1
後漢書卷三十九劉趙淳於江劉周趙列傳第二十九
Book of Later Han, volume 39—the collective biographies of Liu, Zhao, Chunyu, Jiang, Liu, Zhou, and Zhao—chapter twenty-nine.
2
孔子曰：「夫孝莫大於嚴父，嚴父莫大於配天，則周公其人也。 」[一]子路曰：
Confucius said, "Nothing ranks higher in filial duty than honoring one's father, and nothing honors the father more than pairing him with Heaven in sacrifice—the Duke of Zhou did exactly that." " [Note 1] Zilu said:
3
「傷哉貧也！ 生無以養，死無以葬。 」子曰：「啜菽飲水，孝也。 」[二]夫鐘鼓非樂雲之本，而器不可去； [三]三牲非致孝之主，而養不可廢。 [四]存器而忘本，樂之遁也； [五]調器以和聲，樂之成也。 崇養以傷行，孝之累也； [六]修己以致祿，養之大也。 故言能大養，則周公之祀，致四海之祭； 言以義養，則仲由之菽，甘於東鄰之牲。 [七]夫患水菽之薄，干祿以求養者，是以恥祿親也。 [八]存誠以盡行，孝積而祿厚者，此能以義養也。 注[一]配天謂宗祀文王於明堂，以配上帝。
"How bitter is poverty!" Alive, one cannot care for parents; dead, one cannot bury them." " Confucius replied, "Grinding beans and drinking plain water can still be true filial devotion." " [Note 2] Bells and drums are not what music is ultimately about, yet you cannot do without the instruments; [Note 3] The three sacrificial animals are not the heart of true devotion, yet supporting one's parents must never cease. [Note 4] Clinging to instruments while forgetting the purpose is to lose the meaning of music; [Note 5] tuning instruments to blend the tones—that completes music. Lavish support that corrupts one's conduct burdens filial duty. [Note 6] Cultivating oneself to earn an honorable stipend—that is the highest form of care. Thus one who can provide on the grand scale, like the Duke of Zhou, draws sacrifice from all within the four seas; and one who feeds parents by right principle proves that Zhong You's humble beans outshine the fat cattle of the house next door. [Note 7] To resent a spare diet of grain and water while scrambling for office just to feed parents is to make one's salary a reproach to one's kin. [Note 8] Sincerity that fills one's actions, until devotion deepens and one's stipend grows ample—that is providing by moral principle. Note 1: "Matching Heaven" refers to sacrificing to King Wen in the Bright Hall as counterpart to the Supreme God.
4
注[二]事見禮記。 啜音昌悅反。 廣雅曰：「啜，食也。」
Note 2: See the *Book of Rites*. The graph chuo is read chuo (fanqie spelling given in the commentary). The *Guangya* defines chuo as "to eat."
5
注[三]論語孔子曰：「樂雲樂雲，鐘鼓雲乎哉？ 」言樂之所貴者，移風易俗也，非謂鐘鼓而已，然而不可去鐘鼓。 去音丘呂反。
Note 3: Confucius said in the *Analects*, "They speak of music—is it only bells and drums?" Music is prized for reforming manners and morals, not merely for percussion—but percussion remains indispensable. The graph qu meaning 'remove' is read with the fanqie spelling given (khü).
6
注[四]孝經曰：「雖日用三牲，猶為不孝。 」言孝子者，以和顏悅色為難也，非謂三牲而已，然不可闕甘旨。
Note 4: The *Classic of Filial Piety* says, "Even daily offering the three sacrificial animals can be unfilial." The point is that a pleasant demeanor is the true test, not the meat alone—yet one should still try to set good food on the table.
7
注[五]遁，失也。 言盛飾鐘廣之器而忘移風之本，是失樂之意也。
Note 5: Here the graph glossed dun means 'to lose.' To lavish decoration on instruments while forgetting that music should change customs is to miss the whole purpose of music.
8
注[六]不義而崇養，更為親憂，是孝之累也。
Note 6: Supporting parents through wrongdoing only adds to their worries—that is how filial duty becomes a burden.
9
注[七]易曰「東鄰殺牛，不如西鄰之禴祭」也。
Note 7: The *Book of Changes*: "The eastern neighbor kills an ox; it does not match the western neighbor's lean spring sacrifice."
10
注[八]干，求也。 謂不以道求祿，故可恥也。
Note 8: Here the graph glossed gan means 'to seek.' Seeking office by improper means is what brings shame.
11
中興，廬江毛義少節，家貧，以孝行稱。 南陽人張奉慕其名，往候之。 坐定而府檄適至，以義守令，[一]義奉檄而入，喜動顏色。 奉者，志尚士也，心賤之，自恨來，固辭而去。 及義母死，去官行服。 數辟公府，為縣令，進退必以禮。
After the restoration, Mao Yi of Lujiang was poor but principled and famed for filial piety. Zhang Feng of Nanyang, admiring his reputation, called on him. They had barely sat down when a summons arrived naming Mao Yi acting magistrate. He stepped inside with the document, joy written on his face. Zhang Feng was a man who prized high ideals; he despised Mao Yi's reaction, regretted his visit, and left after a curt farewell. When Mao Yi's mother died, he resigned to mourn. Repeatedly summoned to high office and serving as county magistrate, he advanced or withdrew only as ritual prescribed.
12
後舉賢良，公車征，遂不至。 張奉歎曰：「賢者固不可測。 往日之喜，乃為親屈也。 斯蓋所謂『家貧親老，不擇官而仕』者也。 」[二]建初中，章帝下詔□寵義，賜谷千斛，常以八月長吏問起居，加賜羊酒。 壽終於家。 注[一]檄，召書也。 東觀記曰：「義為安陽尉，府檄到，當守令」也。
Later recommended as worthy and excellent, he was summoned by imperial coach—and stayed home. Zhang Feng sighed, "A worthy man is never easy to read. His joy over the summons had been the relief of winning a salary for his mother. That is what men mean when they say, 'When the family is poor and parents are old, take whatever office you can get.'" " [Note 2] During Jianchu, Emperor Zhang issued an edict honoring Mao Yi, sent a thousand hu of grain, ordered local officials each eighth month to inquire after him, and added gifts of mutton and wine. He died at home of old age. Note 1: The term denotes an official summons document. The *Eastern Lodge Han Records* notes that Mao Yi was sheriff of Anyang and was ordered by dispatch to serve as acting magistrate.
13
注[二]韓詩外傳曾子曰：「任重道遠，不擇地而息。 家貧親老，不擇官而仕。」
Note 2: Master Zeng in the *Han Shi Wai Zhuan* says, "The burden is heavy and the road is long; one does not pick where to rest. When the family is poor and parents are aged, one takes whatever office comes."
