1
鄭興字少贛，河南開封人也。 少學公羊春秋。 晚善左氏傳，遂積精深思，通達其旨，同學者皆師之。 [一]天鳳中，[二]將門人從劉歆講正大義，[三]歆美興才，使撰條例﹑章句﹑傳詁，及校三統歷。 [四]
Zheng Xing, style Shaogan, came from Kaifeng in Henan commandery. As a youth he trained in the Gongyang Annals. Later he mastered the Zuo tradition, pondered it until its meaning opened, and his classmates deferred to him as their teacher. Under Wang Mang's Tianfeng reign he brought his pupils to Liu Xin's seminars on the great canons; Liu Xin, impressed by his ability, set him to drafting rules, section glosses, and collating the Triple Concordance calendar. Fourth gloss reference in the commentary sequence.
2
注[一]東觀記曰：「興從博士金子嚴為左氏春秋。 」注[二]王莽年也。 注[三]左氏義也。
Commentary: The Dongguan ji records that he read the Zuo Annals under Erudite Jin Ziyan. Note: Tianfeng was a Wang Mang reign period. Note: That is, the Zuo tradition's reading of the classics.
3
注[四]說文曰：「詁，訓古言也。 」音古度反。 三統歷，劉歆撰，謂夏﹑殷﹑周歷也。
Commentary: The Shuowen defines gu as explaining archaic wording. The character is read gu in the departing tone. Liu Xin's Triple Concordance calendar treats the Xia, Shang, and Zhou calendrical systems.
4
更始立，以司直李松行丞相事，先入長安，松以興為長史，令還奉迎遷都。 更始諸將皆山東人，鹹勸留洛陽。 興說更始曰：「陛下起自荊楚，權政未施，[一]一朝建號，而山西雄桀爭誅王莽，開關郊迎者，何也？ [二]此天下同苦王氏虐政，而思高祖之舊德也。 今久不撫之，臣恐百姓離心，盜賊復起矣。 春秋書『齊小白入齊』，不稱侯，未朝廟故也。
When Liu Xuan took the throne, Li Song as acting chancellor reached Chang'an first and made Zheng Xing his chief clerk, sending him back to escort the court's relocation. The Gengshi generals, all from the eastern plain, pressed to stay in Luoyang. Zheng Xing argued: "You rose from the Nanyang region—still called Jing-Chu—before your rule had taken shape, yet the western warlords are killing Wang Mang and throwing open the passes to greet you; why? Because the empire had endured the Wangs' cruelty and yearned for Han Gaozu's virtue. Fail to reassure them and the people will drift; rebels will rise again. The Annals record Duke Huan of Qi entering Qi without the title "marquis" because he had not yet worshipped at the state temple.
5
[三]今議者欲先定赤眉而後入關，是不識其本而爭其末，恐國家之守轉在函谷，[四]雖臥洛陽，庸得安枕乎？ 」[五]更始曰：「朕西決矣。 」拜興為諫議大夫，使安集關西及朔方﹑涼﹑益三州，還拜涼州刺史。 會天水有反者，攻殺郡守，興坐免。
Those who say "defeat the Red Eyebrows first, then enter Guanzhong" mistake twigs for roots—I fear the frontier of defense slides east to Hangu; even asleep in Luoyang you would not rest easy." Gengshi replied: "My mind is set on the west." He named Zheng Xing remonstrance grandee to pacify the northwest and the three border commands, then on his return made him governor of Liang. Rebels in Tianshui murdered the prefect; Zheng Xing lost his post by association.
6
注[一]更始起南陽，南陽屬荊州，故曰荊楚也。 注[二]山西謂陝山已西也。
Note: Gengshi began at Nanyang, part of Jingzhou, hence "Jing-Chu." Note: "Shanxi" here means west of the strategic Shan ridge.
7
注[三]小白，齊桓公也。 春秋「齊小白入於齊」。 公羊傳曰：「曷為以國氏？ 當國也。 其言入何？ 篡辭也。」
Note: Xiaobai is Duke Huan of Qi. The Annals line reads: Qi Xiaobai entered Qi. Gongyang asks why the text uses the state name: Because he was assuming rule of Qi. Why does it say "enter"? Gongyang answers: diction of usurpation."
8
注[四]言若不早都關中，有人先入，則國家鎮守轉在函谷也。 注[五]庸，用也。
Note: Delay Guanzhong and another power holds Hangu first. Note: Yong here means "how then" or "therefore."
9
時赤眉入關，東道不通，興乃西歸隗囂，*[囂]*虛心禮請，而興恥為之屈，稱疾不起。 囂鄉己自飾，常以為西伯復作，[一]乃與諸將議自立為王。 興聞而說囂曰：「春秋傳云：『口不道忠信之言為嚚，耳不聽五聲之和為聾。 』[二]閒者諸將集會，無乃不道忠信之言； 大將軍之聽，無乃阿而不察乎？ 昔文王承積德之緒，加之以睿聖，三分天下，尚服事殷。 [三]及武王即位，八百諸侯不謀同會，皆曰『紂可伐矣』，武王以未知天命，還兵待時。 [四]高祖征伐累年，猶以沛公行師。 今令德雖明，世無宗周之祚，威略雖振，未有高祖之功，而欲舉未可之事，昭速禍患，無乃不可乎？ 惟將軍察之。 」囂竟不稱王。 後遂廣置職位，以自尊高。 興復止囂曰：「夫中郎將﹑太中大夫﹑使持節官皆王者之器，非人臣所當制也。 孔子曰：『唯器與名，不可以假人。 』[五]不可以假人者，亦不可以假於人也。 無益於實，有損於名，非尊上之意也。 」囂病之而止。 [六]
When the Red Eyebrows blocked the east, Zheng Xing fled west to Wei Ao, who courted him humbly; Zheng Xing refused to serve him and stayed "ill" in bed. Wei Ao fancied himself a new King Wen of the west and plotted kingship with his generals. Zheng Xing quoted the Zuo: "A mouth that will not speak loyalty is knavery; ears deaf to the five tones are useless. At your last council, did anyone speak straight loyalty? Or does your lordship hear only flattery? King Wen inherited deep virtue and sagacity, held two-thirds of the world, and still served Shang. When King Wu reviewed the host at Mengjin, eight hundred lords cried to strike Yin, yet he turned the army back until heaven's sign was clear. Even Han Gaozu fought for years under the modest title of lord of Pei. Your virtue shines, but there is no Mandate like Zhou's; your arms stir, but you are no Gaozu—yet you would rush what heaven has not licensed and invite disaster—can that be wise? I beg you to weigh this. Wei Ao dropped the kingship plan. Later he still inflated his bureaucracy to aggrandize himself. Zheng Xing warned again: general of the center, grand palace counsellor, and credential-bearing envoy are royal insignia, not a minister's to invent. Confucius said vessels and rank-titles must not be loaned out. What must not be lent must not be borrowed either. It gains nothing real but costs reputation—hardly how to honor a sovereign. Wei Ao took the rebuke and stopped. Sixth gloss reference in the commentary sequence.
10
注[一]西伯，文王也。 作，起也。 注[二]左傳富辰諫周襄王之辭。
Note: "Western lord" means King Wen. Zuo here means "to arise." Note: From Fu Chen's remonstrance in the Zuo.
11
注[三]論語孔子曰：「三分天下有其二，以服事殷。」
Note: Analects on King Wen serving Yin despite holding two-thirds of the realm.
12
注[四]史記曰，武王觀兵孟津，諸侯不期而至者八百人，皆曰：「紂可伐矣。 」王曰：「汝未知天命。 」乃還師。 後聞紂殺比干，囚箕子，乃告諸侯以伐之。 故曰待時也。
Note: Shiji on the Mengjin muster. The king said you did not yet read heaven's will. So he marched the host home. When he learned that Zhou had killed Bigan and caged Jizi, he called the lords to war. Hence "waited for the moment."
13
注[五]左傳杜預注曰：「器，車服； 名，爵號也。 」注[六]病猶難也。
Note: Du Yu glosses "vessels" as chariots and regalia; titles as noble ranks." Note: Bing here means "to shrink from" or "find awkward."
14
及囂遣子恂入侍，將行，興因恂求歸葬父母，囂不聽而徙興捨，益其秩禮。 興入見囂曰：「前遭赤眉之亂，以將軍僚舊，故敢歸身明德。 [一]幸蒙覆載之恩，復得全其性命。 興聞事親之道，生事之以禮，死葬之以禮，祭之以禮，奉以周旋，弗敢失墜。 [二]今為父母未葬，請乞骸骨，若以增秩徙捨，中更停留，是以親為餌，[三]無禮甚矣。 將軍焉用之！ 」囂曰：「囂將不足留故邪？ 」興曰：「將軍據七郡之地，[四]擁羌胡之觿，以戴本朝，德莫厚焉，威莫重焉。 居則為專命之使，入必為鼎足之臣。 興，從俗者也，不敢深居屏處，因將軍求進，不患不達，因將軍求入，何患不親，此興之計不逆將軍者也。 興業為父母請，不可以已，願留妻子獨歸葬，將軍又何猜焉？ 」囂曰：「幸甚。 」促為辨裝，遂令與妻子俱東。 時建武六年也。 注[一]興嘗為涼州刺史，囂為西州將軍，故曰「僚舊」也。
As Wei Ao sent his son hostage east, Zheng Xing asked leave via the son to bury his parents; Wei Ao refused, moved him to finer quarters, and raised his stipend instead. Zheng Xing went in and said: "In the Red Eyebrow chaos I came to you as an old colleague from Liang service. I owe you shelter and my life. The canon says: serve parents in life, death, and sacrifice by ritual—never slacken. My parents lie unburied; if you keep me with promotions and a new house, you use my dead kin as bait—utterly against propriety. What use am I to you then? Wei Ao asked: "Am I not worth your staying? Zheng Xing answered: "You hold seven commanderies, command Qiang and Hu, and still honor Han—none is more loyal or more formidable. At home you are plenipotentiary; at court you would be a pillar minister. I am a worldly man—through you I sought office and need not fear obscurity; through you I sought the center and need not fear distance. None of this opposes your interest. My only unmet duty is my parents' graves; let my family stay while I go alone to bury them—why doubt me? Wei Ao said: "Very well. He had baggage made ready and sent Zheng Xing east with his whole family. This was Jianwu 6. Note: Zheng Xing had governed Liang while Wei Ao was "western provinces" general—hence "old colleague."
15
注[二]周旋猶遵奉也。 左傳季文子曰「先大夫臧文仲教行父事君之禮，奉以周旋，弗敢失墜」也。
Note: Zhouxuan means diligent observance. Note: Zuo quotation on serving one's lord without slack.
16
注[三]猶釣餌也。 注[四]七郡，天水、隴西、武威、張掖、酒泉、敦煌、金城也。
Note: "Bait" like on a hook. Note: The seven commands from Tianshui through Jincheng.
17
侍御史杜林先與興同寓隴右，乃薦之曰：「竊見河南鄭興，執義堅固，敦悅詩書，[一]好古博物，見疑不惑，有公孫僑、觀射父之德，[二]宜侍帷幄，典職機密。 昔張仲在周，燕翼宣王，而詩人悅喜。 [三]惟陛下留聽少察，以助萬分。 」乃征為太中大夫。 注[一]左傳趙衰曰「臣亟聞卻縠之言矣，卻縠悅禮樂而敦詩書」也。
Du Lin, who had shared quarters with him on the Long, recommended him: "Zheng Xing of Henan stands firm in duty, loves the classics, knows antiquity, resolves doubts, and has the stature of Zichan or Guan Shefu—fit for the privy council and secretarial work. Under Zhou, Zhang Zhong aided King Xuan and the Odes praise him. I beg you to heed him—it will help in ways you cannot measure. The court summoned him as grand palace counsellor. Note: Zhao Cui's praise of Xi Hu from the Zuo.
