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卷四十八 賈誼傳

Volume 48: Jia Yi

Chapter 57 of 漢書 ✓ Translated
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Chapter 57
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1
Volume 48: Biography of Jia Yi, the eighteenth memoir.
2
Jia Yi came from Luoyang. By the time he was eighteen, his ability to recite the canonical texts and turn out polished essays had earned him a reputation across the commandery. When the governor of Henan, Wu Gong, heard of him as a promising scholar, he brought Jia into his household and came to treat him with real favor. As soon as Emperor Wen took the throne, he learned that Wu Gong’s administration in Henan was ranked the finest in the realm—that Wu had hailed from the same home district as Li Si and had once studied under him—and summoned Wu to appoint him commandant of justice. The commandant then told the emperor that Jia Yi, though still young, had a solid grasp of the literature of the major schools of thought. Emperor Wen summoned him and appointed him to the corps of court erudites.
3
Jia Yi was in his early twenties then—the youngest among the erudites by a wide margin. Whenever the court issued a topic for debate, the senior scholars often had nothing to say; Jia Yi would supply a full response that seemed to capture exactly what each of them had wished to argue. His peers concluded that he was the ablest man in their ranks. Pleased with his performance, Emperor Wen skipped him ahead through the ranks until, within a single year, he had risen to grand palace counselor.
4
Jia Yi argued that more than two decades into the Han restoration, the empire had settled into peace; the time had come to reform the calendar, adopt new ritual colors and institutions, standardize office titles, and revive court music and ceremony. He drafted a full blueprint: yellow as the paramount color, the number five as the organizing principle, and a thorough overhaul of bureaucratic nomenclature, which he then submitted to the throne. Emperor Wen, preferring modesty and delay, was not yet ready to act on such sweeping change. Still, the legal revisions that did go through and the policy of sending enfeoffed nobles out to their fiefs all originated with proposals Jia Yi had first advanced. The emperor began to discuss elevating Jia Yi to one of the highest ministerial posts. Zhou Bo, Guan Ying, the Marquis of Dongyang, Feng Jing, and their faction resented him and began to traduce him: "That youngster from Luoyang has only just begun his studies; all he wants is to seize power for himself and sow chaos in every department of government." The emperor gradually cooled toward him, set aside his policy recommendations, and instead named him grand tutor to the king of Changsha.
5
Banished from court, Jia Yi felt ill at ease in his own mind; when he crossed the Xiang, he composed a rhapsody to lament Qu Yuan. Qu Yuan had been a loyal minister of Chu until slander drove him into exile; in his "Encountering Sorrow" he wrote, toward the end, "Enough! The kingdom is gone, and no one left in the world understands me." He cast himself into the river and drowned. Jia Yi mourned him from across the centuries and found in that grief a mirror for his own plight. The piece begins:
6
I bow to the emperor’s favor even as I bide my disgrace here in Changsha. I have long heard how Qu Yuan walked into the Miluo and let the waters close over him. Now I commit my words to the Xiang’s current, offering this solemn lament for the master. He met an age that knew no limit to its cruelty, and so he threw his life away. Alas, what sorrow, to be born into such an unlucky hour! The phoenix hides in the thicket while ill-omened birds wheel freely in the sky. Petty men rise to prominence, and toadies who whisper malice get whatever they want. The worthy are dragged underfoot while the straight and true stand on their heads. They lump the pure hermits with the corrupt, and call the ruthless bandit honest. The legendary blade is mocked as dull, while a soft lead knife passes for keen. Oh, to live on in this dumb grief with no reason left to be alive! They toss aside the sacred cauldrons of Zhou and prize a worthless gourd ladle. They yoke worn-out oxen and pair them with limping donkeys for the traces. The noble steed hangs its head in harness, dragging a salt peddler’s cart up the hill. They take a ritual cap for a slipper—such insult cannot go on forever. Alas for you, master, that you alone should suffer such undeserved blame!
7
使
The coda reads: Enough! The kingdom had no use for your truth; you nursed your grief alone—who was left for you to tell? The phoenix wheels upward into the distance; of its own will it breaks away and is gone. Like the dragon coiled in the ninefold abyss, it sinks into the depths to keep its pearl intact. It turns from the otter’s reach to hide in deep water—would it school with shrimp and leeches? The sage is prized for a spirit that flees the mire of the age and preserves itself intact. If the qilin could be haltered like cattle, how would it differ from a dog or a sheep? You walked into this disaster amid such confusion—and that too was the path you chose, Master! You could have crossed the nine regions and found another worthy lord—why die clinging to this one capital? The phoenix circles above sheer cliffs; only when it catches the gleam of true virtue does it stoop to earth. At the first hint of a ruler’s petty ways, it beats its wings once and is gone. A ditch a few feet wide cannot hold a fish big enough to swallow a boat. Even the great fish that roam river and sea may yet fall prey to ants on the bank.
8
In his third year as tutor to the king of Changsha, a fu owl flew into his quarters and settled in a corner of his mat. The fu looks like an owl—a bird of ill omen. Exiled to Changsha, a low, damp place, Jia Yi brooded on his fate and feared he would not live long; he wrote a rhapsody to steady his own mind. It runs as follows:
9
In the year Chanyan, early summer of the fourth month, on a gengzi day at sunset, the owl came to my house, perched quietly in a corner of my seat, and looked oddly at ease. Something strange had alighted among us; puzzled, I opened the diviner’s manuals to learn what omen it bore. The books said, "When a wild bird enters the house, the master is about to leave." I put the question to the bird: "If I must go, where am I going? If the sign is good, say so plainly; if it is ill, tell me what disaster awaits. Whether my end comes soon or late, give me a date I can understand."
