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卷六十 杜周傳

Volume 60: Du Zhou

Chapter 70 of 漢書 ✓ Translated
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Chapter 70
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1
使
Du Zhou came from Duyang in Nanyang commandery. When Yi Zong served as governor of Nanyang, he used Du Zhou as his enforcer and recommended him to Zhang Tang, who took him on as a clerk in the office of the commandant of justice. He was dispatched to investigate frontier casualties and desertions; the death sentences he procured ran very high. His reports always matched what the emperor wanted to hear, and he rose steadily, serving for over ten years as vice director of the secretariat in rotation with Jian Xuan.
2
Du Zhou was a man of few words, slow and ponderous in manner, but his cruelty ran marrow-deep. When Jian Xuan held the left metropolitan superintendency, Du Zhou became commandant of justice. His judicial style broadly followed Zhang Tang's, but he was even better at reading the court and shadowing suspects. Anyone the emperor wanted ruined, Zhou would find a way to ensnare; anyone the emperor wished spared he would leave in custody, dragging out the hearings until hints of their innocence could surface. A visitor once asked him, "You hold the scales of justice for the whole realm, yet you ignore the statute bamboo in favor of the emperor's whim—is that what law is meant to be?" Du Zhou replied, "Where does the written code itself come from? Whatever a past sovereign endorsed became statute; whatever the present sovereign favors becomes binding policy; the law is simply what fits the moment—why invoke some antique rulebook?"
3
Once Du Zhou took the commandancy, the number of cases tried on imperial warrant multiplied. At any time no fewer than a hundred senior officials ranked at two thousand piculs languished in his jails, old cases piled atop new. County yamens and capital agencies forwarded charges to his office at the rate of more than a thousand memorials a year. A major indictment might rope in hundreds of witnesses and co-defendants; a minor one still ensnared dozens; and the accused might be dragged from thousands of li away or merely from the next province. When a case came to trial, his clerks beat prisoners until they confessed to whatever the original memorial alleged. Word that one had been named a witness was enough to send men into hiding. Some inmates rotted there through a dozen general amnesties, denouncing one another until nearly every charge was inflated to "immoral conduct." Cases escalated to the commandant of justice and the capital bureaus until imperial prisons held sixty or seventy thousand souls, and the clerks' own additions swelled the rolls past a hundred thousand.
4
Du Zhou was briefly stripped of rank, then appointed chief of police for the capital. He hunted down Sang Hongyang and the sons of Empress Wei's brothers with pitiless zeal. The emperor judged him tireless and impartial and raised him to imperial counselor.
5
He had begun as a clerk with a single horse to his name; by the time he sat among the three dukes, with a son governing on each bank of the Yellow River, his family fortune ran to hundreds of millions of cash. Both elder sons ruled with the same savagery as their father; only the youngest, Yannian, was remembered for a milder touch.
6
His son: Du Yannian.
7
使
Du Yannian, courtesy Yougong, was likewise expert in the code. When Emperor Zhao first came to the throne, Grand General Huo Guang dominated the government. Yannian, as a son of the highest ministers and a capable administrator, was appointed superintendent of works on the general's staff. In Shiyuan 4 (83 BCE) the tribes of Yizhou rose in revolt. Yannian led Nanyang militia south as a colonel, and on his return was promoted to remonstrance grandee. Left General Shangguan Jie and his son conspired with the Princess of Gai and the king of Yan to overturn the government. Yan Cang, the acting grain-field intendant, learned of the plot and carried the news to Grand Minister of Agriculture Yang Chang. Yang Chang panicked, pleaded illness, and confided in Yannian. Yannian laid the matter before the throne, and the conspirators were executed. For this service Yannian was enfeoffed as marquis of Jianping.