14
安帝時，汝南薛包孟嘗，好學篤行，喪母，以至孝聞。 及父娶後妻而憎包，分出之，包日夜號泣，不能去，至被歐杖。 不得已，廬於捨外，旦入而灑掃，父怒，又逐之。 乃廬於里門，昏晨不廢。 積歲餘，父母籩而還之。 後行六年服，喪過乎哀。 既而弟子求分財異居，包不能止，乃中分其財。 奴婢引其老者，曰：「與我共事久，若不能使也。 」田廬取其荒頓者，[一]曰：「吾少時所理，意所戀也。 」器物取朽敗者，曰：「我素所服食，身口所安也。 」弟子數破其產，輒復賑給。 建光中，公車特徵，至，拜侍中。 包性恬虛，稱疾不起，以死自乞。 有詔賜告歸，加禮如毛義。 [二]年八十餘，以壽終。 注[一]頓猶廢也。
Under Emperor An, Xue Bao (courtesy Mengchang) of Runan was studious and conscientious. After his mother's death he became famous for extraordinary devotion. When his father remarried and turned against him, the family cast him out. He wept night and day and refused to go until they beat him. Forced out, he lived in a hut beside the house and still swept the yard each morning until his father drove him off again. He moved his hut to the village gate and morning and evening never neglected his duties. After a year his parents relented and brought him home. He later observed mourning beyond the norm, grieving longer than ritual required. When his younger brothers demanded a split household, he could not refuse and divided the estate evenly. He gave his brothers the older slaves, saying, "They have served me for years—you may find them hard to use." " He took the worn-out fields and sheds, saying, "I laid these out long ago and cannot bear to leave them." " He kept the broken tools, saying, "These are what my hands and mouth have grown used to." " Whenever his brothers squandered their shares, he fed and clothed them again. During Jianguang he received a special summons and was named palace attendant on arrival. Xue Bao was retiring by nature; he pleaded illness and begged to be spared office even at the cost of his life. The emperor granted him sick leave to go home with honors matching Mao Yi's. [Note 2] He lived past eighty and died at home. Note 1: Here dun means 'ruined' or 'derelict.'
15
注[二]告，請假也。 漢制，吏病滿三月當免，天下優賜其告，使得帶印綬，將官屬，歸家養病，謂之賜告也。
Note 2: Here gao means requesting administrative leave. Han law dismissed officials sick three months, but the throne could "grant leave," letting them keep rank and staff while recuperating at home.
16
若二子者，推至誠以為行，行信於心而感於人，以成名受祿致禮，斯可謂能以孝養也。 若夫江革、劉般數公者之義行，猶斯志也。 撰其行事著於篇。 [一]注[一]自此已上，並略華嶠之詞也。
These two acted from utter sincerity: inward conviction that touched others, earning fame, stipends, and imperial favor—true provision born of filial duty. Jiang Ge, Liu Ban, and the others in this chapter shared the same resolve. Their deeds are recorded here. [Note 1] The foregoing condenses Hua Qiao's original text.
17
劉平字公子，楚郡彭城人也。 本名曠，顯宗後改為平。 王莽時為郡吏，守菑丘長，[一]政教大行。 其後每屬縣有劇賊，輒令平守之，所至皆理，由是一郡稱其能。 注[一]菑丘，縣，屬彭城國。
Liu Ping, styled Gongzi, came from Pengcheng in the Chu princedom. Born Liu Kuang, he adopted the name Ping after Emperor Ming's reign. Under Wang Mang he served the commandery as acting magistrate of Zaiqiu, where his civil instruction flourished. Whenever a county faced serious banditry, the commandery sent Liu Ping; he restored order each time and earned a reputation for competence. Note 1: Zaiqiu county lay in the Pengcheng kingdom.
18
更始時，天下亂，平弟仲為賊所殺。 其後賊復忽然而至，平扶侍其母，奔走逃難。 仲遺腹女始一歲，平抱仲女而□其子。 母欲還取之，平不聽，曰：「力不能兩活，仲不可以絕類。 」遂去不顧，與母俱匿野澤中。 平朝出求食，逢餓賊，將亨*[之]*，平叩頭曰：「今旦為老母求菜，老母待曠為命，願得先歸，食母異，還就死。」
During the Gengshi interregnum his brother Liu Zhong fell to bandits. When raiders struck again, he fled with his mother. Zhong left an infant daughter; Liu Ping carried the girl and abandoned his own boy. His mother wanted to go back for the child; he refused. "We cannot save both," he said; "Zhong's line must not end." " They pressed on and hid with his mother in the wetlands. One morning he went for food and starving rebels seized him for the pot. He kowtowed: "I was out gathering greens for my mother; she depends on me to live. Let me go back and feed her first; once she has eaten, I will return and die."
19
[一]因涕泣。 賊見其至誠，哀而遣之。 平還，既食母訖，因白曰：「屬與賊期，義不可欺。 」遂還詣賊。 觿皆大驚，相謂曰：「常聞烈士，乃今見之。 子去矣，吾不忍食子。 」於是得全。 注[一]食音飼。 下同。
He wept as he spoke. Touched by his earnestness, the bandits let him go. He returned, fed his mother, and said, "I gave the raiders my word; honor forbids a lie." " Then he went back to the enemy camp. The gang gaped at one another: "We had heard of steadfast heroes—today we meet one." Go, sir—we cannot eat a man like you. " Thus he lived. Note 1: Here shi is read like si, meaning 'to feed.' Same gloss applies below.
20
建武初，平狄將軍龐萌反於彭城，攻敗郡守孫萌。 平時復為郡吏，冒白刃伏萌身上，被七創，困頓不知所為，號泣請曰：「願以身代府君。 」賊乃斂兵止，曰：「此義士也，勿殺。 」遂解去。 萌傷甚氣絕，有頃蘇，渴求飲。 平傾其創血以飲之。 後數日萌竟死，平乃裹創，扶送萌喪，至其本縣。
Early in Jianwu, Pang Meng, general who pacifies the Di, rebelled at Pengcheng and defeated Prefect Sun Meng. Liu Ping, again a commandery clerk, threw himself over Sun Meng under the rebels' blades, took seven wounds, and sobbed, "Kill me instead of the prefect." " The rebels lowered their weapons: "This is a man of honor—let him be." " They withdrew. Sun Meng seemed dead from his wounds, then stirred and begged for water. Liu Ping trickled blood from his own wounds into Sun Meng's mouth. Sun Meng died a few days later; Liu Ping dressed his wounds and escorted the coffin to Sun's home county.
21
後舉孝廉，拜濟陰郡丞，太守劉育甚重之，任以郡職，上書薦平。 會平遭父喪去官。 服闋，拜全椒長，[一]政有恩惠，百姓懷感，人或增貲就賦，或減年從役。 刺史、太守行部，獄無系囚，人自以得所，不知所問，[二]唯班詔書而去。 後以病免。 注[一]全椒，縣，屬九江郡也。
Recommended as filially pious and incorrupt, he became aide to the governor of Jiyin; Liu Yu trusted him with command affairs and memorialized his merits. He resigned when his father died. After mourning he became magistrate of Quanjiao, ruling with kindness so that people voluntarily raised their tax assessments or shortened their labor terms. When inspectors visited, the jails stood empty and every household felt fairly treated—officials had nothing to investigate beyond proclaiming the imperial edict and leaving. Ill health eventually forced him from office. Note 1: Quanjiao county was part of Jiujiang commandery.
22
注[二]「所」或作「何」。
Note 2: Some texts read "what" instead of "where."
