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卷九十四 列傳第八十二: 高麗 百濟 新羅 勿吉 奚 契丹 室韋 豆莫婁 地豆干 烏洛侯 流求 倭

Volume 94 Biographies 82: Goryeo, Baekje, Silla, Wuji, Xi, Khitan, Shiwei, Doumolou, Didouyu, Wuluohou, Liuqiu, Japan

Chapter 94 of 北史 · History of the Northern Dynasties
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1
Goryeo, Baekje, Silla, Wuji, Xi, Khitan, Shiwei, Doumolou, Didougan, Wuluohou, Liuqiu, and Japan
2
Heaven and Earth embrace all that is greatest in extent; the sun and moon illuminate all that is broadest in reach. Among all creatures, humankind is scarce and beasts plentiful. Between yin and yang, the Middle Kingdom is bounded and narrow, while alien lands stretch wide. Human beings take bodily form under Heaven and Earth and draw breath from yin and yang; wit and folly arise from nature itself, while temperament follows the waters and soils of one's homeland. Where frost and dew gather and prevailing winds flow, where the nine rivers mark the bounds and the five peaks stand as pillars—this is the realm of the Chinese peoples; those born there are the wellspring of benevolence and propriety. In distant corners such as Miegu, Juyi, Gushu, and Beihu, hemmed in by red frontiers and purple ramparts, cut off by blue seas and the Jiao River—these are the outer wastes; those who breathe their air inherit cruelty and vice. The nine Yi and eight Di peoples teem in their clans; the seven Rong and six Man pack the frontier marches. Customs and appetites may differ, yet all alike are insatiably greedy, fierce, and prone to turmoil—defiant in alliance when strong, obsequious when weak; the principle is the same.
3
西
The First Emperor of Qin scourged the empire and squandered arms on far-off campaigns. Han deployed mighty armies and cavalry, pursuing grand ambitions far beyond its borders. After the Xiongnu were driven back, their realm lay emptied. When the heavenly horses arrived from the west, the Han people themselves were worn down. Thus one sees that the wild goose seas and dragon mounds are Heaven's barrier between barbarian and Chinese. The torrid south and northern wastes are Earth's divide between the civilized center and the outer world. All the more when the times were not those of Qin or Han, yet rulers harbored ambitions to match the Tyrant of Qin or the founder Liu—defying Heaven's way for glory, draining the people to satisfy their will: ruin would follow almost at once. Hence the ancient kings set down teaching: the Chinese peoples within, the barbarians without. Wise predecessors left lasting examples, prizing moral cultivation and scorning mere territorial expansion. Even where Yu's domain extended east and west, it went no farther than the sea and the shifting sands. The Royal Regulations, moving from north to south, scarcely extended to cave-dwelling peoples and Jiaozhi. Is this not a Way that runs through three ages and a righteousness that stands above a hundred generations! From Wei through Sui, capitals and regimes changed again and again, and the tribute and audiences of the four quarters shifted with each age. Here they are arranged in order, completing the Treatise on the Four Barbarians.
4
駿
Goguryeo traced its origins to Buyeo. A king once received the River Lord's daughter and kept her confined indoors; when sunlight struck her she turned away, but the sun's shadow followed. She conceived and laid an egg the size of a five-sheng measure. The King of Buyeo threw it to the dogs, but they would not touch it. He gave it to pigs, but they would not eat it either. Cast on the road, cattle and horses shunned it. Left in the wilderness, flocks of birds warmed it with their plumage. The king tried to cut it open but could not break it, and returned it to the mother. The mother wrapped it in cloth and set it somewhere warm; a boy burst out from the shell. When he came of age, they gave him the name Jumong. In their tongue, "Jumong" meant a skilled archer. The Buyeo people, holding that Jumong was not born of human parents, petitioned that he be killed. The king refused and set him to tending horses. Jumong secretly tested the horses and sorted good from bad: he cut the rations of the swift so they grew lean, while feeding the slow ones well until they grew fat. The King of Buyeo kept the fat horses for himself and gave Jumong only the lean ones. Later, on a hunt, because Jumong was a fine archer, they gave him a single arrow. With that one arrow Jumong nevertheless brought down many beasts. Buyeo ministers plotted again to kill him; his mother warned Jumong, and he fled southeast with Yaweon and two companions. On the way they came to a great river and wished to cross, but there was no bridge. Buyeo pursuers pressed hard upon them; Jumong called to the water: "I am the son of the sun, grandson of the River Lord—the pursuers are almost upon me; how can I cross?" Then fish and turtles formed a bridge, and Jumong crossed. The fish and turtles then broke apart, and the pursuers could not follow across. Jumong came to the Pusu River and met three men—one in hemp, one in monastic robes, one in waterweed—and with Jumong they went to Kesunggol City and made their home there. They named the state Goguryeo and took Gao as their surname. His wife had been pregnant in Buyeo; after Jumong fled, she gave birth to a son named Yuri. When Yuri grew up and learned Jumong had become king, he went with his mother to rejoin him. He was called Yuri and was entrusted with the affairs of state.
5
When Jumong died, his son Yuri-li succeeded to the throne. When Yuri-li died, his son Marau took the throne and absorbed Buyeo.
6
使
In the fourth year of Yuanfeng under Emperor Wu of Han, Joseon was destroyed, the Xuantu commandery was established, and Goguryeo was made a county under it. Under Han they were granted robes, caps, court dress, and ceremonial music, which they regularly received from the Xuantu commandery. Later they grew proud and ceased visiting the commandery, building a small town on the eastern frontier to receive the gifts instead—hence the name Baichaolou for that town. In Goguryeo, "Baichaolou" meant "city." Early in Wang Mang's reign Goguryeo troops were conscripted to fight the northern peoples; unwilling to go, they were driven out by force and all turned to raiding beyond the passes. The provincial authorities blamed the Goguryeo marquis Chou; Yan You lured him in and executed him. Wang Mang was delighted and renamed the state and its ruler Gaoligou and Marquis of Gaoligou. In the eighth year of Jianwu under Emperor Guangwu, Goguryeo sent envoys with tribute.
7
Between the reigns of Shangdi and Andi, Marau's descendant Gong launched raids into Liaodong. The Xuantu governor Cai Feng attacked him but could not stop the raids.
8
When Gong died, his son Bojigu took the throne. During the reigns of Shundi and Hedi they again raided Liaodong repeatedly. In the second year of Jianning under Emperor Ling, Xuantu governor Geng Lin attacked them, taking several hundred heads; Bojigu surrendered and was placed under Liaodong. When Gongsun Du held sway over the eastern sea, Bojigu kept friendly ties with him.
9
When Bojigu died, his son Yayemo succeeded. Yayemo had raided Liaodong many times even under Bojigu, and took in more than five hundred households of fugitive Hu. In the Jian'an era Gongsun Kang marched against them, broke their state, burned their settlements, and the surrendered Hu rebelled as well. Yayemo founded a new capital and state. Later Yayemo attacked Xuantu again; Xuantu and Liaodong joined forces and inflicted a crushing defeat.
10
便 簿 西 使
When Yayemo died, his son Weigong took the throne. Weigong's great-grandfather Gong had been born with his eyes open and able to see—the people loathed him for it. When he grew up he was savage and cruel, and the realm was laid waste. Weigong too was born staring at people; in Goguryeo "similar" was pronounced wei—they took him to resemble his great-grandfather Gong, and named him Weigong. Weigong too was brave and strong, handy in the saddle, and skilled at archery and the hunt. In the second year of Jingchu under Wei, Grand Tutor Sima Yi marched against Gongsun Wenyi; Weigong sent his chief clerk and a grand general with several thousand troops to aid him. In the third year of Zhengshi, Weigong raided Liaoxi and Anping. In the fifth year, Youzhou inspector Guanqiu Jian led ten thousand men from Xuantu against Weigong; they fought a great battle at Beiliu. Weigong fled in defeat; Jian pursued to Chixian, dismantled his wagons to lead horses up Mount Wandu, and sacked the capital. Weigong fled far off with only his wife and children. In the sixth year Jian campaigned again; Weigong fled with light troops and his nobles to Woju. Jian sent General Wang Qi in pursuit more than a thousand li through Woju to south of Sushen, where he carved a stone to commemorate the victory. He also inscribed Mount Wandu and engraved Naiburu before turning back. Afterward they resumed relations with the central realm.
11
In the Yongjia upheaval of Jin, the Xianbei Murong Hui seized Great Jicheng in Changli; Emperor Yuan appointed him inspector of Pingzhou. Weigong's great-grandson Yifuli raided Liaodong repeatedly, and Hui could not restrain him.
