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卷二十六 列傳第二十: 徐陵

Volume 26: Xu Ling

Chapter 26 of 陳書 · Book of Chen
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1
Book of Chen, Volume 26
2
Biographies, Part Twenty
3
Xu Ling, styled Zijian; his younger brother Xiaoke
4
Xu Ling, styled Xiaomu, came from Tan in Donghai commandery. His grandfather Chaozhi had been administrator of Yulin under Qi and an outside-body regular attendant of the scattered cavalry under Liang. His father Chi had been a Rongzhao general and left commandant of the heir apparent's guard under Liang; posthumously he was made palace attendant and grand mentor to the heir apparent, with the posthumous title Marquis Zhen. His mother, Lady Zang, once dreamed that five-colored clouds turned into a phoenix and settled on her left shoulder; soon after, she bore Ling. The monk Baozhi was held in his day to possess the Way. When Ling was only a few years old his family brought him to call. Baozhi laid a hand on his crown and said, "A stone qilin from heaven." The Guangzha monk Huiyun often marveled at how soon Ling came into his own and called him a Yan Hui. At eight he could compose literary pieces. At twelve he had mastered Zhuangzi and Laozi. Grown, he ranged widely through histories and was quick and forceful in debate.
5
西 殿使 西
In Putong year 2 (521), the Prince of Jin'an was made general who pacifies the west and colonel pacifying the barbarians. [1] His father Chi served as the prince's advising officer, and the prince also brought Ling onto the Pacify-the-Miao staff as military aide. (Middle)/Datong (two)/ (three)/In the second year the Prince was established as heir apparent; [2] the eastern palace set up academicians, and Ling was chosen among them. He rose by degrees to clerk for revenue in the Masters of Writing. He was posted as magistrate of Shangyu. Censor-in-chief Liu Xiaoyi, who had long borne a grudge against him, impeached him on rumor for corruption in the county, and Ling was dismissed. After a long interval he was recalled as a staff officer to the Prince of Nanping and promoted to direct and upright attendant of the scattered cavalry. While Liang's Emperor Jianwen was still in the eastern palace he compiled the Record of the Meaning of the Ever-Spring Hall and had Ling write the preface. He also had him expound his Zhuangzi commentary at the junior tutor's office. Soon he was made central secretary to the Prince of Xiangdong, pacifier of the west.
6
使 使
In Taiqing year 2 (548) he was made concurrent regular attendant of the direct and upright scattered cavalry. He was sent on embassy to Wei. The Wei lodged him and feasted him as an honored guest. That day was fiercely hot. The chief host, Wei Shou, mocked him: "Today's heat must be because Attendant Xu has come." Ling answered at once, "When Wang Su came here of old, he first gave Wei its rites and ceremonies; now that I have come on embassy, I have taught you again the difference between cold and heat." Wei Shou was deeply ashamed.
7
便 使
When Hou Jing raided the capital, Ling's father Chi was trapped inside the siege. Ling received no word from home and at once ate plain food and wore coarse cloth, as though in mourning. Qi then received the mandate from Wei. Emperor Yuan of Liang held provisional rule at Jiangling and again exchanged envoys with Qi. Ling repeatedly asked leave to return with his mission, but was detained and not released. He then wrote to Vice Director Yang Zunyian:
8
A single word that stirs the heart can hold the sun fast over Luoyang; a single will in hidden accord can make springs burst forth at Shule—how much more when ruler and ministers are sound, when neighboring states hear one another and look to shared teaching? Heaven's way is stripped bare; chaos has struck our court. In public and private alike fear chokes the throat—yet my plea to go home only drags through another winter, and scrolls of desperate prayer pile up unanswered. I never foresaw this. I never hoped for it.
9
西 調 使便
Have you not heard, sir? In ages when Yu apportioned the turtle and commanded the pheasant, when Tang viewed the river and bowed to the Luo, there came sun- (bird)/(crow) -calamities in flood, [3] wind-birds rampaged wild, heaven leaned northwest, earth gaped in the southeast, fierce drought split the three rivers, and long waves swallowed the five peaks. Our great Liang answered the golden chart yet met obstruction; it took up the jade mirror yet still was stalled. Why? A sage cannot make the times—that is the constant law of rise and fall. As for the Prince of Xiangdong, governor of Jingzhou—the root of his subtle spirit cannot be put into words; what his molding leaves is still Yao and Shun. Though the dances of six dynasties were set out in the Hall of Total Brilliance and the songs of nine regions were raised in the Office of Music, though Kui of Yu struck stone and Kuang of Jin tuned bells, none of it would suffice to praise his heroic renown or declare such overflowing virtue. If he offered suburban sacrifice on Chu wings, would he not be the lord who restored Xia? If he quelled hardship and danger, he would be the hegemon who righted Zhou—not merely a King of Bin moving to Yong and making a capital in a month, or Emperor Yao of Yao moving to the river and finishing a city in a year. Today Yuechang lies far away, [4] tame pheasants fly north; Sushen stretches without end, wind and cattle lie down in the south. Sons of our lord who have sense know where to return—yet your reply asks where we should cast ourselves. That is my first point of doubt.