23
顯宗初，尚書僕射鐘離意上書薦平及琅邪王望、東萊王扶曰：「臣竊見琅邪王望、楚國劉曠、東萊王扶，皆年七十，執性恬淡，所居之處，邑裡化之，修身行義，應在朝次。 臣誠不足知人，竊慕推士進賢之義。 」書奏，有詔征平等，特賜辦裝錢。 至皆拜議郎，並數引見。 平再遷侍中，永平三年，拜宗正，數薦達名士承宮、郇恁等。 [一]在位八年，以老病上疏乞骸骨，卒於家。 注[一]恁字君大，見黃憲傳。 恁音人甚反。
Early in Emperor Ming's reign, Zhongli Yi, deputy director of the Secretariat, memorialized for Liu Ping together with Wang Wang of Langya and Wang Fu of Donglai: "These three—Wang Wang, Liu Kuang, and Wang Fu—are seventy years old, retiring by temperament, and everywhere they live their neighborhoods take their moral cue; they cultivate themselves and live by principle and belong at court." I am no judge of character, yet I wish to honor the duty of lifting worthy men into office." " The emperor summoned them and granted travel money. They reached the capital and were named gentlemen consultants with repeated imperial audiences. Liu Ping rose to palace attendant and in Yongping 3 became supervisor of the imperial clan, repeatedly advancing scholars such as Cheng Gong and Xun Ren. [Note 1] After eight years he cited age and illness, retired, and died at home. Note 1: Xun Ren, styled Junda, appears in the biography of Huang Xian. Ren is glossed with the fanqie spelling given in the commentary.
24
王望字慈卿，客授會稽，自議郎遷青州刺史，甚有威名。 是時州郡災旱，百姓窮荒，望行部，道見饑者，裸行草食，五百餘人，愍然哀之，因以便宜出所在布粟，給其* (廩) **[稟]*糧，為作褐衣。 [一]事畢上言，帝以望不先表請，章示百官，詳議其罪。 時公卿皆以為望之專命，法有常條。 鐘離意獨曰：「昔華元、子反，楚、宋之良臣，不稟君命，□平二國，春秋之義，以為美談。 [二]今望懷義忘罪，當仁不讓，若繩之以法，忽其本情，將乖聖朝愛育之旨。 」帝嘉意議，赦而不罪。 注[一]許慎注淮南子曰：「楚人謂袍為短褐。」
Wang Wang, styled Ciqing, taught privately in Kuaiji before rising from gentleman consultant to inspector of Qingzhou, where he earned wide respect. Drought had ruined the region. On inspection Wang saw more than five hundred starving people stripped naked and eating weeds; moved with pity, he used emergency powers to disburse local grain stores. Drawn from the state granaries. He issued grain and had rough hemp garments made for them. [Note 1] Afterward he reported his action; the emperor, angry that Wang had not asked first, circulated the case to the court for judgment. The ministers held that Wang had usurped authority and that statute prescribed a penalty. Only Zhongli Yi objected: "Hua Yuan and Sima Zifan once ended a Chu–Song war without orders; the *Spring and Autumn* praises them." [Note 2] Wang acted from humanity; to punish him without weighing motive would betray the throne's ideal of compassion." " Emperor Ming accepted Zhongli Yi's view and pardoned Wang. Note 1: Xu Shen notes that in Chu a short robe was called a "short hemp" garment.
25
注[二]春秋：「楚子圍宋，宋人及楚人平。 」公羊傳曰：「外平不書，此何以書？
Note 2: The *Spring and Autumn*: "The lord of Chu besieged Song until Song sued for peace." " The *Gongyang* asks why this peace treaty was recorded when others were not.
26
大其平乎己也。 何大其平乎己？ 莊王圍宋，有七日之糧爾，盡此不勝，將去而歸爾，於是使司馬子反乘堙而窺宋城，宋華元亦乘堙而出見之。 子反曰：『子之國何如？ 』華元曰：『憊矣。 』曰：『何如？ 』曰：『易子而食之，析骸而炊之。 』子反曰：『諾。 吾軍有七日之糧爾。
Because the peace derived from their own initiative. Why praise peace born of their own judgment? King Zhuang of Chu had laid siege to Song with only a week's provisions; he sent Sima Zifan up the rampart to spy, and Hua Yuan of Song came out to parley. Zifan asked, "How fares your city?" " "Ruined," said Hua Yuan. " "In what way?" " "We swap children for the pot and burn bones for fuel." " "I understand," said Zifan. Our army too has only seven days of grain.
27
盡此不勝，將去而歸爾。 』揖而去之，反於莊王。 莊王怒曰：『吾使子往視之，子曷為告之！ 』子反曰：『以區區之宋，猶有不欺人之臣，可以楚而無乎？ 是以告之。 』王曰：『諾。 』引師而去之。 故君子大其平乎己也。」
When it is gone we march home. " He bowed and reported to King Zhuang. " "I sent you to scout," raged the king; "why did you brief him?" " "Tiny Song still has honest ministers," Zifan replied; "can mighty Chu do less?" So I told him the truth." " "Very well," said the king. " He lifted the siege and withdrew. Hence the classic praises peace achieved by the ministers' own judgment."
28
王扶字子元，掖人也。 [一]少修節行，客居琅邪不其縣，所止聚落化其德。 [二]國相張宗謁請，不應，欲強致之，遂杖策歸鄉里。 連請，固病不起。 太傅鄧禹辟，不至。 後拜議郎，會見，恂恂似不能言。 [三]然性沉正，不可干以非義，當世高之。 永平中，臨邑侯劉復[四]著漢德頌，盛稱扶為名臣雲。 注[一]掖，今萊州縣。
Wang Fu, styled Ziyuan, came from Ye county. [Note 1] In youth he cultivated himself while living in Buqi in Langya; every hamlet he touched absorbed his virtue. [Note 2] Chancellor Zhang Zong wanted to press him into service; Wang Fu refused and walked home with staff in hand. Further summonses met pleas of illness. Even Grand Tutor Deng Yu could not bring him out. Named gentleman consultant at last, he seemed timid in audience and barely spoke. [Note 3] Yet he was grave and incorruptible; his contemporaries revered him. During Yongping, Liu Fu of Linyi praised Wang Fu as a model minister in his *Ode to Han Virtue*. Note 1: Ye is in modern Laizhou.
29
注[二]小於鄉曰聚。 廣雅曰：「落，居也。」
Note 2: A settlement smaller than a township is a hamlet. The *Guangya* glosses luo as "dwelling place."
30
注[三]恂恂，恭順之魍。
Note 3: Xunxun describes a deferential manner (text may read mao for appearance).
31
注[四]復，光武兄伯升之孫，北海王興之子也。
Note 4: Liu Fu was grandson of Liu Bosheng and son of Prince Xing of Beihai.
32
趙孝字長平，沛國蘄人也。 [一]父普，王莽時為田禾將軍，[二]任孝為郎。 每告歸，常白衣步擔。 嘗從長安還，欲止郵亭。 亭長先時聞孝當過，以有長者客，掃灑待之。
Zhao Xiao, styled Changping, came from Qi in the kingdom of Pei. [Note 1] His father Zhao Pu was General of Field and Grain under Wang Mang. [Note 2] He secured Zhao Xiao a post as gentleman of the palace. On leave he traveled as a commoner in plain cloth, walking with a shoulder pole. Returning once from Chang'an, he tried to spend the night at a postal hostel. The hosteller knew a distinguished visitor named Zhao was coming and cleaned the place for him.
