said bamboo cannot measure tuning, so he made the pitch-pipe to fix numbers. The pipe resembled a zither one zhang long with thirteen strings and a hidden span of nine feet matching Yellow Bell's nine inches. On the central string he marked inches and parts as nodes for the sixty standards' clear and muddy tones. Holding Beginning and the like were Fang's own inventions. Fang claimed Jiao Yanshou's method, but Yanshou's source is unknown. By Yuanhe year one Pan Rong, Awaiting Edicts for Bell and Pitch, wrote, "No official understands the sixty standards for pipe tuning." Yan Song therefore taught his son Xuan the full pipe method and asked that Xuan be summoned as learning officer to tune instruments. Assistant Grand Astrologer Hong tested Xuan on twelve standards: two correct, four wrong, six unrecognized—Xuan was dismissed. After that no pitch specialist could apply the pipe to strings. In Xiping year six the Eastern Pavilion summoned Zhang Guang, canonist of pitch, to explain the pipe. Guang could not explain it; the old instrument matched Fang's description, yet none could set string tension, and experts in clear and muddy pitch died out. Only the great pitch-rod's constants and qi-observation survived transmission. By this evidence Fang's method was already unworkable in Han. Shen Yue's Song Treatise says careful review shows the sixty standards have no place in music. Ritual speaks of twelve tubes cycling as palace, not sixty. Feng and Shan Record says the Great Thearch had the Plain Girl play a fifty-string zither until he broke it into twenty-five. Even if sixty standards could be made to work, they should not be used—great music must be simple and great ritual easy.
30
又議曰:
He deliberated further:
31
案《周官》云「大司樂掌成均之法。」 鄭眾注云:「均,調也。 樂師主調其音。」 《三禮義宗》稱「《周官》奏黃鐘者,用黃鐘為調,歌大呂者,用大呂為調。 奏者謂堂下四縣,歌者謂堂上所歌。 但以一祭之間,皆用二調。」 是知據宮稱調,其義一也。 明六律六呂迭相為宮,各自為調。 今見行之樂,用黃鐘之宮,乃以林鐘為調,與古典有違。 案晉內書監荀勖依典記,以五聲十二律還相為宮之法,制十二笛。 黃鐘之笛,正聲應黃鐘,下徵應林鐘,以姑洗為清角。 大呂之笛,正聲應大呂,下徵應夷則。 以外諸均,例皆如是。 然今所用林鐘,是勖下征之調。 不取其正,先用其下,於理未通,故須改之。
Offices of Zhou says, "The Grand Director of Music holds the method of completing the mean. Zheng Zhong notes, "Mean means tuning. Music masters chiefly tune the tones." Comprehensive Meaning of the Three Rites says performing Yellow Bell uses Yellow Bell as key and singing Great Offering uses Great Offering as key. Performing refers to the four banks below the hall, singing to what is sung above. Yet within one sacrifice both keys are used. Hence palace and key are one principle. Six standards and six tubes cycle as palace, each forming its own key. Present practice uses Yellow Bell palace yet Forest Bell key, contrary to the classics. Jin secretariat director Xun Xu, following canonical records, made twelve flutes by five-tone twelve-standard cyclical generation. The Yellow Bell flute's correct tone answers Yellow Bell, its lower zhi Forest Bell, with Gu Xian as clear jue. The Great Offering flute answers Great Offering in correct tone and Yi Ze in lower zhi. Other keys follow the same pattern. Yet today's Forest Bell is Xu's lower-zhi key. To prefer the lower tone over the correct is unreasonable and must be corrected.
32
上甚善其議,詔弘與姚察、許善心、何妥、虞世基等正定新樂。 是後議置明堂,詔弘條上故事,議其得失。 上甚敬重之。
The emperor approved his proposal and ordered Hong, Yao Cha, Xu Shanxin, He Tuo, Yu Shiji, and others to fix the new court music. When the court later debated building the Bright Hall, Hong was ordered to list precedents and weigh their merits. The emperor held him in the highest regard.