18
注[二]左傳，子產辨黃熊，晉侯聞之，曰：「博物君子也。 」觀射父，楚大夫也，對楚昭王以重黎、羲和之事。 見國語。
Note: Zichan's yellow-bear gloss; the Jin ruler called him a learned gentleman. Guan Shefu was a Chu minister who briefed King Zhao on Chongli and Xihe. See Guoyu.
19
注[三]張仲，周宣王時賢臣也。 燕，樂也。 翼，敬也。 詩小雅曰：「侯誰在矣，張仲孝友。」
Note: Zhang Zhong served King Xuan of Zhou. Yan means "to delight in." Yi means "to aid reverently." Minor Odes: "Who is there? Zhang Zhong, filial and kind."
20
明年三月晦，日食。 興因上疏曰：
The next year, on the month's last day in the third month, the sun was eclipsed. Zheng Xing then memorialized:
21
春秋以天反時為□，地反物為妖，人反德為亂，亂則妖□生。 [一]往年以來，□咎連見，意者執事頗有闕焉。 案春秋『昭公十七年夏六月甲戌朔，日有食之』。
The Annals treat heaven out of season as calamity, earth's anomalies as portents, and moral disorder as rebellion—rebellion breeds prodigies. Since last year omens have stacked up; I fear those who govern are at fault. The Annals record: Duke Zhao's seventeenth year, summer, sixth month, jiaxu new moon, eclipse of the sun.
22
[二]傳曰：『日過分而未至，[三]三辰有□，[四]於是百官降物，[五]君不舉，[六]避移時，[七]樂奏鼓，[八]祝用幣，[九]史用辭。 』[一０]今孟夏，純干用事，陰氣未作，其□尤重。 夫國無善政，則□見日月，變咎之來，不可不慎，其要在因人之心，擇人處位也。 [一一]堯知鯀不可用而用之者，是屈己之明，因人之心也。 齊桓反政而相管仲，晉文歸國而任卻縠者，是不私其私，擇人處位也。 [一二]今公卿大夫多舉漁陽太守郭伋可大司空者，而不以時定，道路流言，鹹曰「朝廷欲用功臣」，功臣用則人位謬矣。 願陛下上師唐、虞，下覽齊、晉，以成屈己從觿之德，以濟腢臣讓善之功。 [一三]注[一]左傳晉伯宗之辭。 天反時為□謂寒暑易節也。 地反物為妖謂腢物失性也。
The gloss says: if the sun crosses mid-season without reaching solstice and the three lights show fault, officials lower banners, the ruler skips full meals, shifts audience hours, drums sound in the court, invocators offer silk, scribes read prayers. Now it is early summer when yang rules alone; yin has not yet stirred—so the omen weighs heavily. Bad government shows in the lights of sky; such warnings demand care—above all, heed the people and place the right men in office. Yao used Gun though he knew him unfit—bending his own judgment to heed the people's will. Huan restored the government and raised Guan Zhong; Wen took the throne and picked Xi Hu—each put talent above private favor. The court buzzes that Yuyang prefect Guo Ji may become grand minister of works; delay fuels gossip that only generals will be used—rewarding warriors with civil posts misplaces talent. Look up to Yao and Shun, look down at Qi and Jin: humble yourself to the people's judgment and let ministers step aside for better men. Commentary: this line echoes Bozong in the Zuo tradition. Heaven out of season means winter and summer trade places. Earth's prodigy means things lose their inborn nature.
23
注[二]杜預注曰：「於周為六月，於夏為四月，純陽用事，陰氣未動而侵陽也。」
Du Yu notes the eclipse month: Zhou month six, Xia month four—yang rules but yin intrudes.
24
注[三]言過春分而未及夏至也。 注[四]三辰，日、月、星也。 注[五]降物，素服。
Note: after spring equinox, before summer solstice. Note: the three lights are sun, moon, and stars. Note: lowering banners means wearing undyed mourning dress.
25
注[六]不舉盛饌。 注[七]避正寢過日食時也。 注[八]伐鼓。 注[九]用幣於社。
Note: the ruler skips lavish meals. Note: he vacates the main hall until the eclipse ends. Note: the court drums during the rite. Note: silk offerings at the soil altar.
26
注[一０]用辭以自責也。 此以上皆左傳載魯太史荅季平子之詞也。
Note: scribes read prayers of self-reproach. The preceding glosses quote the Lu scribe's answer to Ji Pingzi in the Zuo.
27
注[一一]左傳晉士文伯曰「國無政，不用善，則自取□於日月之□，故政不可不慎也。 務三而已，一曰擇人，二曰因人，三曰從時」也。
Shi Wenbo warned Jin: bad rule draws celestial blame—government must be handled with care. He named three tasks: pick the right men, heed the people, watch the seasons."
28
注[一三]濟，成也。
Note: ji here means to complete.
29
夫日月交會，數應在朔，而頃年日食，每多在晦。 先時而合，皆月行疾也。 日君象而月臣象，君亢急則臣下促迫，故行疾也。 今年正月繁霜，自爾以來，率多寒日，[一]此亦急咎之罰。 [二]天於賢聖之君，猶慈父之於孝子也，丁寧申戒，欲其反政，故□變仍見，此乃國之福也。 今陛下高明而腢臣惶促，宜留思柔克之政，垂意洪範之法，[三]博采廣謀，納腢下之策。
Conjunctions should fall on new moon, yet lately eclipses cluster on month-end. They meet early because the moon runs fast. Sun stands for the sovereign, moon for his ministers; a hasty ruler drives subordinates faster than heaven's pace. Heavy frost in the first month and a run of cold days are heaven's rebuke for rash rule. Heaven nags a wise ruler as a father corrects a dutiful son—omens repeat so he may mend policy; that is a blessing, not a curse. You are clear-sighted while officials fret; dwell on the Hong fan's teaching of gentle mastery, cast a wide net for advice, and take counsel from the ranks.
30
注[一]正月，夏之四月。 注[二]書曰：「急恆寒若。」
Note: that "first month" is Xia fourth month. Note: the Documents tie harsh rule to unseasonable cold.
31
注[三]克，能也。 柔克謂和柔而能立事也。 尚書洪範曰：「高明柔克。」
Note: ke means capable. Soft mastery is supple government that still gets things done. The Hong fan praises a bright ruler who wins by softness.
32
書奏，多有所納。
The throne accepted most of his advice.
33
帝嘗問興郊祀事，曰：「吾欲以讖斷之，何如？ 」興對曰：「臣不為讖。 」帝怒曰：「卿之不為讖，非之邪？ 」興惶恐曰：「臣於書有所未學，而無所非也。 」帝意乃解。 興數言政事，依經守義，文章溫雅，然以不善讖故不能任。
The emperor asked about suburban rites: "Shall I settle them by weft-text prophecy?" Zheng Xing replied: "I do not work with chenwei glosses." Guangwu flared: "Does refusing them mean you reject them?" Zheng Xing said carefully: "I have not mastered those texts; I do not condemn them." The emperor's anger cooled. He often advised on policy from the classics, in polished prose, but never won high rank because he would not traffic in prophecy.
34
九年，使監征南、積弩營於津鄉，[一]會征南將軍岑彭為刺客所殺，興領其營，遂與大司馬吳漢俱擊公孫述。 述死，詔興留屯成都。 頃之，侍御史舉奏興奉使私買奴婢，坐左轉蓮勺令。 [二]是時喪亂之餘，郡縣殘荒，興方欲築城郭，修禮教以化之，會以事免。 注[一]征南將軍岑彭、積弩將軍傅俊屯津鄉，以拒公孫述。 津鄉在今荊州也。
In Jianwu 9 he oversaw the southern expedition and crossbow encampment at Jinxiang; when Chen Peng fell to assassins, Zheng Xing took his troops and joined Wu Han against Gongsun Shu. After Shu's death he was ordered to hold Chengdu. Soon a censor charged him with buying concubines on public business; he was busted down to magistrate of Lianshao. The land was still shattered from war; he meant to wall the town and teach ritual, but another charge ended his tenure. Note: Chen Peng and Fu Jun held Jinxiang against Shu. Jinxiang lay in what is now Jingzhou.
35
注[二]蓮勺，縣，屬左馮翊，故城在今同州下邽縣東北。 蓮音輦，勺音酌。
Note: Lianshao in Zuo Fengyi stood northeast of today's Xiaji in Tongzhou. Read lian as nian and shao as zhuo.
36
興好古學，尤明左氏、周官，長於歷數，自杜林、桓譚、□宏之屬，莫不斟酌焉。 [一]世言左氏者多祖於興，而賈逵自傳其父業，故有鄭、賈之學。 興去蓮勺，後遂不復仕，客授閿鄉，[二]三公連辟不肯應，卒於家。 子觿。
He loved antiquity, knew Zuo and Zhou li best, mastered astronomy; Du Lin, Huan Tan, and Wei Hong all deferred to his judgment. Later Zuo scholars often claim descent from Zheng Xing, while Jia Kui carried his father's line—hence the rival Zheng and Jia schools. He left Lianshao, never served again, taught in Wenxiang, refused every summons from the three dukes, and died at home. His son was Zheng Zhong.
37
注[一]斟酌謂取其意指也。 注[二]閿音聞，古字也，建安中改作「聞」。
Note: zhenzhuo means weighing the core sense. Note: the place name used an old graph later written as "hear."
38
觿字仲師。 年十二，從父受左氏春秋，精力於學，明三統歷，作春秋難記條例，兼通易、詩，知名於世。 建武中，皇太子及山陽王荊，因虎賁中郎將梁松以縑帛聘請觿，欲為通義，引籍出入殿中。 觿謂松曰：「太子儲君，無外交之義，漢有舊防，蕃王不宜私通賓客。 」遂辭不受。 松復風觿以「長者意，不可逆」。 觿曰：「犯禁觸罪，不如守正而死。 」太子及荊聞而奇之，亦不強也。 及梁氏事敗，[一]賓客多坐之，唯觿不染於辭。 注[一]梁松坐懸飛書誹謗下獄死，事見梁統傳也。
Zheng Zhong, style Zhongshi. At twelve he took Zuo from his father, mastered the Triple Concordance calendar, drafted rules for a Zuo critique, and knew the Changes and Odes—soon famous. The crown prince and Prince Jing tried to hire him through Liang Song of the tiger guard, offering silk to draft compendia and carry passes in the palace. Zheng Zhong told Liang Song: "The heir apparent is the reserve sovereign; princes may not keep private clients; Han law forbids it." He declined. Liang Song pressed him with "elders must be obeyed." Zheng Zhong answered: "Better die upright than break the ban." The prince and heir admired him and dropped the matter. When Liang Song fell, his clients were ruined; Zheng Zhong alone escaped implication. Note: Liang Song died in prison for forged libels; see Liang Tong's biography.