10
The owl heaved a long sigh, lifted its head, and ruffled its wings; it could not speak, yet seemed to offer an answer in gesture alone. The myriad things never cease their turning; there is no pause in the flux of nature. The current wheels onward, now driven forward, now thrown back on itself. Matter and breath succeed one another in endless alternation, each state yielding to the next. The vast process runs deep and without seam—no tongue could exhaust its workings! Good fortune leans on disaster; disaster lurks inside good fortune. Grief and joy arrive at the same doorway; blessing and curse occupy the same ground. Wu was mighty as a kingdom, yet King Fuchai fell in ruin. Yue was driven to Kuaiji, yet Gou Jian rose to hegemony over the age. Li Si climbed to the summit of power, yet in the end he died under the full set of mutilating punishments. Fu Yue labored in fetters as a convict before King Wu Ding raised him to chancellor. Disaster and good luck are twisted together like strands in a rope. Fate cannot be argued out in words; who can see where its thread runs? Water driven hard shoots upward; an arrow loosed with force flies far. The myriad things press and rebound, jostling one another in constant exchange. Clouds gather and rain falls; the patterns tangle and cross in endless complication. The great forge of heaven casts its work across a boundless field. Heaven is not a partner in our schemes, nor can we take the Dao into council. Whether the end comes soon or late is decreed—how should a mortal know the hour?
11
西
Heaven and earth are the smelting furnace; nature is the smith who tends the fire. Yin and yang feed the coals; the myriad things are ore in the crucible—now fused, now scattered, now ebbing, now swelling—where is the fixed rule? The changes are endless; they have never known a boundary. One moment you stand human on the earth—why clutch and measure that accident? The next moment you may be something else entirely—why should that dismay you? Small minds hoard the self, belittling everyone else to puff up "me." The true gentleman takes the wide view and finds nothing in the world that cannot be accepted. The miser dies chasing gold; the man of honor dies for a name. The braggart stakes all on power; the common crowd clings blindly to mere survival. Men driven by fear dart this way and that like startled animals. The great man does not twist himself to suit events; he meets every turn of fate on the same steady ground. The fool is bound by convention and squirms as if locked in a cell. The perfected man lets the world slip from his hands and walks only with the Dao. The crowd stumbles in a fog of likes and dislikes that choke the heart. The true man rests in quiet emptiness, breathing in rhythm with the Dao alone. He drops cleverness and sheds the body, self-forgotten beyond the world. He drifts in the vast haze beyond form, wheeling with the Dao through open sky. Where the stream runs free, he floats on; where the channel narrows, he halts. He yields his body to fate and keeps nothing back for private hoarding. Life is no more than drifting on the surface; death is simply coming to rest. Still as the mirrored depths of a pool; adrift as a boat with no mooring line. He does not cling to life to save himself; he nourishes inner emptiness and lets the current carry him. The man of true power travels light; knowing what fate allows, he leaves anxiety behind. Trifles no bigger than a burr on the sleeve—why should such things shake your mind?
12
A little over a year later, Emperor Wen thought again of Jia Yi and recalled him to court. When he arrived for audience, the emperor had just received the post-sacrifice blessing and was seated in the Xuan chamber. Moved by thoughts of the spirit world, the emperor asked him to explain what ghosts and spirits truly are. Jia Yi laid out the full reasoning behind every point. By midnight the emperor had edged his seat closer, unwilling to miss a word. When the audience ended, he said, "It has been so long since I saw Jia Yi that I fancied I had outgrown him. Now I see I still fall short." He thereupon appointed Jia Yi grand tutor to Prince Huai of Liang. Prince Huai was the emperor’s favorite youngest son and a devoted reader; the emperor set Jia Yi to instruct him and often asked Jia Yi’s judgment on policy.
13
The Xiongnu were powerful then and raiding the frontier without letup. The empire was only lately pacified, and its laws and institutions remained loose and incomplete. The feudal kings set themselves up as rivals to the throne and held domains larger than ancient precedent allowed; the kings of Huainan and Jinbei had both been put to death for rebellion. Jia Yi sent up memorial after memorial on statecraft, setting out reforms he believed essential. In outline he wrote:
14
I have weighed the state of affairs: one issue should move Your Majesty to weeping, two to tears, and six to long, bitter sighs. Other wrongs that offend both reason and the Way are too many to list fully in a single memorial. Men at court insist the empire is already at peace and in good order; I alone believe we are not there yet. Anyone who calls the realm secure and well governed is either a fool or a flatterer—certainly not someone who grasps what order and chaos really look like. It is like sleeping on a pile of kindling with live coals tucked beneath: because the flames have not yet burst out, you call the bed safe. Our situation today is no different. Fundamentals and details are at odds, beginning and end no longer connect, and the machinery of state lurches without clear pattern—how can anyone call that good government? Why not allow me to lay these matters before you in full, present concrete plans for peace and good order, and let Your Majesty weigh them at leisure?