33
[三]孝既至，不自名，[四]長不肯內，因問曰：「聞田禾將軍子當從長安來，何時至乎？ 」孝曰：「尋到矣。 」於是遂去。 [五]及天下亂，人相食。 孝弟禮為餓賊所得，孝聞之，即自縛詣賊，曰：「禮久餓羸瘦，不如孝肥飽。 」賊大驚，並放之，謂曰：「可且歸，更持米糒來。 」孝求不能得，復往報賊，願就亨。 觿異之，遂不害。 鄉黨服其義。 州郡辟召，進退必以禮。 舉孝廉，不應。 注[一]蘄音機。
[Note 3] Zhao Xiao gave no name. [Note 4] The hosteller barred him and asked when the general's son would arrive from Chang'an. " "Very soon," said Zhao Xiao. " And he walked on. [Note 5] When the empire collapsed into famine, men preyed on one another. When bandits seized his brother Zhao Li, Zhao Xiao tied his own hands and offered himself: "My brother is wasted with hunger—eat me instead; I am fatter." " Astonished, they freed both brothers and said, "Go fetch rice cakes for us." " Unable to find food, he returned and offered himself to the pot again. They marveled and let him live. His neighbors revered his conduct. Provincial offices summoned him; he accepted or declined only as ritual allowed. He ignored recommendation as filially pious and incorrupt. Note 1: Qi is read ji.
34
注[二]王莽時置田禾將軍，屯田北邊。
Note 2: Wang Mang created the title to oversee northern military colonies.
35
注[三]素聞孝高名，故以為長者客也。 「灑」與「灑」通，音所買反。
Note 3: The hosteller expected the famous Zhao Xiao as his guest. The variant graphs for "sprinkle" are interchangeable (reading note follows).
36
注[四]不稱名也。
Note 4: He did not give his name.
37
注[五]華嶠書曰：「孝報雲三日至矣。」
Note 5: Hua Qiao's history quotes Zhao Xiao as saying he would arrive in three days.
38
永平中，辟太尉府，顯宗素聞其行，詔拜諫議大夫，遷侍中，又遷長樂□尉。
During Yongping he entered the grand commandant's staff; Emperor Ming, long admiring him, named him grandee remonstrant, then palace attendant, then capital guard commandant at Changle.
39
復征弟禮為御史中丞。 禮亦恭謙行己，類於孝。 帝嘉其兄弟篤行，欲寵異之，詔禮十日一就□尉府，太官送供具，令共相對盡歡。 數年，禮卒，帝令孝從官屬送喪歸葬。 後歲餘，復以□尉賜告歸，卒於家。 孝無子，拜禮兩子為郎。
His brother Zhao Li was promoted to vice censor-in-chief. Zhao Li matched his brother in humility. Delighted with both brothers, the emperor ordered Zhao Li to visit the guard commandant every ten days while the imperial kitchen furnished banquets so they could feast together. When Zhao Li died a few years later, the emperor had Zhao Xiao escort the coffin home with a full retinue. A year later Zhao Xiao retired from the guard command on sick leave and died at home. Childless himself, he secured court appointments for Zhao Li's two sons.
40
時汝南有王琳巨尉者，年十餘歲喪父母。 因遭大亂，百姓奔逃，唯琳兄弟獨守塚廬，號泣不絕。 弟季，出遇赤眉，將為所哺，[一]琳自縛，請先季死，賊鄉而放遣，由是顯名鄉邑。 後辟司徒府，薦士而退。 注[一]哺，食之也。 哺音補胡反。
About this time Wang Lin (style Juwei) of Runan lost both parents while still a boy. When rebellion scattered the population, Wang Lin and his brothers alone stayed to mourn at the graves. When the Red Eyebrows seized his brother Ji for the pot, Wang Lin tied himself and begged to die first; moved, they freed both, and his fame spread locally. Later he served the minister of education, recommended talented men, and retired. Note 1: Bu here means "to eat (someone)." Reading note for bu follows the commentary.
41
琅邪魏譚少閒者，時亦為饑寇所獲，等輩數十人皆束縛，以次當亨。 賊見譚似謹厚，獨令主□，暮輒執縛。 賊有夷長公，[一]特哀念譚，密解其縛，語曰：「汝曹皆應就食，急從此去。 」對曰：「譚為諸君□，恆得遺余，餘人皆茹草萊，不如食我。 」長公義之，相曉赦遣，並得俱免。 譚永平中為主家令。 [二]注[一]夷，姓也。
Wei Tan of Langya was captured with dozens of others by famine bandits lined up for the cookpot. Thinking him trustworthy, they put him in charge of the kitchen but tied him up each night. A captor named Yi Changong pitied Tan, freed him secretly, and whispered, "You will all be eaten—run now." " Wei Tan replied, "I cook for you and keep scraps; the others eat only weeds—take me instead." " Yi persuaded the gang to release everyone. Under Yongping Wei Tan became steward of the imperial household. [Note 2] Note 1: Yi is the man's surname.
42
注[二]公主家令也。
Note 2: The office was steward of the princess establishment.
43
又齊國兒萌子明、[一]梁郡車成子威二人，兄弟並見執於赤眉，將食之，萌、成叩頭，乞以身代，賊亦哀而兩釋焉。 注[一]兒音五兮反。
Er Meng of Qi and Che Cheng of Liang were seized with their brothers by the Red Eyebrows; both pairs offered their lives and were spared. Note 1: Reading note for the surname Er follows.
44
淳于恭
Chunyu Gong.
45
淳於恭字孟孫，北海淳於人也。 [一]善說老子，清靜不慕榮名。 家有山田果樹，人或侵盜，輒助為收采。 又見偷刈禾者，恭念其愧，因伏草中，盜去乃起，裡落化之。 注[一]淳於，縣，故城* (今) *在*[今]*密州安丘縣東北，故淳於國也。
Chunyu Gong, styled Mengsun, came from Chunyu in Beihai commandery. [Note 1] He lectured on the *Laozi*, lived quietly, and spurned renown. He owned hillside orchards; when neighbors poached his fruit he helped them pick it. Seeing someone steal his grain, he hid in the weeds so the thief would not be shamed; his hamlet took the lesson. Note 1: Chunyu county; the old citadel today stood northeast of modern Anqiu in Mizhou, on the ground of the old state of Chunyu.
46
王莽末，歲饑兵起，恭兄崇將為盜所亨，恭請代，得俱免。 後崇卒，恭養孤幼，教誨學問，有不如法，輒反用杖自棰，以感悟之，兒籩而改過。 初遭賊寇，百姓莫事農桑。 恭常獨力田耕，鄉人止之曰：「時方淆亂，死生未分，何空自苦為？」
Late in Wang Mang's reign famine drove men to arms; when bandits meant to cook his brother Chong, Chunyu Gong offered himself instead and both lived. After Chong died he raised the orphans and tutored them; when they erred he beat himself with a stick until they reformed. After the raids nobody farmed or tended silkworms. He kept farming alone; neighbors said, "Times are cruel and survival uncertain—why labor for nothing?"
47
恭曰：「縱我不得，它人何傷。 」墾耨不輟。 後州郡連召，不應，遂幽居養志，潛於山澤。 舉動周旋，必由禮度。 建武中，郡舉孝廉，司空辟，皆不應，客隱琅邪黔陬山，遂數十年。 [一]注[一]黔陬縣之山也。 黔陬故城在今密州諸城縣東北也。
Gong replied, "If I gain nothing, no one else is hurt." " He never stopped working the soil. Repeated summons went unanswered; he lived in seclusion among hills and marshes. Every gesture observed ritual propriety. Under Emperor Guangwu he declined nomination and ministerial appointment, hiding for decades on Mount Qianzou in Langya. [Note 1] The hill lay in Qianzou county. The old seat of Qianzou stood northeast of Zhucheng in Mizhou.