8
婿
Yannian had begun as a clerk on Huo Guang's staff; he was the first to expose a major treason and proved utterly loyal, and on that basis rose to chamberlain for the imperial stud, supervisor of the right bureau, and palace attendant. Where Huo Guang favored harsh sentences, Yannian softened the edge. During the trial of the King of Yan's revolt, Sang Hongyang's son Sang Qian fled the capital and took refuge with his father's former subordinate Houshi Wu. Qian was eventually arrested and executed. A general amnesty followed. Houshi Wu surrendered himself. Commandant of Justice Wang Ping and Chamberlain Xu Ren jointly reviewed the treason charges. Both held that while Sang Qian was liable as his father's accomplice, Wu had merely sheltered a follower, not a principal rebel. They therefore struck Wu's name from the indictment under the amnesty. Later, investigating censors reopened the file. They argued that Sang Qian, being classically trained, must have known of his father's plot yet never spoke up—making him morally the same as a traitor; while Houshi Wu, as a former official of three hundred piculs who had knowingly concealed Qian, could not be classed with a commoner sheltering a mere retainer and therefore did not merit the amnesty. They memorialized for a retrial and impeached Wang Ping and Xu Ren for letting traitors go free. Xu Ren was the son-in-law of Chancellor Che Qianqiu, who repeatedly interceded for Houshi Wu. Fearing Huo Guang would not relent, Che Qianqiu called a conference at the public carriage gate of every official from two thousand piculs down and the court erudits to debate how Wu should be charged. The participants knew which way Huo Guang leaned; one after another they condemned Wu for immoral conduct. The next day the chancellor forwarded their unanimous opinion. Huo Guang, furious that Che Qianqiu had convened a quasi-judicial assembly without authorization, had Wang Ping and Xu Ren thrown into prison. The whole court feared the chancellor would be dragged in next. Yannian then wrote privately to Huo Guang: "There are standing statutes for officials who let criminals escape. To relabel Wu as guilty of 'immoral conduct' stretches the code past breaking. Moreover the chancellor has never been a rigid legalist; he pleads for others because that is simply his nature. His unauthorized assembly was certainly irregular. Yet in my humble view he is a veteran who served the late emperor; without grave fault he should not be cast aside. The people already complain that justice is too harsh and clerks too vindictive. To extend this quarrel to the chancellor himself would alienate public opinion. Murmurs are rising from every quarter. I would hate to see Your Lordship's good name tarnished throughout the realm for prosecuting Che Qianqiu!" Huo Guang condemned Wang Ping and Xu Ren to public execution for twisting the statutes, but dropped the matter against the chancellor, letting the affair end there. Yannian's habit of steering policy toward the moderate course and keeping the court in balance showed in episode after episode.
9
便 滿
Seeing the empire still reeling from Emperor Wu's wars and waste, he urged Huo Guang more than once: "Harvests have failed year after year and refugees have not all come home. We should revive the restrained, humane government of Emperor Wen, teach frugality and mercy, and align policy with Heaven and the common people—then the seasons will answer in kind." Guang took his advice: the summons of worthy men, the debates on ending the wine monopoly and the salt and iron monopolies—all began with Yannian. Whenever officials or commoners submitted policy suggestions that sparked controversy, the drafts went to Yannian for adjudication and a follow-up memorial. If a proposal merited a trial appointment, the man might be made county magistrate, or the chancellor and imperial counselor would assign him a post; after a full year his performance was reported, or he was charged if he had failed—Yannian routinely split this paperwork with the two chief ministries and the commandant of justice.
10
Yannian was even-tempered and thorough. He ran central policy for years: when the emperor left the palace he rode as charioteer; when court sat he was at hand as palace attendant. More than a decade among the nine ministers brought him gifts and emoluments worth tens of millions.
11
退 使西 使祿
After Huo Guang's death his son Huo Yu conspired with the clan and paid with his life. The emperor, seeing Yannian as an old Huo partisan, meant to ease him out, but Chancellor Wei Xiang memorialized that Yannian had long abused high office and his conduct was riddled with corruption. An inquiry turned up only neglected park horses and underfed government slaves—thin grounds—but Yannian was stripped of office and docked two thousand households of his fief. A few months later he was recalled and named governor of Beidi. A former nine minister banished to a frontier post, he administered the commandery listlessly until the emperor sent a sealed edict rebuking him. Stung, he recruited able subordinates, smashed the local magnates, and brought order to the region. After a year the court sent a herald with a commendatory edict and two thousand catties of gold, transferring him to Xihe, where his administration won wide praise. During the Wufeng era (57–54 BCE) he was summoned to serve as imperial counselor. He moved into his father's official mansion but refused to use the old reception rooms, changing every hall and chamber where Du Zhou had sat. The frontier was quiet and the realm at peace. After three years in office he cited age and ill health and asked leave to retire. The emperor treated him kindly, sending the grand coachman with a hundred catties of gold, wine, and physicians with medicines. Yannian then insisted his condition was critical. He was awarded a comfortable carriage team and permission to withdraw to his private residence. He died a few months later with the posthumous epithet "Respectful Marquis"; his son Du Huan succeeded him.