10
Moreover, commanderies such as Jingxi have all entered your honored court. From our Xunyang, how many stages lie on the road? The clanging dawn watch and the bright night beacons—we hear one another across the Mian ford and can look across from the high tower. Springs flow in precious bowls, [5] and from afar we recall Pen city; a peak called Incense Burner—still the Lu Mountains. Only lately the heir prince of Poyang drilled troops where rivers meet and garrisoned the drowned waves; morning and evening he sent memorials, in spring and autumn he sent tribute. I have no way to follow on foot in straw sandals—by what road do they keep equal pace? Could that be so? It is not so. Moreover, not long ago the Prince of Shaoling made peace with your state: honored guests from Ying gathered like clouds in the Wei capital, famous ministers from Ye raced like wind to the Jiang shore. Has the road through Lulong only now been opened for them, while the Street of Bronze Camels stays long shut for us? Why is their road so easy that it needs no labor of the five strong men, while our road is hard as climbing nine bends? Earth bears all alike—how plainly fair is that! Yet your reply says there is no way home. That is my second point of doubt.
11
便 使 宿
Jingxi, Lujiang, Yiyang, and Anlu all say they have submitted in good faith and are no longer perilous states; count the middle of the road, and they should already be calm and settled. From there northward, drums and rattles do not sound; from here southward, the borders are not yet unified. If beyond those borders one should chance to lose one's slight body, it would be no frontier officer's shame—why should a common man's life matter? Moreover, on this guest journey [6] there is no trade in goods. I am no Han Qi on embassy to Zheng buying a jade ring in private, no Wu Zha passing Xu demanding a treasured sword in person. From the first, every feast and gift, every bag and bundle, has been emptied by long delay on the road. I scatter limited small funds to supply an endless stay abroad—that, you may know. To seize a map and cut one's throat—fools do not do it. To wield an axe and preserve the whole body—even the vulgar take it as a mirror. Why? Life is lighter than a single hair and heavier than a thousand jun—that needs no merchant-thief to make it clear. Flesh and bone cannot fill cauldrons and platters; skin and fur are not worth selling as goods. Even thieves have a Way—I have no worry. Moreover, if the government sends envoys and there should be needs, our court is not in a time of great peace, and a traveler cannot bear the majesty of the splendid envoy. Light baggage and lodging alone are not the labor of the rite of gathered watch-clappers; a few horsemen traveling at ease cannot expect the ceremony of the envoy's carriage. Those returning will follow with private donkeys and mules; along the road at post stations I ask only for vegetables and grain. If one says that to detain us gives no trouble to the officer in charge, while to send us off costs the government offices, or takes distress as an argument, or says traveling funds are to be feared—that is no proper discussion at all. All are side issues. That is my third point of doubt.
12
輿 西
Moreover, if you say we ought to return to Hou Jing—Hou Jing is fierce and rebellious and has destroyed our state. All who draw breath under heaven harbor rage. We could not throw ourselves on the altars or guard the imperial carriage in peril; we should have had Chiyou torn on four mounds [7] and Wang Mang carved with a thousand blades—how then bow the head, bend the knee, return to serve the bandit foe, and wear bow and sword at the waist as his menial? Only lately peace was made and old friendship was thick; the fierce man crouched in deceit and then startled the wolf's heart. I feared a punishment like Song Wan's and dreaded still more a plea like Xun Ying's—so he ran with pounding hooves and sharp horns, indulging his will and lording it over all; every traveler in our party has borne his special hatred. Even if we were pickled sinew and pounded bone, tongues drawn and livers probed, toward that fierce temper it would still not clear the score—this all within the seas know, and what you, my lord, are fully possessed of. I also hear that the princesses of our court, [8] ladies and women of the capital, were scattered by wind and rain, cast east and west; the capital is a ruin, wanton thickets rustle desolate; looking back on Yanshi, all has become wild grass; turning toward Baling, all are touched by frost and dew—this too you know. By what principle do they strive to escape the bandit foe? By what kinship do I strive to return and submit? In former days the honored general Juping hung heavy weight on Duke Lu; the famous man Shu Xiang was deeply known by Zong Mie. Though I am not clever, I have long admired those earlier exemplars. I did not expect that the enlightened multitude would harbor such feeling yet turn it to measure others in this way. In former days when the house of Wei was about to perish, many fierce men rose in contention; the worthies joined their strength, thinking to gain their fellowship. Are we the party of Ge Rong? Are we the followers of Xing Gao? If you say it is not so, that is my fourth point of doubt.