39
永平初，辟司空府，以明經給事中，再遷越騎司馬，[一]復留給事中。 是時北匈奴遣使求和親。 八年，顯宗遣觿持節使匈奴。 觿至北庭，虜欲令拜，觿不為屈。 單于大怒，圍守閉之，不與水火，欲脅服觿。 觿拔刀自誓，單于恐而止，乃更發使隨觿還京師。 朝議復欲遣使報之，觿上疏諫曰：「臣伏聞北單于所以要致漢使者，欲以離南單于之觿，堅三十六國之心也。 [二]又當揚漢和親，誇示鄰敵，令西城欲歸化者侷促狐疑，懷土之人絕望中國耳。 漢使既到，便偃蹇自信。 [三]若復遣之，虜必自謂得謀，其腢臣駁議者不敢復言。 [四]如是，南庭動搖，烏桓有離心矣。 南單于久居漢地，具知形埶，萬分離析，旋為邊害。 今幸有度遼之觿揚威北垂，雖勿報荅，不敢為患。 」[五]帝不從，復遣觿。 觿因上言：「臣前奉使不為匈奴拜，單于恚恨，故遣兵圍臣。 今復銜命，必見陵折。
Early in Yongping he entered the minister of works bureau, became a classics adviser, rose twice to swift-cavalry major, and stayed on as consultant. The Northern Shanyu sought a heqin marriage. In Yongping 8 Emperor Ming sent him north with the imperial staff. At the northern court they demanded a kowtow; he refused. The Shanyu besieged the lodge, cut off fire and water, and tried to break him. He drew his blade on his own throat; the Shanyu relented and sent him home with an escort. Court wanted to send another envoy; Zheng Zhong argued the Northern Shanyu only wanted to split the Southern Shanyu and harden the thirty-six western states. He would parade a Han marriage to neighbors, unsettle the Western Regions, and break the faith of men who lean toward China. Once Han envoys arrive he grows arrogant. Send again and the Xiongnu will think their plot worked; critics at court will fall silent. Then the Southern Shanyu wavers and the Wuhuan peel away. The Southern Shanyu knows Han's layout; if he breaks away he becomes a frontier scourge. We already have the army beyond the Liao holding the north—even without a return embassy they will not dare move." The emperor overruled him and sent him again. Zheng Zhong wrote: "Last time I refused their bows; the Shanyu besieged me for it." A second mission means fresh humiliation.
40
臣誠不忍持大漢節對氈裘獨拜。 如令匈奴遂能服臣，將有損大漢之強。 」帝不聽，觿不得已，既行，在路連上書固爭之。 詔切責觿，追還系廷尉，會赦歸家。
I cannot face the steppe alone with Han's staff and kowtow to fur caps. If the Xiongnu forced a Han envoy to yield, the empire's prestige would suffer. The emperor insisted; en route Zheng Zhong fired off memorial after memorial protesting. An angry edict had him hauled back and jailed at the commandant of justice; an amnesty sent him home.
41
注[一]漢官儀曰「越騎司馬一人，秩千石」也。 注[二]武帝開通西域，本三十六國。
Note: Han office tables list one swift-cavalry major at one thousand shi. Note: Wu opened the west to thirty-six states.
42
注[三]信音申。 注[四]駁議謂勸單于歸漢。 注[五]明帝八年，初置度遼將軍，屯五原曼□。
Note: read xin here as shen. Note: boyi here means advisers who pushed the Shanyu toward Han. Note: the general who crosses the Liao was first posted at Wuyuan in Ming 8.
43
其後帝見匈奴來者，問觿與單于爭禮之狀，皆言匈奴中傳觿意氣壯勇，雖蘇武不過。 乃復召觿為軍司馬，使與虎賁中郎將馬廖擊車師。 至敦煌，拜為中郎將，使護西域。 會匈奴脅車師，圍戊己校尉，觿發兵救之。 遷武威太守，謹修邊備，虜不敢犯。 遷左馮翊，政有名多。
Later, questioning Xiongnu visitors about the embassy, the court learned his defiance outshone even Su Wu's. He recalled Zheng Zhong as army marshal to join Ma Liao against Cheshi. At Dunhuang he became general of the household for the center and protector of the Western Regions. When the Xiongnu besieged the Wu-ji colonels at Cheshi, he marched to relieve them. As Wuwei prefect he tightened the frontier; the nomads did not strike. As Zuo Fengyi he governed so well that his name was praised everywhere.
44
建初六年，代鄧彪為大司農。 是時肅宗議復鹽鐵官，觿諫以為不可。 [一]詔數切責，至被奏劾，觿執之不移。 帝不從。 在位以清正稱。 其後受詔作春秋刪十九篇。 八年，卒官。 注[一]武帝時國用不足，乃賣鹽鐵，置官以主之。 昭帝罷之，今議欲復之。
In Jianchu 6 he succeeded Deng Biao as grand minister of agriculture. Emperor Zhang debated reviving the salt and iron monopoly; Zheng Zhong opposed it. Imperial edicts scolded him; he faced impeachment yet would not budge. The emperor still imposed the monopoly. His tenure was remembered for incorruptibility. He was later ordered to write a nineteen-chapter abridgment of the Spring and Autumn. He died in office in the eighth year. Commentary: Wu Di nationalized salt and iron when the treasury ran dry. Zhaodi ended the monopoly; Zhang's court debated bringing it back.
45
子安世，亦傳家業，為長樂、未央廄令。 [一]延光中，安帝廢太子為濟陰王，安世與太常桓焉、太僕來歷等共正議諫爭。 及順帝立，安世已卒，追賜錢帛，除子亮為郎。 觿曾孫公業，自有傳。 注[一]續漢志曰：「廄令一人，秩六百石。」
His son Zheng Anshi inherited the learning and ran the imperial stables at Changle and Weiyang. In Yan'guang, when Andi demoted the crown prince to prince of Jiyin, Zheng Anshi joined Huan Yan, Lai Li, and others in a principled protest. Shundi raised him posthumously with cash and silk and made his son Liang a court gentleman. Zheng Zhong's great-grandson Zheng Tai (style Gongye) has a separate chapter. Note: the stable commandant ranked at six hundred shi.
46
范升字辯卿。 代郡人也。 少孤，依外家居。 九歲通論語、孝經，及長，習梁丘易、老子，教授後生。 [一]注[一]宣帝時梁丘賀之易也。
Fan Sheng, style Bianqing. He came from Dai commandery. Orphaned young, he was raised by his mother's kin. At nine he knew the Analects and Filial Piety; as an adult he read Liangqiu's Book of Changes and the Laozi and taught disciples. Note: Liangqiu He's Changes school dates to Xuandi.
47
王莽大司空王邑辟升為議曹史。 時莽頻發兵役，徵賦繁興，升乃奏記邑曰：「升聞子以人不閒於其父母為孝，臣以下不非其君上為忠。 [一]今觿人咸稱朝聖，皆曰公明。 蓋明者無不見，聖者無不聞。 今天下之事，昭昭於日月，震震於雷霆，而朝雲不見，公雲不聞，則元元焉所呼天？ 公以為是而不言，則過小矣；
Wang Yi, Mang's grand minister of works, made him a deliberation clerk. As Mang piled on conscription and taxes, Fan Sheng wrote Wang Yi: "A filial son leaves no gap between himself and his parents; a loyal minister does not mutter blame against his ruler. Yet everyone calls the court sage and you, my lord, enlightened. The enlightened see all; the sage hears all. The empire's troubles shine like the sun—yet court and minister seem blind and deaf; where can the people turn? Stay silent though you know better, and the fault is small;
48
知而從令，則過大矣。 二者於公無可以免，宜乎天下歸怨於公矣。 朝以遠者不服為至念，升以近者不悅為重憂。 今動與時戾，事與道反，馳騖覆車之轍，探湯敗事之後，[二]後出益可怪，晚發愈可懼耳。
know the harm yet obey, and the fault is great. You cannot escape blame for either; no wonder the world blames you. The court worries about distant rebels; I worry about the anger at your doorstep. Every policy runs against the times—you follow overturned tracks and scalded fingers; each late remedy looks odder and more frightening.
49
方春歲首，而動發遠役，藜藿不充，田荒不耕，谷價騰躍，斛至數千，吏人陷於湯火之中，非國家之人也。 如此，則胡、貊守關，青、徐之寇在於帷帳矣。 [三]升有一言，可以解天下倒縣，免元元之急，不可書傳，願蒙引見，極陳所懷。」
At New Year you launch distant campaigns while people starve, fields lie fallow, grain hits thousands per hu, and officials and folk burn together—those are not citizens of a well-ordered state. If so, steppe peoples will hold the passes and the Qing-Xu rebels will sit inside your tent. I have one remedy that could right the inverted world and ease the people—but it cannot go on paper; grant me an audience and I will speak plainly."
50
邑雖然其言，而竟不用。 升稱病乞身，邑不聽，令乘傳使上黨。 升遂與漢兵會，因留不還。 注[一]論語孔子曰：「孝哉閔子騫，人不閒於其父母兄弟之言。 」閒，非也。 言子騫之孝，化其父母兄弟，言人無非之者。 忠臣事君，有過即諫。 在下無有非君者，是忠臣也。
Wang Yi praised the letter yet ignored it. Fan Sheng begged sick leave; Wang Yi refused and sent him by post-horse to Shangdang. He met Han forces and stayed with them. Note: Confucius on Min Ziqian's filial piety. Jian means to find fault. Min Ziqian's devotion left no opening for criticism. A loyal minister remonstrates when the ruler errs. Loyalty means not privately blaming one's lord.
51
注[二]賈誼曰：「前車覆，後車誡。 」論語曰：「見不善如探湯。」
Note: Jia Yi's warning from overturned carts. Note: the Analects likens evil to scalding water.
52
注[三]王莽時，青徐二部為寇，號「青徐賊」。
Note: Mang's era saw the Qing-Xu insurgents.
53
建武二年，光武征詣懷宮，拜議郎，遷博士，上疏讓曰：「臣與博士梁恭、山陽太守呂羌俱修梁丘易。 二臣年並耆艾，經學深明，而臣不以時退，與恭並立，深知羌學，又不能達，[一]籩負二老，無顏於世。 誦而不行，知而不言，不可開口以為人師，願推博士以避恭、羌。 」帝不許，然由是重之，數詔引見，每有大議，輒見訪問。 注[一]達，進也。
Jianwu 2: Guangwu summoned him to Huai, made him consultant then erudite; Fan Sheng demurred: "I studied Liangqiu with Erudite Liang Gong and prefect Lu Qiangang. Both men are old masters; I should have stepped aside for them yet hold rank beside Gong and failed to advance Qiangang—I shame two elders. I cannot preach what I do not live; please give my chair to Gong and Qiangang." Guangwu refused but prized him thereafter, called him in often, and sought his counsel on great questions. Note: da means to promote.
54
時尚書令韓歆上疏，欲為費氏易、左氏春秋立博士，[一]詔下其議。 四年正月，朝公卿、大夫、博士，見於雲台。 帝曰：「范博士可前平說。 」升起對曰：「左氏不祖孔子，而出於丘明，師徒相傳，又無其人，且非先帝所存，無因得立。」
Director Han Xin asked for chairs for Fei's Changes and the Zuo Annals; the emperor referred it to debate. In Jianwu 4, first month, he convened high ministers and scholars at the Cloud Terrace. The emperor said: "Erudite Fan, step forward and argue the case." Fan Sheng replied: "Zuo does not stem from Confucius but from Zuo Qiu Ming, with no reliable line of teachers, and no earlier emperor endorsed it—so it should not get a chair."