15
使 使 使 使
Which matters more—the sport of the hunt or the pivot on which safety and ruin turn? If good government demands weary thought, a worn body, and no time for music and feasting, one could still accept that trade. Suppose Your Majesty kept every pleasure you enjoy today, yet the feudal lords walked the straight path, weapons stayed sheathed, common folk kept their heads, the Xiongnu came as suppliants, distant peoples took their cue from the capital, the people grew simple and honest, and lawsuits dwindled away. Once those great ends were secured, the realm would fall naturally into order; a clear, harmonious spirit would run through the empire. You would shine in life as a sage emperor and in death as an exalted spirit, and fair fame would stretch without end. The Rites teach us to honor ancestors for their deeds and dynastic founders for their virtue: let the Gucheng temple be styled Grand Exemplar, paired on high with the Grand Progenitor, so that the Han line knows no boundary. To secure lasting stability and build a government that endures, thereby honoring the ancestral shrines and providing for your kin in every degree—that is the highest filial piety. To bring good fortune to the empire and nurture every living creature—that is the deepest humanity. To lay down enduring norms so that every degree of crime and punishment finds its proper measure is to hand future ages a template for rule; even a weak or foolish heir could inherit such a legacy in safety. That is true perspicacity. Given Your Majesty’s clarity of mind, you need only let men who understand governance lend their counsel at court; the rest is not hard to achieve. The concrete measures can all be laid before you plainly; I beg you not to pass them by inattentively. I have tested these proposals against heaven and earth, against the record of antiquity, and against the needs of the hour; I have turned them over day and night until they ring true. Had Yu and Shun themselves returned to advise Your Majesty, they could offer no better course.
16
西
Founding powerful regional states inevitably breeds mutual suspicion: the people below suffer repeated disaster, and the throne above lives in constant anxiety. That is no way to keep the ruler secure or the realm whole. Already Your Majesty’s own brother plotted to declare himself emperor in the east; a nephew turned his armies west against the capital; and now fresh accusations reach us from Wu. You are in the prime of life, Your Majesty, without fault in conduct, and your benevolence only grows—yet even so we see such things. What would happen if the greatest feudal lords wielded ten times the power they hold now?
17
Why, then, does the realm seem a little calmer than this picture suggests? The kings of the great fiefs are still boys; the tutors and chancellors Han appointed for them still hold real authority over their domains. In a few years those kings will come of age, flush with youth and ambition. The court-appointed tutors will beg off on grounds of illness and be retired; the kings will pack their administrations with their own men from county level on up. At that point, how will their conduct differ from the rebellions of Huainan and Jinbei? Wait until then to seek peace and good order, and not even Yao or Shun could save the situation.
18
Butcher Tan could carve twelve oxen before noon yet never dull his blade, because he always cut along the natural seams. When he reached the hip joint and thighbone, he had to bring out the chopping blade and the axe. Benevolence, righteousness, and generous favor are the ruler’s keen knife. Authority, statute, and coercive law are the ruler’s axe and adze. The feudal kings today are all massive joints like hips and thighs. To lay aside the heavy tools of law and try to slice them with kindness alone will either nick the blade or snap it—I see no third outcome. Why were those heavy tools not used in good time on Huainan and Jinbei? The circumstances of the moment made that impossible.
19
使 使使 使 使
I have traced the pattern of past rebellions: as a rule, the strongest vassals turned first. When the Prince of Huaiyin held Chu—the mightiest of the fiefs—he was the first to rebel; when Han Xin looked to forces outside the court, he plotted rebellion again; Guan Gao drew on the strength of Zhao and rose again; Chen Xi commanded elite troops and rebelled in his turn; Peng Yue used the wealth of Liang to arm another revolt; Qing Bu exploited Huainan and rose as well; only Lu Wan, the weakest of them all, rebelled last. The kingdom of Changsha held barely twenty-five thousand households: the smallest enfeoffment, yet the one that survived intact; the most remote from power, yet the most loyal. That was not merely because its princes were unusually virtuous men, but because weakness and distance left them no room for treason. Had Fan Kuai, Li Shang, Zhou Bo, and Guan Ying been granted dozens of cities as kings in those days, their lines might well have perished by now—and the realm would have been none the worse. Had men like Han Xin and Peng Yue been kept at the rank of full marquises with modest estates, their houses could still be standing today. From this the fundamental lesson for the empire is plain. If you want every feudal king to remain loyal, nothing beats reducing them to the scale of the king of Changsha. If you want your vassals to escape the executioner’s block, keep them in the condition of Fan Kuai and Li Shang—powerful in honor but not in territory. If you desire peace and good order under heaven, nothing surpasses splitting the great fiefs into many small states and so bleeding away their strength. Weak states can be guided by moral suasion; small domains breed no treasonous ambition. The empire would move as a body moves an arm and an arm moves a finger: every part obedient to the center. No feudal lord would dare a separate will; all would wheel toward the throne like spokes in a hub. Even common folk would feel secure—and all would recognize Your Majesty’s wisdom. Carve existing domains into fixed parcels: split Qi, Zhao, and Chu into a number of smaller states and let the descendants of Princes Daohui, You, and Yuan take their shares in order of seniority until the original territory is fully apportioned. Apply the same rule to Yan, Liang, and every other great fief. Where a large allotment has too few heirs, charter the state anyway, leave the seat vacant for the moment, and install a ruler only when a legitimate heir comes of age. When a fief’s territory has largely reverted to the crown, use that land to relocate the noble house or to enfeoff its junior lines—so that each loss is matched with a compensating grant. Not an inch of ground nor a single extra subject accrues to the throne from this policy—the sole aim is stable rule. The world will then see Your Majesty’s disinterested fairness. Once the territorial settlement is fixed, every imperial clansman may look forward to a kingship of his own; vassals will feel no urge to rebel, and the court will feel no need to chastise them by arms. All will call it benevolence. Laws would stand unbroken, edicts meet no defiance; the likes of Guan Gao and Li Ji would find no opening, nor Chai Qi and Kai Zhang room for conspiracy. Commoners would incline to virtue and high ministers to loyalty—and the realm would praise Your Majesty’s justice. An infant could lie on the throne in perfect safety; a posthumous heir could succeed, a regent could hold court with the late emperor’s robe on the seat—yet the realm would not stir. Your own age would know perfect order, and later ages would hymn a sage. A single stroke would secure five great achievements. What fear stays Your Majesty’s hand from acting?