33
時楊素恃才矜貴,賤侮朝臣,唯見弘未嘗不改容自肅。 素將擊突厥,詣太常與弘言別。 弘送素至中門而止,素謂曰:「大將出征,故來敘別,何相送之近也?」 弘遂揖而退。 素笑曰:「奇章公可謂其智可及,其愚不可及也。」 亦不以屑懷。 尋授大將軍,拜吏部尚書。
Yang Su, proud of his talent, despised courtiers, yet always composed himself before Hong. When Yang Su was leaving to campaign against the Turks, he came to the Directorate of Sacrifices to bid Hong farewell. Hong escorted him only to the middle gate; Su said, "A field marshal departs on campaign and I came to take leave—why see me off only this far? Hong bowed and withdrew. Su laughed and said, "Duke Qizhang's wisdom one may match, but not his folly. Nor did Hong take offense. Soon he was made Great General and Minister of the Civil Service.
34
時帝又令弘與楊素、蘇威、薛道衡、許善心、虞世基、崔子發等並召諸儒,論新禮降殺輕重。 弘所立議,眾咸推服之。 及獻皇后崩,王公已不下能定其儀注。 楊素謂弘曰:「公舊學時賢所仰。 今日之事,決在於公。」 弘了不辭讓,斯須之間,儀注悉備,皆有故實。 素歎曰:「衣冠禮樂盡在此矣,非吾所及也!」 弘以三年之喪。 祥禫具有降殺,期服十一月而練者,無所象法,以聞於帝。 帝下詔除期練之禮,自弘始也。
The emperor also had Hong join Yang Su, Su Wei, Xue Daoheng, Xu Shanxin, Yu Shiji, Cui Zifa, and other scholars to debate gradations in the new rites. Hong's proposals won universal assent. When Empress Xian died, even princes and nobles could not settle the mourning regulations. Yang Su told Hong, "Your classical learning is what the age admires. Today's matter rests with you. Hong did not hesitate; in a moment every regulation was complete and grounded in precedent. Su sighed, "Robe, cap, ritual, and music all lie here—not within my reach! On the three-year mourning: Auspicious and distant sacrifices have graded reductions, but the eleven-month mourning with practice-cloth lacks any ritual model, and he reported this to the emperor. The emperor abolished the practice-cloth mourning rite, beginning with Hong's memorial.
35
弘在吏部,先德行後文才,務在審慎。 雖致緩滯,所有進用,並多稱職。 吏部侍郎高孝基,鑒賞機晤,清慎絕倫,然爽俊有餘,跡似輕薄,時宰多以此疑之。 唯弘深識其真,推心任委。 隋之選舉,於斯為最,時論服弘識度之遠。
In the Ministry of Civil Service Hong put virtue before talent and strove for caution. Though appointments slowed, those he advanced mostly proved capable. Vice Minister Gao Xiaoji was brilliantly perceptive and impeccably cautious, yet seemed rash and light; most ministers distrusted him. Only Hong saw his true worth and entrusted him wholeheartedly. Sui appointments were never better; contemporaries admired Hong's foresight.
36
煬帝之在東宮,數有詩書遺弘,弘亦有答。 及嗣位,嘗賜弘詩曰:「晉家山吏部,魏代盧尚書,莫言先哲異,奇才並佐餘。 學行敦時俗,道素乃沖虛,納言雲閣上,禮儀皇運初。 彝倫欣有敘,垂拱事端居。」 其同被賜詩者,至於文詞讚揚,無如弘美。 大業二年,進位上大將軍。 三年,改右光祿大夫。 從拜恆嶽,壇墠珪幣牲牢,並弘所定。 還下太行山,煬帝嘗召弘入內帳,對皇后賜以同席飲食。 其親重如此。 弘謂其子曰:「吾受非常之遇,荷恩深重。 汝等子孫,宜以誠敬自立,以答恩遇之隆。」 六年,從幸江都,卒。 帝傷惜之,賵贈甚厚。 歸葬安定,贈開府儀同三司、光祿大夫、文安侯,諡曰憲。
While Yang Di was crown prince he often sent poems and letters to Hong, who always replied. On succeeding he gifted Hong a poem: "Jin's mountain clerk, Wei's Minister Lu—do not say the ancients differ; rare talents alike assist me. Learning and conduct steady the age; the Way stays pure and still; Master of Writings in the Cloud Gate, ritual at the dynasty's dawn. Human relations rejoice in order; with folded hands you dwell in peace. Among those who received such poems, none was praised in verse as richly as Hong. In Daye year two he was promoted to Supreme Great General. In year three he became Right Grand Master of Splendid Happiness. On the Mount Heng sacrifice, altar, jades, silks, and victims were all set by Hong. Returning from Mount Taihang, Yang Di summoned him to the inner tent and, before the empress, shared mat and meal with him. Such was his intimate favor. Hong told his sons, "I have received extraordinary favor and deep grace. You and your descendants must live with sincerity and respect to answer such kindness. In year six, on the journey to Jiangdu, he died. The emperor mourned him and gave lavish funeral gifts. He was buried in Anding, posthumously honored as Pillar of State, Grand Master of Splendid Happiness, and Marquis Wen'an with the epithet Xian.