13
使便 稿 沿 西
Suppose our party did return to the fierce faction: Hou Jing was born in Zhao and Dai; his family came from You and Heng; in residence he was terrace and minister, on campaign he was regional commander; mountains and rivers, terrain, military and civil statutes—without laboring to ask for chopsticks to reckon, he could count them on his fingers. Jing was a fugitive petty villain of the same herd as sheep and swine; his person lodged on the river banks, his family remained in Heshuo; bustling and well-ordered, [9] like a ghost, like a god. Is that not so? Or again, this you know. Moreover, palace secrets are cloud-high; heroic counsel belongs in the command tent—some startled Yang to fix policy, some burned the draft before presenting the memorial. Courtiers still struggle to take part; how should a traveler abroad find a step to ear or eye? As for the evolution of rites and music, the leniency or severity of punishments and government—the songs of praise are already distant, the myriad dances have become custom; one no longer knows that the hands dance them and the feet tread them. Where is the need to wag one's teeth and be a spy in the gaps? If you say that on returning to mission for the western court we would in the end flee to the eastern captive—though Qi and Liang are divided, how are the frontier guards different? How take the difficulty of floating at the river bend and yet say the river passes can be crossed? Horses crossing at the River Bridge—was that not the treachery of Song's canon? Cocks crowing on the pass road—all are called the retainers of Tian Wen. How penetrating and blind—to obstruct one another so! That is my fifth point of doubt.
14
使
Moreover, though arms may clash while envoys remain—this is recorded in earlier classics—if it should be like the fault of the servant who died for his master, or the wrath vented on Cold Mountain pursued, then all the commanders would together release bound prisoners, down to junior officers, all alike without cutting down captives. Down to Zhong Yi's being pardoned, Peng's laughter on the road of return; Xiang the elder receiving grace to go home, Yu Ge leading the way. [10] We have spread banners and wiped jade, repaired good relations and sought alliance; crossing the Si and floating the river, suburban courtesy of labor extending to gifts on departure—your grace has already been shown, guest and host without breach. What fault is there now that we are turned instead to censure? If you take this as your argument, that is my sixth point of doubt.
15
If you say evil vapors are long-lasting and ruin and chaos stretch on, pity our wandering toil and preserve our bodily souls—we have already engraved this deep kindness and bear this great grace, deep as the Bohai together, heavy still beside Song and Hua. But the beam of the mountain drinks and pecks without intent for cage and fence; rivers and seas float and fly without feeling for bell and drum. Moreover, our camp souls are already spent; remaining breath is left empty; grief and silence are our life—how can we endure long? Thus though we receive fostering care, we shorten our heaven-allotted years. If you take this as your argument, that is my seventh point of doubt.
16
If you say I may return only after the rebel is destroyed, with high coaches in endless file and flying canopies in train—I do not understand such words; how could one jest at all? Fortune and adversity, order and chaos—who can foresee them in advance? Regular Attendant Xie is fifty-one this year; I am forty-four. We have both reached knowing fate; as envoys we are already at staff-and-village age. Counting that Hou fellow, he is barely a step behind us. As if the Silver Terrace arts were what he had never studied, while I alone knew the Golden Stove secret! I fear Nanyang's chrysanthemum water will not prolong life after all, and the Eastern Sea's mulberry fields will never be seen again. If that is your argument, this is what I fail to understand—the eighth point.
17
使 殿 使
Your refined mind towers above ordinary men; in books and letters—from primal chaos to the reigns of You and Li—is there anyone like me today? Even in Spring and Autumn times one might debate the point. When the Zhou royal house fell, hegemonic power turned cruel; sometimes many hands held the government, sometimes vassal ministers lacked virtue. Zangsun had rites yet was made a prisoner and another state's guest; the Earl of Zheng was blameless yet needlessly provoked the Son of Heaven's envoy. The Viscount of Ji was lodged in the Two Pavilions; the son of Ji was bound for three years. Is that not the breath of greedy disorder? Can it be a lofty precedent for our age? When the Twin Peaks were both emperors and the four seas fought for mastery, some allied with Zhao to strike Yan, some joined Han against Wei; men sought treaties in Chu's halls and snatched jade in Qin's court; they sent the sacred tripod to Qi and drove the comfort carriage to lure Liang's guest. Beyond that were slick tongues and peddled words, parting ways like brothers who were innocent alike. When Zhongyang received the Mandate, the realm shared one standard; in touring the Huaxia, none heard of secret humiliation. Among the three hegemons, Sun flattered with honeyed words and Cao bound men with fraud; banners yearly reached Gouwú and coaches yearly sped to Yong-Shu. Guests' barbs grew sharp and hosts' games deep; they talked freely together—who spoke of suspicion? Search old precedents and any trace you find is likely a decadent age's treachery, not a state's winning strategy.