48
詔書□歎，賜谷千斛，刻石表閭。 除子孝為太子舍人。
Imperial edicts sang his praise, sent a thousand hu of grain, and ordered an inscribed stone at his gate. His son Chunyu Xiao became an attendant of the crown prince.
49
江革字次翁，齊國臨淄人也。 少失父，獨與母居。 遭天下亂，盜賊並起，革負母逃難，備經阻險，常採拾以為養。 數遇賊，或劫欲將去，革輒涕泣求哀，言有老母，辭氣願款，有足感動人者。 [一]賊以是不忍犯之，或乃指避兵之方，[二]遂得俱全於難。 革轉客下邳，窮貧裸跣，行傭以供母，便身之物，莫不必給。 注[一]願，謹也。 款，誠也。
Jiang Ge, styled Ciweng, was a native of Linzi in Qi. His father died when he was young, leaving only him and his mother. When rebellion erupted he carried his mother through danger and foraged to feed her. Robbers often seized him; he wept that he must care for his aged mother, and his earnest plea moved them. [Note 1] They spared him; some even showed him escape routes. [Note 2] He and his mother survived. As a refugee in Xiapi he went barefoot and hired out his labor, giving his mother every comfort he could. Note 1: Yuan here means "careful" or "respectful." Kuan means sincere.
50
注[二]華嶠書曰「語以避兵道」也。
Note 2: Hua Qiao records that someone showed him a safe route.
51
建武末年，與母歸鄉里。 每至歲時，縣當案比，[一]革以母老，不欲搖動，自在轅中挽車，不用牛馬，由是鄉里稱之曰「江巨孝」。 [二]太守嘗備禮召，革以母老不應。 及母終，至性殆滅，嘗寢伏頤廬，服竟，不忍除。 郡守遣丞掾釋服，因請以為吏。 注[一]案驗以比之，猶今魍閱也。
Late in the Jianwu era he brought his mother home. [Note 1] At the annual household census he pulled the cart himself so his mother would not jolt—earning the nickname "Great Filial Jiang." [Note 2] The prefect summoned him with ceremony; he declined while his mother lived. Her death shattered him; he lay beside the tomb shelter and refused to shed mourning garb when the term ended. The prefect sent aides to end his mourning by fiat and offered him office. Note 1: The census inspection matched the later household review.
52
注[二]巨，大也。 華嶠書曰「臨淄令楊音高之，設特席，顯異巨孝於稠人廣觿中，親奉錢以助供養」也。
Note 2: Ju means "great." Hua Qiao adds that Magistrate Yang Yin of Linzi honored him before a crowd with gifts of cash.
53
永平初，舉孝廉為郎，補楚太僕。 月餘，自劾去。 楚王英馳遣官屬追之，遂不肯還。 復使中傅贈送，辭不受。 後數應三公命，輒去。
Early in Yongping he was nominated filially pious and incorrupt, named gentleman, and assigned grand coachman of Chu. Within a month he resigned. Prince Liu Ying of Chu sent riders after him, but he would not come back. The prince's tutor offered gifts; he refused. Later summons from the Three Excellencies never held him.
54
建初初，太尉牟融舉賢良方正，再遷司空長史。 肅宗甚崇禮之，遷五官中郎將。
At the start of Jianchu Mou Rong nominated him worthy and upright; he rose to chief clerk of the minister of works. Emperor Zhang honored him and promoted him to general of the household for all five offices.
55
每朝會，帝常使虎賁扶侍，及進拜，恆目禮焉。 [一]時有疾不會，輒太官送醪膳，恩寵有殊。 於是京師貴戚□尉馬廖、侍中竇憲慕其行，各奉書致禮，革無所報受。 [二]帝聞而益善之。 後上書乞骸骨，轉拜諫議大夫，賜告歸，因謝病稱篤。 注[一]獨視之也。
At audience the emperor had guards steady him and watched him bow with special respect. [Note 1] When illness kept him away, the imperial kitchen sent wine and food—a singular honor. Captain Ma Liao and attendant Dou Xian courted him with letters and gifts; he answered none. [Note 2] The emperor admired him all the more. He asked to retire, received appointment as grandee remonstrant with leave to go home, then pleaded grave illness. Note 1: The emperor singled him out with his gaze.
56
注[二]華嶠書曰：「終不報書，一無所受。」
Note 2: Hua Qiao says he never replied and accepted nothing.
57
元和中，天子思革至行，制詔齊相曰：「諫議大夫江革，前以病歸，今起居何如？ 夫孝，百行之冠，觿善之始也。 國家每惟志士，未嘗不及革。 縣以見谷千斛賜『巨孝』，常以八月長吏存問，致羊酒，以終厥身。 [一]如有不幸，祠以中牢。 」由是「巨孝」之稱，行於天下。 及卒，詔復賜谷千斛。 注[一]華嶠書曰：「致羊一頭，酒二斛。」
During Yuanhe the emperor remembered Jiang Ge's devotion and asked the Qi chancellor how his health was since retiring ill. Filial duty crowns every virtue and is the root of goodness. Whenever the court honors worthy men, Jiang Ge comes to mind. Award him a thousand hu from county stores as Great Filial; each eighth month send officials with sheep and wine for life. [Note 1] At his death sacrifice with the middle victim offering. " The title Great Filial Jiang spread across the realm. At his death another thousand hu was granted. Note 1: Hua Qiao specifies one sheep and two hu of wine.
58
劉般字伯興，宣帝之玄孫也。 宣帝封子囂於楚，是為孝王。 孝王生思王衍，衍生王紆，紆生般。 自囂至般，積累仁義，世有名節，而紆尤慈篤。 早失母，同產弟原鄉侯平尚幼，紆親自鞠養，常與共臥起飲食。 及成人，未嘗離左右。 平病卒，紆哭泣歐血，數月亦歿。 初，紆襲王封，因值王莽篡位，廢為庶人，因家於彭城。
Liu Ban, styled Boxing, was great-great-grandson of Emperor Xuan. Emperor Xuan enfeoffed his son Liu Xiao in Chu as King Xiao. The line ran King Xiao to King Yan to King Yu to Liu Ban. The house accumulated renown for benevolence; Liu Yu was especially devoted. After his mother died he raised his infant brother Ping himself, eating and sleeping beside him. As adults they were never apart. When Ping died Liu Yu coughed blood with grief and followed him within months. Liu Yu lost his title when Wang Mang seized the throne and settled as a commoner in Pengcheng.
59
般數歲而孤，獨與母居。 王莽敗，天下亂，太夫人聞更始即位，[一]乃將般俱奔長安。 會更始敗，復與般轉側兵革中，西行上隴，遂流至武威。 般雖尚少，而篤志修行，講誦不怠。 其母及諸舅，以為身寄絕域，死生未必，[二]不宜苦精若此，數以曉般，般猶不改其業。 注[一]太夫人，般之母也。 前書音義曰：「列侯之妻稱夫人，母稱太夫人。」
Liu Ban was orphaned young and lived only with his mother. [Note 1] After Wang Mang fell she fled with Liu Ban to Chang'an when she heard the Gengshi Emperor had ascended. When that regime collapsed they wandered west through the Long corridor to Wuwei. Though young Liu Ban studied relentlessly. [Note 2] Kin urged him to ease his studies in the frontier wilds; he refused. Note 1: Grand Lady denotes Liu Ban's mother. The Han glossary states that a marquis's wife is lady and his mother grand lady.