55
遂與韓歆及太中大夫許淑等互相辯難，日中乃罷。 升退而奏曰：「臣聞主不稽古，無以承天； 臣不述舊，無以奉君。 陛下愍學微缺，勞心經蓺，情存博聞，故異端競進。 近有司請置京氏易博士，腢下執事，莫能據正。 京氏既立，費氏怨望，左氏春秋復以比類，亦希置立。 京、費已行，次復高氏，[二]春秋之家，又有騶、夾。 [三]如令左氏、費氏得置博士，高氏、騶、夾，五經奇異，並復求立，各有所執，乖戾分爭，從之則失道，不從則失人，將恐陛下必有猒倦之聽。 孔子曰：『博學約之，弗叛矣夫。 』[四]夫學而不約，必叛道也。 顏淵曰：『博我以文，約我以禮。 』孔子可謂知教，顏淵可謂善學矣。 老子曰：『學道日損。 』損猶約也。 又曰：『絕學無憂。 』絕末學也。 今費、左二學，無有本師，而多反異，先帝前世，有疑於此，故京氏雖立，輒復見廢。 疑道不可由，疑事不可行。
He wrangled with Han Xin, Xu Shu, and others until noon. He followed with a memorial: "Without reviewing antiquity a ruler cannot answer heaven; without handing down the old learning a minister cannot serve his lord. Your zeal for the classics invites rival schools to push forward. When the court asked for a Jing Changes chair, no one held the orthodox line. Jing's chair angered Fei; Zuo then asked parity. After Jing and Fei would come Gao's Changes; the Annals also spawned Zou and Jia schools. Grant Zuo and Fei chairs and five other odd schools will demand seats—each clinging to its sect. Grant them and the Way fragments; deny them and you lose scholars; you will weary of hearing pleas. Confucius said: Learn widely, bind yourself with ritual, and you will not stray. Learning without restraint betrays the Way. Yan Hui asked to be widened by letters and tightened by rite. Confucius knew how to teach; Yan Hui knew how to learn. Laozi said the Way is learned by daily stripping away. Diminish means distill. He also said: end petty learning and worry ceases. Cut off means later pedantry. Fei and Zuo lack founding sages and contradict each other; earlier emperors doubted them—Jing's chair was once set up then struck down. Do not walk a doubtful path or enact doubtful policy.
56
詩書之作，其來已久。 孔子尚周流遊觀，至於知命，自□反魯，乃正雅、頌。 [五]今陛下草創天下，紀綱未定，雖設學官，無有弟子，詩書不講，禮樂不修，奏立左、費，非政急務。 孔子日：『攻乎異端，斯害也已。 』[六]傳曰：『聞疑傳疑，聞信傳信，而堯舜之道存。 』[七]願陛下疑先帝之所疑，信先帝之所信，以示反本，明不專己。 天下之事所以異者，以不一本也。 易曰：『天下之動，貞夫一也。 』[八]又曰：『正其本，萬事理。 』[九]五經之本自孔子始，謹奏左氏之失凡十四事。 」時難者以太史公多引左氏，升又上太史公違戾五經，謬孔子言，及左氏春秋不可錄三十一事。 詔以下博士。 注[一]費直字長翁，善易，長於卦筮，見前書。
The Odes and Documents are ancient texts. Confucius wandered until he knew heaven's mandate, then returned from Wei to Lu and set the Ya and Song to rights. You are still founding the dynasty—schools lack pupils, the Odes and Documents go untaught, ritual and music lie in ruins; Zuo and Fei are not the urgent business of rule. Confucius warned against chasing heterodox arts. Tradition says: transmit only what is sure, mark what is doubtful—then Yao and Shun's path survives. Doubt what the Han founders doubted; trust what they trusted—show a return to roots, not private caprice. The realm splinters because learning has more than one trunk. The Changes says all motion under heaven is anchored in the One. Set the root straight and the myriad tasks align. The five classics root in Confucius; I list fourteen Zuo errors. Critics noted Sima Qian's Zuo citations; Fan Sheng added thirty-one counts where the Grand Historian clashes with the five classics and misquotes Confucius. The emperor sent the dossier to the erudites. Note: Fei Zhi, expert in Changes divination, appears in Hanshu.
57
注[二]沛人高相善易，與費直同時，見前書。
Note: Gao Xiang of Pei, Fei's contemporary, in Hanshu.
58
注[三]前書曰，騶氏無師，夾氏未有其書也。
Note: Hanshu says Zou lacked a teacher and Jia lacked a text.
59
注[四]論語孔子之言。 弗叛言不違道也。
Note: From the Analects. Not departing means not leaving the Way.
60
注[五]孔子以魯哀公十一年自□還魯。 是時道衰樂廢，孔子來還，乃正之，故雅、頌各得其所。 見史記。
Note: Confucius returned from Wei to Lu in Ai 11. The Way had decayed and music collapsed; his return set Ya and Song each in its place. See Shiji.
61
注[六]攻猶習也。 異端謂奇技也。
Note: gong here means to drill in. Heterodox doctrines mean occult tricks.
62
注[七]谷梁傳曰：「信以傳信，疑以傳疑。 」公羊傳曰：「君子曷為春秋？ 樂堯舜之道也。」
Note: Guliang on transmitting certainty and doubt. Gongyang asks why the gentleman composed the Annals: to rejoice in the way of Yao and Shun."
63
注[八]易下系之文也。
Note: from the Changes' lower appendix.
64
注[九]今易無此文也。
Note: that line is not in today's Changes recension.
65
後升為出妻所告，坐系，得出，還鄉里。 永平中，為聊城令，坐事免，卒於家。
Later his ex-wife denounced him; he was jailed, freed, and went home. Under Yongping he was prefect of Liaocheng, lost office over a case, and died at home.
66
陳元字長孫，蒼梧廣信人也。 [一]父欽，習左氏春秋，事黎陽賈護，與劉歆同時而別自名家。 [二]王莽從欽受左氏學，以欽為猒難將軍。 [三]元少傳父業，為之訓詁，銳精覃思，至不與鄉里通。 以父任為郎。 注[一]廣信故城在今梧州蒼梧縣。
Chen Yuan, style Changsun, came from Guangxin in Cangwu. His father Chen Qin studied Zuo under Jia Hu of Liyang, Liu Xin's contemporary, yet founded his own school. Wang Mang studied Zuo with Chen Qin and made him general who subdues difficulty. Chen Yuan took his father's glosses, refined them obsessively, and shunned local society. He entered the court as a gentleman by his father's rank. Note: Guangxin stood in modern Cangwu, Wuzhou.
67
注[二]元父欽，字子佚。 以左氏授王莽，自名陳氏春秋，故曰別也。 賈護字季君。 並見前書也。
Note: Chen Qin's style was Ziyi. He taught Zuo to Wang Mang but called his version Chen's Spring and Autumn—hence a distinct line. Jia Hu, style Jijun. Both are recorded in the Hanshu.
68
注[三]猒，一葉反。
Note: read the general's title-name with ye tone.
69
建武初，元與桓譚、杜林、鄭興俱為學者所宗。 時議欲立左氏傳博士，范升奏以為左氏淺末，不宜立。 元聞之，乃詣闕上疏曰：
Early in Jianwu, Chen Yuan, Huan Tan, Du Lin, and Zheng Xing were the scholars the world looked to. When the court debated a Zuo chair, Fan Sheng called the tradition shallow and unworthy. Chen Yuan went to the palace and wrote:
70
陛下撥亂反正，文武並用，[一]深愍經蓺謬雜，真偽錯亂，每臨朝日，輒延腢臣講論聖道。 知丘明至賢，親受孔子，而公羊、谷梁傳聞於後世，故詔立左氏，博詢可否，示不專己，盡之腢下也。 今論者沉溺所習，翫守舊聞，固執虛言傳受之辭，以非親見實事之道。 左氏孤學少與，[二]遂為異家之所覆冒。 夫至音不合觿聽，故伯牙絕弦； [三]至寶不同觿好，故卞和泣血。 [四]仲尼聖德，而不容於世，[五]況於竹帛余文，其為雷同者所排，固其宜也。 非陛下至明，孰能察之！ 注[一]撥，理也。 語見公羊傳。
You ended chaos and restored Han, pity how corrupt the canon had grown, and each audience you call ministers to expound the Way. You know Zuo Qiu Ming studied with Confucius while Gongyang and Guliang are later hearsay—so you asked broadly about a Zuo chair, showing you defer to the realm, not private whim. Critics cling to habit, toy with old glosses, and reject eyewitness tradition as hearsay. Zuo stands almost alone—rival schools have smothered it. Perfect music bores the crowd—Boya smashed his lute when none could hear; a perfect jade offends common taste—Bian He wept blood at the wall; Confucius himself was hounded—how much more will pedants reject his disciple's text on silk? Only a ruler as clear-sighted as you could see the truth. Note: bo luan fan zheng from Gongyang. The phrase comes from the Gongyang.
71
注[二]與猶黨也。
Note: yu here means allies or party.
72
注[三]伯牙善鼓琴，鐘子期善聽，相與為友。 子期死，伯牙破琴絕弦，不復鼓琴，以時人莫之能聽也。 見呂覽。
Note: Boya and Zhong Ziqi were zither and ear. When Ziqi died, Boya broke his strings—no one else could listen. See Lüshi chunqiu.
73
注[四]卞和得寶玉，獻楚武王，王示玉人，曰「石也」，刖其右足。 武王歿後，復獻之文王，復曰「石也」，刖其左足。 至成王時，卞和抱其璞於郊，泣盡以血繼之，王乃使玉尹攻之，果得寶玉。 事見韓子也。
Note: Bian He's first gift to Chu was called stone; they cut his right foot. King Wen's court also called it stone and took his left foot. At King Cheng's reign he wept blood at the jade block until the king had it cut—true jade emerged. See Han Feizi.
74
注[五]仲尼去魯，斥齊，逐乎宋、□，困於陳、蔡之閒。 見史記。
Note: Confucius's wanderings through Qi, Song, Wei, Chen, and Cai. See Shiji.
75
臣元竊見博士范升等所議奏左氏春秋不可立，及太史公違戾凡四十五事。 案升為所言，前後相違，皆斷□小文，媟黷微辭，以年數小差，掇為巨謬，[一]遺脫纖微，指為大尤，抉瑕擿釁，[二]掩其弘美，所謂「小辯破言，小言破道」者也。 [三]升等又曰：「先帝不以左氏為經，故不置博士，後主所宜因襲。 」臣愚以為若先帝所行而後主必行者，則盤庚不當遷於殷，周公不當營洛邑，[四]陛下不當都山東也。 往者，孝武皇帝好公羊，□太子好谷梁，有詔詔太子受公羊，不得受谷梁。 孝宣皇帝在人閒時，聞□太子好谷梁，於是獨學之。 及即位，為石渠論而谷梁氏興，[五]至今與公羊並存。 此先帝后帝各有所立，不必其相因也。 孔子曰，純，儉，吾從觿； 至於拜下，則違之。 [六]夫明者獨見，不惑於朱紫，聽者獨聞，不謬於清濁，故離朱不為巧眩移目，[七]師曠不為新聲易耳。 [八]方今干戈少弭，戎事略戰，留思聖蓺，眷顧儒雅，采孔子拜下之義，卒淵聖獨見之旨，分明白黑，建立左氏，解釋先聖之積結，洮汰學者之累惑，[九]使基業垂於萬世，後進無復狐疑，則天下幸甚。 注[一]媟，狎也； 黷，垢濁也。 掇，拾也，音丁括反。
I have read Fan Sheng's forty-five counts against Zuo and Sima Qian. Fan Sheng's case is self-contradictory: he quibbles over digits and words, blows typos into heresy, hides Zuo's greatness—petty debate that breaks the Way. Fan Sheng says earlier Han refused Zuo a chair, so you must too. If sons may never change fathers' policy, Pan Geng would never have moved the capital, the Duke of Zhou would never have built Luoyang, and you would never have left the eastern plain. Emperor Wu favored Gongyang; Crown Prince Ju favored Guliang—an edict forced the heir to study Gongyang, not Guliang. Xuandi, still a commoner, heard that Crown Prince Ju had loved Guliang and studied that tradition himself. On the throne he held the Shiqu conference and raised Guliang—it still stands beside Gongyang. Each emperor chose his own orthodoxy; one need not ape the last. Confucius said he would follow the crowd on cheaper silk caps; on bowing on the stair below, he stood firm. The clear eye sorts crimson from purple; the true ear tells pure from muddy—Li Zhu was not fooled by tricks of light, nor Kuang by novelty. Weapons rest; turn to the canon, follow Confucius's humility, choose truth from falsehood, establish Zuo, clear the sages' tangles, rinse away doubt—then the dynasty's learning will rest on bedrock. Note: xie is cheap familiarity; du means smearing filth. Duo means to pluck out; read it duo.