18
西
I have also heard: Cloud Master and Fire Emperor differed in flood and purity; dragon and unicorn marked king and hegemon—yet all honored kin and ruler and thickened nurture to govern the people. States always had officers; ranks did not simply rise and fall. I have failed my parents in warmth and coolness and still live in chaos; enemies run wild and public and private life are scattered. The imperial carriage lacks a driver; who holds the royal boat? Gazing toward home—what heart is left for Heaven and Earth? Unless born of barn bamboo and hollow mulberry, wayfarers would still pity one another. I have always held that choosing an office is not filial piety, and choosing an errand is not loyalty to the state. How much more when one reverently receives the Way and rides with former kings—clerks who know the classics, owls and kites who know ritual; tours to transform custom ask after the aged; eastern and western academies honor the old. I came with jade and silk on friendly embassy, only to meet the world's hardship and the people's ill fortune. Year on year I could not file the New Year's straight petition; choking back tears I long faced public wrath. Pleas of feeling and rite would touch the dragon's scale; words of loyalty and filial piety must be bitten off. That is what I never planned and never hoped for.
19
And love of Heaven's kin—how can the heart forget it? Feeling for wife and children—who is without burden? Even the Princess of Qinghe in her rank and the Yuyao clerk's household, high and low alike, were driven off and seized. Since the southeast foe trafficked in the starving, terrace clerks starved against their walls; how much more my years of life-and-death parting, widow's room and infant—what words can tell it? If I could return home and search myself, I would still hope to lead them forth and together escape cruelty.
20
使西
When the Four Hearings fail, Huayang Jun called that a rebellious minister; when the people have no wrongs, Sun Shu'ao was called a good minister. You have lofty talent and weighty fame and assist state policy—you have heard Odes and Rites; yet on the court's great deliberations you have never argued; on the palace's fine plans how could you match them? Blunt speech is not Zhou She; easy compliance is Hu Guang—where are the remonstrating ministers? Years flow like water—how much life is left? At dawn I watch wild geese and my heart flies to Jiang-Huai; at dusk I gaze at the Herd-Boy and feeling races to Yang-Yue. By day a thousand griefs bring tears; by night ten thousand thoughts wring the gut. I scarcely know I live; I scarcely know I die. You have always had a sharp tongue and a deep grasp of principle—Chancellor Kuang's discourse that unknit the brow, Magistrate Yue's talk that cleared the ear; of my doubts, who can explain them? If my words err, your reply will surely clear them; I ask only to be ashes under the nail and gladly face axe and cauldron—why only stare, bite my tongue, and bow my head? If one point stands, I still hope for your mercy—why must you expect us to die in Qi's capital, feet in Zhao-Wei dust, bones adding to You-Bing? Then Dongping's bowing trees would long mourn toward Han; western Luoyang's lonely tomb would ever dream of home. Repeated pleas have only deepened my choking grief.
21
Zunyian never answered the letter. When Jiangling fell, Qi sent the Marquis of Zhenyuan, Xiao Yuanming, as Liang successor and had Ling accompany him back. Grand Marshal Wang Sengbian at first barred the border and refused entry; Yuanming exchanged letters, all drafted by Ling. When Yuanming entered, Sengbian was overjoyed to have Ling, entertained him generously, and heaped gifts upon him. Ling was made director of the ministry of personnel in the masters of writing and handled edicts. That year the Founder led troops to kill Sengbian and then marched against Wei Zai. At that time Ren Yue and Xu Sihui raided Stone City; Ling, remembering Sengbian's kindness, went to join Yue. When Yue and the rest were subdued, the Founder pardoned Ling without punishment. He was soon made zhenwei general and left vice director of the masters of writing.
22
使 殿 殿殿
In Shaotai year 2 (555) he was again envoy to Qi; on return he was made attendant gentleman of the Yellow Gate for presenting matters and director of the secretariat. When the Founder took the throne, Ling was also made regular attendant of the scattered cavalry while keeping the left vice director post. At the start of Tianjia (560) he was made minister of the grand storehouse. In year 4 he was moved to minister of the five arms and concurrently grand director of composition. In year 6 he was made regular attendant of the scattered cavalry and imperial censor-in-chief. At that time the Prince of Ancheng, Xu, was minister of works; as the emperor's brother his power dominated the court. Straight guard Bao Sengrui used the prince's power to choke off lawsuits, and great ministers dared not speak. Hearing of it, Ling drafted an impeachment memorial, led Southern Terrace attendants, and entered with the case. Emperor Wen saw Ling's stern memorial and bearing, as though he could not be touched, and straightened himself on the throne. As Ling read the memorial, the Prince of Ancheng stood in the hall, looked up at the emperor, and sweated pale. Ling had a palace censor lead the prince down and impeached him from attendant-in-ordinary and director of the secretariat. From then the court was awed into order.