12
When Yifuli died, his son Chao succeeded him. In the fourth year of the Wei founding state, Murong Hui's son Huang attacked them, entering by the southern pass and crushing Chao's army at Mudi. The pursuit reached Wandu. Chao fled alone on horseback; Huang opened Chao's father's tomb, seized his mother and wife along with treasures and more than fifty thousand captives, burned their dwellings, razed Wandu, and withdrew. Chao was later killed by Baekje.
13
In the tenth year of Taiyuan under Emperor Xiaowu of Jin, Goguryeo attacked the Liaodong and Xuantu commanderies. Murong Chui of Later Yan sent his brother Nong against Goguryeo and recovered the two commanderies. Chui's son Bao made the Goguryeo king An governor of Pingzhou, enfeoffed him as king of Liaodong and Daifang, and first appointed chief clerk, major, and staff officer posts. Later they gradually seized Liaodong commandery.
14
使 使 使
Under Emperor Taiwu, Chao's great-grandson Lian first sent envoys to Andong with a memorial, tribute, and a request for the imperial taboo names. Emperor Taiwu was pleased with his sincerity and ordered the imperial lineage taboos sent to Goguryeo. He dispatched Supernumerary Palace Attendant Li Ao to invest Lian as commander of all military affairs on the Liaohai coast, General Who Conquers the East, colonel of the Eastern Yi, duke of Liaodong commandery, and king of Goguryeo. When Ao reached their capital at Pyongyang and asked about their domain, they said it lay more than a thousand li south of Liaodong, east to Zhacheng, south to the lesser sea, and north to old Buyeo—with households nearly triple those of Former Wei times. Tribute missions followed in steady succession thereafter. Each year they sent two hundred jin of gold and four hundred jin of silver in tribute. At that time Feng Hong led his followers in flight to Goguryeo; Emperor Taiwu sent Palace Attendant Feng Bo to issue an edict to Lian demanding that he surrender Hong. Lian memorialized that he and Hong would together submit to the imperial civilizing influence, but in the end he did not hand Hong over. Emperor Taiwu was furious and prepared to lead a campaign against him in person. The Prince of Leping, Pi, and others urged that the campaign be deferred; Emperor Taiwu then abandoned the plan. Hong's son Shou was also killed by Lian.
15
便 駿 使
Later, because Emperor Xianwen's six palaces were not yet staffed, Empress Dowager Wenming ordered Lian to present his daughter for the harem. Lian submitted a memorial saying his daughter had already been married and asking that his younger brother's daughter answer the imperial summons instead. The court assented and dispatched the Prince of Anle, Zhen, Minister Li Fu, and others to the frontier with betrothal gifts. Lian was swayed by his advisers, who said that when the court had once arranged a marriage with the Feng clan, their kingdom had been destroyed not long afterward. The warning of recent history was close at hand; he ought to decline on some convenient pretext. Lian then memorialized, falsely reporting that his daughter had died. The court suspected a feigned refusal and again sent Acting Palace Attendant Cheng Jun to rebuke him sharply, saying that if the girl had truly died, he might choose another worthy woman of the clan. Lian said, "If the Son of Heaven pardons my earlier faults, I shall dutifully obey the edict." But Emperor Xianwen died just then, and the matter was dropped. Under Emperor Xiaowen, Lian's tribute doubled what it had been, and the court's return gifts increased somewhat as well. At that time Guangzhou seized at sea envoys Lian had dispatched to Qi, including Yu Nu and others, and sent them to the capital. Emperor Xiaowen issued a reprimand: "Daocheng murdered his sovereign with his own hand and usurped a title south of the Yangzi; We intend to restore extinguished states in their former lands and continue the broken line of the Liu house. Yet you have crossed your borders to court another power and deal with a usurper—how is this the conduct befitting a frontier subject who keeps his integrity? We do not let a single fault efface your long-standing loyalty; send him back to your frontier at once. Take Our mercy to heart and reflect on your fault; reverently uphold Our clear laws, bring peace to your domain, and report all your affairs."
16
使 使 使 使
In the fifteenth year of Taihe, Lian died at more than a hundred years of age. Emperor Xiaowen held mourning rites at the eastern suburb and sent Gentleman-in-Attendance Li An with a posthumous patent investing him as General of Chariots and Cavalry, Grand Tutor, Duke of Liaodong Commandery, and King of Goguryeo, with the posthumous epithet Kang. He also sent the Grand Herald to invest Lian's grandson Yun as holder of the staff of authority, commander of all military affairs on the Liaohai coast, General Who Conquers the East, colonel protecting the Eastern Yi, duke of Liaodong commandery, and king of Goguryeo. He was granted robes, caps, ceremonial garments, chariots, banners, and other insignia of rank. He also commanded Yun to send his heir to court in time for the suburban and feng-shan ceremonies. Yun memorialized pleading illness and sent his paternal uncle Sheng Yu to follow the envoy to the capital, where he was sternly rebuked; from then on tribute was sent every year. In the Zhengshi era, Emperor Xuanwu received Goguryeo's envoy Ru Xifu in the eastern hall; he stepped forward and said: "Goguryeo has bound its loyalty to the utmost of Heaven through generations of pure sincerity; its land yields local products and never falls short on imperial tribute. But gold comes from Buyeo, and cowrie shells come from Silla. Now Buyeo has been driven out by Wuji, and Silla has been annexed by Baekje. Our king, your subject Yun, in keeping with the duty to continue a severed line, has moved them all within our borders. The reason the two tribute items no longer reach the imperial treasury is truly the work of these two marauders. Emperor Xuanwu said: "Goguryeo for generations has borne the dynasty's heavy commissions and held sole sway overseas; the nine Yi and cunning barbarians are truly fit objects for campaigning. In former times when regional tribute failed, the blame lay with the regional inspector. You should proclaim Our intent to your lord and strive to exhaust every strategy of awe and conciliation, so that the two districts recover their old territories and local tribute is never irregular."
17
使 使
In the Shengui era Yun died; Empress Dowager Ling held mourning rites for him in the eastern hall. She sent an envoy with a posthumous patent investing him as General of Chariots and Cavalry, colonel protecting the Eastern Yi, duke of Liaodong commandery, and king of Goguryeo. She also invested his heir An as General Who Pacifies the East, colonel protecting the Eastern Yi, duke of Liaodong commandery, and king of Goguryeo. At the beginning of Zhenguang, Guangzhou again seized at sea the robes, sword, and girdle ornaments Liang had conferred on An as General Who Pacifies the East, together with the envoy Jiang Fasheng and others, and sent them to the capital.
18
使
When An died, his son Yan succeeded him. At the beginning of Emperor Xiaowu's reign, an edict added for Yan the titles holder of the staff of authority, palace attendant, General of Chariots and Cavalry, colonel protecting the Eastern Yi, duke of Liaodong commandery, and king of Goguryeo. In the Tianping era an edict further added palace counselor and General of Agile Cavalry; all other titles remained unchanged.
19
使 使西 使 使 使使 便
When Yan died, his son Cheng succeeded him. From the Wuding era onward, tribute envoys came every year without fail. In the twelfth year of Datong they sent envoys to the Western Wei to pay court and present tribute. In the year Qi received the abdication of Eastern Wei, they sent envoys to pay court and present tribute to Qi. Wenxuan of Qi added for Cheng the titles holder of the staff of authority, palace counselor, and General of Agile Cavalry, while colonel of the Eastern Yi, duke of Liaodong commandery, and king of Goguryeo remained as before. In the third year of Tianbao, Wenxuan went to Yingzhou and sent Cui Liu of Boling as envoy to Goguryeo to demand the people who had fled there at the end of Wei. He instructed Liu: "If they refuse, act as circumstances require." When he arrived, his request was refused. Liu glared and shouted him down and struck Cheng so that he fell from the couch; Cheng's attendants held their breath and dared not stir; then Cheng apologized and submitted; Liu returned with five thousand households to report his mission complete.
20
西 西浿
The kingdom extended east to Silla and west to the Liao crossing—two thousand li; south it bordered Baekje and north it neighbored Mohe—more than a thousand li. The people were all indigenous inhabitants who lived along valleys and wore cloth, silk, and hides. The soil was thin and poor; sericulture and farming could not fully sustain them, so the people were sparing in food and drink. Their kings delighted in building palaces; the capital was Pyongyang, also called Chang'an city, six li from east to west, winding with the hills and facing the Yalu River on the south. Within the city were only storehouses and equipment; when raiders came, the people entered only then to hold out in defense. The king kept a separate residence beside it and did not dwell there regularly. Outside were also the Inner City and the Han City, which served as secondary capitals. Within the kingdom these were called the Three Capitals. There were also several dozen cities such as Liaodong and Xuantu, each with officials appointed to govern them. With Silla they constantly raided and seized territory from each other; warfare never ceased.