60
注[二]「必」或作「分」也。
Note 2: Some texts read "uncertain" instead of "not yet certain."
61
建武八年，隗囂敗，河西始通，般即將家屬東至洛陽，修經學於師門。 明年，光武下詔，封般為菑丘侯，奉孝王祀，使就國。 後以國屬楚王，徙封杼秋侯。 [一]注[一]杼秋，縣，屬梁國。 杼音是與反。
In Jianwu 8 the Hexi corridor opened and Liu Ban moved his family to Luoyang to study the classics. The next year Emperor Guangwu named him marquis of Zaiqiu to maintain the cult of King Xiao. When his territory passed to the prince of Chu he became marquis of Zhuqiu. [Note 1] Zhuqiu county lay in the kingdom of Liang. Reading note for zhu follows.
62
十九年，行幸沛，詔問郡中諸侯行能。 太守薦言般束修至行，為諸侯師。 [一]帝聞而嘉之，乃賜般綬，錢百萬，繒二百匹。 二十年，復與車駕會沛，因從還洛陽，賜谷什物，留為侍祠侯。 注[一]束修謂謹束修絜也。
In year 19 the emperor toured Pei and asked after each marquis. The prefect reported Liu Ban's disciplined virtue as a model for the other nobles. [Note 1] The emperor rewarded him with ribbons, a million cash, and two hundred bolts of silk. In year 20 he joined the emperor at Pei, returned to Luoyang, received grain and goods, and stayed as marquis attendant on sacrifice. Note 1: The phrase means disciplined self-cultivation.
63
永平元年，以國屬沛，徙封居巢侯，[一]復隨諸侯就國。 數年，楊州刺史觀恂薦般在國口無擇言，行無怨惡，宜蒙旌顯。 顯宗嘉之。 十年，征般行執金吾事，從至南陽，還為朝侯。 明年，兼屯騎校尉。 時五校官顯職閒，而府寺寬敞，輿服光麗，伎巧畢給，故多以宗室肺腑居之。 [二]每行幸郡國，般常將長水胡騎從。 注[一]居巢，縣，屬廬江郡也。
In Yongping 1 his fief attached to Pei and he became marquis of Ju Chao, joining other nobles in taking up their states. Years later Inspector Guan Xun of Yangzhou praised his blameless speech and conduct. Emperor Ming approved. In year 10 he served as acting bearer of the gilded mace on campaign to Nanyang, then returned as marquis at court. The next year he added colonel of garrison cavalry. Those cushioned commands went mostly to imperial kinsmen because of their leisure and splendor. [Note 2] On imperial tours he commanded the Changshui Hu cavalry escort. Note 1: Ju Chao county lay in Lujiang commandery.
64
注[二]肺腑，天子之親屬也。
Note 2: Lung-and-loin means close imperial kin.
65
帝曾欲置常平倉，[一]公卿議者多以為便。 般對以「常平倉外有利民之名，而內實侵刻百姓，豪右因緣為奸，小民不能得其平，置之不便」。 帝乃止。 是時下令禁民二業，[二]又以郡國牛疫，通使區種增耕，[三]而吏下檢結，多失其實，百姓患之。 般上言：「郡國以官禁二業，至有田者不得漁捕。 今濱江湖郡率少蠶桑，民資漁采以助口實，且以冬春閒月，不妨農事。 夫漁獵之利，為田除害，有助谷食，無關二業也。 又郡國以牛疫、水旱，墾田多減，故詔□區種，增進頃畝，以為民也。 而吏舉度田，欲令多前，[四]至於不種之處，亦通為租。 可申□刺史、二千石，務令實核，其有增加，皆使與奪田同罪。 」帝悉從之。 [五]注[一]宣帝時，大司農耿壽昌請令邊郡皆築倉，以谷賤時增其價而糴之以利農，谷貴時減價而糶之，名曰常平倉。
[Note 1] Emperor Ming once proposed ever-normal granaries; most ministers approved. Liu Ban argued that granaries benefited magnates while harming commoners and should not be built. The emperor dropped the plan. [Note 2] A ban on sideline trades coincided with cattle plague and pit-farming orders. [Note 3] Official inspections missed the mark and angered the people. Liu Ban wrote that the sideline ban barred landowners from fishing. Lake counties lack silk and rely on fishing in winter months without harming the harvest. Hunting and fishing clear pests and supplement grain—they are not illicit sidelines. Across the commanderies and kingdoms, cattle disease and bad weather had cut deeply into tillage, so the court ordered cluster-field methods and pushed to bring more acres under the plow for the people's sake. But officials measuring fields for the tax rolls inflated totals beyond earlier years, even assessing rent on land that had never been planted. The inspectors-in-chief and two-thousand-picul governors must be told to check numbers against reality; padded assessments should be punished as severely as stealing peasants' land. The emperor accepted every point. [Note 5] Comment [1]: Under Emperor Xuan, Minister of Agriculture Geng Shouchang had frontier counties build granaries that bought cheap grain to help farmers and sold when prices spiked—the "Ever-Normal" stores.
66
注[二]謂農者不得商賈也。
Note [2]: Farmers were barred from acting as merchants.
67
注[三]泛勝之書曰：「上農區田* (大) **[法]*，區方深各六寸，閒相去七寸，一畝三千七百區，丁男女種十畝，至秋收區三升粟，畝得百斛。 中農區田法，方七寸，深六寸，閒相去二尺，一畝千二十七區，丁男女種十畝，秋收粟畝得五十一石。 下農區田法，方九寸，深六寸，閒相去三尺，秋收畝得二十八石。 旱即以水沃之。」
Note [3]: Fan Shengzhi writes that for the best farmers, cluster-field plots the large method: Each pit is six cun square and deep, seven cun apart; one mu takes 3,700 pits; a couple works ten mu; at harvest each pit yields three sheng of millet, about one hundred hu per mu. For middling farmers the pits are seven cun square, six deep, two chi apart—1,027 per mu, ten mu per couple—with yields of fifty-one shi of millet per mu. The lowest tier uses nine-cun pits, six cun deep, three chi apart, yielding twenty-eight shi per mu. In drought, irrigate the pits without delay."
68
注[四]多於前歲。
Note [4]: Meaning higher figures than the year before.
69
注[五]華嶠書* (曰) *「奪」作「脫」也。
Note [5]: In Hua Qiao's history reads uses "release" where this text has "seize."
70
肅宗即位，以為長樂少府。 建初二年，遷宗正。 般妻卒，厚加賵贈，及賜頤塋地於顯節陵下。 般在位數言政事。 其收恤九族，行義尤著，時人稱之。 年六十，建初三年卒。 子憲嗣。 憲卒，子重嗣。 憲兄愷。
Emperor Zhang installed him as superintendent of the Changle palace workshops. In 77 CE he became director of the imperial clan office. When Liu Ban's wife died, the court sent lavish funeral gifts and land for her tomb below Emperor Guangwu's mausoleum. Liu Ban often spoke his mind on policy while serving. His care for every branch of the clan and his upright conduct won wide admiration. He died at sixty in 78 CE. His son Liu Xian inherited the title. When Liu Xian died, Liu Chong succeeded. Liu Xian's elder brother was Liu Kai.