20
The empire is like a body stricken with a monstrous, crippling swelling. One shin has swollen until it is nearly the size of the waist; a single toe balloons like a thigh. At rest the limbs cannot bend or straighten; when a finger spasms, the whole frame is thrown into useless pain. If we neglect treatment now, the sickness will set into the bone; later, even a physician like Bian Que could do nothing. The disease is not one lesion alone; a second torment twists through the body as well. The Prince of Chu was the emperor’s first cousin; today’s king is only the son of that cousin’s son—two generations removed from the throne. The Prince of Qi was the emperor’s own nephew, son of his elder brother; today’s king is merely the grandson of that brother—kinship thinned by another generation. Close kin may hold no territory with which to anchor the realm, while remote branches may command enough force to cow the throne. Thus I say the malady is worse than a single swollen limb—it contorts the whole frame. This is the first of the evils that should move Your Majesty to weeping.
21
西 使
The empire hangs upside down. The Son of Heaven is meant to be the head of the body politic—why? Because he sits on high. The barbarians of the four quarters are the feet—why? Because they belong below. Today the Xiongnu mock us, raid our borders, and show open contempt; they are a scourge on the realm without end—yet every year we ship them gold, silk floss, and fine brocades as tribute. The barbarians should answer levies and orders from the throne—that is the Son of Heaven’s proper hold on power; and vassals should bring tribute to the Son of Heaven—that is the proper ritual of subjects. The feet have climbed above the head. In such an inversion no one can set the body right—and can we still pretend the state has wise ministers? It is worse than hanging upside down: the body is twisted like a palsy patient and racked by creeping numbness. Hemiplegia cripples one side of the body; creeping numbness torments one region alone. Along the western and northern frontier, even holders of high noble rank rarely win exemption from service; no able-bodied man rests easy; pickets stare at signal fires without sleep; officers doze in full armor. That is the "one region in pain" I mean. The remedy exists, yet those in power will not apply it—this too should wring tears from Your Majesty.
22
How can Your Majesty endure reducing the imperial dignity to the status of a tributary vassal before barbarians? The humiliation deepens, yet disaster shows no end—where does such a road lead? Counselors treat this policy as sound—there is no reasoning with them. The state is worse than unprepared. I reckon the entire Xiongnu host would not fill one of Han’s large counties. For a realm as vast as ours to be bled white by a force that size should shame every man who holds office. Why not appoint me to the office that oversees dependent states and charge me with the Xiongnu problem? Give me leave to carry out my plan, and I will put a halter on the Chanyu’s neck, lay the renegade eunuch Zhonghang Yue on the ground for a flogging, and bring every Xiongnu warrior to heel at Your Majesty’s word. You hunt wild boar in the park instead of crushing a mortal foe, wrestle tame rabbits instead of striking rebels, and busy yourself with small amusements while ignoring the gravest danger—that is no path to security. Your virtue could reach to the horizon, your majesty could awe distant peoples—yet a few hundred li from the capital your commands already lose force. That is the second reason we should weep.
23
Slave merchants dress their human chattel in embroidered gowns, silk slippers, and ribboned hems fit for the inner palace—garments once reserved for the Son of Heaven’s consort in ancestral rites, never for banquet display—yet commoners now wrap their serving girls in the same splendor. White gauze for the shell, fine homespun for the lining, edged with decorative braid and emblazoned with ritual embroidery—those were robes for the Son of Heaven alone; today magnates hang such silks on their walls when they entertain. Antiquity tailored such finery to one emperor and one empress; now plebeian walls wear imperial patterns, and low-born entertainers flaunt a consort’s jewels. I do not believe the realm can long bear such inversion without breaking. The emperor himself goes in plain black silk while the walls of the rich blaze with brocade. The empress edges her collar with fine braid; a rich man’s concubine edges her shoes with the same stuff—that is the inversion I mean. A hundred laborers may weave enough to dress one wastrel—how then can you hope that no one in the realm will shiver? One farmer tills while ten mouths feast on his harvest—you will never banish famine that way. When hunger and cold bite into the flesh, you cannot expect ordinary folk to stay honest. The nation is already crippled; brigands need only wait their moment—yet counselors still chant, "The greatest wisdom is to do nothing." Custom has sunk to open contempt for rank, to erasure of all distinction, to brazen defiance of authority—yet advisers still urge inaction. This is another of the six causes for a long, bitter sigh.