23
使
In the first year of Tiankang (566) he was moved to minister of personnel and concurrently grand director of composition. Because since late Liang appointments had missed their mark, Ling raised standards and matched names to reality. When men clamored for office without end, Ling issued a proclamation: "From antiquity the minister of personnel assessed men, chose talent, traced lineage, weighed rank, and measured office. Emperor Yuan of Liang inherited Hou Jing's ruin; Grand Marshal Wang took Jingzhou's disaster—then mourning and chaos left no rules, and offices fell into this tangle. In Yongding the new court was still at war and likewise had no order. Treasuries were empty and rewards scarce; white silver was hard to get and yellow edicts easy to trade—rank stood in for cash to comfort men, with no count of numbers, until supernumerary and regular attendants crowded the roads and consultants and staff officers filled the markets. Was that what court law should be? Now rites and music grow richer each year—how can the old way still hold? That is not reasonable. Most of you exceed your proper rank and still call it great constraint—you do not grasp your superiors' intent. If you ask whether Liang's Zhu Yijun also became minister and chancellor—did he not exceed his measure? That was the Son of Heaven's choice, not the selection process. Emperor Wu of Liang said, "The world speaks of an eye for men; I alone have no eye for Fan Ti." Emperor Wen of Song also said, "Does the world lack fate? Whenever a fine post opens I think of Yang Xuanbao." Thus high offices do not come through selection. In Qin the carriage-office director Zhao Gao rose to chancellor; in Han the high-temple director Tian Qianqiu did the same—are those examples? Having charge of the current, I must apply the ink. I ask you gentlemen to understand my intent deeply." Thereafter all submitted; contemporaries compared him to Mao Jie.
24
殿 西
When the Deposed Emperor took the throne, Emperor Xuan entered as regent and, planning to remove dissenters, drew Ling into counsel. When Emperor Xuan succeeded, he enfeoffed Ling as Marquis of Jianchang, fief five hundred households. In the first year of Taijian (569) he was made right vice director of the masters of writing. In year 3 he was moved to left vice director of the masters of writing. Ling memorialized to yield to Zhou Hongzheng, Wang Li, and others. Emperor Xuan summoned him and said, "Why stubbornly decline and recommend others?" Ling said, "Zhou Hongzheng came west with Your Majesty and was long chief clerk of the old fief; Wang Li was chief clerk of the Taiping chancellor's office; Zhang Zhong is an imperial kinsman. Choose worthies of old service and I should stand behind."
25
祿 祿
He declined for days; Emperor Xuan pressed him, and Ling accepted the edict. When court debated a northern campaign, Emperor Xuan said, "My mind is set—nominate a commander." All thought Central Authority General Chunyu Liang weighty and jointly recommended him. Ling alone said, "No." Wu Mingche is from the Huai region, knows their ways, and in talent and generalship none today surpasses him. Debate then lasted days without decision. Minister of justice Pei Ji said, "I agree with Vice Director Xu." Ling answered at once, "Mingche is a fine general—and Pei Ji is a fine deputy." That day Mingche was made grand commander and Ji ordered to oversee the army; they then took dozens of Huainan prefectures. Emperor Xuan then raised his cup to Ling: "I reward you for knowing men." Ling left his mat and said, "The decision was Your Majesty's—not my strength." That year he was also made attendant-in-ordinary; the rest unchanged. In year 7 he also held director of the national university and grand arbiter of South Xuzhou. On public business he was removed from attendant-in-ordinary and vice director. Soon he was again attendant-in-ordinary, given a support staff, and again commander of the palace guards. In year 8 he was also right supporting general and grand tutor of the heir apparent, with assistant clerks. Soon he was moved to right grand master for splendid happiness; the rest unchanged. In year 10 he again became commander of the palace guards. Soon he was made pacifying right general and magistrate of Danyang. In year 13 he was director of the secretariat, concurrently grand tutor of the heir apparent, granted martial music; attendant, general, right grand master, and grand arbiter unchanged.
26
祿 祿 祿
Ling, being old, repeatedly asked to retire; Emperor Xuan favored him and ordered the director of palace construction to build a great fast hall so Ling could conduct business at home. When Houzhu ascended, Ling was moved to left grand master for splendid happiness and junior tutor of the heir apparent; the rest unchanged. An edict said: "Rites for the dead have their canon and restrain the old statutes. Merit that can be weighed should rightly be honored from afar. Palace attendant, secure-the-right general, left grand master of the glory, junior tutor of the heir apparent, senior rectifier of South Xuzhou, and established marquis of Jianchang county Ling—from youth his learning was lofty; in court he stood out; his achievement surpassed his peers and his writing made him patriarch of letters. In recent years We received him at court and drew him especially close. Though he often lay ill, We still expected recovery; suddenly he died, and shock and grief fill Our breast. Let him be posthumously granted secure-the-right general and special advancement; his palace attendant, left grand master of the glory, musical guard, and marquisate remain as before; mourning is to be proclaimed throughout, and funeral needs generously supplied. Posthumous title: Zhang."