21
使使使 浿
Offices included Grand Tutul, Grand Elder Brother, Elder Brother, Lesser Elder Brother, Gyeonghu Se, Bird-clumsy, Grand Envoy, Envoy, Lesser Envoy, Yuseo, Registrar, and Immortal—twelve ranks in all, dividing civil and military affairs. The Grand Tutul seized the post by the strong dominating the weak and made himself such; he was not appointed by the king's office. There were also the Inner Evaluator and the Five Departments' Yuseo. All wore on the head a folding-wind hat shaped like a cap; gentlemen added two bird feathers as ornaments. For nobles the cap was called Sugol, mostly made of purple gauze and adorned with gold and silver. They wore large-sleeved jackets, baggy trousers, plain leather belts, and yellow leather shoes. Women wore skirts and jackets with added trim. In books they had the Five Classics, the Three Histories, Records of the Three Kingdoms, and Spring and Autumn of the Jin. Their weapons were largely the same as China's. When the spring and autumn hunts were held, the king attended in person. Tax was five bolts of cloth and five shi of grain; Travelers paid tax once every three years—ten men together contributed one bolt of fine cloth. Land rent was one shi per top-grade household, seven dou for the next grade, and five dou for the lowest. In their penal code, rebels and plotters were bound to a pillar, burned and beheaded, and their households were confiscated; Theft required tenfold restitution; if the thief was too poor to repay, public and private debts alike might be settled by appraising his sons and daughters as slaves. Because punishments were severe, few people offended. Music included five-string lutes, qin, zheng, bili, transverse flutes, xiao, drums, and the like; reed-pipes were blown to harmonize the melody. At the start of each year they gathered for games on the Yalu; the king rode a waist-palanquin and arrayed feather banners to watch. When it was over the king entered the water in his robes; the people divided into left and right groups and splashed water and stones at one another, shouting and chasing in sport, stopping after several rounds. By custom they valued cleanliness and took pride in their bearing; swift walking was regarded as respectful. When bowing they dragged one foot; when standing they often arched backward; when walking they always clasped their hands. Their nature was much given to concealment; their speech was coarse and they did not distinguish near from far in intimacy. Fathers and sons bathed in the same stream and slept in the same room. They loved song and dance; in the tenth month they sacrificed to Heaven; at public gatherings their garments were adorned with brocade, embroidery, gold, and silver. They liked squatting and ate from platters and low tables. They raised three-foot horses, saying the breed was the steed Jumong had ridden—the so-called fruit-below pony. Custom favored licentiousness and did not regard it as shameful; there were many traveling women and men without fixed partners; at night men and women gathered in groups for sport without distinction of noble or base. When people married, if a man and woman were fond of each other that sufficed. The groom's family sent only pigs and wine—there was no bride-price ceremony; If anyone accepted bride-wealth, others shamed him together, treating it as selling a bondmaid. When someone died the corpse lay in the house for three years; on an auspicious day they were buried. Mourning for parents and for a husband's death lasted three years; for brothers, three months. At first they wept and wailed; at the burial they drummed, danced, and made music to send the dead off. After the burial they placed the deceased's lifetime clothes, curios, chariots, and horses beside the tomb; those attending the funeral snatched them away. They believed in Buddhism, revered ghosts and spirits, and maintained many excessive shrines. There were two spirit temples: one to the Buyeo spirit, with a wooden image carved as a woman; one to the Gaodeng spirit, who they say was the son of the Buyeo spirit their ancestor. Both had officials appointed to guard them—they say these represent the River Lord's daughter and Jumong.
22
使 使
After the Sui pacified Chen, Tang was greatly alarmed, arrayed troops and stored grain, and prepared plans to hold out and resist. In the seventeenth year of Kaihuang, the emperor sent an imperial letter under the seal, rebuking him: though he dispatched envoys year after year with tribute and styled himself a subject state, his loyalty had not been whole-hearted. He harried the Mohe and blockaded the Khitan. In years past he traded in secret for gain, stirred up lowborn men, and privately sent crossbowmen to raid and skulk in neighboring lands—was this not a corrupt heart that made him a thief and a brigand? He left envoys stranded in empty guesthouses under heavy guard; and again and again sent horsemen to slaughter frontier folk. He was ever suspicious and spied on news in secret; the emperor patiently admonished him and granted that he might reform. Tang received the letter in terror and was preparing a memorial of apology. But before he could do so, he fell ill and died.
23
使 西 使
His son Yuan succeeded him. Emperor Wen appointed Yuan Supernumerary Palace Attendant of the First Rank with Honours Equal to the Three Dukes, had him inherit the title Duke of Liaodong, and granted him one full set of court robes. Yuan submitted a memorial thanking the throne for grace, congratulating the court on auspicious omens, and asking to be enfeoffed as king. Emperor Wen graciously made him king. The next year he led more than ten thousand Mohe horsemen against Liaoxi; Wei Shichong, defender-in-chief of Yingzhou, attacked and routed them. The emperor was furious, appointed Prince Yang Liang of Han supreme commander over land and sea forces to punish him, and issued an edict stripping his noble rank. Supplies failed to keep pace; the six armies ran short of food; the host marched to Linyuguan Pass and was struck again by pestilence; the imperial army could not gain the upper hand. When the army reached the Liao River, Yuan too was afraid; he sent envoys to beg pardon and submitted a memorial styling himself "the dung-and-dust subject Yuan of Liaodong," and the like. The emperor thereupon halted the campaign and treated him as before. Yuan likewise sent tribute to court every year.
24
西 便 殿 使 使
When Emperor Yang took the throne, the empire stood at its height; the king of Gaochang and the Türk Qiren Qaghan both came in person to the palace with tribute—whereupon the emperor summoned Yuan to court. Yuan was afraid and his barbarian court etiquette fell notably short. In the seventh year of Daye the emperor set out to punish Yuan's offenses; the imperial carriage crossed the Liao River and encamped in Liaodong; armies marched by separate routes, each halting beneath the walls of its assigned city. Goguryeo met the field mostly without success and everywhere shut the gates to hold their walls. The emperor ordered the armies to press the attack, and again charged his generals: if Goguryeo surrendered, they were to receive and reassure them at once and must not let their troops enter the cities at will. When a city was on the verge of capture, the foe would at once proclaim surrender; the generals, bound by the edict, dared not press the advantage. They would first ride off to report; by the time the answer returned, the enemy had readied their defenses and sallied out to fight again. This happened three times over, yet the emperor did not see through it. Provisions ran out, the troops grew weary, supply lines broke down, many armies were beaten—and so the host withdrew. On this expedition they took only the enemy stronghold of Wuli Luo west of the Liao River, set up Liaodong commandery and Tongding garrison, and turned back. In the ninth year the emperor led another campaign in person and told the armies to act at their own discretion as the situation demanded. The generals besieged by separate routes, and the enemy's situation grew tighter day by day. Just then Yang Xuangan rose in rebellion; the emperor was terrified and that very day ordered all six armies to withdraw together. Vice Minister of War Qusi Zheng fled into Goguryeo; Goguryeo knew the whole truth and pursued at full strength; the rearguard suffered many defeats. In the tenth year the empire mobilized again; bandits swarmed everywhere, roads were cut off in every quarter, and many units failed to arrive on time. When the army reached the Liao River, Goguryeo too was spent; it sent envoys begging to surrender and delivered Qusi Zheng to expiate the offense. The emperor agreed, halted at Huaiyuan Garrison to accept their surrender, and still marched home with prisoners and military stores. At the capital he had the Goguryeo envoys report in person to the Imperial Ancestral Temple, then detained them. He again summoned Yuan to court, but Yuan never came. The emperor planned another expedition, but the empire fell into turmoil and the campaign was never launched again.
25
The kingdom of Baekje belonged to the Ma-han peoples and traced its origin to the Suoli state. Once when the king was away on a journey, a chamber woman who had accompanied him was found with child; on his return the king meant to put her to death. The woman said, "Formerly I saw a breath from heaven, like a great egg, descend upon me; stirred by it, I conceived." The king spared her. She later bore a son; the king cast him into a pigpen, but the pigs warmed him with their breath and he lived; when he was moved to a horse corral, the same thing happened. The king judged this divine and ordered the child reared; he was named Dongming. When he grew to manhood he excelled at archery; the king, fearing his fierceness, again sought to kill him. Dongming fled south to the Yanzhi River, struck the water with his bow, and fish and turtles formed a bridge; he crossed upon it, reached Buyeo, and became king there. After Dongming came Qiutai, a man steeped in benevolence and trust, who first founded the state on the old lands of Daifang. Gongsun Du, administrator of Liaodong under Han, gave him his daughter in marriage, and Baekje became a great power among the Eastern Yi. At first a hundred households crossed the sea to settle there; from this the name Baekje—"a hundred crossings"—was taken.