12
Yannian's son: Du Huan.
13
西
Du Huan began as a gentleman-attendant. In the Benshi era (73–70 BCE) he campaigned against the Xiongnu as a colonel under the Pulei general, then served as remonstrance grandee, commandant of Shanggu, and governor of Yanmen. When Yannian died he was called to the capital to direct the obsequies and was appointed grand master of ceremonies in charge of the imperial tomb districts. Each winter, on the day capital cases were closed for the year, he abstained from wine and took spare meals; his staff praised his compassion. At the beginning of Yuandi's reign grain prices soared and refugees filled the roads. When the western Qiang rose in Yongguang, Huan repeatedly donated cash and grain to the treasury—hundreds of thousands over several years.
14
Huan had six younger brothers, five of whom rose to high rank. The youngest, Xiong, served as governor of five commanderies and shepherd or inspector of three provinces with a reputation for competence; only the fifth brother, Qin, never climbed so high yet became the most famous of the line.
15
Huan's younger brother: Du Qin.
16
Du Qin, courtesy Zixia, loved classical learning in his youth. His family was wealthy, but partial blindness in one eye left him unwilling to pursue a routine official career. Another Du Ye of Maoling shared his surname and courtesy name; both were known in Chang'an for their gifts, so the gentry dubbed our man "the blind Du Zixia" to tell the two apart. Qin resented the nickname, so he took to wearing a tiny cap barely two inches high and wide; thereafter Chang'an called him "Little-Cap Du Zixia" and the other "Big-Cap Du Zixia."
17
Meanwhile the emperor's uncle, Grand General Wang Feng, ruled as regent through his maternal connection and cast about for able men to strengthen his hand. Wang Feng's late father, Marquis Qing Wang Jin, had been friendly with Du Huan, so Feng knew Qin's talents well and had him appointed intendant of the arsenal on the general's staff. The post was a sinecure—exactly what Qin wanted.
18
When Feng laid the memorial before the empress dowager, she replied that no precedent existed for what he proposed. Qin pressed his case again, quoting the Book of Odes: "Yin's mirror is not far off—it lies in the house of Xia." The warning voices are close at hand, yet rulers grow deaf to them—can we afford to be careless? My earlier memorial on the nine imperial concubines sketched their blessings and curses in frightening detail; I fear Your Lordship has not weighed it seriously enough. The institution of empress and harem is where the fate of dynasties turns—whether rulers die young or live long, whether the realm thrives or falls. Trace the last kings of the three ancient dynasties, read how the great affinal clans fared from Emperor Xuan through Emperor Yuan, then look at the omens among your own kin: has catastrophe ever come from anywhere but the inner quarters? Hence the ritual bells that slowed the morning audience and the sigh of "Guanju" over unchecked passion—excess in the harem wastes the body and shortens life; once the proper numbers are abandoned, desire knows no limit, and the whole realm takes its tone from the palace until decadence becomes habit. That is why the classic praises the modest bride who fits her lord: it is the root of loyal service and filial devotion, the very embodiment of humane governance. Long life and high honor for ruler and father, peace for state and family—that is every loyal subject's prayer and his proper goal. As the Classic of Changes puts it, "Set the root straight and the myriad things fall into order." Whenever policy is uncertain, looking backward yields no clear precedent and looking around shows only mixed results; flip-flopping further confuses the people—such measures are nearly impossible to enforce. The ancient rule limiting the harem to nine secondary consorts fits antiquity, injures nothing today, and offends no popular sentiment; it could be enacted tomorrow to the empire's great good. Yet you govern as regent and still delay—this is not what the realm expects of you. I beg you to heed a loyal subject, recall the lesson of "Guanju," seize this moment of paramount authority while your judgment is still lucid, and lay an unshakable foundation for Han. The matter is too grave to shrug off or postpone." Wang Feng lacked the courage to innovate; he hid behind precedent. Then it came out that the empress dowager's younger sister Sima Junli had carried on an affair with Qin's nephew. Qin, mortified and terrified, resigned his post.