27
祿 便
Ling's capacity and bearing were deep and admirable. His nature was pure and spare; he schemed for nothing and shared his salary with kin. In the Taijian era, while drawing income from Jianchang fief, district households brought grain to the riverside. He had poor kin take it all; in a few days it was gone and his own household soon faced want. His office colleagues wondered and asked why. Ling said, "I have oxen, carts, and clothes to sell—do the rest of you lack things to sell?" Such was his way of aiding others. From youth he revered Buddhism and understood many sutras and treatises. When Houzhu was heir apparent he had Ling expound the Great Perfection of Wisdom Sutra. Eminent monks gathered from afar; whenever the lecture hall debated, none in the four seats could match him. His eyes had blue pupils; contemporaries took this as a mark of keen intelligence. From Chen's founding, proclamations, military letters, and abdication investiture documents were all Ling's work, and his Nine Bestowals text was especially fine. Patriarch of letters for his age, he never lorded it over others and never reviled fellow authors. Toward rising men he showed tireless guidance. In the reigns of Emperor Shizong and Emperor Xuan, whenever the state had a major literary commission, Ling drafted it. His writing greatly altered the old style—tightly woven and ingenious, often with fresh turns. Each piece, once issued, admirers copied and recited it; it spread through China and beyond, and households treasured his texts. Later came disorder and ruin; most were lost; thirty scrolls survive. He had four sons: Jian, Fen, Yi, and Bin.
28
使
Jian also bore the name Zhong. [20] From youth upright, diligent in study with firm resolve; Zhou Hongzheng of Runan prized his character and gave him his daughter in marriage. At the opening of Liang's Taiqing era he began service as acting aide in the Prince of Yuzhang's household. During Hou Jing's rebellion Ling was on mission to Wei and had not returned; Jian, then twenty-one, took the old and young to refuge at Jiangling. Emperor Yuan of Liang heard his name and summoned him as director in the ministry of the gold office. Once at a feast he was asked to compose verse; Emperor Yuan exclaimed in praise, "The Xu house again has a writer!" When Jiangling fell he returned to the capital. In Yongding's opening he was made steward of the heir apparent, then moved to eastern garrison staff adviser. In Tianjia year 3 he was promoted to secretariat vice director.
29
At Taijian's opening Guangzhou inspector Ouyang He raised troops in rebellion; Emperor Xuan ordered Jian to bear credentials and convey the imperial will. When He first received Jian he arrayed guards in full strength and spoke with no courtesy. Jian said, "The affair of Lü Jia is indeed far off—has the general alone not seen Zhou Di and Chen Baoying? To turn calamity into fortune is not yet too late." He fell silent and did not reply, fearing Jian would sap his followers' morale; he forbade entry to the city and lodged Jian at Guguan Monastery under guard; for many tens of days Jian could not return. He once came out to see Jian. Jian told him, "The general has already raised arms; Jian must return to report to Heaven's Son. Jian's life is in the general's hands, but the general's success or failure does not rest on Jian—pray do not detain me." He then sent Jian back by a secret road at full speed. Emperor Xuan then ordered Zhang Zhaoda to lead forces against He and, since Jian knew the situation, charged Jian to supervise Zhaoda's army. When He was pacified Emperor Xuan praised him, granted ten slaves and five hundred hu of grain, and made him staff adviser to the pacify-the-north Prince of Poyang with concurrent secretariat gentleman. He was repeatedly promoted to national university academician and director of the grand craftsmen office while keeping the rest as before. Soon he was made yellow-gate vice director, then heir apparent's junior mentor, with added direct-communication regular attendant of the scattered cavalry and concurrent left vice director of the masters of writing; he was dismissed for an official matter. Soon he was recalled as extraordinary staff adviser to the Prince of Shixing in the central guard with concurrent secretariat gentleman. Again heir apparent's junior mentor, then steadfast-prestige general and left commandant of the heir's guard while keeping gentleman status.
30
When Houzhu took the throne he was given harmonious-submission general, chief clerk to the proclaim-grace Prince of Jinxi, with acting charge of Danyang commandery affairs. Soon he left office on his father's mourning. Soon recalled as harmonious-submission general, he rose through posts to interior magistrate of Xunyang; his government was strict and clear and banditry subsided. Promoted to regular attendant of the scattered cavalry, he inherited the marquisate of Jianchang and entered office as censor-in-chief. Jian was fair by nature and fawned on none; Jiang Zong, director of the masters of writing and weighty in his day, was also impeached by Jian—Houzhu trusted him deeply for it. He also commanded the right army. He died in Zhenming year 2.