24
簿 使
When Lord Shang discarded ritual, benevolence, and every humane restraint in favor of naked ambition, within two years the customs of Qin rotted away. Hence in Qin a rich family drove out grown sons to split the estate, while a poor family sent them out as indentured sons-in-law. A son who borrows his father’s hoe expects a scowl of condescending favor in return; a mother-in-law who lends her broom hears muttered curses before her feet have left the room. A daughter-in-law nurses her baby while lounging as insolently as her father-in-law; when wife and mother-in-law quarrel, they answer each other with sneers and spiteful jibes. Parental tenderness there is, but it is love of gain; they stand barely a hair’s breadth above the beasts. Yet because every mind was fixed on conquest, Qin could boast of toppling the six kingdoms and swallowing the realm. Victory won and every goal seized, they never thought to restore modesty, shame, and the generous virtues of benevolence and right. They trusted the law of annexation and pressed on with conquest until the whole moral order collapsed. The strong trampled the weak, the clever duped the simple, the bold terrified the timid—chaos reached its height. Then a great sage rose; his might shook the empire and his virtue drew the world to follow. The realm that was Qin has become Han. Yet the foul habits Qin left behind linger still. Today men outdo one another in luxury while those above enforce no standards, abandon ritual and right, and shed every sense of honor. The decline worsens by the month and shifts beyond recognition year by year. Profit is all they hear; decency never enters the reckoning—until some go so far as to murder father or brother. Thieves strip curtains from bedchamber doors, loot ritual vessels from both shrines, and in broad daylight in the capital mug officials for their gold. Forgers issue false orders for hundreds of thousands of piculs of grain and six million cash in levies, then tour the commanderies by official post—there is no lower depth of lawlessness. Yet high ministers fuss only over late paperwork and missed deadlines, as if those were the gravest crises. When custom rots and society crumbles, they remain placid and call it normal, for nothing their eyes or ears report seems worth a second thought. To shift the wind of custom and turn the empire’s heart toward the Way is not work for petty bureaucrats. Such men live for their brush cases and document satchels; they have no grasp of the larger pattern. When Your Majesty will not even trouble yourself over it, I can only grieve in private.
25
使 使
The order of ruler and minister, high and low, the rites between father and son, the bonds among the six degrees of kin—these are not heaven’s work but human institutions. What men establish must be actively upheld: neglect to plant it and it withers; neglect to tend it and it rots. The Guanzi says, "Propriety, justice, integrity, and sense of shame are the four cords that bind the state; if those cords slacken, the state falls." Dismiss Guanzi as a fool if you will—but if he understood even the rudiments of rule, his warning should freeze your blood. Qin cut the four cords and never tightened them again; ruler and minister turned on each other, families were massacred, villains sprang up everywhere, and the people rose in revolt. Within thirteen years the altars lay empty. Our four cords are still incomplete, so villains sniff their chance and the people walk in doubt. Better to fix the fundamental laws now: true sovereignty above, true service below, clear ranks from top to bottom, every family relationship in its proper place—so that villains lose their opening, ministers win the people’s trust, and the throne never wavers in doubt. Once that settlement is made, peace can pass down the generations, and posterity will have a model to follow. Leave the basic order unsettled and you cross a great river without oar or rudder: meet a squall midstream and the vessel must founder. This too is cause for one of the six long sighs.
26
使 使 使 西 退
The Xia held the mandate for more than a dozen reigns before Yin succeeded them. The Shang reigned for more than twenty generations before Zhou took the throne. The Zhou line lasted more than thirty generations before Qin inherited the realm. Qin held the mandate for two reigns and collapsed. Human nature has not changed much across the ages—so why did the rulers of the three ancient dynasties enjoy long, virtuous reigns while Qin’s lack of the Way brought sudden ruin? The reason is not hard to see. The kings of old, as soon as the heir was born, received him with full ceremony: a knight bore the infant on his back while officers in fasting garb and formal regalia presented him at the southern suburb to acknowledge Heaven. He dismounted at the palace gate and quickened his step past the ancestral shrine—such was the training of a filial heir. Thus moral instruction began while he was still in swaddling clothes. King Cheng was still in the cradle when the Duke of Shao became his grand guardian, the Duke of Zhou his grand tutor, and the Grand Duke of Qi his grand preceptor. The guardian watches over the child’s physical welfare; the tutor instills virtue and moral principle; the preceptor imparts the larger lessons of statecraft. Such were the three high ministers’ roles. They also appointed three junior ministers—all senior grandees—styled junior guardian, tutor, and preceptor, who shared the heir’s daily life and informal instruction. From the moment the boy could understand speech, the six mentors drilled him in filial piety, humanity, ritual, and right, drove away corrupt companions, and shielded him from base example. The court then chose the finest scholars in the land—men of filial piety, wide learning, and proven principle—to attend the heir at home and abroad. Thus from birth the crown prince saw only upright conduct, heard only upright speech, and walked only upright paths; every face around him belonged to a good man. Live always among the upright and you cannot help becoming upright, just as a child raised in Qi cannot help speaking the Qi dialect; dwell among the crooked and you will twist like them, as surely as a child of Chu speaks the Chu tongue. Therefore, before indulging any new appetite, he must first master the proper teaching—only then may he sample it; before taking up any pastime, he must rehearse it under guidance—only then may he pursue it. Confucius said, "What the boy learns in youth becomes second nature; habit hardens into instinct." When the heir grew old enough to notice women, he was enrolled in the royal academy. That academy was the proper bureau for his schooling. The Study Rites says: "When the sovereign attends the eastern school, honoring kin and prizing benevolence, the degrees of nearness and distance fall into order and kindness flows through them all; when he attends the southern school, honoring seniority and good faith, elders and juniors know their station and the people cease to deceive one another; when he attends the western school, prizing worth and virtue, the wise fill office and no good deed goes unrewarded; when he attends the northern school, revering rank and title, high and low stay within their bounds and inferiors do not step out of line; when he enters the grand academy, learns at the teacher’s feet, and afterward rehearses his lessons before the grand tutor, who punishes every lapse and repairs every shortcoming, virtue and wisdom mature and the art of rule is mastered." When the ruler has completed this fivefold schooling, the common people below him fall naturally into harmony." After the capping ceremony freed him from the tutors’ constant vigil, he gained scribes to note his faults, stewards who could cut his meals to warn him, banners to invite good counsel, wooden boards for anonymous complaints, and drums any subject might strike to demand audience. Blind historians chanted the Odes, artisans recited admonitory verse, high ministers offered strategy, and petty officers relayed the voice of the people. Counsel grew sharper as his mind matured, so rebukes could be blunt without giving offense; moral transformation fused with his inner heart until the middle path felt as natural as instinct. The rites of the three dynasties required spring audiences at dawn to greet the sun and autumn ceremonies at dusk to honor the moon—training the heir in awe; each spring and autumn he entered the academy, seated the kingdom’s elders, and with his own hands served them condiments—training in filial respect; his carriage bells rang in harmony, his slow walk kept time to "Cai Qi," his quick step to "Si Xia"—training in measured deportment; toward animals he would not eat what he had seen living nor flesh whose cry he had heard, and he kept his distance from the kitchen—cultivating compassion and demonstrating humanity.