37
弘榮寵當世,而車服卑儉,事上盡禮,待下以仁,訥於言而敏於行。 上嘗令宣敕,弘至階下,不能言,退還拜謝,雲並忘之。 上曰:「傳語小辯,故非宰臣任也。」 愈稱其質真。 大業之代,委遇彌隆。 性寬厚,篤志幹學,雖職務繁雜,書不釋手。 隋室舊臣,始終信任,悔吝不及,唯弘一人而已。 弟弼,好酒而酗,嘗醉射殺弘駕車牛,弘還宅,其妻迎謂曰:「叔射殺牛。」 弘聞,無所怪問,直答曰:「作脯。」 坐定,其妻又曰:「叔忽射殺牛,大是異事。」 弘曰:「已知。」 顏色自若,讀書不輟。 其寬和如此。 有文集十二卷行於世。
Though honored above all, his carriage and dress stayed plain; he served superiors with full ritual, inferiors with kindness, and was slow of speech but swift in deed. Once ordered to proclaim an edict, Hong reached the stair-foot speechless, returned to apologize, and said he had forgotten every word. The emperor said, "Relaying words is petty eloquence—not a chief minister's work. He praised Hong's plain authenticity all the more. In the Daye era his trust grew ever greater. Generous by nature and devoted to learning, he never set aside his books though duties pressed him. Among Sui's old ministers, only Hong was trusted from first to last without a single regret. His younger brother Bi loved wine; once drunk he shot the ox that drew Hong's carriage. Hong came home; his wife said, "Your brother shot the ox." Hong asked nothing odd and simply said, "Make jerky." When seated his wife added, "He suddenly shot the ox—a strange thing." Hong said, "I already know." His color unchanged, he went on reading. Twelve scrolls of his collected writings circulated in his time.
38
長子方大,亦有學業,位內史舍人。
His eldest son Fangda was learned and served as Palace Secretariat Attendant.
39
次子方裕,凶險無仁心,在江都與裴虔通等謀殺逆,事見《司馬德戡傳》。
His second son Fangyu was cruel and without human feeling; at Jiangdu he joined Pei Qiantong and others in regicide, as told in Sima Dekan's biography.
40
李德林,字公輔,博陵安平人。 祖壽,魏湖州戶曹從事。 父敬族,曆太學博士、鎮遠將軍。 魏靜帝時,命當世通人正定文籍,以為內校書,別在直閣省。 德林幼聰敏,年數歲,誦左思《蜀都賦》,十餘日便度。 高隆之見而歎異之,遍告朝士云:「若假其年,必為天下偉器。」 鄴京人士多就宅觀之,月餘車馬不絕。 年十五,誦《五經》及古今文集,日數千言。 俄而該博墳典,陰陽緯候無不通涉。 善屬文,詞核而理暢。 魏收嘗對高隆之謂其父曰:「賢子文筆,終當繼溫子升。」 隆之大笑曰:「魏常侍殊己嫉賢,何不近比老彭,乃遠求溫子!」
Li Delin, courtesy name Gongfu, came from Anping in Boling. His grandfather Shou had been a household clerk in Huzhou under Wei. His father Jingzu served as Erudite of the Imperial Academy and General Who Pacifies the Distance. When Emperor Jing of Wei ordered leading scholars to correct the literary corpus, Delin was made Inner Collator in the Direct Pavilion. Delin was clever as a child; at only a few years he memorized Zuo Si's Rhapsody on the Shu Capital within a fortnight. Gao Longzhi marveled at him and told the court, "Given years he will be a pillar of the realm. Ye's gentry flocked to his house for more than a month without pause. At fifteen he could recite the Five Classics and anthologies at several thousand words a day. Soon he mastered the canonical tombs, yin-yang lore, weft texts, and chronograms alike. He wrote powerfully, with concise diction and lucid argument. Wei Shou told his father before Gao Longzhi, "Your son's pen will one day follow Wen Zisheng. Longzhi laughed, "Wei is jealous of talent—why compare him to Old Peng nearby yet reach for Wen Zi far away?"