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注[二]抉音於決反。
Note: jue read in the yu jue cut.
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注[三]大戴記小辯篇孔子曰：「小辯破言，小言破義，小義破道。」
Note: Da Dai liji on petty debate.
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注[四]盤庚都耿，自耿遷於殷。 文王都酆，武王都鎬，周公輔成王營洛邑。
Note: Pan Geng moved from Geng to Yin. Wen ruled from Feng, Wu from Hao; the Duke of Zhou built Luoyang for Cheng.
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注[五]石渠閣以藏秘書，在未央殿北。 宣帝甘露三年，詔諸儒韋玄成、梁丘賀等講論五經於石渠也。
Note: Shiqu library north of Weiyang. Xuandi's Ganlu 3 conference at Shiqu debated the five classics.
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注[六]論語孔子曰：「麻冕，禮也。 今也純，儉，吾從觿。 拜下，禮也。 今拜乎上，泰也。 雖違觿，吾從下。 」何晏注云：「麻冕，緇布冠也，古績麻三十升以為之。 純，絲也。 絲易成，故從儉。 臣之與君行禮者，下拜然後升。 時臣驕泰，故於上拜。 今從下，禮之恭也。」
Note: Analects on the hemp cap; today's silk cap is cheaper—Confucius followed the crowd; bowing from below was ritual; bowing only above is arrogance; yet he said he would still bow low." He Yan glosses the hemp cap and thirty-sheng weave; chun means silk; silk is easier to weave, hence economy; ritual had the minister bow below the steps, then ascend; later pride made them bow only above; Confucius chose the humble bow."
81
注[七]離朱，黃帝時明目者也，一號離婁。 慎子曰：「離朱之明，察毫末於百步之外。」
Note: Li Zhu or Li Lou, legendary sharp sight. Shenzi on Li Zhu's hundred-pace sight.
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注[八]桓譚新論曰：「晉師曠善知音，□靈公將之晉，宿於濮水之上，夜聞新聲，召師涓告之曰：『為我聽寫之。 』曰：『臣得之矣。 』遂之晉。 晉平公饗之，酒酣，靈公曰：『有新聲，願奏之。 』乃令師涓鼓琴。 未終，師曠止之曰：『此亡國之聲也。 』」注[九]洮汰猶洗濯也。
Note: Huan Tan's story of Duke Ling, Juan, and Kuang at Pu; Juan transcribed the tune; they traveled on to Jin; at Ping's feast Ling asked for the new piece; Juan played; Kuang stopped him: "That is a conqueror's tune."' Note: tao tai means to rinse clean.
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臣元愚鄙，嘗傳師言。 如得以褐衣召見，俯伏庭下，[一]誦孔氏之正道，理丘明之宿冤； 若辭不合經，事不稽古，退就重誅，雖死之日，生之年也。 注[一]褐，織毛為布，貧者之服也。
I am a dull scholar, yet I pass my master's teaching. Let me appear in humble dress in the courtyard, chant Confucius's orthodoxy, and clear Zuo Qiu Ming's old slander; if I lie against the canon, execute me—I will count death as life. Note: he is coarse wool, a poor man's robe.
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書奏，下其議，范升復與元相辯難，凡十餘上。 帝卒立左氏學，太常選博士四人，元為第一。 帝以元新忿爭，乃用其次司隸從事李封，於是諸儒以左氏之立，論議讙嘩，自公卿以下，數廷爭之。 會封病卒，左氏復廢。
The throne circulated the memorial; Fan Sheng and Chen Yuan traded ten-plus replies. Guangwu created the Zuo chair; the grand master of ceremonies picked four erudites with Chen Yuan first. Fearing Chen Yuan's temper, the emperor chose Li Feng instead; the court erupted—everyone from ministers down wrangled in session. When Li Feng died, the Zuo chair was struck down again.
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元以才高著名，辟司空李通府。 時大司農江馮上言，宜令司隸校尉督察三公。
Chen Yuan's fame won him Li Tong's bureau. Grand minister of agriculture Jiang Feng wanted the metropolitan commandant to oversee the three dukes.
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事下三府。 元上疏曰：「臣聞師臣者帝，賓臣者霸。 [一]故武王以太公為師，齊桓以夷吾為仲父。 孔子曰：『百官總己聽於頤宰。 』[二]近則高帝優相國之禮，[三]太宗假宰輔之權。 [四]及亡新王莽，遭漢中衰，專操國柄，以偷天下，[五]況己自喻，不信腢臣。 奪公輔之任，損宰相之威，以刺舉為明，徼訐為直。 至乃陪僕告其君長，子弟變其父兄，[六]罔密法峻，大臣無所措手足。 然不能禁董忠之謀，身為世戮。 [七]故人君患在自驕，不患驕臣； 失在自任，不在任人。
The edict went to the three offices. Chen Yuan answered: "Treat ministers as teachers and you are a true emperor; treat them as guests and you are a hegemon; King Wu made Jiang Taigong his teacher; Duke Huan made Guan Zhong his elder statesman. Confucius said the hundred bureaus answer to the chief minister; Gaozu honored Xiao He; Wendi empowered his chancellor; When Wang Mang seized a declining Han, he monopolized power, stole the throne, trusted only his own mirror, and refused his ministers. He gutted the three dukes, shrank the chancellor's prestige, and mistook informers for truth-tellers. Attendants informed on superiors and sons turned on fathers until the laws tightened and ministers could not move. He still could not stop Dong Zhong's conspiracy and died in infamy. A ruler's fault is pride in himself, not pride in good ministers; failure is trusting only oneself, not delegating.
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是以文王有日□之勞，周公執吐握之恭，[八]不聞其崇刺舉，務督察也。 方今四方尚擾，天下未一，百姓觀聽，鹹張耳目。 陛下宜修文武之聖典，襲祖宗之遺德，勞心下士，屈節待賢，誠不宜使有司察公輔之名。 」帝從之，宣下其議。
King Wen wore himself with audiences; the Duke of Zhou rushed meals and hair—neither built power on spies. The realm is still at war; the people watch every move; cultivate Wen and Wu's model, humble yourself to worthies, and never let a petty inspector judge the three dukes." The emperor accepted and published the decision.
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[九]注[一]言以臣為師，以臣為賓也。
Note: emperors as learners, hegemons as hosts.
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注[二]論語文也。
Note: Analects wording.
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注[三]蕭何為相國，高帝賜□履上殿，入朝不趨。
Note: Gaozu's honors to Xiao He.
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注[四]太宗，孝文也。 申屠嘉為丞相，坐府召太中大夫鄧通，欲誅之。 孝文使持節召通，令人謝嘉，故曰：「假權」也。
Note: Taizong means Emperor Wen. Shen Tujia tried to execute Deng Tong from the chancellor's office; Wendi sent credentials to save Deng—hence "lent authority" to the chancellor.
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注[五]偷，竊也。
Note: tou means to usurp.
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注[六]王莽時開吏告其將，奴婢告其主。
Note: Mang encouraged clerks to inform on generals and slaves on masters.
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注[七]董忠為王莽大司馬，共劉歆等謀誅莽，事發覺死也。
Note: Dong Zhong conspired with Liu Xin against Wang Mang and died when exposed.
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注[八]尚書曰：「文王自朝至於日中昃，不遑暇食。 」史記曰，伯禽封魯，周公戒之曰：「我文王之子，武王之弟，成王之叔父，亦不賤矣。 我一沐三握發，一飯三吐哺，以待士，猶恐失天下之賢人，汝無以國驕人也。」
Note: Documents on King Wen's diligence. Shiji: the Duke of Zhou warned Boqin of Lu: I break off bath and meal to meet talent—do not scorn others with your fief."
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注[九]司察猶督察也。
Note: si cha means oversight.
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李通罷，元後復辟司徒歐陽歙府，數陳當世便事、郊廟之禮，帝不能用。 以病去，年老，卒於家。 子堅卿，有文章。
After Li Tong retired, Chen Yuan served Ouyang He and often proposed policy and ritual; the throne did not adopt his advice. Illness drove him out; he died at home in old age. His son Chen Jianqing was a fine writer.
98
賈逵字景伯，扶風平陵人也。 九世祖誼，文帝時為梁王太傅。 [一]曾祖父光，為常山太守，宣帝時以吏二千石自洛陽徙焉。 父徽，從劉歆受左氏春秋，兼習國語、周官，又受古文尚書於塗惲，[二]學毛詩於謝曼卿，作左氏條例二十一篇。 注[一]為文帝子梁王揖之傅也。
Jia Kui, style Jingbo, came from Pingling in Fufeng. Nine generations back, Jia Yi had been tutor to the Liang prince under Emperor Wen. His great-grandfather Jia Guang was Changshan prefect and moved the family from Luoyang as a two-thousand-shi official. His father Jia Hui studied Zuo under Liu Xin, Guoyu and Zhou li, old-text Documents under Tu Yun, Mao Odes under Xie Manqing, and wrote twenty-one Zuo rule chapters. Note: tutor to Emperor Wen's son at Liang.
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注[二]風俗通曰：「塗姓，塗山氏之後。 」惲字子真，受尚書於胡常，見前書。
Note: Fengsu tong on the Tu surname. Tu Yun studied Documents under Hu Chang; see Hanshu.
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逵悉傳父業，弱冠能誦左氏傳及五經本文，以大夏侯尚書教授，雖為古學，兼通五家谷梁之說。 [一]自為兒童，常在太學，不通人閒事。 身長八尺二寸，諸儒為之語曰：「問事不休賈長頭。 」性愷悌，多智思，俶儻有大節。 [二]尤明左氏傳、國語，為之解詁五十一篇，[三]永平中，上疏獻之。 顯宗重其書，寫藏秘豫。 注[一]五家謂尹更始、劉向、周慶、丁姓、王彥等，皆為谷梁，見前書也。
Jia Kui inherited his father's curriculum, knew Zuo and the five classics at twenty, taught the greater Xia Hou Documents, and mastered five Guliang lineages. From boyhood he lived at the academy and ignored the world outside. At eight feet two inches he drew the rhyme: "Endless questions—Long-neck Jia." He was genial, quick-witted, and magnanimous in principle. He especially mastered Zuo and Guoyu and wrote fifty-one chapters of glosses, presented in Yongping. Emperor Ming prized the work, had it copied, and filed it in the imperial library. Note: the five Guliang masters listed in Hanshu.
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注[二]愷，樂也。 悌，易也。 言有和樂簡易之德也。 俶儻，卓異也。
Note: kai is joy; ti is ease—together, gentle simplicity. The phrase praises his mild temper. Tichang means striking and uncommon.
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注[三]左氏三十篇，國語二十一篇也。
Note: thirty Zuo scrolls plus twenty-one of Guoyu.