19
殿 退
Later, after solar eclipses and earthquakes, the throne called for outspoken men of integrity. Liang Fang, the marquis of Heyang, nominated Du Qin. Du Qin answered the rescript: "Your Majesty stands in awe of Heaven, mourns these omens, has opened the court to ministers, and summoned blunt speakers because you wish to read the mind of Heaven and learn where government has erred." Your servant Du Qin is dull-witted and poorly versed in the classics—hardly fit to answer so weighty an examination. I have read that eclipses and earthquakes betoken feeble yang and rampant yin. Ministers are the yin counterpart to their sovereign; sons, to their fathers; wives, to their husbands; and the barbarians, to the Chinese heartland. The Spring and Autumn records thirty-six eclipses and five earthquakes: some coincided with barbarian invasions, some with ministerial dictatorship, some with wives dominating husbands, some with subjects betraying their lords—different events, one pattern. When I weigh human affairs against these omens, I find no minister at court nursing sedition, no imperial in-laws nursing grudges, no eastern kingdom strong enough to challenge the throne, no frontier tribe openly defying the moral order; the source must lie in the harem. Why do I say so? The eclipse fell on the day wushen. The hour was wei. Both wu and wei belong to the element earth. Earth governs the central palace—the empress's domain. That very night the earth shook inside Weiyang Palace. The omen points to rival concubines contending for your favor and doing one another harm. I beg Your Majesty to take it to heart. Heaven answers human misconduct in kind: error below, portent above. Meet them with true virtue and the ill omens will fade; fail to reform, and ruin follows. King Gaozong of Yin heeded the warning of the crowing pheasants, set his house in order, lived a long life, and restored the dynasty—everything turns on how a ruler answers Heaven. Such a response must be sincere to endure and trustworthy to succeed. Duke Jing of Song was lord of a minor state, yet his unwillingness to shift calamity onto his subjects was so genuine that he thrice spoke as a true sovereign should—and Mars changed its course for him. Your Majesty is wise enough to search your heart, ponder these signs in utmost good faith, and move Heaven itself. What stubborn ill could then resist you? Confucius asked, "Is humanity really so far away?" Correct the harem hierarchy, curb excessive favor to women, shun luxury and idle sport, practice personal frugality, mind the myriad details of government yourself, ride often in the modest state carriage along the palace carriage ways, attend your mother and aunt in the two palaces in person, and perform the morning and evening courtesies of a filial son. Do this, and you will surpass even Yao and Shun—what omen could stand against you? But if you ignore the business of government, hand posts to unfit men, squander the treasury on debauchery, grind the people down to amuse your senses, flatterers at your elbow while honest men stand far off, believe slander and kill the loyal until talent hides in the hills and great ministers nurse resentment—then even without eclipses or tremors, the altars of state are already in peril. The realm is vast, its business endless, and the patrimony you hold is heavy beyond measure: you cannot rule by self-indulgence or maintain it through excess. I beg you to renounce pleasures that profit nothing and so preserve the lives of your people. Your foolish servant has said more than his deserts; whether any of it merits heed is for Your Majesty alone to judge."
20
殿
That summer the emperor convened every outspoken scholar at the White Tiger Hall for the policy examination. The question read: "What does the Way of Heaven and earth honor above all? What should be the model for a true king? What do the Six Classics rank highest? In human conduct, what comes first? By what art does one choose officials? What is the urgent task of government today? Let each answer from the classics."