27
A common proverb runs, "If you have never served as an official, study what has already been done." Another says, "When the lead wagon spills, the wagon behind should beware." How the three dynasties lasted so long is plain from the record they left; yet we refuse to follow their example—that is to reject the wisdom of the sages. Why Qin fell so swiftly is written clear as wagon ruts in the mud; yet we swerve aside from none of its mistakes—the second wagon is about to overturn. The hinge on which survival or ruin turns, the lever of order or chaos, lies exactly here. The fate of the empire hangs from the crown prince; his worth depends on early teaching and careful choice of companions. Instruct the heart before passions run wild and moral transformation comes easily; open his mind to the Way, to method, to wisdom and right—that is the true force of education. If you want lasting habit and inward conviction, nothing matters more than those who stand at his elbow. The Hu and the Yue are born with the same infant cry and the same appetites; grown to manhood they grow so far apart that stacks of interpreters cannot bridge their speech, and men of one land will die before aiding the other—all from upbringing and habit. I repeat: choose his companions and begin his instruction early—nothing is more urgent. When teaching succeeds and his attendants are upright, the heir becomes upright; when the heir is upright, the realm is settled. The Documents says, "When the ruler knows blessing, the myriad people lean upon him." That is the business of the hour.
28
使 使 使
Ordinary wit sees only what has already happened; it cannot see what is coming. Ritual stops wrong before it sprouts; law punishes wrong after the fact. The effects of law are obvious; the quiet work of ritual is easy to overlook. Rewards to encourage good and punishments to check evil—the ancient kings wielded both, unshakable as metal, as reliable as the seasons, as impartial as heaven and earth. Of course they used them. When we speak of ritual, we mean killing evil in the bud and teaching in the finest grain of life, so the people drift toward goodness and away from crime without noticing the tug. Confucius said, "In hearing cases I am no wiser than other men; what I want is to bring it about that there are no cases at all." For a ruler’s counselor, nothing comes before weighing what to embrace and what to reject; once that choice is settled within, the seeds of safety or ruin appear without. Security does not arrive in a single dawn, nor danger in a single dusk—both creep in by degrees, and that is what you must watch. What the ruler piles up day by day is precisely this choice. Govern with ritual and right, and you accumulate ritual and right; govern with the lash alone, and you accumulate nothing but penalties. Stack up punishments and the people turn bitter; stack up ritual and the people grow gentle and kinlike. Every ruler wants a good populace, yet the means they use to get there diverge wildly. Some lead with moral instruction; others herd with statutes and threats. Where virtue-teaching prevails, the air of the people turns light; where law is pushed to the limit, the mood of the people sinks into grief. Joy and grief in the people answer directly to fortune and disaster. The Qin king wanted to glorify his shrines and secure his line no less than Tang or Wu; yet Tang and Wu broadened their virtue and held the realm six or seven hundred years, while Qin’s way collapsed in little more than a decade. No other cause lies beneath it: Tang and Wu chose their course with care, while the rulers of Qin chose theirs with blind recklessness. The empire is a great vessel. Set a precious thing on a safe shelf and it stays whole; set it on a ledge over a cliff and it will shatter. The realm is no different: everything depends on where the Son of Heaven places it. Tang and Wu set the realm on benevolence, right, ritual, and music: kindness spread until beasts and plants flourished and barbarians of every quarter felt its touch, and their houses ruled dozens of generations. That story the whole world knows by heart. The Qin king set the realm on statutes and the rack: not a drop of grace remained, hatred flooded the age, his subjects loathed him as they would a mortal foe, disaster brushed his own skin, and his line was cut off root and branch. That spectacle everyone has seen with his own eyes. Could proof be clearer or the lesson louder? Men say, "Test every counsel against the facts, and no one will dare traffic in empty words." If anyone claims ritual cannot match statute or moral suasion the rack, let the ruler weigh the histories of Yin, Zhou, and Qin and judge for himself.