103
時有神雀集宮殿官府，冠羽有五采色，帝異之，以問臨邑侯劉復，[一]復不能對，薦逵博物多識，帝乃召見逵，問之。 對曰：「昔武王終父之業，鸑鷟在岐，[二]宣帝威懷戎狄，神雀仍集，此胡降之征也。 」[三]帝□蘭台給筆札，使作神雀頌，拜為郎，與班固並校秘書，應對左右。 注[一]臨邑，東郡縣也。 復，齊武王伯升孫，北海王興子。
Five-colored "divine sparrows" perched on halls; the emperor asked Liu Fu, who could not answer and recommended Jia Kui. Jia Kui replied: "King Wu finished his father's work and phoenixes came to Qi; Xuandi won the border peoples and omens repeated—your birds mean the outer tribes will yield." The emperor gave him Orchid Terrace supplies to draft an ode, made him a gentleman collator alongside Ban Gu, and kept him at call. Note: Linyi lay in Dong commandery. Liu Fu was grandson of Liu Bosheng, son of the prince of Beihai.
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注[二]鸑鷟，鳳之別名也。 周大夫內史過對周惠王曰：「周之興也，鸑鷟鳴於岐山。 」事見國語也。
Note: yuezhuo is a phoenix name. Neishi Guo told King Hui of Zhou that at Zhou's rise the phoenix called on Mount Qi. See Guoyu.
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注[三]仍，頻也。 宣帝時神雀再見，改為年號，後匈奴降服，呼韓入朝也。
Note: reng means again and again. Xuandi twice saw such birds, changed his era name, and later won the Xiongnu to court.
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肅宗立，降意儒術，特好古文尚書、左氏傳。 建初元年，詔逵入講北宮白虎觀、南宮雲台。 帝善逵說，使發出左氏傳大義長於二傳者。 逵於是具條奏之曰：
Zhangdi favored Confucian learning, especially old-text Documents and Zuo. Jianchu 1: he lectured at the White Tiger Hall and Cloud Terrace. The emperor asked him to list where Zuo outshone Gongyang and Guliang. Jia Kui then submitted:
107
臣謹擿出左氏三十事尤著明者，斯皆君臣之正義，父子之紀綱。 其餘同公羊者什有七八，或文簡小異，無害大體。 至如祭仲、紀季、伍子胥、叔術之屬，左氏義深於君父，父羊多任於權變，[一]其相殊絕，固以甚遠，而冤抑積久，莫肯分明。 注[一]左傳，宋人執鄭祭仲，曰：「不立突，將死。 」祭仲許之，遂出昭公而立厲公。 杜預注云：「祭仲之如宋，非會非聘，見誘被拘。 廢長立少，故事名罪之。」
I select thirty Zuo passages that spell duty between ruler and subject and father and son. Most of the rest aligns with Gongyang; minor wording shifts do not touch the core. Cases like Ji Zhong, Ji Ji, Wu Zixu, and Shuyi show Zuo honoring ruler and father while Gongyang leans on expediency—a gulf long left unsettled. Note: Zuo on Ji Zhong seized by Song: He yielded and replaced Duke Zhao (Hu) with Duke Li (Tu). Du Yu notes Ji Zhong was trapped in Song, and blames him for deposing the elder son."
108
公羊傳曰：「祭仲者何？ 鄭之相也。 何以不名？ 賢也。 何賢乎祭仲？ 以為知權也。
Gongyang asks who Ji Zhong is: Zheng's minister. Why is he not named? Because he is worthy. What makes Ji Zhong worthy? In knowing timely compromise.
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其知權柰何？ 宋人執之，謂之曰：『為我出忽而立突。 』祭仲不從其言，則君必死，國必亡； 從其言，則君可以生易死，國可以存易亡。 」古之有權者，祭仲之權是也。 左傳，紀季以酅入於齊，紀侯大去其國。 賈逵以為紀季不能兄弟同心以存國，乃背兄歸讎，書以譏之。 公羊傳曰：「紀季者何？ 紀侯之弟也。 何以不名？ 賢也。 何賢乎？ 服罪也。 其服罪柰何？ 請後五廟以存姑姊妹。 」左傳，楚平王將殺伍奢，召伍奢子伍尚、伍員曰：「來，吾免而父。 」尚謂員曰：「聞免父之命，不可以莫之奔，親戚為戮，不可以莫之報。 父不可□，名不可廢。」
What did that expedience look like? Song seized him and said: depose Hu for Tu. Refuse and the lord dies and the state falls; obey and the ruler and state survive. Gongyang calls that true "expedient power." Zuo: Ji Ji surrendered Xi to Qi and Ji collapsed. Jia Kui read Ji Ji as betraying his brother and state—Zuo records it to blame him. Gongyang asks who Ji Ji is: The marquis of Ji's younger brother. Why is he not named? Because he is worthy. Worthy how? In accepting guilt. What did that submission mean? He offered the secondary shrines to save his female kin." Zuo: King Ping summoned Wu Shang and Wu Yuan to spare their father Wu She. Wu Shang told Wu Yuan they must answer the summons yet avenge kin, for a father cannot be abandoned nor honor thrown away."
110
子胥奔吳，遂以吳師入郢，卒復父讎。 公羊傳曰：「父受誅，子復讎，推刃之道也。 」公羊不許子胥復讎，是不深父也。 左傳曰：「冬，邾黑肱以濫來奔。 賤而書名，重地故也。 君子曰：『名之不可不慎。 』以地叛，雖賤必書。 地以名其人，終為不義，不可滅已。 是以君子動則思禮，行則思義。 」公羊傳曰：「冬，黑弓以濫來奔，文何以無邾婁？ 通濫也。 曷* (謂) **[為]*通濫？ 賢者子孫宜有地。
Wu Yuan fled to Wu, brought its army to Ying, and avenged his father. Gongyang allows sons to avenge executed fathers. Yet Gongyang would block Zixu's revenge—too shallow on filial duty. Zuo: Zhu's Heigong fled with the Lan district. He is named despite low rank because land matters. The gentleman warns: names must be chosen with care, for revolt tied to territory is always recorded, and the place brands the man forever as unjust. So the gentleman weighs ritual and righteousness in every act." Gongyang on Black Bow fleeing to Lu with Lan: It treats Lan as an open enclave. The damaged text reads "why"— an editor's gloss, asking why Lan is treated as freely joined, because a sage's heirs deserve a fief.
111
賢者孰謂？ 謂叔術也。 何賢乎叔術？ 讓國也。」
Which sage? Shuyi of Zhu. Why praise Shuyi? For yielding his state."
112
臣以永平中上言左氏與圖讖合者，先帝不遺芻蕘，省納臣言，寫其傳詁，藏之秘書。 建平中，[一]侍中劉歆欲立左氏，不先暴論大義，而輕移太常，恃其義長，詆挫諸儒，諸儒內懷不服，相與排之。 [二]孝哀皇帝重逆觿心，故出歆為河內太守。 從是攻擊左氏，遂為重讎。 至光武皇帝，奮獨見之明，興立左氏、谷梁，會二家先師不曉圖讖，故令中道而廢。 凡所以存先王之道者，要在安上理民也。 今左氏崇君父，卑臣子，強幹弱枝，勸善戒惡，至明至切，至直至順。
In Yongping I showed Zuo's fit with prophecy; the late emperor accepted my glosses into the imperial library. In Jianping Liu Xin pushed a Zuo chair without debate, bullied other scholars, and earned their united opposition. Aidi bowed to opinion and banished Liu Xin to Henei. Since then Zuo and orthodox schools have been at war. Guangwu favored Zuo and Guliang but dropped both when their teachers flubbed prophecy. Preserving the ancient way means stabilizing ruler and people. Zuo exalts ruler and father, humbles minister and son, strengthens root over branch, and teaches good against evil—lucid, urgent, upright, and orderly.
113
[三]且三代異物，損益隨時，故先帝博觀異家，各有所採。 易有施、孟，復立梁丘，[四]尚書歐陽，復有大小夏侯，[五]今三傳之異亦猶是也。 又五經家皆無以證圖讖明劉氏為堯後者，而左氏獨有明文。 [六]五經家皆言顓頊代黃帝，而堯不得為火德。 [七]左氏以為少昊代黃帝，即圖讖所謂帝宣也。 [八]如令堯不得為火，則漢不得為赤。 其所發明，補益實多。 注[一]建平，哀帝年也。
Three dynasties changed ritual; wise emperors sampled every school. Changes had Shi and Meng, then Liangqiu; Documents had Ouyang plus two Xia Hou—the three Annals differ no more than that. No other classic proves Han's descent from Yao in the weft-books—only Zuo states it plainly. Orthodox schools make Zhuanxu follow the Yellow Thearch, which would deny Yao the fire phase. Zuo makes Shaohao follow Huangdi—the weft-texts' "Emperor Xuan." Deny Yao fire and you deny Han's red Mandate. Zuo's glosses fill real gaps in the canon. Note: Jianping was Aidi's reign.
114
注[二]排，擯□也。 劉歆欲建立左氏，哀帝令歆與諸儒講論其義，諸博士不肯置對，歆乃移書太常以責之，故被排擯。 事見前書。
Note: pai means to ostracize. Liu Xin asked for a Zuo chair; Aidi told him to debate the erudites, who refused to reply, so Xin blasted the grand master of ceremonies and was shunned. See Hanshu.
115
注[三]左傳曰：「翼戴天子，加之以恭。 」又曰：「君命，天也，天可讎乎？ 委質策名，貳乃辟也。 父教子貳，何以事君？ 」又曰：「□父之命，惡用子矣，以有無父之國則可。 」是崇君父，卑臣子也。 左氏王人雖微，序在諸侯之上。 又曰：
Note: Zuo on supporting the Son of Heaven, and on the lord's command as heaven, pledging service yet rebelling, fathers teaching sons to rebel, and on rejecting a father's order—this is how Zuo exalts ruler and father. Those lines exalt sovereign and parent over subject and child. Zuo ranks even minor Zhou envoys above feudal rulers. It continues:
116
「五大不在邊，五細不在庭，末大必折，尾大不掉。 」是強幹弱枝也。 又曰：「盡而不污，懲惡而勸善，非聖人誰能修之？ 」史記曰，孔子曰：「我欲載之空言，不如見之行事深切著明也。」
"Great power must not sit on the frontier, petty power not in the inner court—oversized branches break, heavy tails cannot wag." That is the doctrine of strong center, weak periphery. It praises the Annals for punishing vice and praising virtue—work only a sage could edit, and cites Confucius preferring deeds to empty speech."
117
注[四]施讎、孟喜、梁丘賀也。
Note: Shi, Meng, and Liangqiu Changes masters.
118
注[五]歐陽和伯、大夏侯勝、小夏侯建也。 並見前書。
Note: Ouyang and two Xia Hou Documents lines. All are in Hanshu.
119
注[六]春秋晉大夫蔡墨曰：「陶唐氏既衰，其後有劉累，學擾龍，事孔甲，范氏其後也。 」范會自秦還晉，其處者為劉氏。 明漢承堯後也。
Note: Zuo quote on Liu Lei, dragon-tamer, ancestor of Fan, and Fan Hui's branch that became the Liu clan—proving Han follows Yao. That is the Han-from-Yao proof text.
120
注[七]史記曰「黃帝崩，其孫昌意之子立，是為帝顓頊」。 當時五經家同為此說。
Note: Shiji succession Huangdi to Zhuanxu, which the old schools all accepted.
121
若以顓頊代黃帝以土德王，即顓頊當為金德，高辛為水德，堯為木德。 漢承堯後，自然不得為火德也。
That scheme makes Zhuanxu earth, then metal, water, wood for later rulers, which would block Han from claiming fire from Yao.
122
注[八]左氏傳曰：「黃帝氏以雲紀，少昊氏以鳥紀。 」是以少昊代黃帝也。 河圖曰：「大星如虹，下流華渚，女節意感，生白帝朱宣。 」宋均注曰：「朱宣，少昊氏也。」
Note: Zuo contrasts Huangdi's cloud offices with Shaohao's bird offices, so Shaohao succeeds Huangdi in Zuo's genealogy. The Hetu names Zhu Xuan, the white thearch, and Song Jun identifies him with Shaohao."