21
Du Qin replied: "Heaven esteems good faith; earth esteems constancy. Without them nothing lives. Life itself is what Heaven and earth most cherish. The king takes what Heaven and earth nurture and brings all creatures, down to the least insect and blade of grass, to their proper estate. He takes Heaven and earth as his pattern: without humanity he cannot spread blessings abroad; without righteousness he cannot set his own person straight; self-discipline in the name of duty, forgiveness extended to others—that is what the Six Classics rank above all else. Without filial piety there can be no loyal service to the throne, no reverent discharge of office, no courage in battle, no good faith among friends. Confucius said, "Filial duty is a road without end, yet no one who sets foot on it need ever fear he cannot keep up." Filial conduct must come first in every life. Watch a man among his neighbors, test him in office; when he is rich, see whom he promotes and what he gives away; when he is poor, see what baseness he refuses and what bribe he will not touch; close at hand note whom he treats as patron, from afar whom he chooses as master. Confucius said, "Study his acts, trace his motives, note where he is content—then how can character stay hidden?" That is the art of choosing men for office. Yin succeeded Xia and valued plain substance; Zhou succeeded Yin and valued ritual refinement. Han inherits the exhaustion of both Qin and Zhou: we should curb empty display, return to simplicity, shun waste, encourage thrift, and prize the genuine over the counterfeit. Confucius said he hated how purple crowds out true red—that is the reform our age most needs. I have a further worry: to voice it offends Your Majesty, yet silence lets the evil grow day by day into no small harm. Still, a petty official may not abandon the right path to curry favor or choose treachery over loyalty. Endless dalliance with women breeds love and hate; love and hate concentrate favor on a single face; and when favor leans on one alone, the succession narrows and jealousy flares among the rest. Then the whispering of the women's quarters becomes impossible to silence. Spread your pure virtue evenly, master your desires, and the people will rejoice, the imperial line will flourish, and the realm will know lasting peace. As for every other question of right and wrong—words are hardly needed!"
22
After the scandal Du Qin pleaded illness, received a gift of silk, and left office. He was later made a consultant grandee but again resigned on grounds of ill health.
23
駿 退 使
He was then summoned to Grand General Wang Feng's headquarters, where Feng habitually discussed state strategy with him. He repeatedly praised worthy men such as Wang Jun, Wei Anshi, and Wang Yanshi to high office, cleared Feng Yewang, Wang Zun, and Hu Chang of unjust charges, restored titles to meritorious families whose lines had failed, and soothed the frontier tribes—most of the era's sound policies owed something to Du Qin. Seeing Wang Feng's grip on power grow oppressive, Du Qin warned him: The Duke of Zhou was the paragon of sagehood and the king's uncle, and King Cheng was a discerning sovereign who refused slander—yet the rumor spread by Guan and Cai still struck terror into the duke. Marquis Rang, uncle to King Zhao of Qin, dominated that state and awed its neighbors; he shared the king's pillow and board without a shadow between them—yet Fan Ju, a stranger on foot, won a single hearing and sent Rang packing to his domain. Add the recent fall of the Marquis of Wu'an: three lessons centuries apart that fit together like matching tallies. They demand your deepest reflection. I urge you to keep the Duke of Zhou's humility, shed Marquis Rang's arrogance, and curb the appetites that ruined the Marquis of Wu'an—lest another Fan Ju find a crack through which to speak.
24
退 退 退 宿
Soon another eclipse darkened the sun. Wang Zhang, governor of the capital, sealed a memorial and begged an audience, denouncing Wang Feng for monopolizing power and blinding the throne. He urged that Feng be removed to answer Heaven. The emperor was stirred, received Wang Zhang in audience, and began to consider dismissing Feng. Feng was terrified. Du Qin had him memorialize an abject apology and offer to resign—the wording was heart-rending. The empress dowager wept and refused her meals for his sake. The emperor, who had leaned on Feng since boyhood, could not bear to cast him off and restored him to power. Chastened, Feng pleaded grave illness and tried to withdraw. Du Qin urged him again: "Your memorial blames yourself for ten years of ill omens under your regency and asks to retire—such self-reproach moves every heart, high or low. Yet that is the language of a disposable clerk who minds only his own exit—hardly what a loyal minister owes his sovereign, or a sovereign owes the pillar of his state." The Duke of Zhou stayed in the capital in old age to show he never abandoned the royal city or the king. Zhong Shanfu, no kin to King Xuan, still lingered in sorrow when posted to Qi—how much more should you, bound to the emperor by blood and office?" No one else can steady the realm or read these omens as you can, and the emperor knows it—hence he clings to you and will not let go. The Documents cry, "My uncle, do not abandon me!" Do not, like the Duke of Zhou, almost let slander from the four quarters shake your faith in your king—hold fast to perfect loyalty. Wang Feng returned to duty. The emperor then ordered the Masters of Writing to impeach Wang Zhang, who died in the imperial prison. The full story is told in the biography of Empress Yuan.