26
西西 西
The realm extended east to Silla, bordered Goguryeo on the north, and on the southwest was bounded entirely by the ocean; it lay south of the Lesser Sea, some four hundred fifty li from east to west and more than nine hundred li from north to south. The capital was called Geupsa Castle, also known as Gumak Castle. Beyond the capital lay five regions: the central region at Gusak Castle, the east at Deogan Castle, the south at Juzhixia Castle, the west at Daoxian Castle, and the north at Ungjin Castle. The royal clan bore the surname Ye; the king's title was Yuraxia, and the people called him Jiangezhi—in Chinese, both mean "king." The queen's title was Yulu—in Chinese, consort. There were sixteen official ranks: Left Ping, five posts, first rank; Daeshuai, thirty posts, second rank; Enshuai, third rank; Deshuai, fourth rank; Yushuai, fifth rank; Naishuai, sixth rank. From these ranks upward, officials wore caps adorned with silver flowers. Jiangde, seventh rank, with a purple belt. Shide, eighth rank, with a black belt. Gude, ninth rank, with a red belt. Jide, tenth rank, with a green belt. Duide, eleventh rank; Wendu, twelfth rank—all with yellow belts. Wudu, thirteenth rank; Zuojun, fourteenth rank; Zhenwu, fifteenth rank; Keyu, sixteenth rank—all with white belts. From Enshuai downward, offices had no fixed complement. Each rank had its own departments to divide and oversee the various duties of state. Inner offices comprised the Front Inner Bureau, Valley Inner Bureau, Inner Plunder Bureau, Outer Plunder Bureau, Horse Bureau, Blade Bureau, Merit Bureau, Medicine Bureau, Wood Bureau, Law Companion Bureau, and Rear Palace Bureau. Outer offices comprised the Military Affairs Bureau, Minister of Education Bureau, Minister of Works Bureau, Minister of Punishments Bureau, Household Register Bureau, Guest Bureau, Outer Lodging Bureau, Silk Bureau, Calendar Bureau, and Market Bureau—each chief rotated every three years. Within the capital stood ten thousand households, divided into five wards—Upper, Front, Middle, Lower, and Rear—each ward having five lanes where nobles and commoners lived. Each ward mustered five hundred troops. Each of the five regions had one regional commander drawn from the Daeshuai, assisted by a deputy. Each region contained ten districts; each district had three generals chosen from the Deshuai. They commanded between seven hundred and twelve hundred soldiers. The populace inside the capital walls and in the outlying towns all fell under their jurisdiction.
27
退 西
The population was mixed with Silla, Goguryeo, Wa, and others, and included Chinese as well. Their diet and dress closely resembled Goguryeo's. For court audiences and sacrifices they wore caps with winglike sidepieces; in time of war they did not. When bowing in ceremony they planted both hands on the ground. Women wore no powder or rouge; unmarried girls wore a single braid down the back; after marriage they parted the hair in two coils atop the head. Their chief garment resembled a robe with somewhat fuller sleeves. Their weapons were the bow, arrow, sword, and spear. The people prized horsemanship and archery, cherished the histories and classics, and their ablest men could write respectable prose and manage official business. They also practiced medicine, yarrow-and-tortoise divination, physiognomy, and the arts of yin-yang and the five phases. There were monks and nuns and many temples and pagodas, but no Daoist clergy. Their music included drums, horns, konghou, zithers, flutes, and panpipes; pastimes included pitch-pot, chupu, pearl-juggling, wooshuo, and similar diversions. They were especially fond of chess. They followed the Song Yuanjia calendar, with the first month of the yin cycle as the year's beginning. Taxes were levied in cloth, silk, thread, hemp, rice, and the like, assessed according to the year's harvest and paid in graded amounts. Penalties were severe: rebels, deserters, and murderers were beheaded; thieves were banished and made to pay double the value of their plunder; adulterous wives were seized and made bondmaids in the husband's household. Wedding ceremonies largely followed Chinese practice. When a parent or husband died, mourners wore mourning for three years; for other relatives, mourning ended once the funeral was over. The land was wet and fertile, the climate mild, and the people all dwelt in the mountains. Giant chestnuts grew there; grains, fruits, vegetables, wines, and prepared foods largely matched those of the interior. They had no camels, mules, donkeys, sheep, geese, ducks, or similar stock. Eight great clans dominated the realm: the Sha, Yan, Li, Xie, Zhen, Guo, Mu, and Miao. Each year in the four mid-season months the king sacrificed to Heaven and to the Five Emperors. A temple to the founding ancestor Qiutai was built in the capital and honored with sacrifices four times yearly. To the southwest, fifteen island settlements, each with its own walled town.
28
西
In the second year of Yanxi of Northern Wei, King Yu Qing of Baekje first sent his Champion General and Commandant of Escort Horse Fusi Hou, Chief Clerk Yu Li, Soaring Dragon General and Administrator of Daifang Sima Zhang Mao, and others to present a memorial opening relations, stating: "Your subject and Goguryeo alike descend from Buyeo; in ages past our houses cherished a bond of old friendship. Their ancestor Chao lightly broke that friendship and violated our borders. Your subject's ancestor Xu rallied his troops and struck like lightning, beheading Chao. From that day forward, none dared turn south against us. When the Feng line ended and its remnants scattered, the wicked grew bold; we have suffered their oppression, and grievance has bred disaster for more than thirty years. If Heaven's mercy extends even to the farthest reaches, send a general at once to save my kingdom. I will send my daughters to serve in the inner palace and my sons to tend your outer stables—not one plot of land nor one subject would I keep for myself. After the gengchen year, along the western sea frontier I found more than ten corpses and recovered their clothing, gear, and saddlery. Inspection showed they were not Goguryeo goods. I later learned they were men of Your Majesty's court seeking to reach us; a great serpent blocked their path and held them at the sea. The saddle now presented to Your Majesty I offer as proof of what I say."
29
使使 使 使便 使
Emperor Xiaowen of Wei, noting how remote they were and the risk they had taken to come, received them with exceptional courtesy and sent the envoy Shao An back with their party. An edict read: "Your memorial has reached Us; We are glad to hear you are well. You are estranged from Goguryeo and have suffered invasion; yet if you uphold righteousness with benevolence, what enemy need you fear? Envoys We sent before crossed the sea to reach distant lands; for years they have not returned, and whether they live or die We cannot yet know. The saddle you sent, compared with mounts formerly used here, is not of Middle Kingdom make. Suspicion alone must not be turned into a settled charge. Matters of strategy and authority are addressed in a separate edict. Another edict stated: "Goguryeo has long been a tributary and dutiful vassal; though old quarrels lie between you, it has not violated Our commands. Your embassy has only just arrived, yet you already urge war; weighed in full, your case is not yet sound. The brocades, cloth, and sea goods you sent, though not all have reached Us, plainly show your loyalty. Gifts in return are granted as listed separately. A further edict ordered King Jangsu of Goguryeo to escort Shao An and his party. At Goguryeo, Jangsu cited an old feud with Yu Qing and refused to let them travel east. Shao An and his party had to turn back, and the court issued a stern rebuke. In the fifth year they were sent again from Donglai by sea, and sealed imperial writing praised Yu Qing's sincerity. At the coast storms drove them off course; they never reached Baekje and returned.
30
使
Under Jin, Song, Qi, and Liang, which held the south, they too sent envoys as tributaries and received investiture. Relations with Wei likewise never lapsed.
31
使 使 使 使 使 使 使 使 使 使
Early in the Kaihuang era, Yu Chang again sent tribute; he was named Senior Grand Opening Office, Duke of Daifang, and King of Baekje. In the year Chen fell, warships drifted to Tamna in the eastern sea. On their return the ships called at Baekje; Chang furnished them lavishly and sent a memorial congratulating the Sui on pacifying Chen. Emperor Wen was pleased and decreed: "Your land lies far across the sea; annual tribute is too burdensome—henceforth you need not come every year. The envoys performed the ritual dance of obeisance and withdrew. In the eighteenth year Yu Chang sent his Chief Clerk Wang Bianna with tribute. During the Liaodong campaign he submitted a memorial offering to guide the army. The emperor rewarded the envoys generously and dismissed them. Goguryeo learned of the plan and invaded Baekje. Yu Chang died and was succeeded by his son Yu Zhang. In the third year of Daye, Yu Zhang sent Yan Wenjin to court with tribute. That year he also sent Wang Xiaolin, asking permission to attack Goguryeo. Emperor Yang agreed and ordered them to report on Goguryeo's movements. Yet Yu Zhang secretly treated with Goguryeo, playing a double game to watch the empire. In the seventh year the emperor campaigned against Goguryeo in person; Yu Zhang sent Guo Zhimou to ask when the armies would march. The emperor was delighted, showered gifts upon them, and sent Secretariat Master of Initiation Xi Lü to Baekje to coordinate plans. The next year, as the six armies crossed the Liao, Yu Zhang too mobilized on his border, claiming to aid the campaign while hedging between both powers. Soon he fell out with Silla, and the two states fought repeatedly. In the tenth year he again sent tribute to court. After the empire fell into chaos, embassies ceased altogether.