41
年十六,遭父艱,自駕靈輿,反葬故里。 時嚴寒,單縗跌足,州里人物由是敬慕之。 居貧晳感軻,母氏多疾,方留心典籍,無復宦情。 其後母病稍愈,逼令仕進。 齊任城王湝為定州刺史,重其才,召入州館,朝夕同遊,殆均師友。 後舉秀才,尚書令楊遵彥考為上第,授殿中將軍。 及長廣王作相,引為丞相府行參軍。 未幾,王即帝位,累遷中書舍人,加通直散騎侍郎,別典機密。 尋丁母艱,以至孝聞,朝廷嘉之。 裁百日,奪情起復,固辭不起。 魏收與陽休之論《齊書》起元事,百司會議。 收與德林致書往復,詞多不載。 後除中書侍郎,仍詔修國史,時齊帝留情文雅,召入文林館,與黃門侍郎顏之推同判文林館事。 累遷儀同三司。
At sixteen, when his father died, he drove the bier himself and buried him in their native place. In bitter cold he wore only hemp and went barefoot, and the province admired him. Poor and moved by Yan Zi's example, with an often-ill mother, he turned to books and lost desire for office. When his mother recovered somewhat, he was pressed to take office. Prince Cheng of Ren, governor of Dingzhou, valued him, lodged him in the prefectural residence, and kept him near as a friend and teacher. Later recommended as Presented Scholar, he ranked first under Yang Zunyan and became Palace Army General. When the Prince of Changguang became chancellor he joined his staff as acting officer. Soon the prince became emperor; Delin rose to Palace Secretariat Attendant and Cavalier Attendant, handling secrets. Soon his mother died; his extreme filial piety won court praise. After only a hundred days he was ordered back to office but firmly refused. Wei Shou and Yang Xiuzhi debated the founding year in Qi History, and the ministries met in conference. Shou and Delin exchanged letters at length, most omitted here. Later made Vice Director of the Palace Secretariat, he was still ordered to compile national history; the Qi emperor, loving letters, brought him into the Forest of Letters with Yan Zhitui to oversee it. He rose to Pillar of State.
42
周武帝平齊,遣使就宅宣旨云:「平齊之利,唯在於爾,宜入相見。」 仍令從駕至長安,授內史上士,詔誥格式及用山東人物,一以委之。 周武謂群臣曰:「我常日唯聞李德林與齊朝作書檄,我正謂其是天上人。 豈言今日得其驅使,復為我作文書,極為大異。」 神武公紇豆陵毅答曰:「臣聞明主聖王,得騏驎鳳皇為瑞,是聖德所感,非力能致之。 瑞物雖來,不堪使用。 如李德林來受驅策,亦是陛下聖德感致,有大才用,勝於騏驎鳳皇遠矣。」 帝大笑曰:「誠如公言。」 宣政末,授禦正下大夫。 後賜爵成安縣男。
When Emperor Wu of Zhou conquered Qi he sent word to Delin's house, "The true prize of conquering Qi is you—come to me. He followed the emperor to Chang'an as Superior Scribe, with edicts, formats, and Shandong appointments all in his hands. Emperor Wu told his ministers, "I had heard Li Delin wrote Qi documents and thought him a man from heaven. Now he serves me and writes for me—how extraordinary. Helouling Yi replied, "Sage kings receive qilin and phoenix as omens of virtue, not by force. Such omens may come yet cannot be used. But Li Delin comes to serve your sage virtue and has talent far beyond qilin or phoenix. The emperor laughed and said, "Truly as you say." At the end of the Xuanzheng era he became Junior Grand Master of Imperial Rectification. He was later enfeoffed as Baron of Cheng'an.