71
愷字伯豫，以當襲般爵，讓與弟憲，遁逃避封。 久之，章和中，有司奏請絕愷國，肅宗美其義，特優假之，[一]愷猶不出。 積十餘歲，至永元十年，有司復奏之，侍中賈逵因上書曰：「孔子稱『能以禮讓為國，於從政乎何有』。 [二]竊見居巢侯劉般嗣子愷，素行孝友，謙遜絜清，讓封弟憲，潛身遠多。 有司不原樂善之心，而繩以循常之法，[三]懼非長克讓之風，成含弘之化。 前世扶陽侯韋玄成，[四]近有陵陽侯丁鴻、鄳侯鄧彪，[五]並以高行絜身辭爵，未聞貶削，而皆登三事。 今愷景仰前修，有伯夷之節，[六]宜蒙矜宥，全其先功，以增聖朝尚德之美。 」和帝納之，下詔曰：「故居巢侯劉般嗣子愷，當襲般爵，而稱父遺意，致國弟憲，遁亡七年，所守彌篤。 蓋王法崇善，成人之美。 其聽憲嗣爵。
Liu Kai (Boyu) was heir to Liu Ban's marquisate but gave it to his younger brother Liu Xian and went into hiding to refuse the seal. Years later, in the Zhanghe period (87–89), officials moved to strip Liu Kai's fief; Emperor Zhang admired his integrity and gave him extra time, but Liu Kai still refused to come out. After more than a decade, in 98 CE, officials tried again; Palace Attendant Jia Kui cited Confucius: "Rule with courtesy and yielding—what trouble could politics bring?". [Note 2] Your servant sees Liu Kai, heir to Marquis Liu Ban of Ju-chao—filial, brotherly, humble, and scrupulous—who gave the title to Liu Xian and has lived in hiding for years. Bureaucrats ignore his generous intent and apply rigid rules; [Note 3] that undercuts the habit of yielding and the court's ideal of broad-minded rule. Wei Xuancheng once renounced his marquisate; more recently Ding Hong of Lingyang and Deng Biao of Mo did the same—none were punished for it, and all rose to the three highest posts. Liu Kai follows past models and matches Boyi's renunciation; [Note 6] he deserves mercy—preserve his family's merit and burnish the dynasty's reputation for honoring virtue. Emperor He agreed and proclaimed: "Liu Kai, Liu Ban's heir, was to succeed the Ju-chao marquisate but, honoring his father's wishes, passed it to Liu Xian and vanished for seven years—his resolve only deepened." The law exists to reward virtue and help men finish what they begin. Let Liu Xian hold the title.
72
遭事之宜，後不得以為比。 」乃征愷，拜為郎，稍遷侍中。 注[一]假，借也。
This is a one-time accommodation; do not treat it as precedent. Liu Kai was summoned, made a gentleman of the court, and rose to palace attendant. Note [1]: Here "jia" means to grant on loan or extend forbearance.
73
注[二]論語之文也。 何有者，言* (善無) **[何難之]*有也。
Note [2]: The quotation comes from the Analects. The gloss explains "what difficulty" as "for those who practice goodness there is no" real obstacle"—that is, none at all."
74
注[三]原，本也。 繩，政也。
Note [3]: "Yuan" here means to trace to the root. "Sheng" means to judge by fixed rule.
75
注[四]玄成字少翁，韋賢薨，讓封于兄弘。 宣帝高其節，以為河南太守。 元帝時為御史大夫，又為丞相。 見前書也。
Note [4]: Wei Xuancheng (Shaoweng) declined his father's marquisate in favor of his brother Wei Hong after Wei Xian died. Emperor Xuan admired his integrity and named him governor of Henan. Under Emperor Yuan he rose to imperial counselor and then chancellor. See the account in the Han shu.
76
注[五]鴻讓國於弟盛，和帝時為司徒。 彪讓國於弟荊、鳳，明帝時為太尉。 鄳音盲。
Note [5]: Ding Hong gave his fief to his brother Ding Sheng and later served Emperor He as minister of education. Deng Biao passed his title to his brothers Deng Jing and Deng Feng and became grand commandant under Emperor Ming. The marquisate name Mo is read like the syllable "mang."
77
注[六]景猶慕也。 詩云：「景行行止。 」前修，前賢也。 楚辭曰：「蹇吾法夫前修。」
Note [6]: Here "jing" carries the sense of "admire." The Shijing says, "Lofty that great road—take it and find your place." "Former exemplars" means the worthies of earlier ages. The Chuci says, "I pattern myself after the ancients who walked this hard road."
78
愷之入朝，在位者莫不仰其風行。 遷步兵校尉。 十三年，遷宗正，免。 復拜侍中，遷長水校尉。 永初元年，代周章為太常。 愷性篤古，貴處士，每有征舉，必先巖穴。 論議引正，辭氣高雅。 * (永初) *六年，代張敏為司空。 元初二年，代夏勤為司徒。
Once Liu Kai returned to court, every colleague looked up to his example. He was promoted to colonel of infantry. In the thirteenth year of Yongyuan (101 CE) he became director of the imperial clan, then was removed. He was recalled as palace attendant and then named colonel of the Changshui regiment. In 107 CE he succeeded Zhou Zhang as minister of ceremonies. Liu Kai revered classical precedent and held private scholars in high regard; whenever recommending men, he looked first to recluses in the hills. His memorials were principled, and his phrasing was elevated and precise. The asterisk ties the next dated sentence to the preceding text. Yongchu era: In Yongchu 6 (112 CE) he succeeded Zhang Min as minister of works. In 115 CE he replaced Xia Qin as minister of education.
79
舊制，公卿、二千石、刺史不得行三年喪，由是內外觿職並廢喪禮。 元初中，鄧太後詔長吏以下不為親行服者，不得典城選舉。 時有上言牧守宜同此制，詔下公卿，議者以為不便。 愷獨議曰：「詔書所以為制服之科者，蓋崇化厲俗，以弘孝道也。 今刺史一州之表，二千石千里之師，[一]職在辯章百姓，宣美風俗，[二]尤宜尊重典禮，以身先之。 而議者不尋其端，至於牧守則雲不宜，是猶濁其源而望流清，曲其形而欲景直，不可得也。 」[三]太后從之。 注[一]前書杜欽曰「即以二千石守千里之地，任兵馬之重，不宜去郡」也。
Statute barred three-year mourning for ministers, two-thousand-picul governors, and regional inspectors, so court and countryside alike let funeral observances lapse. Early in the Yuanchu era, Empress Dowager Deng decreed that local officials who skipped mourning for parents could not govern a county or be nominated for office. Someone urged the same rule for governors; the matter went to the high ministers, who judged it impractical. Only Liu Kai replied that the mourning regulations existed to improve customs and exalt filial piety. Regional inspectors and two-thousand-picul governors are the moral leaders of their circuits; [Note 1] their job is to set the people in order and model good custom, [Note 2] so they above all must honor ritual and lead by example. To exempt governors while demanding mourning from lesser officials is to foul the headwaters and expect clean water below, or to warp the body and demand a straight shadow—it cannot work. " [Note 3] The empress dowager accepted his view. Note [1]: Du Qin in the Han shu argued that two-thousand-picul governors, commanding troops across vast territories, should not leave their posts.