32
西鹿 西
Three months' sailing south lies Tamna, roughly a thousand li north to south and several hundred li east to west, rich in deer; it was a vassal of Baekje. Three days' sail westward, it is said, lies the Mo country, more than a thousand li distant.
33
使
Silla traced its origins to the Jinhan people. Its territory lay southeast of Goguryeo, in the Han-era commandery of Lelang. Jinhan was also known as Qinhan. Tradition holds that in Qin times men fleeing forced labor came and settled there; the Mahan ceded their eastern marches for them to live in, and because they were Qin people the region was called Qinhan. Their language and terms partly resembled Chinese: they called a state bang, a bow hu, a robber kou, serving wine xing shang, and addressed one another as du—unlike the Mahan. Moreover the Jinhan king was always a Mahan appointee, the office handed down through generations; Jinhan could not crown its own king, clear proof that they were settlers under another's rule. They remained under Mahan control. Jinhan began as six states that gradually divided into twelve; Silla was one. Some hold that when the Wei general Guanqiu Jian smashed Goguryeo, its people fled to Woju; later many returned home, but those who stayed behind became Silla—also called Seora. The population mingled Chinese, Goguryeans, Baekjeans, and others, and their lands included former territories of Woju, Yilou, Han, and Miyue. The ruling house was originally Baekjean: a prince fled by sea into Silla and seized the throne. At first a Baekje vassal, they could not endure the burdens when Baekje warred on Goguryeo; the people rose together, broke away, and grew strong. They then turned against Baekje and submitted to the Gaya confederacy. Thirty generations of kings followed until Jinpyeong. In the fourteenth year of Kaihuang they sent tribute to the Sui. Emperor Wen invested Jinpyeong as Senior Grand Opening Office, Duke of Lelang, and King of Silla.
34
Seventeen official ranks were established: first Yibalgan, honored like a chief minister; then Yichigan, Yeonggan, Pomilgan, Dae Achilgan, Achilgan, Eulgilgan, Saduggan, Geupoggan, Daenemogan, Nemogan, Daeje, Soje, Gisa, Daeu, Sou, and Jowi. Beyond the capital, the realm was divided into commanderies and districts. Their script and arms matched those of the Middle Kingdom. Able-bodied men were enrolled in the army; beacon towers, garrisons, and patrols were organized in camp units. Customs, law, and dress largely followed Goguryeo and Baekje. On the first day of each month officials exchanged congratulations; the king held a feast and distributed gifts to the court. That day they worshiped the spirits of the sun and moon. On the fifteenth of the eighth month they held music and an archery contest for officials, rewarding winners with horses and cloth. Major affairs were settled in council, with officials gathering to deliberate. They favored plain white garments; women braided their hair about the neck and adorned themselves with colored threads and pearls. Wedding rites required only food and wine, the scale depending on wealth. On her wedding night the bride first bowed to her parents-in-law, then to her husband's elder brother and to her husband. The dead were coffined and buried in raised tombs. For the king, or for parents, spouse, or children, mourning lasted one year. The fields were rich; crops were grown on dry land and in paddies alike. Grains, fruits, birds, beasts, and other products largely matched those of the Central Lands.
35
From the Daye era onward they sent tribute yearly. Silla's land was rugged and mountainous; though often at war with Baekje, Baekje could not conquer it.
36
西
Wuji lay north of Goguryeo and was also known as Mohe. Each settlement had its own chief; they were not united under a single ruler. Its people were fierce and warlike—the hardiest of the Eastern Yi—and their language was wholly their own. They constantly despised neighbors such as Doumolou, who in turn feared them. Luoyang lay five thousand li distant. Two hundred li north of Helong stands Mount Shanyu; thirteen days' march north brings one to Mount Qili; seven days farther north to the Luohuan River, over a li across; fifteen days farther to the Tailu Lu River; and eighteen days northeast to the heart of Wuji. A great river more than three li wide, the Sumo, runs through the land. Their tribes fell into seven divisions. First was the Sumo, on the Goryeo border: several thousand warriors, fierce and bold, who raided Goryeo year after year. Second came the Bozhu, north of Sumo, with seven thousand warriors under arms. Third was the Anchegu, northeast of Bozhu. Fourth was the Funie, east of Bozhu. Fifth was the Haoshi, east of Funie. Sixth was the Heishui, northwest of Anchegu; seventh, the Baishan, southeast of Sumo. None of the others fielded more than three thousand warriors, but the Heishui were especially hard and tough. East of Funie every arrowhead was stone: they were the ancient Sushen people. Among the Eastern Yi they counted as a power. They lived mostly along rivers and in hill country. Their leader bore the title damofu mantuo. South of the realm stood Mount Congtai, called in Chinese Taihuang, held in deepest awe: no one might relieve himself on its slopes; travelers carried their filth away in containers. Bears, leopards, and wolves roamed its heights but never harmed anyone, and no one dared slay them. The ground was low and wet; they piled earth like embankments and dug pit-dwellings open at the top, climbing in and out by ladder. They had no oxen but kept horses; carts they pushed by hand, and neighbors farmed in pairs. Millet, wheat, and glutinous panic filled the fields; mallow was their chief vegetable. Alkaline vapors from the waters yielded salt on tree bark; salt pans dotted the land as well. Game supplied most of their meat; they kept no sheep. They brewed wine by chewing rice until even that could intoxicate. At weddings women wore cloth skirts and men pigskin cloaks with martial leopard tails thrust through their hair. They washed face and hands in urine—the filthiest custom among the Eastern peoples. On the wedding night the groom came to the bride's house, touched her breast once, and the rite was done. Men were fiercely jealous: if a wife strayed and someone betrayed her, the husband killed her, then in remorse killed the informant as well. Adultery therefore almost never surfaced. Every man was a skilled archer. Hunting with bow was their trade. Their horn bows measured three feet, their arrows a foot and two inches. Each seventh or eighth month they brewed poison, smeared arrowheads, and brought down game instantly. Even the fumes of the boiling poison could kill. If parents died in spring or summer they were buried at once and a small house roofed the mound against the rain; if in autumn or winter the corpse was bait for sable traps, for sable fed on the flesh and many pelts were taken.
37
西 西 使 使 使 使 使 使 使
During the Yanxing era they sent Yilizhi to present tribute at court. Early in the Taihe reign they sent five hundred horses as tribute. Yilizhi reported: leaving home they had sailed up the Nahan, reached the Tai'er River, and scuttled their boat. They struck south overland, crossed the Luogu, skirted the Khitan western marches, and came to Helong. He said their people had already overrun ten Goguryeo districts and were secretly plotting with Baekje for a joint assault by sea; Yilizhi had been dispatched to the Great State to learn whether this might be permitted. The court ordered: "All three are vassal states; live in mutual peace and make no raids upon one another." Yilizhi then withdrew. He retraced his route, recovered their boat, and sailed home. In the ninth year they sent Hounizhi to court again. The following year tribute came again. Neighboring states—Damolu, Fuzhong, Moduohui, Kulou, Suhe, Jufufu, Pilier, Badahke, Yuyuling, Kufuzhen, Lulou, Yuzhenhou, and others—each sent envoys with tribute in their turn. In Taihe year twelve Wuji again sent stiff-shafted arrows and regional goods to the capital. In year seventeen Pofei led a mission of over five hundred to the capital. In Jingming year four the envoy Houligui came again. From then until the Zhengguang era, tribute missions never ceased. Later, as the empire fractured, they sometimes failed to come. In the sixth month of Xinghe year two, Shi Wenyun and others brought regional tribute. Under the Qi they continued to send tribute without break.
38
使 使 西使使 使 使 祿
Early in Sui's Kaihuang reign they came in a body to offer tribute. Emperor Wen told the envoys: "We have heard your people are fierce warriors. Your arrival fulfills Our hopes. We look upon you as sons; you should honor Us as a father. They answered: "We dwell in a distant corner of the earth and heard that a sage reigns in your Middle Kingdom, so we came to bow at court. Having seen the Sacred Face ourselves, we wish to remain your servants forever. Their northwest marched with the Khitan, and the two peoples raided each other ceaselessly. When their envoys next came, Emperor Wen warned both sides to stop the attacks. The envoy apologized. The emperor feasted them generously before the throne; the envoy and his men danced a war dance full of feints and fighting postures. He turned to his ministers and said, "Between heaven and earth such creatures exist—always itching for battle." Yet their homeland lay far from Sui proper; only the Sumo and Baishan divisions dwelt nearby. Early in Emperor Yang's reign they fought Goryeo and repeatedly routed Goryeo armies. The chieftain Tudiji surrendered with his people, was named Right Honorable Master of the Palace, and was settled at Liucheng. Mixing with frontier Chinese, he took to their ways, asked to wear cap and sash like a civilized man, and the emperor rewarded him with brocade and high favor. When the Liaodong campaign opened, Tudiji marched with his men and won rich rewards for each deed of valor. In year thirteen he accompanied the emperor to Jiangdu and was soon sent back to Liucheng. Li Mi's troops waylaid him on the road; he barely escaped with his life. Near Gaoyang he fell into the hands of the rebel Wang Xuba. Before long he fled to Luo Yi.