123
陛下通天然之明，建大聖之本，改元正歷，垂萬世則，[一]是以麟鳳百數，嘉瑞雜沓。 [二]猶朝夕恪勤，游情六蓺，研機綜微，靡不審核。 [三]若復留意廢學，以廣聖見，庶幾無所遺失矣。 [四]注[一]改元謂改建初九年為元和元年，正歷謂元和二年始用四分歷也。
Your clarity and calendar reform draw prodigies in flocks—unicorns, phoenixes, and more. Yet you still toil day and night in the six arts, weighing every subtle point. Turn again to the long-neglected Zuo and your vision of the canon will miss nothing. Note: Yuanhe era change and adoption of the quarter-day calendar.
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注[二]雜沓言多也。 章帝時，鳳皇見百三十九，騏麟五十二，白虎二十九，黃龍三十四，神雀、白燕等史官不可勝紀。 見東觀記。
Note: za ta means numerous. Zhangdi's reign logged 139 phoenix sightings, 52 qilin, 29 white tigers, 34 yellow dragons, and countless smaller omens. See Dongguan ji.
125
注[三]核，實也。
Note: he means verified or solid.
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注[四]廢學謂左氏傳也。
Note: "neglected learning" is the Zuo tradition.
127
書奏，帝嘉之，賜布五百匹，衣一襲，令逵自選公羊嚴、顏諸生高才者二十人，教以左氏，[一]與簡紙經傳各一通。 [二]注[一]公羊高作春秋傳，號曰公羊春秋。 嚴彭祖、顏安樂俱受公羊春秋，故公羊有嚴、顏之學。 見前書也。
Zhangdi rewarded Jia Kui and told him to teach twenty picked Gongyang students the Zuo text, with paper and slips. Note: Gongyang Gao's tradition, carried by Yan Pengzu and Yan Anle—hence two Yan schools. See Hanshu.
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注[二]竹簡及紙也。
Note: gifts included bamboo and paper.
129
逵母常有疾，帝欲加賜，以校書例多，特以錢二十萬，使穎陽侯馬防與之。 謂防曰：「賈逵母病，此子無人事於外，[一]屢空則從孤竹之子於首陽山矣。 」[二]注[一]無人事謂不廣交通也。
His mother fell ill; bypassing usual collator rules the emperor sent Ma Fang with two hundred thousand cash. He told Ma Fang: "Jia Kui keeps no outside ties—if he goes broke he will starve like Bo Yi and Shu Qi." Note: he did not network for gain,
130
注[二]屢，數也。 空，乏也。 史記曰，伯夷、叔齊，孤竹君之子也，隱於首陽山，卒餓死也。
lu means often, kong means destitute. The allusion is to Bo Yi and Shu Qi dying of hunger on Shouyang.
131
逵數為帝言古文尚書與經傳爾雅詁訓相應，詔令撰歐陽、大小夏侯尚書古文同異。 逵集為三卷，帝善之。 復令撰齊、魯、韓詩與毛氏異同。 並作周官解故。 [一]遷逵為□士令。 [二]八年，乃詔諸儒各選高才生，受左氏、谷梁春秋、古文尚書、毛詩，由是四經遂行於世。 皆拜逵所選弟子及門生為千乘王國郎，[三]朝夕受業黃門署，學者皆欣欣羨慕焉。 注[一]轅固，齊人也，為齊詩； 申公，魯人也，為魯詩； 韓嬰為韓詩； 毛萇為毛詩。 故謂事之指意也。
Jia Kui showed old-text Documents matched Erya; the court had him collate Ouyang and Xia Hou against the old-text. He produced three fascicles to the throne's praise. Next he compared Qi, Lu, and Han Odes to Mao. He also glossed the Rites of Zhou. He was promoted director of palace gentlemen, and in year 8 ordered high scholars taught Zuo, Guliang, old Documents, and Mao—so four texts spread. His picks became gentlemen to Prince Qiansheng and studied at the yellow gate—every scholar envied them. Note: Yuan Gu's Qi odes, Shen Gong's Lu odes, Han Ying's Han odes, Mao Chang's Mao odes. Hence "pointed meaning" of the texts.
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注[二]北宮□士令一人，掌南、北宮，秩比六百石，見續漢志也。
Note: the director of palace gentlemen at six hundred shi rank.
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注[三]千乘王伉，章帝子也。
Note: Qiansheng prince was Zhangdi's son.
134
和帝即位，永元三年，以逵為左中郎將。 八年，復為侍中，領騎都尉。 內備帷幄，兼領秘書近署，甚見信用。
Hedi made him general of the household for the left in Yongyuan 3. Yongyuan 8 brought attendant-in-chief and cavalry colonel. He advised in the privy council and ran the palace library—deeply trusted.
135
逵薦東萊司馬均、陳國汝郁，帝即征之，並蒙優禮。 均字少賓，安貧好學，隱居教授，不應辟命。 信誠行乎州裡，鄉人有所計爭，輒令祝少賓，[一]不直者終無敢言。 位至侍中，以老病乞身，帝賜以大夫祿，歸鄉里。 郁字叔異，性仁孝，[二]及親歿，遂隱處山澤。 後累遷為魯相，以德教化，百姓稱之，流人歸者八九千戶。 注[一]祝，詛也。 東觀記曰：「爭曲直者，輒言『敢祝少賓乎』？ 心不直者，終不敢祝也。」
He recommended Sima Jun and Yu Yu; both were summoned and honored. Sima Jun, style Shaobin, was a poor recluse who refused office. His village trusted him: the unjust dared not invoke his name in oaths. He retired ill as attendant-in-chief with a grandee's stipend. Yu Yu, style Shuyi, mourned his parents in mountain seclusion, then governed Lu so well that eight or nine thousand refugee households came home. Note: zhu means to swear an oath or curse. Dongguan ji: litigants dared not swear falsely by Sima Jun, for the crooked feared his name."
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注[二]東觀記曰：「郁年五歲，母病不能食，郁常抱持啼泣，亦不食。 母憐之，強為飯。 宗親共異之，因字曰『異』也。」
Note: at five Yu Yu fasted with his sick mother, until she forced food on him, and the clan gave him the style "Yi" for his odd devotion."
137
逵所著經傳義詁及論難百餘萬言，又作詩、頌、誄、書、連珠、酒令凡九篇，學者宗之，後世稱為通儒。 [一]然不修小節，當世以此頗譏焉，故不至大官。
Jia Kui's corpus passed a million words, plus nine literary pieces—he became the model "thorough scholar." He scorned petty etiquette, which cost him top posts.
138
永元十三年卒，時年七十二。 朝廷愍惜，除兩子為太子舍人。 注[一]應劭風俗通義曰：「授先王之制，立當時之事，綱紀國體，原本要化，此通儒也。」
He died in Yongyuan 13 at seventy-two. The court mourned him and made two sons attendants to the crown prince. Note: Ying Shao's definition of a tongru.
139
論曰：鄭、賈之學，行乎數百年中，遂為諸儒宗，亦徒有以焉爾。 [一]桓譚以不善讖流亡，鄭興以遜辭僅免，賈逵能附會文致，最差貴顯。 [二]世主以此論學，悲矣哉！ [三]注[一]言賈、鄭雖為儒宗，而不為帝所重，故曰「亦徒有以焉爾」。
The historian writes: Zheng and Jia dominated learning for centuries—yet little else won the throne's love. Huan Tan fled for spurning chenwei; Zheng Xing barely survived by tact; Jia Kui thrived by fitting Zuo to prophecy, yet emperors judged scholars by weft-text skill—sad business, Note: the verdict is that emperors valued omen-matching over true scholarship.
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注[二]賈逵附會文致，謂引左氏明漢為堯後也。
Note: "attach texts" means the Han-from-Yao argument.
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注[三]言時主不重經而重讖也。
Note: the age preferred prophecy to canon.
142
張霸字伯饒，蜀郡成都人也。 年數歲而知孝讓，雖出入飲食，自然合禮，鄉人號為「張曾子。 」七歲通春秋，復欲進余經，父母曰「汝小未能也」，霸曰「我饒為之」，故字曰「饒」焉。 注[一]饒猶益也。
Zhang Ba, style Borao, came from Chengdu in Shu. As a child he was so deferential that neighbors called him "the young Zengzi." At seven he knew the Annals and pressed for more classics; his parents said he was too young, but he said he had plenty of capacity—hence the style Rao. Note: rao means abundance or surplus.
143
後就長水校尉樊* (儵) **[鯈]*受嚴氏公羊春秋，遂博覽五經。 諸生孫林、劉固、段著等慕之，各市宅其傍，以就學焉。
He studied under Fan Shu, colonel of the Chang water regiment, took Yan Pengzu's Gongyang Annals, and then mastered the five classics. Alternate reading shu for the teacher's name Fan. He completed his study under Fan Shu with Yan's Gongyang and then read the five classics widely. Disciples like Sun Lin, Liu Gu, and Duan Zhu bought houses next to his to study.
144
舉孝廉光祿主事，稍遷，[一]永元中為會稽太守，表用郡人處士顧奉、公孫松等。 奉後為穎川太守，松為司隸校尉，並有名稱。 其餘有業行者，皆見擢用。
Recommended filial and honest, he rose to Kuaiji prefect in Yongyuan and appointed local worthies Gu Feng and Gongsun Song. Gu Feng became Yingchuan prefect and Gongsun Song metropolitan commandant, both famous. Others with merit were promoted too.
145
郡中爭厲志節，習經者以千數，道路但聞誦聲。 注[一]光祿勳之主事也，見漢官。
Kuaiji vied in virtue; thousands chanted the classics in the streets. Note: Guangluxun chief clerk per Han gu.
146
初，霸以樊* (儵) **[鯈]*刪嚴氏春秋猶多繁辭，乃減定為二十萬言，更名張氏學。
Earlier Zhang Ba, because Fan Shu— reading shu, had condensed Yan Pengzu's Gongyang to two hundred thousand graphs and called it the Zhang school.
147
霸始到越，賊未解，郡界不寧，乃移書開購，明用信賞，賊遂束手歸附，不煩士卒之力。 童謠曰：「□我戟，捐我矛，盜賊盡，吏皆休。 」視事三年，謂掾史曰：「太守起自孤生，致位郡守。 蓋日中則移，月滿則虧。 [一]老氏有言：『知足不辱。 』」遂上病。 注[一]史記蔡澤之辭也。 易豐卦曰「日中則昃，月盈則食」也。
He pacified Yue with posted rewards; rebels surrendered without a fight. A rhyme ran: stow arms, rest clerks—the bandits were gone. After three years he told his staff: "I rose from nothing to this post. As the sun passes zenith it declines; the full moon wanes, and Laozi said knowing when to stop avoids shame. He then resigned on grounds of illness. Note: Shiji, Cai Ze's image of rise and fall, and the Feng hexagram on sun and moon.