25
使
The people believed Wang Zhang had been wronged, and the court became a laughingstock. Du Qin, hoping to repair the damage, urged Feng: Wang Zhang real offense was never made public. The capital supposes that because he always spoke boldly on policy, he lost his life not for corruption but for what he said about the eclipse. Even if he were guilty of some private crime, a quiet execution would have left the capital guessing, to say nothing of the provinces. I fear the realm will conclude he was executed for honest counsel, not for proven guilt. That would choke off frank advice and tarnish your reputation for fairness. I suggest you use this case to invite the harshest criticism: let every gentleman-attendant and staff officer air his views more freely than before, so the whole empire will see that the sage Son of Heaven does not punish men for speaking out. Rumor will die away and suspicion will clear. Feng adopted the plan and put it into effect. Du Qin habit of covering others missteps while advancing what was right ran in this vein.
26
He lived out his days in comfortable retirement, never again taking office. Nearly ten of his sons, brothers, and cousins rose to the rank of two thousand piculs. His elder brother Du Huan had earlier been removed as grand master of ceremonies but kept his column marquis title with permission to attend court; he died under Emperor Cheng, and his son Du Ye inherited.
27
Du Qin son: Du Ye.
28
Du Ye was capable; as a column marquis he was selected again for the post of grand master of ceremonies. He often criticized policy, refused to truckle to the mighty, and was on bad terms with Chancellor Zhai Fangjin and Commandant of the Guards Chunyu Chang, marquis of Dingling. Later he lost his post for a legal infraction, then was appointed commandant of Hangu Pass. When Chunyu Chang was ordered to his fief for crimes, his uncle Wang Li, the marquis of Hongyang, wrote to Du Ye: "My poor white-haired sister must follow her worthless son through the pass—please do not use old scores against him." After Chunyu Chang had crossed the pass, new evidence of guilt surfaced and he was remanded to the Luoyang jail. A clerk in the chancellor's office found Wang Li's letter and impeached Du Ye for honoring an improper request; Ye was stripped of rank and sent to his fief.
29
Du Ye also memorialized that a shrine to Prince Gong should be erected in the capital to give public honor to filial devotion. About the same time Dong Hong, marquis of Gaochang, argued that Emperor Ai's birth mother, Lady Ding, consort of the king of Dingtao, should receive the title empress dowager. Grand Minister of Works Shi Dan and others impeached Dong Hong for misleading the court; Hong was stripped of rank and reduced to commoner status. Du Ye then filed another memorial in his defense. Memorial after memorial hit the mark and was implemented; Zhu Bo in particular owed his rise to Du Ye's backing. Du Ye was recalled to the capital and reappointed grand master of ceremonies. A little over a year later he was relegated to commandant of Shangdang. Then the metropolitan superintendent charged him with false entries in the lists of candidates he had sponsored as grand master of ceremonies. Du Ye lost his post once more and returned to his fief.
30
After Emperor Ai died and Wang Mang took charge, everyone who had backed the temple and title controversy was removed from office and banished to Hepu. Because Du Ye had already been disgraced earlier, Mang let him off lightly; still, Ye lived in such dread that he sickened and died. Early in Emperor Cheng's reign Du Ye had married Princess Yingyi, the emperor's sister. She died without issue, and his family petitioned to bring his remains to the capital for burial beside hers. The court refused but bestowed the posthumous epithet Dissolute Marquis. The marquisate passed to his son and then his grandson before the line failed. Du Zhou's household had been relocated to Maoling under Emperor Wu; by Du Yannian's generation the family had settled at Duling—or so the note runs.
31
The historian concludes: Zhang Tang and Du Zhou both climbed from scribal obscurity to the three highest offices and earned their place among the "cruel officials." Yet each raised worthy sons who surpassed him in moral stature. Generation after generation they held high office, matching the greatest houses at court—until the Jianwu restoration, when the Du marquisate alone died out. In the sheer length of their good fortune even the posterity of the founding generals and the erudite school could not equal them. They claimed descent from the ancient lords of Tang and Du—who can say whether it was true? Du Qin moved with his times, relished intrigue, and carried his plans through. At the opening of the Jianshi era he laid out the peril of the harem with frightening clarity, and events bore him out—close to the moral discernment of the "Guanju" ode, and far beyond the compass of shallow rhetoricians. Du Ye exploited every shift in power to drive wedges: he extolled Zhu Bo and ruined Shi Dan. When favor and spite steer memorials at court, the lesson should give us pause.
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