39
使
The Xi, formerly known as Kumo Xi, sprang from a collateral line of the Yuwen Eastern Hu. Murong Huang had broken them first; survivors scattered into the pine wastes of the desert steppe. Their ways were filthy, but they were crack archers and hunters who lived by raiding. In Dengguo year three Emperor Daowu marched in person, crushed them south of the Ruoshui, and seized more than a hundred thousand head of horse, cattle, sheep, and swine. The emperor said, "These barbarian tribes know neither duty nor decency—petty thieves and prowlers. What threat do they pose? The heartland is in chaos; I will pacify it first, then extend majesty and mercy—and none will refuse to bow. Soon the court moved south; within a decade the frontier tribes, Kumo Xi included, grew strong again. When the court opened Liaohai and garrisoned Helong, the eastern peoples trembled and sent tribute from every quarter. Under Emperors Wencheng and Xianwen, Kumo Xi sent famous horses and fine furs year after year. Early in Emperor Xiaowen's reign they resumed tribute missions. In Taihe year four they burst inside the passes, claiming fear of Didougan raids; an imperial edict rebuked them harshly. In year twenty-two they raided Anzhou until several thousand soldiers from Ying, Yan, and You beat them back. They submitted anew and repeatedly asked to trade inside the passes. Emperor Xuanwu ruled: "Before Taihe year twenty-one, Kumo Xi had mingled with border folk of An and Ying and traded honestly without deceit. Since their rebellion in year twenty-two they have fled deep into the wilds. Though submitted again, they remain beyond the frontier and beg repeatedly to enter and trade with our people. To refuse them would chill their goodwill; yet trust without caution might bring disaster. On market days the prefecture shall post troops to oversee the trade. Henceforth they sent annual tribute without fail through the Wuding era. When Qi succeeded Wei, they came to court each season.
40
使
Their clans multiplied and split into five divisions: Ruohezhu, Mohefu, Qige, Mukun, and Shide. Each division was led by a yijin chief. They followed grass and water much like the Turks. The Ahui clan ruled the strongest of the five, and the rest acknowledged its supremacy. Raids against the Khitan furnished booty that they then sent east as tribute.
41
使 使 使𧦬𧦬
Khitan lay east of Kumo Xi—a distinct people yet of the same broad stock. Murong Huang had broken them both; survivors hid together in the pine desert. During the Dengguo era Wei shattered them again; they fled apart from the Xi and settled separately. Within decades they multiplied into tribes that raided hundreds of li north of Helong. From the Zhenjun era they sent famous horses yearly. Under Emperor Xianwen the envoy Mohe He Chen presented tribute and was seated at the very end of the feast roll for foreign envoys. On his return he told his people of the empire's splendor; every heart yearned toward it, and every tribe of the northeast heard and wished to submit. The Ximowan, Hedahke, Fufuyu, Yuling, Rilian, Pijie, Li, Tuliugan, and other divisions each sent famous horses and fine pelts to the imperial treasury. They then sought standing arrangements for trade, and all were allowed to barter between Helong and Miyun; tribute never let up. In the third year of Taihe, Goguryeo secretly conspired with the Rouran to seize Didougan and divide it among themselves. The Khitan had long resented those raids; their Mohefu Wugan led his tribes—three thousand carts and more than ten thousand people—driving their herds to seek submission, and halted east of the White Wolf River. From then on they sent annual tribute to court. When famine struck later, Emperor Xiaowen allowed them to enter the passes and buy grain. Under Emperors Xuanwu and Xiaoming they regularly sent envoys bearing local goods. During the Xiping era, as the Khitan envoys Chuzhen and twenty-nine others were leaving, Empress Dowager Ling—knowing that blue skirts were their finest dress at weddings—gave each man two bolts of blue skirt-cloth in reward for their goodwill; otherwise court tribute followed the old routine. When Qi took the throne from Eastern Wei, the exchanges never ceased.
42
西
In the ninth month of the fourth year of Tianbao the Khitan raided the border, and Emperor Wenxuan led the army north in person. He reached Pingzhou and then swung west along the Long Rampart. He ordered Minister of Works Pan Xiangyue to take five thousand picked horsemen east toward Qingshan; and ordered Prince Annde Han Gui with four thousand elite cavalry to drive east and cut off the Khitan retreat. The emperor himself crossed the ridges, struck hard, and shattered them, taking more than a hundred thousand captives and several hundred thousand head of livestock. Xiangyue likewise routed a separate Khitan division at Qingshan. Captives were distributed among the provinces. Later, pressed again by the Turks, they placed another ten thousand households under Goryeo's care.
43
使鹿
Their ways matched those of Mohe, and they delighted in raiding. Anyone who wept when parents died was thought weak. They simply laid the body in the mountain trees; only after three years did they gather the bones and burn them. They poured wine and prayed: "In winter, eat toward the sun. When I hunt, give me many pigs and deer." Of all the frontier peoples they were the most lawless, stubborn, and violent.
44
使 西西 使
In the fourth year of Kaihuang the tribal leader Mohefu came to court. The next year he brought all his people to the border to submit; Emperor Wen accepted them and let them remain on their old lands. After a rebuke from the court, they sent envoys to the capital to kowtow and beg pardon. Later a separate Khitan group under Chufu and others broke with Goryeo and led their people to submit. Emperor Wen pitied them when they arrived. The court was then reconciled with the Turks and feared alienating distant peoples, so he gave them grain to return home and told the Turks to receive and settle them. They refused to go. As their tribes grew they moved north with the seasons, two hundred li due north of Liaoxi along the Hechen River, spread three hundred li east to west, and split into ten divisions. The larger divisions fielded three thousand warriors, the smaller just over a thousand. They followed the seasons and pastured their herds by water and grass. When war arose the chiefs met to decide; once they mobilized, the tribes moved as one, like matching tally halves. The Türk qaghan Shebolue sent the tutun Pantuo to oversee them; the Khitan killed the tutun and fled. In the seventh year of Daye they sent envoys to court with local tribute.
45
鹿 穿
The Shiwei state lay a thousand li north of Wuji and six thousand li from Luoyang. The character 「shi」 may also be read 「shi lost」; they are kin to the Khitan—the southern branch are Khitan, the northern called Shiwei. The road runs more than a thousand li from Helong into Khitan territory, then ten days north to the Chuo River, three days north to the Shan River, and three days north to lofty Duliao Mountain, three hundred li around. Another three hundred li north lies the great Quli River; three days north is the Ren River, and five days north brings one to their country. A great river flows down from the north, more than four li across, called the Nu River. The land is low and wet, and their language matches that of Kumo Xi, Khitan, and Doumolou. They grow millet, wheat, and broomcorn millet in fair quantity. They live in walled settlements in summer and follow pasture in winter, and they take much sable by raid. Men wear their hair loose, use horn bows, and shoot unusually long arrows. Women bind their hair into a crossed-hands topknot. Theft was rare; one theft brought a threefold fine; and murder cost three hundred horses in compensation. Men and women alike wore short jackets and trousers of white deerskin. They had ferment and brewed liquor. They prized red beads as women's ornaments, strung at the neck—the more, the greater the standing. A woman without them might not marry at all. When parents died, men and women wailed for three years and laid the body in the forest trees.
46
使 使
In the fourth month of the second year of Wuding they first sent envoys led by Zhang Wudoufa with local goods. Until the end of Wuding, tribute missions followed one after another. When Qi succeeded Eastern Wei, they too sent seasonal embassies.
47
Later they split into five groups with no common ruler—the Southern, Northern, Bo, Shenmoda, and Great Shiwei—none with a king or chief. The people were poor and weak, and the Turks set three tutuns over them.