29
The ruler’s majesty is the high hall; his ministers are the stair; the common people are the earth below. Many tiers of steps lift the hall high above the ground; strip away those steps and the hall sits almost in the dust. What stands high is hard to storm; what lies low invites trampling—that is simply how things work. The sage kings built a ladder of rank—within the court from dukes down to ordinary knights, without from feudal princes down to petty clerks and then the people—each step distinct, with the Son of Heaven alone above them all. That is how his majesty became unapproachable. The proverb says, "You hesitate to strike the rat for fear of the vase beside it." That is apt counsel. Even a rat beside a precious jar gives pause—how much more a high minister standing at the ruler’s elbow! Integrity, shame, and ritual governed the gentleman class: they might be sentenced to die, but never dragged through public mutilation. Branding and cropping never touched a grandee, for he stood too close to the throne. Ritual forbade even naming the age of the ruler’s team horses; kick their fodder and you were fined; you rose at sight of his armrest or staff, dismounted when his chariot passed, and quickened your step through the main gate; and a favored minister, though at fault, was spared mutilating execution—all to preserve the dignity of the throne. All this was to keep contempt at a distance from the ruler and to clothe high ministers in honor so they would steel their integrity. Today kings, marquises, and the three dukes—men the emperor greets with altered mien, the very kin the ancients called uncle or great-uncle—are thrown to the same branding, cropping, shaving, hobbling, flogging, and public execution as common felons. Is that not tearing the steps from under the hall? Are not those who suffer such shame driven past endurance? When shame no longer restrains them, will not great officers who hold the levers of power begin to think like shackled slaves? The slaughter at Wangyi Palace, where the Second Emperor fell to harsh law, was the fruit of striking rats without regard for the vase.
30
退
I have heard it said: never put new shoes on the pillow, nor plug worn-out shoes with your cap—each thing keeps its proper use. A man raised to high favor—whom the emperor has greeted with respect and whom officials and commoners have learned to revere—may be cashiered, demoted, sentenced to death, or his house destroyed if he sins; but to bind him, drag him to the Minister of Justice, register him with the convict labor corps, and let petty jailers curse and flog him—that is no sight for the people to witness. Low folk will learn that even the mighty may one day be treated so—that trains the realm in contempt, not in reverence for rank. Men whom the emperor has honored and the people have held in awe—when they die, let them die; how can common jailers be allowed to heap sudden humiliation on them?
31
使 便 便 便 使 使
Yu Rang first served the lord of Zhonghang; when Earl Zhi destroyed that house, he transferred his allegiance to Earl Zhi. When Zhao wiped out Earl Zhi, Yu Rang scarred his face and swallowed charcoal, swore to avenge himself on Viscount Xiang of Zhao, and struck five times without success. Someone asked Yu Rang why. He replied, "The lord of Zhonghang treated me like common herd—I served him as a common retainer; Earl Zhi treated me as a man of the kingdom, so I repaid him as a man of the kingdom." The same Yu Rang first turned traitor and served his master’s killer like a cur, then died for loyalty like the noblest knight—because his lords had treated him first as beast, then as peer. Treat your ministers like dogs or horses, and they will behave like dogs or horses; treat them like convict laborers, and they will answer as convict laborers. They grow thick-skinned, shameless, abusive, and unprincipled; they stop caring for their own good name. Once that is tolerated, they bolt at the sight of gain and snatch every advantage. If the ruler stumbles, they press the wound; if disaster strikes, they stand aside muttering, "Not my affair," and watch; if treason profits them, they cheat and sell you out without a blink. What good can that do the throne? The many serve the one, yet wealth, arms, and every office rest in the hands of those below. If they are all shameless and reckless together, the ruler is the one who suffers most. Hence antiquity withheld full ritual from commoners and withheld degrading punishments from grandees—to steel the integrity of men the ruler honors. When a great officer was removed for corruption, the court did not call it corruption; it said his "sacrificial vessels lacked proper polish"; when charged with sexual scandal, they spoke of "slack inner curtains" instead of naming the filth; when removed for incompetence, they blamed "subordinate officers" rather than call him weak. Even when guilt was fixed, the court still wrapped the fault in euphemism rather than shout the crime aloud. For grave faults the minister donned white mourning garb, carried sword across a basin of water, and presented himself in the plea chamber; the emperor did not send guards to drag him in chains. For middling crimes he removed his own insignia at the order; no bailiff wrenched his collar or forced the halter on him. For capital guilt he faced north, bowed twice, knelt, and opened his own veins; the ruler did not send thugs to wrestle him to the block, saying only, "Minister, you brought this on yourself. I have treated you with all due ritual." Such courtesy made every minister eager to serve; wrapping them in honor made each man prize his own good name. If the ruler met his ministers with ritual and shame and they still failed him in duty, they were not fit to be called men. When custom had settled, a minister thought first of his lord and forgot his skin, first of the state and forgot his kin, first of the public good and forgot private gain; he did not chase profit rashly nor flee danger rashly—only duty guided him. Such was the ruler’s transforming power: clan elders died for the shrines, law officers for the altars of state, tutors for their sovereign, frontier generals for their walls and marches. Hence the saying that the sage’s pledge is firm as metal and stone: weigh the outward deed against the inward resolve. They will die for me, therefore I may live with them; they will risk ruin for me, therefore I may survive with them; they will face danger for my sake, therefore we may all dwell in safety together. Men who heed duty over gain and cling to right can be given unchecked authority and entrusted with a fatherless child. That is the fruit of fostering shame and ritual—what does the ruler lose by it? To neglect this while clinging to the opposite is another of the six causes for a long sigh.
32
At that time the Marquis of Zhou, Chancellor Zhou Bo, had retired to his fief when someone accused him of treason; he was clapped in irons in the Chang’an jail, then cleared and restored to his title—an outrage Jia Yi cited to rebuke the throne. The emperor took the lesson to heart and thereafter treated his ministers with measured restraint. Afterward disgraced high ministers were expected to take their own lives rather than suffer public torture. Only under Emperor Wu did great officers begin again to rot in jail—starting with Ning Cheng.