31
簿 滿
Fen from youth had his father's manner; at nine he wrote a Dream Rhapsody. When Ling saw it he told intimates, "I wrote young, yet did not match this." On leaving the commoner's garb he was made secretary gentleman, then heir apparent's chamberlain. He rose to registrar to the Prince of Yuzhang and steward of the heir apparent. Sent out as magistrate of Haiyan, he achieved notable governance. When his term ended he returned as steward of the heir apparent.
32
Fen was filial and brotherly. When Ling once fell gravely ill, Fen burned incense, wept, knelt, and recited the Classic of Filial Piety without cease day and night for three days; Ling's illness suddenly lifted, and kin all said Fen's filial feeling had moved Heaven. He died in Taijian year 2, aged twenty-two.
33
殿
Yi was keen and alert from youth; as a student of the Changes he ranked high and became secretary gentleman, then went out as magistrate of Wushang. At Zhenming's opening he was promoted to palace gentleman of the masters of writing, soon with concurrent eastern-palace academician. When Chen fell he entered Sui. In Kaihuang year 9 he retired to Zhe Mountain in Qiantang; Emperor Yang summoned him as academician and soon made him director in the works office. He died in Daye year 4.
34
Xiaoke was Ling's third younger brother. In youth he was a student of the Changes, eloquent, and able to discourse on Neo-Daoist principle. Grown, he mastered the Five Classics, read widely in histories, and wrote well, yet his writing did not match his learning. At Liang Taiqing's opening he began as academician of the imperial university.
35
Utterly filial, on his father's mourning he nearly could not bear the grief; toward his birth mother Lady Chen he fulfilled every duty of support. At Liang's end Hou Jing ravaged the realm; the capital knew great famine and eight or nine in ten starved. Xiaoke supported his mother but gruel could not suffice. His wife was Lady Zang of Dongguan, daughter of the garrison general Zang Dun, very fair of face. Xiaoke told her, "Famine is such that support fails on every side. I wish to marry you to a rich man in hope that we may all be saved—what do you think?" Lady Zang would not agree. There was Kong Jingxing, a general under Hou Jing, rich in wealth. Xiaoke secretly had a go-between present his wish; Jingxing came with many attendants and forced the marriage. Lady Zang left in tears; all grain and silk gained went wholly to support his mother. Xiaoke also shaved his head as a monk, took the name Fazheng, and begged food to fill the need. Lady Zang too cherished the old bond and often sent gifts in secret, so want never cut them off. Later Jingxing died in battle. Lady Zang watched for Xiaoke on the road; many days passed before she saw him. She said, "What passed before was no betrayal on my part. Now I am free—I should return to support your household." Xiaoke was silent and gave no answer. He then returned to lay life and they became husband and wife again.
36
Later he traveled east and lived in Jiayi lane in Qiantang, debating Buddhist sutras with monks until he mastered the Three Treatises. Each day he lectured twice: mornings on Buddhist sutras, evenings on the Rites and Classics; clergy and laity studying under him numbered several hundred. In Tianjia he was made magistrate of Shan—not to his liking; soon he resigned. In Taijian year 4 he was summoned as secretariat aide but did not accept; he took vegetable food and long fasting, kept the bodhisattva precepts, and day and night chanted the Lotus Sutra—Emperor Xuan greatly praised his conduct.
37
In year 6 he was made national university academician, promoted to direct-communication regular attendant of the scattered cavalry with concurrent rector of the national university, soon confirmed in the latter post. Whenever Xiaoke attended banquets he ate nothing; when the feast ended the delicacies before him were diminished. Emperor Xuan secretly noted this and asked secretariat gentleman Guan Bin, who could not answer. From then Bin watched him by intent and saw Xiaoke tuck fine fruit into his sash. At the time Bin did not grasp his meaning; later inquiry showed he brought them home for his mother. Bin reported the fact; Emperor Xuan sighed long in praise and ordered that from then on at feasts Xiaoke's serving before him be all sent back to nourish his mother—contemporaries praised this.
38
In the Zhide era the heir apparent entered school for the libation-offering sacrifice; all offices stood in attendance. Xiaoke opened the Classic of Filial Piety as topic; Houzhu ordered the heir to face north and bow in respect.
39
Xiaoke was plain and fond of giving, so he could not escape hunger and cold. Houzhu ordered the Shitou ferry toll granted him; Xiaoke used it all for feasts and copying sutras, spending each sum as it came. In year 2 he was made regular attendant of the scattered cavalry and attended the eastern palace. When Chen fell he entered the passes by the usual rule. His household stood bare; his birth mother fell ill and wanted polished rice for porridge—he could not always provide it. After his mother died Xiaoke ate barley regularly; when polished rice was sent as a gift he wept before it and never ate it again in his life.
40
In Kaihuang year 10 Chang'an suffered plague; Emperor Wen of Sui heard his fame and conduct and summoned him to expound the Diamond Prajna Sutra in the main hall of the masters of writing. Soon he was made national university academician. Later he attended the eastern palace lecturing on the Rites and Classics.