48
Southern Shiwei lay three thousand li north of the Khitan on low, damp ground and moved farther north each summer. Mount Daibo and Mount Qiandui were thick with vegetation and game but also swarmed with mosquitoes, so people lived in tree nests to escape them. They gradually split into twenty-five tribes, each headed by a yumohefu manduo much like a chieftain. At death a son or kinsman succeeded; if the line failed they chose a worthy man to lead. Men wore their hair loose and women coiled theirs; their dress matched the Khitan. They rode ox carts and made shelters of wild sorghum stalks, shaped like Türk felt wagons. To cross water they lashed firewood into rafts, or sometimes used hide boats. For horses they wove grass saddles and knotted rope bridles. Their shelters were bent-wood frames roofed with stalk matting, loaded whole when they moved. Pigskin served as mats and woven wood as bedding; women sat hugging their knees. The climate was bitterly cold and harvests meager. They had no sheep, few horses, and many pigs and cattle. Their marriage rites matched Mohe: once two families had agreed, the groom stole the bride away, then sent cattle and horses as bride-price, brought her back to her parents, and only after she conceived would both sides let her join his household. Widows did not remarry, holding it unfit to share a home with a dead man's wife. The tribe shared one great communal lodge; the dead were laid atop it. Mourning lasted three years, with crying only four times a year. They had no iron of their own and relied on Goryeo for it. Sable was abundant.
49
鹿
Eleven days north of Southern Shiwei lay Northern Shiwei, split into nine tribes around Mount Tuohe. Their tribal leaders bore the title Qiyin Mohefu. Each tribe had three mohefu as deputies. The climate was the coldest of all; snow buried the horses. In winter they lived in mountain pit-dwellings, and many animals froze. Roe deer and elk were plentiful; hunting was their livelihood. They ate meat and wore hides, broke ice, and submerged nets for fish and turtles. Snow lay deep and pitfalls feared them, so they traveled on wooden skis and halted when they stepped down. All hunted sable for a living, crowned themselves with fox and sable fur, and dressed in fish-skin.
50
Another thousand li north lay Bo Shiwei, settled along Mount Hubu—more populous than Northern Shiwei, with tribes too numerous to count. They roofed their houses with birch bark; otherwise they matched Northern Shiwei.
51
西
Four days southwest of Bo Shiwei lay Shenmoda Shiwei, named for its river. In winter they lived in pit-houses to escape the bitter cold.
52
西
Several thousand li farther northwest lay Great Shiwei, on roads so rough and remote that speech failed between visitors and hosts. Sable and blue rats were especially plentiful there.
53
使
Only Northern Shiwei sometimes sent tribute envoys; the others never appeared at court.
54
Doumolou
55
The state of Doumolou lay a thousand li north of Wuji and was the old Northern Puyo. It lay east of Shiwei, stretched to the sea, and covered some two thousand li square. The people were sedentary farmers with houses and storehouses. Hills and broad marshes filled the land; among the eastern peoples their country was the most level and open. The soil suited grain but not orchard fruit. They were tall, strong, brave, and sober-minded, wore no caps, and did not raid. Their chiefs bore titles drawn from livestock names, and each settlement had its powerful headmen. They ate and drank from platters and stands like more settled states. They wove hemp cloth; their dress resembled Goryeo's, but their hats were larger. Men of rank in the state decorated themselves in gold and silver. Punishment was harsh: killers were executed and their families enslaved. Customs were loose, but jealousy was fiercely punished: the offender was killed and the body left on the southern mountain until it decayed, after which the woman's kin could pay cattle and horses and take her back. Some held that this was once Huimo territory.
56
Didougan
57
西 使使 西 使
Didougan lay more than a thousand li west of Shiwei. Cattle and sheep were plentiful, its horses renowned; people wore hides and ate only meat and dairy, with no grain. In the eighth month of Yanxing year two they began sending tribute, and envoys kept coming without interruption until Taihe year six. In year fourteen they raided the frontier repeatedly; Emperor Xiaowen ordered the Prince of Yangping Yi, General Who Pacifies the West, to drive them back. Thereafter they appeared at the capital from time to time, and tribute missions continued until the close of the Wuding era. When the Qi dynasty succeeded the Wei, they sent tribute as well.
58
Wuluohou
59
穿 西 西
Wuluohou lay north of Didougan, some four thousand five hundred li from the Dai capital. The land was low, damp, and misty, and bitterly cold. In winter they dug pit dwellings; in summer they moved with their herds across the uplands. Pigs were plentiful, and they also grew millet and wheat. They had no single paramount ruler; tribal mok were hereditary offices. They bound their hair, wore leather, and adorned themselves with pearls. Bravery was prized and theft rare, so people left goods piled in the open without fear of robbery. They were devoted to hunting with bow and arrow. They had a nine-string konghou with a wooden frame and leather sounding board. Northwest lay the Wan River, which ran northeast into the Nan; lesser streams fed the Nan and flowed east to the sea. Twenty days' travel further northwest stood the great Yuenini Sea, the so-called Northern Sea.
60
西西
In Zhenjun year four of Emperor Taiwu they came to court and reported a stone shrine northwest of their land—an old Wei imperial site ninety paces by forty and seventy feet high—where a spirit dwelt and many prayed. Taiwu sent Li Chang of the Palace Secretariat to offer sacrifices and inscribe a prayer on the shrine wall before returning.
61
輿 便
Liuqiu lay on islands east of Jian'an commandery. Five days' sailing brought one there. The islands were riddled with caves. The king bore the surname Huansi and the name Kecidou; how many generations the kingdom had ruled was unknown. Natives called the king Kedouyang and his queen Duobacha. He lived at Boluotan, fortified with three ditched palisades, water on every side, and thorn hedges for walls. The royal hall held sixteen bays and was carved with birds and beasts. Doulou trees grew thickly—orange-like, with fine branches trailing like hair. Four or five grand chiefs ruled the cave districts, each district with its petty king. Villages dotted the land, each led by a niaoliao chief chosen for prowess in war to govern local affairs. Men and women bound their hair with white cord, coiling it from the nape to the brow. Men wore feather caps set with shell and pearl and trimmed with red feathers in varied styles. Women wore square white caps of patterned weave. Garments mixed woven doulou bark with fur, cut in no single style. Fur and hanging shells formed their ornaments; colored strands and tiny shells chimed like jade pendants. Earrings and bracelets adorned them, with beads at the throat. Woven rattan hats were trimmed with plumes. They carried spears, halberds, bows, swords, and ji. Iron was scarce; blades were small and often reinforced with bone or horn. Armor was plaited fiber or bear and leopard hide. The king rode a carved wooden beast borne by attendants, with scarcely a dozen followers. Petty kings rode litters carved like animals. They warred constantly; every man was swift and hardy, hard to kill and slow to fall from wounds. Each cave fought as its own war band and would not rescue another. When armies met, three or five champions leaped forward shouting insults, then began shooting at each other. If their champions lost, the whole force fled and sent envoys to apologize, after which both sides made peace. They collected the fallen and ate them together, then presented skulls to the king, who rewarded them with caps and made them war leaders.
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There were no standing taxes; needs were met by equal levies when required. Punishment had no fixed code; each case was decided on the spot. The niaoliao chief judged crimes; appeals went to the king, who had his counselors decide. Prisoners were bound with rope only—no stocks or chains. Capital punishment was a foot-long iron spike driven through the skull; lesser crimes were beaten with staves. They had no writing; seasons followed the moon, years the cycle of vegetation. Deep-set eyes and long noses gave them a foreign cast, yet they showed a measure of cleverness. They observed no court etiquette of rank or obeisance. Fathers and sons slept in the same bed. Men plucked beard and body hair entirely. Women tattooed their hands black with serpent and insect designs. Betrothal gifts were wine, pearls, and shells, though couples often paired by mutual choice. Women ate the afterbirth, then after delivery burned themselves to sweat and were restored within five days. Salt came from evaporated seawater in troughs; tree sap stood in for vinegar; rice wine was weak and thin. All food was eaten by hand. Choice morsels were offered first to elders. At feasts one drank only when called by name, and those offering wine to the king called his name before sharing the cup—custom much like the Turks'. They sang and stamped in chorus, one voice leading, the rest answering in a plaintive strain. Dancers lifted a woman onto their shoulders and swayed as they moved. As death approached, the sick were carried into the courtyard where kin and friends wailed over them. The dead were washed, wrapped in cloth and reed mats, buried in shallow earth without a mound. Sons mourned fathers by abstaining from meat for months. In the south customs differed: when someone died, the community ate the body together. Bears, jackals, and wolves roamed the islands; pigs and chickens were plentiful, but there were no sheep, cattle, donkeys, or horses. Fields were rich: slash-and-burn, then irrigation; farmers tilled with foot-long stone-bladed spades a few inches wide. Rice, millet, hemp, beans, adzuki, and black soybeans all grew well. Maples, junipers, camphor, pines, phoebe, nanmu, and catalpas grew in the forests. Bamboo, vines, fruits, and herbs matched those of the lower Yangzi. Climate and soil resembled Lingnan. They worshiped the spirits of sea and mountain with meat and wine offerings. War captives were sacrificed to the gods at once. Shrines were tree shelters, arrow-shot skulls on branches, or stone cairns with banners as god-posts. Skulls heaped beneath the royal walls were counted a mark of honor. Every doorway bore animal skulls and horns.