33
When Emperor Wen ascended from the throne of Dai, he later split Dai into two domains: his son Wu became king of Dai, Can king of Taiyuan, and the youngest, Sheng, king of Liang. Later Wu was transferred to Huaiyang while Can (here called Grand Vow) was moved to Dai and given the whole of the old territory. A few years later Prince Sheng of Liang died leaving no heir. Jia Yi thereupon submitted another memorial:
34
If Your Majesty does not fix the institutions now, within a generation or two the feudal kings will run wild, powerful houses will grow unchecked, and Han law will cease to run. The screen you rely on for the heir apparent consists of Huaiyang and Dai alone. Dai fronts the Xiongnu; if it can merely hold itself together, that is achievement enough. Huaiyang beside the great fiefs is a mole on a cheek—bait for a larger fish, not a barrier. The power to shape the realm is in your hands—yet you carve out states for your sons that serve only as bait. Can that be called wise statecraft? A ruler’s conduct cannot be that of a commoner. Commoners polish petty virtue to win a name in the village; the Son of Heaven cares only whether the realm is at peace and the altars stand firm. The Founding Emperor carved the realm to enfeoff his generals until rebels sprouted thick as hair; seeing that it would not do, he mowed down the faithless kings and left their domains empty. Pick an auspicious day, invest your sons as kings outside the Upper East Gate of Luoyang, and the realm will rest easy. A true leader does not let petty scruples keep him from a great achievement.
35
宿使 使
Huainan stretches a thousand li or more, straddles two great fiefs, yet answers to Han as if it were a mere county. Its people drag themselves to Chang’an for corvée until their clothes fall off their backs and their purses are empty; they loathe Han rule and long for a king of their own, and no small number have already fled to neighboring fiefs. That situation cannot last. My humble proposal: cede Huainan’s territory to enlarge Huaiyang, establish an heir for Liang, and transfer two or three northern Huaiyang cities plus land from Dong commandery to strengthen Liang; if that will not serve, move the king of Dai to Suiyang as his capital instead. Let Liang anchor the Yellow River from the region south of Xin[damaged], and Huaiyang lock the Yangtze south of Chen—then the mightiest fiefs will be too terrified even to plot. Liang can hold Qi and Zhao in check, Huaiyang can pin Wu and Chu; you may sleep soundly with no fear from the east of the passes—a blessing for your reign and your heir’s. The realm looks calm only because the feudal kings are still boys; wait a few years, Your Majesty, and you will see what follows. Qin wore itself out ridding the world of the six-state peril; you hold absolute power yet sit with folded hands while that same peril grows again—that is not wisdom. To ignore brewing chaos, to stare at the danger and do nothing, then bequeath it to widows and infants—that is not humanity. I have heard that the sage ruler consults his ministers instead of deciding everything alone—so that a subject may speak his foolish loyalty to the end. I beg Your Majesty to weigh these words and deign to accept or reject them.
36
西
Emperor Wen adopted the plan: he transferred Wu from Huaiyang to Liang with a domain running north to Mount Tai and west to Gaoyang—more than forty large counties. He moved King Xi of Chengyang to Huainan to soothe that populace.
37
便
The court then enfeoffed all four sons of the late King Li of Huainan as full marquises. Jia Yi saw that the emperor would restore them as kings and sent up a warning: "I fear that when you move to make the Huainan princes kings again, you have not yet weighed the matter with a counselor like me." Who under heaven does not know the crimes of the rebel King of Huainan? You spared his life and sent him into exile; he died of natural illness—no one calls that fate unjust. To heap honors on a traitor’s sons will earn you nothing but reproach across the realm. When those boys come of age, can they forget their father? Bai Sheng took vengeance for his father against his grandfather and uncles. Bai Gong rose in revolt not to seize the throne but to vent a private fury—he would gladly perish so long as his blade reached his enemy’s heart. Huainan is small, yet Qing Bu once used it as a dagger at Han’s throat—the dynasty survived only by luck. To hand sworn enemies of the dynasty the means to threaten Han is bad strategy. Split the domain four ways and you still leave four brothers with one mind. Give them followers and treasure, and you may face not only a Wu Zixu or Bai Gong in the open market but a Zhuan Zhu or Jing Ke in the palace forecourt—that is lending a bandit a blade and wings to a tiger. I beg you to pause and think again!"
38
When Prince Sheng of Liang died in a riding fall, Jia Yi blamed himself bitterly as tutor and wept without cease; a little over a year later he too was dead. Jia Yi died at the age of thirty-three.
39
When Emperor Wu first took the throne, he promoted two of Jia Yi’s grandsons to governorships. Jia Jia, the most studious of the line, carried on the family tradition.
40
使
Appraisal: Liu Xiang said, "In Jia Yi’s discussion of order and chaos in the three dynasties and Qin, his argument is superb and grasps the body politic; not even ancient Yi Yin or Guan Zhong clearly surpassed him." Had he been employed in his prime, his achievement would have been immense. Mediocre ministers brought him down—a grief indeed." Looking back, Emperor Wen’s quiet personal example did change the temper of the age, and much of what Jia Yi urged was eventually carried out. His proposals to reform the calendar, declare Han an earth-phase dynasty with yellow as the ruling color and five as the sacred number, and to test the dependent-state office with "five baits and three displays" to leash the Chanyu were always far-fetched in method. Heaven cut Jia Yi’s life short; though he never reached the highest offices, he was not ill-fated. His writings ran to fifty-eight pieces; those most pertinent to statecraft are excerpted in this memoir.
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