41
In year 19 he died of illness, aged seventy-three. At the end he sat upright chanting the Buddha's name; a rare strange fragrance filled the room and neighbors were all astonished. His son Wanzai served up to clerk on the staff of the Prince of Jin'an and steward of the heir apparent.
42
The historiographer says: Xu Xiaomu drew the finest of the five phases and received Heaven and Earth's spirit—keen intelligence that embraced past and present. When he helped frame the rising dynasty and met a great fortune, he rose to foremost minister and offered counsel in and out—plainly the upright heart remained. Xiaoke honed body and conduct and nurtured kin beyond the rites—is this not the resolve of Zeng Shen and Min Ziqian?
43
Collation notes
44
西西
On "In Liang Putong year 2 the Prince of Jin'an was made pacifying-west general and colonel pacifying the barbarians": according to the Annals of Emperor Jianwen in the Book of Liang, the Prince of Jin'an Xiao Gang received those posts in Liang Wudi's Putong year 4.
45
[2] [zhong] Datong (two) On "[three] years, the prince was established as crown prince": emended per the Basic Annals of Emperor Wu in the History of Liang.
46
羿
[Three] Then there was a sun (bird) On "[crow] streams calamity": emended per Xu Xiaomu's Collected Works and Yan Kejun's Collected Chen Documents. Tradition says there is a crow in the sun, as in Huainanzi, Spiritual Teachings. Tradition also says ten suns rose in Yao's time, plants withered, and Yao had Yi shoot nine of them so the crows fell—cited in Northern Hall Manuscripts 149, Literary Gatherings 1, and Imperial Readings 3 from Huainanzi. That is the source of the phrase.
47
On "now Yuechang stands remote": all editions read Yueshang for Yuechang. Chang and shang are ancient and modern forms of the same word.
48
On "springs flow, treasure bowls": Wu Zhaoyi's annotated Xu Xiaomu Collection reads vessel for bowl, citing Forest of Literary Arts and Woodcutter on Mountains on the Treasure Vessel Spring at Jiangzhou.
49
On "again, these guest-travelers": Yuan Gui 663 and the annotated Xu Xiaomu Collection add segment below this.
50
鹿
On "four tombs dismembering Chiyou": four should read three. Tradition says Yao dismembered Chiyou and buried head, shoulders, and thighs at Shouyang, Shanyang, and Julu—Cloud Book Seven Talismans citing Records of the Yellow Emperor is the source. Liang Emperor Yuan's annals record Xu Ling's accession petition with the same "Chiyou's three tombs—can one call it stern execution?"
51
On "again heard that this dynasty's princesses": Xu Xiaomu's Collection and Yan's Collected Chen Documents read princes and dukes; that is probably correct.
52
On "chunchun jingjing": Yan's Collected Chen Documents reads native hamlet, native district.
53
On "Yu Ge showed the way": all editions read song for ge. Ge is the ancient form of the character for song.
54
On "I know its secret": secret (jue) should read formula (jue). Current Xu Xiaomu Collection and Yan's Collected Chen Documents both read formula.
55
On "greasy lips and vending tongues": Wu Zhaoyi's annotated Xu Xiaomu Collection reads wiping tongue, citing Later Han, Biography of Lü Qiang: "the wicked crane their necks, greasy lips wipe tongue."
56
On "none fail to honor lord and kin to inscribe things": current Xu Xiaomu Collection and Yan's Collected Chen Documents read charge for inscribe.
57
西
On "touring provinces to transform customs": current texts read touring the regions to inspect transformation, which pairs with eastern and western sequences below and is correct.
58
西西西
On "eastern sequence, western college": the annotated Xu Xiaomu Collection reads western sequence, eastern college, citing Royal Regulations on Xia and Zhou elder care.
59
On "not leopard, not bear": annotated Xu Xiaomu Collection and Yan's Collected Chen Documents read tiger for leopard. The phrase comes from Announcement of Mu: "Be bold and martial, like tigers, like bears." Liang Emperor Yuan's annals record Xu Ling's accession petition with the same "not tiger, not bear." Leopard here is a Tang-taboo alteration.
60
殿
On "at that time Prince of Ancheng Xu was minister of works": Xu was written taboo name in Yao Sizhi's original; emended per the Northern Supervisory, Ji, and Hall editions.
61
殿
On "duty officer Bao Shenrui abused the prince's authority": Northern Supervisory, Ji, and Hall editions read Bao Shurui.
62
On "in the third year he was promoted to left vice minister of the Secretariat": all editions wrongly read second year. Emperor Xuan's annals place Xu Ling's promotion to vice minister in year 3, guichou, and to left vice minister in year 4, bingwu—not as here.
63
殿
On "Jian's other name was Zhong": the Hall edition notes the Southern History reads Bao for Zhong.
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