148
後征，四遷為侍中。 時皇后兄虎賁中郎將鄧騭，當朝貴盛，聞霸名行，欲與為交，霸逡巡不荅，觿人笑其不識時務。 後當為五更，會疾卒，年七十。 遺□諸子曰：「昔延州使齊，子死嬴、博，因坎路側，遂以葬焉。 [一]今蜀道阻遠，不宜歸塋，可止此葬，足藏發齒而已。 務遵速朽，副我本心。 人生一世，但當畏敬於人，若不善加己，直為受之。 」諸子承命，葬於河南梁縣，因遂家焉。 將作大匠翟酺等與諸儒門人追錄本行，謚曰憲文。 中子楷。 注[一]嬴、博，二縣名，屬泰山郡。 禮記曰：「延陵季子適齊，其長子死於嬴、博之閒，因葬焉。」
Recalled, he rose four steps to attendant-in-chief. Deng Zhi, the empress's brother, sought his friendship; Zhang Ba cold-shouldered him and contemporaries mocked him as obtuse. He was to be named a "five elder" but died ill at seventy. His testament cited Yan's envoy burying a son by the road at Ying and Bo, and said the road home to Shu was too long—bury him in Henan, bones only, preferring a humble grave that rots fast, and urged sons to bear wrongs humbly rather than strike back. They buried him at Liang in Henan and settled there. Zhai Pu and disciples gave him the posthumous title Xianwen. His second son was Zhang Kai. Note: Ying and Bo in Taishan, from the Liji story of Jizi of Yanling.
149
楷字公超，通嚴氏春秋、古文尚書，門徒常百人。 賓客慕之，自父黨夙儒，偕造門焉。 車馬填街，徒從無所止，黃門及貴戚之家，皆起捨巷次，以候過客往來之利。 楷疾其如此，輒徙避之。 家貧無以為業，常乘驢車至縣賣藥，足給食者，輒還鄉里。 司隸舉茂才，除長陵令，不至官。 隱居弘農山中，學者隨之，所居成市，後華陰山南遂有公超市。 五府連辟，舉賢良方正，不就。 [一]注[一]五府，太傅、太尉、司徒、司空、大將軍也。
Zhang Kai, style Gongchao, knew Yan's Annals and old Documents with a hundred pupils. Guests from his father's old circle flocked to him, filling the streets until eunuchs and in-laws rented lane booths for passing trade. Zhang Kai fled the circus by moving. Poor, he sold medicine from a donkey cart until fed, then went home. Recommended flourishing talent for Changling magistrate, he never took the post. He hid in Hongnong until followers formed a "Gongchao market" south of Huayin. The five high bureaus summoned him as worthy and upright; he refused. Note: the five top bureaus of state.
150
性好道術，能作五里霧。 時關西人裴優亦能為三里霧，自以不如楷，從學之，楷避不肯見。 桓帝即位，優遂行霧作賊，事覺被考，引楷言從學術，楷坐系廷尉詔獄，積二年，恆諷誦經籍，作尚書注。 後以事無驗，見原還家。 建和三年，下詔安車備禮聘之，辭以篤疾不行。 年七十，終於家。 子陵。
He claimed to raise a five-li fog, while Pei You managed only three li and sought lessons; Zhang Kai refused to teach him. Under Huandi, Pei You turned fog to banditry and implicated Zhang Kai, who spent two years in jail writing a Documents commentary. When the charge failed, he went free. Jianhe 3 brought a coach summons; he pleaded grave illness. He died at home at seventy. His son was Zhang Ling.
151
陵字處沖，官至尚書。 元嘉中，歲首朝賀，大將軍梁冀帶□入省，陵呵叱令出，□羽林、虎賁奪冀□。 冀跪謝，陵不應，即劾奏冀，請廷尉論罪，有詔以一歲俸贖，而百僚肅然。
Zhang Ling, style Chuchong, became minister of the secretariat. At Yuanjia New Year, Liang Ji entered court armed; Zhang Ling had guards disarm him, impeached him, and won a token fine that nonetheless awed the bureaucracy.
152
初，冀弟不疑為河南尹，舉陵孝廉。 不疑疾陵之奏冀，因謂曰：「昔舉君，適所以自罰也。 」陵對曰：「明府不以陵不肖，誤見擢序，今申公憲，以報私恩。」
Buyi had once recommended Zhang Ling filial and honest, and said recommending him had been self-punishment, Zhang Ling replied that he now served the law, not a patron's favor."
153
不疑有愧色。 陵弟玄。
Buyi colored. His brother was Zhang Xuan.
154
玄字處虛，沉深有才略，以時亂不仕。 司空張溫數以禮辟，不能致。 中平二年，溫以車騎將軍出征涼州賊邊章等，將行，玄自田廬被褐帶索，要說溫曰：「天下寇賊雲起，豈不以黃門常侍無道故乎？ 聞中貴人公卿已下當出祖道於平樂觀，明公總天下威重，握六師之要，若於中坐酒酣，鳴金鼓，整行陣，召軍正執有罪者誅之，引兵還屯都亭，以次翦除中官，解天下之倒縣，報海內之怨毒，然後顯用隱逸忠正之士，則邊章之徒宛轉股掌之上矣。 」溫聞大震，不能對，良久謂玄曰：「處虛，非不悅子之言，顧吾不能行，如何！ 」玄乃歎曰：「事行則為福，不行則為賊。 今與公長辭矣。 」即仰藥欲飲之。 溫前執其手曰：「子忠於我，我不能用，是吾罪也，子何為當然！ 且出口入耳之言，誰今知之！ 」[一]玄遂去，隱居魯陽山中。 [二]及董卓秉政，聞之，辟以為掾，舉侍御史，不就。
Zhang Xuan, style Chuxu, stayed out of office in the chaos, though Zhang Wen repeatedly tried to hire him. Zhongping 2: Zhang Xuan stopped Zhang Wen's Liangzhou expedition to say the rebellion stemmed from corrupt eunuchs, and urged him to execute eunuchs at the Pingle send-off, free the empire, then hire good men—Bian Zhang would be trivial. Zhang Wen said he dared not do it, Zhang Xuan sighed that success meant fortune, failure crime, and bade him farewell, then raised poison to his lips. Zhang Wen stayed his hand: blame me, not yourself, and said a secret between them would stay secret." Zhang Xuan fled to Luyang mountains, and when Dong Zhuo summoned him he refused,
155
卓臨之以兵，不得已強起，至輪氏，道病終。 [三]注[一]左傳曰：「言出於余口，入於爾耳。」
until Dong Zhuo forced him out; he died en route at Lushi. Note: Zuo on confidential speech,
156
注[二]山在今汝州南。
Note: Luyang range south of Ruzhou,
157
注[三]輪氏，縣，屬穎川郡，故城在今洛州洛陽縣城西南。
Note: Lushi in Yingchuan southwest of Luoyang.
158
贊曰：中世儒門，賈、鄭名學。 觿馳一介，爭禮氈幄。 [一]升、元守經，義偏情較，霸貴知止，辭交戚裡。 公超善術，所捨成市。 注[一]一介，單使也。 左傳曰：「君亦不使一介行李告於寡君。 」氈幄謂匈奴也。
The verse praises Jia and Zheng schools, Zheng Zhong defying the Xiongnu, Fan Sheng and Chen Yuan split hairs; Zhang Ba quit while ahead, Zhang Kai's fog arts drew crowds like a market. Note: one envoy, Zuo on a lone messenger; felt tent means the steppe court.
159
校勘記一二一七頁四行使撰條例章句傳詁汲本、殿本「傳詁」作「訓詁」。 今按：注專釋「詁」字，引說文「詁，訓古言也」，似正文不作「訓詁」。 下賈逵傳云「寫其傳詁」，亦當作「傳詁」之一證也。
Collation: some editions read xun gu for zhuan gu in Zheng Xing's task, but the commentary supports zhuan gu, and Jia Kui's "transmitted glosses" supports zhuan gu.
160
一二一八頁一０行*[囂]*虛心禮請據刊誤及校補說補。
Collation: Wei Ao's modest invitation text restored.
161
一二一八頁一０行囂鄉己自飾汲本、殿本「鄉」作「矜」。 按：段注說文依漢石經論語，改「矜」為「鄉」，雲□矛令聲，則以作「鄉」為是。 然紹興本「鄉」「矜」互見，前後亦不一致也。
Collation: xiang versus jin in Wei Ao's self-adornment, with philological note on jin/xiang, Shaoxing prints vary.
162
一二一九頁八行諸侯不期而至者八百人按：汲本、殿本「至」作「會」。
Collation: "assembled" versus "arrived" at Mengjin,
163
一二二０頁四行促為辨裝汲本、殿本「辨」作「辦」。 按：「辨」本作「□」，□刀□聲。 段玉裁謂俗作「辨」，為辨別字，別作□力之「辦」，為干辦字，實則古□別、干□無二義，亦無二音二形也。
Collation: ban versus bian for travel preparations, philological note on bian/ban, Duan Yucai on graphic variants,
164
一二二四頁二行建安中改作「聞」按：集解引沉欽韓說，謂閿字本作「闅」，建安中改作「閿」，非改作「聞」也。
Collation: Wenxiang place name graph,
165
一二二四頁一三行侷促狐疑「侷促」原作「局足」，逕據汲本、殿本改。 按：此鼎韻謰語，通常皆作「侷促」也。
Collation: ju cu for hesitant, note on binome spelling,
166
一二二七頁三行胡貊守關按：刊誤謂「關」當作「闕」。 方喻迫近，不當雲關。
Collation: gate versus palace gate in Fan Sheng, editorial argument,
167
一二二九頁一行萬事理按：張森楷校勘記謂惠校本「事」作「物」，補注引劉向說苑亦作「物」。
Collation: "things" versus "affairs" in Changes gloss,
168
一二三三頁六行賓臣者霸按：集解引沉欽韓說，謂袁宏紀作「賓臣者王」。
Collation: wang versus ba in Chen Yuan memorial,
169
一二三六頁二行使發出左氏傳大義長於二傳者汲本、殿本無「發」字。 按：殿本考證謂監本「出」字上有「發」字。
Collation: presence of fa in Jia Kui edict, Palace edition adds fa,
170
一二三六頁一五行曷* (謂) **[為]*通濫據汲本、殿本改，與今公羊傳合。
Collation: damaged he in Gongyang, gloss wei, Collation: the lacunose Gongyang line on "communicating Lan" was restored from Ji and Dian recensions to match the received Gongyang.
171
一二四０頁七行郁字叔異集解引沉欽韓說，謂文選四十六注引東觀記作「字幼異」。 按：今聚珍本東觀記亦作「字叔異」。
Collation: Yu Yu's style is given as Shuyi here; Shen Qinhan notes the Wen xuan commentary cites Dongguan ji as Youyi. The Juzhen Dongguan ji agrees on Shuyi.
172
一二四一頁九行長水校尉樊* (儵) **[鯈]*據樊宏傳改。 下同。
Collation: fragment naming Fan as colonel of the Chang water regiment, with alternate reading shu, restored as Fan Shu per Fan Hong's biography. The same emendation applies below.
173
一二四二頁四行□我戟按：王先謙謂類聚十五引續漢書作「棄子戟」。
Collation: the damaged first verb in the children's rhyme; Wang Xianqian cites Yulan's Xu Han as qi zi ji "cast aside my halberd."
174
一二四二頁一一行中子楷按：「楷」原作「揩」，據汲本、殿本改正。 下同。
Collation: Zhang Kai's name was miswritten with the "hand" radical and fixed in standard editions, with the same correction carried through below.
175
一二四四頁一０行且出口入耳之言誰今知之王先謙謂「今」當為「令」之誤文，言出於子口，入於我耳，我不言，誰令他人知之，語意自順。 今按：今猶即也，則也，言誰則知之，王說未諦。
Collation: Wang Xianqian emends "who today knows" to "who could make known" (jin to ling) for smoother sense of a secret between two men. The editor rejects Wang's emendation: jin can mean "then," so the received text still reads well.
176
一二四四頁一一行至輪氏按：「輪」續志同，前志作「綸」。
Collation: the county name Lushi matches Hou Han zhi; Hanshu writes the homograph with silk radical.