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西 西
Japan lay southeast of Baekje and Silla, three thousand li by sea and land, its people dwelling on mountainous islands in the open ocean. Under the Wei, interpreters linked Wa with thirty-odd Chinese states; all bore the title "child" lord, and the islanders reckoned distance in days, not li. The realm stretched five months east to west and three months north to south, sea on every side. The land rose in the east and fell toward the west. They dwelt at Yamadai—the "Record of Wei" Yama-tai. The text also places it twelve thousand li from Lelang and Daifang, east of Kuaiji, near Dan'er. All tattooed their bodies and claimed descent from Prince Taibo of Wu. From Daifang one sailed along the coast past Korea, veering south then east some seven thousand li before crossing the first sea. Another thousand li south lay a sea some thousand li across—the Han Sea—leading to Ichigo. After crossing another sea of more than a thousand li, one reached Molu. Five hundred li southeast overland brought one to Ito. Another hundred li southeast lay Na. A hundred li east was Fumi. Twenty days' sailing south reached Toma. Ten more days south by sea and a month's march overland brought one to Yamatai, where the king of Wa held court.
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Under Emperor Guangwu of Han, Wa sent envoys to the imperial court and called themselves grand officers. Under Emperor An they sent tribute again; the court named them the Land of Dwarf Slaves. During the Guanghe reign of Emperor Ling the realm fell into chaos; clans raided one another year after year until no king held sway. A woman called Himiko won the people through spirit-magic and was raised to the throne. She took no husband; two men fed her and relayed her words to the realm. The royal compound had halls, watchtowers, and stockaded walls, all garrisoned and ruled by harsh law. In the third year of Jingchu (239), after the execution of Gongsun Wenyi, Himiko first sent tribute to Wei. The Wei emperor granted her a gold seal and purple cords of rank. In the Zhengshi era Himiko died and a man was raised to the throne. The realm refused him; blood feuds erupted until Iyo, a woman of Himiko's line, was made queen. Male kings followed, each invested with Chinese titles. Through the Jin, Song, Qi, and Liang dynasties in the south, envoys kept coming without cease.
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使 使便 輿 使
After the Chen fell, down to the twentieth year of Kaihuang (600), the Wa king Ame—personal name Tari-shihiko, style Kashihiko—sent envoys to court. The emperor had officials inquire into Wa customs; the envoys reported that the king called Heaven his elder brother and the Sun his younger: at dawn he sat in judgment cross-legged, and at sunrise ceased all business, saying, "I leave the rest to my brother." Emperor Wen said, "This is utterly without reason." He then issued orders that the practice be changed. The queen bore the title Kami; six or seven hundred women filled the inner palace; the crown prince was called Riko-mi-tari-furi. They had no walled cities; twelve ranks of court officers stood below the throne—Great and Lesser Virtue, Humanity, Righteousness, Rite, Wisdom, and Faith—with no fixed headcount. One hundred twenty guni served as local governors, much like Chinese prefects. Every eighty households had an ini no eki, the equivalent of a village headman. Ten village headmen answered to each guni. Men wore skirted robes and jackets with narrow sleeves; their footwear was sandal-shaped, lacquered and strapped to the feet. Commoners went barefoot and might not adorn themselves with gold or silver. Formerly they wore bolt cloth wrapped and tied without seams, went bareheaded, and let their hair fall over both ears. Under the Sui the king first wore a cap of brocade filigreed in gold and silver. Women bound their hair behind, wore the same skirted dress, and pleated their skirts. They bundled split bamboo into combs. Grass mats served for sitting, faced with mixed hides and edged in patterned leather. They bore bows, arrows, knives, spears, crossbows, catapults, and axes; armor was lacquered hide, arrowheads bone. Though armed, they waged no wars of conquest. Royal audiences always displayed ceremonial guards and native music. Households numbered perhaps one hundred thousand. Murder, robbery, and adultery were capital crimes; thieves made restitution in goods, and the penniless were enslaved; lesser offenses brought exile or beating according to severity. In trials, the unconfessing had wooden presses clamped on their knees; or a taut bowstring was drawn across the throat like a saw. Or disputants plunged their hands into boiling stones, on the belief that the guilty party's flesh would blister; or snakes were set in jars to be seized, the guilty supposedly stung. Yet the people were generally peaceable, seldom litigious, and rarely thieving. Music featured five-string lutes, zithers, and flutes. Men and women tattooed their arms, dotted their faces, and marked their bodies. They dived for fish. They had no script, only notched wood and knotted cords. They revered the Buddha; sutras obtained from Baekje brought writing, divination, and deep faith in shamans. On the first day of the first month they always held archery contests and feasting; other holidays largely matched Chinese practice. They delighted in weiqi, hand-pole, chupu, and other games of chance. The climate was mild and vegetation stayed green through winter. The soil was rich, though water far outnumbered dry land. A small ring around each cormorant's neck sent the birds diving for fish, yielding more than a hundred a day. They used no platters, eating from oak leaves and feeding themselves by hand. They were plainspoken and cultivated refined manners. Women outnumbered men; marriage forbade the same surname, and couples wed by mutual consent. A bride stepped over fire before meeting her husband. Wives were neither promiscuous nor jealous. The dead were coffined; kin and guests danced beside the corpse while family wore white mourning cloth. Nobles lay in state three years; commoners were buried on an auspicious day. For burial the corpse rode in a boat dragged overland, or in a small litter. Mount Aso's stones sometimes burst into flame that reached the sky; the people took this as a marvel and offered sacrifice. A wish-granting jewel, blue-green and egg-sized, glowed at night—they called it a fish's eye. Silla and Baekje both regarded Wa as a great power rich in treasures, looked up to it, and kept envoys passing between them.
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In the third year of Daye (607), King Tari-shihiko sent tribute; his envoys said, "Hearing that the bodhisattva Son of Heaven west of the sea has revived the Buddhist faith, we come to pay court, with several dozen monks to study the dharma." Their letter read, "The Son of Heaven where the sun rises addresses the Son of Heaven where the sun sets: are you well? And so forth. The emperor read it with displeasure and told the Director of Guests, "Do not bring me any more barbarian letters lacking propriety." The next year the court sent Palace Library Gentleman Pei Shiqing to Wa. He crossed Baekje, reached Take Island, looked south toward Tamna, and passed Tsushima, adrift on the open sea. Farther east lay Ichi, then Chiku. Still farther east was Qin-king, whose people resembled the Chinese; he thought it might be Yizhou, but could not be certain. After more than ten further states he reached the Wa coast. East of Chiku, every land was a vassal of Wa. The Wa king sent the Lesser Virtue Hehai-dai with several hundred men, drums and horns sounding, to welcome him with full ceremony. Ten days later the Great Rite Kadohi came with two hundred horsemen to greet him outside the capital. When they reached the Wa capital, the king and Pei Shiqing presented tribute goods together. After that, contact ceased.
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Commentary: Great valleys and rivers breed different ways of life; peoples born among them differ in custom, appetite, and tongue. The sage sets teaching to suit the age, that their aims may be reached and their ways understood. The Nine Yi live far from the Central States, yet by nature they are mild, without violent temper; though seas and mountains divide them, the Way can readily govern them. Under Xia and Shang they sometimes came to court as kings. When Jizi fled to Korea he gave the Eight Prohibitions—broad yet binding, simple yet enforceable—and their transforming power endured a thousand years. Today the Liaodong states wear court dress, use ritual vessels, cherish the classics, and love letters; scholars throng the capital road, some never to return—without the sages' legacy, who could have wrought such change? Confucius said, "Be loyal and trustworthy in word, earnest and respectful in deed—even among barbarians one may so live." How true those words are. What worth adopting in their ways—is it only hardwood arrows as tribute? From Wei through Sui, four dynasties passed in strife, with no leisure for foreign conquest. At the end of Kaihuang they marched on Liaodong, but Heaven denied them victory. The two Sui emperors inherited the throne with ambitions to embrace the world, repeatedly invading the Three Han and loosing armies like thousand-weight crossbows. Small states fought like cornered beasts; victories failed to come; the realm seethed until the dynasty collapsed and emperor and empire alike were lost. The Art of War says, "He who broadens virtue prospers; he who broadens territory perishes." Yet Liaodong had long stood outside the commandery system while its states paid court each year without fail. Those two emperors grew proud, deeming none their equal, and failed to win men with civil virtue. They rushed to arms, trusting in wealth at home while grasping for land abroad—arrogance bred hatred, wrath raised armies—and for such rulers not to fall, history offers no precedent. The warning of the four quarters—how can one not take it deeply to heart! Doumolou, Didougan, and Wuluohou ceased tribute through Qi, Zhou, and Sui, and their histories are no longer clear.
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