43
宣帝大漸,隋文帝初受顧命,令邗國公楊惠謂德林曰:「朝廷賜令總文武事,今欲與公共成,必不得辭。」 德林答曰:「願以死奉公。」 隋文大悅,即召與語。 劉昉、鄭譯初矯詔召隋文受命輔少主,總知內外兵馬事。 譯欲授隋文塚宰,譯自攝大司馬,昉為小塚宰。 德林私啟:「宜作大丞相,假黃鉞,都督內外諸軍事。」 遂以譯為相府長史。 昉為相府司馬,二人由是不平。 以德林為相府屬,加儀同大將軍。
When Emperor Xuan lay dying and Emperor Wen first received the regency, he sent Yang Hui to Delin, "The court has placed all civil and military affairs in my hands; I wish to accomplish them with you—you must not refuse. Delin answered, "I will serve you even unto death." Wen was delighted and summoned him at once. Liu Fang and Zheng Yi had forged an edict summoning Wen to assist the young emperor and command all armies. Yi meant to make Wen Grand Steward while he took Grand Marshal and Fang Junior Grand Steward. Delin privately advised, "Make him Grand Chancellor with the golden axe as commander of all armies. Yi was made chief administrator of the chancellor's office and Fang its marshal, and both were displeased. Yi was made chief administrator of the chancellor's office and Fang its marshal, and both were displeased. Delin was made staff of the chancellor's office with the rank of Pillar General.
44
未幾而三方構亂,指授兵略,皆與之參詳。 軍書羽檄,朝夕頓至,一日之中,動逾百數。 或機速競發,口授數人,文意百端,不加治點。 鄖公韋孝寬為東道元帥,師次永橋,沁水長,孝寬師未得度。 長史李詢密啟:「諸大將受尉遲迥餉金。」 隋文得啟,以為憂,議欲代之。 德林曰:「臨敵代將,自古所難,樂毅所以辭燕,馬服以之敗趙也。 公但以一腹心,明于智略,素為諸將所信伏者,速至軍所,觀其情偽。 縱有異意,必不敢動。」 隋文曰:「公不發此言,幾敗大事!」 即令高熲馳驛往軍所,為諸將節度,竟成大功。 凡厥謀謨,皆此類也。 進授丞相府從事內郎。 禪代之際,其相國總百揆、九錫殊禮詔策箋表璽書,皆德林之辭也。 隋文癸祚之日,授內史令。 初,將受禪,虞慶則等勸隋文盡滅宇文氏,德林固爭以為不可。 隋文怒,由是品位不加,唯依班例,授上儀同,進爵為子。
Soon the three regions rebelled, and every military plan was debated with him. Dispatches arrived morning and night; in a single day more than a hundred passed through his hands. When urgency pressed, he dictated to several clerks at once, meanings branching in every direction, without pause to polish. Wei Xiaokuan, Duke of Yun, commanded the eastern front but halted at Yong Bridge when the swollen Qin River blocked crossing. Chief Clerk Li Xun secretly reported that the generals had taken gold from Yuwen Yong. Wen received the report, grew anxious, and considered replacing Xiaokuan. Delin said, "Replacing a commander on the eve of battle has always been perilous—Yue Yi left Yan for it, and Ma Fu ruined Zhao. Send one trusted counselor, clear in strategy and respected by the generals, to observe the army's true intentions. Even if they harbor other designs, they will not dare act. Wen said, "Had you not spoken, I would nearly have ruined everything!" He at once sent Gao Jiong by relay to the army to take command, and victory followed. His counsel was always of this sort. He was promoted to Internal Gentleman of the chancellor's establishment. At the abdication, the chancellor's edicts, patents, nine bestowals, memorials, and seal documents were all Delin's compositions. On the day Wen took the throne, Delin became Master of Writings. When Wen was about to take the throne, Yu Qingze urged exterminating the Yuwen clan; Delin argued firmly against it. Wen grew angry and withheld promotion, granting only Superior Pillar of State and the rank of viscount by routine.
45
初,大象末,文帝以逆人王謙宅賜之,尋又改賜崔謙,帝令德林自選一好宅並莊店作替。 德林乃奏取逆人高阿那衛國縣市店八十區為替。 九年,車駕幸晉陽,店人表訴,稱地是平人物,高氏強奪,於內造舍。 上責德林。 德林請勘逆人文簿及本換宅之意,上不聽,悉追店給所住者。 由是嫌之。 初,德林稱其父為太尉諮議,以取贈官,李元操等陰奏之曰:「德林父終於校書,妄稱諮議。」 上甚銜之。 至是,復庭議忤意,因數之曰:「公為內史,典朕機密,比不預計議者,以公不弘耳。 朕方以孝理天下,故立五教以弘之。 公言孝由天性,何須設教。 然則孔子孫當說《孝經》也? 又罔冒取店,妄加父官,朕實忿之而未能發。 今當以一州相遣耳。」 因出為湖州刺史。 在州逢旱,課人掘井溉田,為考司所貶。 歲餘,卒官,時年六十一。 贈大將軍、廉州刺史,諡曰文。 將葬,敕令羽林百人,並鼓吹一部,以給喪事,祭乙太牢。
At the end of the Daxiang era Wen gave him rebel Wang Qian's house, then reassigned it to Cui Qian and let Delin choose a replacement house and shops. Delin took eighty market wards in Weiguo county from rebel Gao Ana's property as substitute. In year nine, when the emperor visited Jinyang, shopkeepers complained that Gao's house had seized commoners' land and built on it. The emperor reproached Delin. Delin asked to review the rebel registers and the original exchange, but the emperor refused and returned all shops to their occupants. From that point Wen disliked him. Delin had claimed his father was Grand Steward Remonstrance to win a posthumous office; Li Yuancao and others reported that his father had died only as a collator and the title was false. The emperor harbored deep resentment. When court debate again crossed him, the emperor listed his faults: "As Master of Writings you hold my secrets; you have not joined deliberations because you are not expansive enough. I now govern the realm through filial piety and establish the Five Teachings to spread it. You say filial piety springs from nature and ask why teaching is needed. Should Confucius's grandson then not have taught the Filial Classic? You also seized shops falsely and inflated your father's office—I have long resented this without acting. Now I shall send you to a province. He was sent out as governor of Huzhou. During drought he ordered wells dug to irrigate fields and was downgraded by the evaluation office. A little over a year later he died in office at sixty-one. He was posthumously made Great General and Governor of Lian with the epithet Wen. For his burial the emperor granted a hundred guardsmen, a full military band, and sacrifice with the second-year great offering.
46
德林美容儀,善談吐,器量沈深,時人未能測。 齊任城王湝、趙彥深、魏收、陸仰大相欽重。 德林少孤,未有字,魏收謂之曰:「識度天才,必至公輔,吾輒以此字卿。」 從宦已後,即典機密,性慎密,嘗言古人不言溫樹,何足稱也。 少以才學見知,及位望稍高,頗傷自任,爭競之徒,更相譖毀。 所以運屬興王,功參佐命,十餘年間竟不徙級。 所撰文集,勒成八十卷,遭亂亡失,見五十卷行於代。
Delin was handsome, eloquent, and immeasurably deep in bearing. Prince Cheng of Ren, Zhao Yanshen, Wei Shou, and Lu Yang all honored him deeply. Orphaned young and without a courtesy name, Wei Shou told him, "Your talent will reach the highest office; I give you this name. Once in office he held secrets; cautious by nature, he said the ancients did not boast of knowing the warm tree—why should he? Known early for talent, he grew self-important as rank rose, and rivals slandered him. Though he helped found the dynasty, for more than ten years his rank scarcely moved. His writings filled eighty scrolls; war destroyed most, and fifty circulated in his time.
47
子百藥,博涉多才,詞藻清贍。 大業末,位建安郡丞。
His son Baiyao was widely learned, talented, and lucid in style. At the end of the Daye era he served as assistant governor of Jian'an.