80
注[二]尚書曰：「九族既睦，辯章百姓。 」鄭玄注云：「辯，別也。 章，明也。」
Note [2]: The Shang shu reads, "When kin live in harmony, the hundred clans are governed with clarity." Zheng Xuan glosses "bian" as "to distinguish." "Zhang" means to illuminate."
81
注[三]前書*[杜欽]*曰：「今淫僻之化流，而欲黎庶敦樸，猶濁其源而求流清也。」
Note [3]: Du Qin warned that corrupting customs while expecting plain folk to stay honest was like fouling a spring and demanding pure water downstream.
82
時征西校尉任尚以奸利被征抵罪。 尚曾副大將軍鄧騭，騭黨護之，而太尉馬英、司空李合承望騭旨，不復先請，即獨解尚臧錮，愷不肯與議。 後尚書案其事，二府並受譴咎，[一]朝廷以此稱之。 注[一]二府即馬英、李合。
Colonel of the West Ren Shang was recalled to face charges of graft. Ren Shang had served under Deng Zhi; Deng's clique protected him, and Grand Commandant Ma Ying and Minister of Works Li He, doing Deng's bidding, lifted Ren's penalties without prior clearance—Liu Kai refused to endorse their decision. When the secretariat reviewed the case, both ministers were censured; [Note 1] the court praised Liu Kai for holding the line. Note [1]: The grand commandant Ma Ying and minister of works Li He.
83
注[二]易曰：「鼎折足，覆公餗。 」鼎足，三公之象。
Note [2]: The Zhou yi speaks of a tripod whose leg snaps and spills the sacrifice—the classic image of failed ministers. The three legs stand for the three highest ministers.
84
注[三]五品，五常之教也。 三公燮理陰陽，敬敷五教也。
Note [3]: The "five ranks" refer to the five moral relationships. The three dukes balance heaven and earth and promulgate those teachings broadly.
85
注[四]尚書：「納舜於大麓，烈風雷雨不迷。 」史記曰「堯使舜入山林川澤，暴風雨，舜行不迷，堯以為聖」也。
Note [4]: The Shang shu says Shun was tested in the wild hills amid storms and never lost his bearings. The Shiji adds that Yao sent Shun through hills and marshes in foul weather to prove his steadiness.
86
注[五]孔子曰：「不義而富*[且貴]*，於我如浮雲。 」孟子曰「我善養浩然之氣，而無怨害，則塞乎天地之閒」也。 言愷有仲尼、孟軻之德也。
Note [5]: Confucius compared ill-gotten wealth and rank to clouds drifting past. Mencius claimed his flood-like moral qi could fill heaven and earth once freed from rancor. The commentator ranks Liu Kai with Confucius and Mencius.
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注[六]二司謂為司徒、司空。
Note [6]: The two ministers are education and works.
88
注[七]景慕以為法式。
Note [7]: To admire and imitate as a standard.
89
注[八]孔光，成帝時丞相，哀帝時免，後以日食征詣公車，復為丞相。 師丹，哀帝時代王莽為大司馬，後為大司空。 鄧彪，明帝時為太尉，章帝元和元年賜策罷，和帝即位，以彪為太傅，錄尚書事。 張酺，和帝永元五年為太尉，後策免，十六年復為司徒。
Note [8]: Kong Guang served Emperor Cheng as chancellor, was dismissed under Ai, then was recalled after an eclipse omen and restored. Shi Dan succeeded Wang Mang as grand marshal under Emperor Ai and later became minister of works. Deng Biao was grand commandant under Emperor Ming, retired with honors in 84 CE, and returned as grand tutor and chief of the secretariat under Emperor He. Zhang Pu served Emperor He as grand commandant in 93 CE, was removed, then returned as minister of education in 104 CE.
90
注[九]二代謂父子俱禁錮。
Note [9]: "Two generations" means both father and son were barred from office.
91
注[一０]比，類也。 以邠類叔孫光，亦錮及子也。 比音庇。
Note [10]: "Bi" means analogy or parallel case. The parallel drawn between Bin and Shusun Guang shows how the ban could reach the next generation too. The character bi here rhymes with the word for "shelter."
92
注[一一]公羊傳曰：「曹公孫會自鄸出奔宋，畔也。 曷為不言畔？ 為公子喜時之後諱也，春秋為賢者諱也。 何賢乎公子喜時？ 讓國也。 君子之善善也長，惡惡也短。 惡惡止其身，善善及子孫。 賢者子孫，故君子為其諱也。」
Note [11]: The Gongyang zhuan quotes: Gongsun Hui of Cao fled Weng for Song in revolt. Why does the text avoid calling it rebellion? The classic spares the heirs of Prince Xishi; the Chunqiu routinely glosses over faults of the virtuous. What made Prince Xishi admirable? He had surrendered his claim to the state. The gentleman dwells on merit at length but passes quickly over fault. Blame attaches only to the man himself; praise may bless later generations. Because they descend from a worthy man, the classic softens the record for their sake."
93
注[一二]今尚書呂刑篇曰：「上刑適輕下服，下刑適重上服。 」謂二罪俱發，原其本情，須有虧減，故言適輕適重。 此言「挾輕挾重」，意亦不殊，但與今尚書不同耳。
Note [12]: Today's Shang shu "Lu xing" reads that lighter guilt may still draw a senior penalty, and graver guilt a mitigated one, depending on circumstance. When two offenses coincide, judgment weighs intent and may lighten or stiffen the sentence accordingly. The phrase about weighing lighter and graver penalties matches the idea though the wording differs from the current Shang shu text.
94
注[一三]左傳曰：「刑濫則懼及善人。」
Note [13]: The Zuozhuan warns that excessive punishment terrifies the innocent.
95
注[一四]尚書周穆王曰：「有邦有土，告汝詳刑。 」鄭玄注云：「詳，審察之也。」
Note [14]: King Mu in the Documents tells rulers with territory to judge cases with care. Zheng Xuan glosses xiang as thorough review.
96
視事三年，以疾乞骸骨，久乃許之，下河南尹禮秩如前。 歲餘，卒於家。 詔使者護喪事，賜東園秘器，錢五十萬，布千匹。
After three years he asked to retire for illness; the court delayed, then let him go and told the Henan governor to keep his stipend and honors. He died at home a little over a year later. The court sent officers to oversee the rites, granted a lacquered coffin from the imperial workshop, five hundred thousand cash, and a thousand bolts of cloth.
97
少子茂，字叔盛，亦好禮讓，歷位出納，[一]桓帝時為司空。 會司隸校尉李膺等抵罪，而南陽太守成□、太原太守劉□下獄當死，茂與太尉陳蕃、司徒劉矩共上書訟之。 帝不悅，有司承旨劾奏三公，茂遂坐免。 建寧中，復為太中大夫，卒於官。 注[一]出納謂尚書，喉舌之官也。 出謂受上言宣於下，納謂聽下言傳於上。
His younger son Liu Mao (Shusheng) also prized yielding; he rose through the secretariat [Note 1] and became minister of works under Emperor Huan. When Li Ying and others fell under indictment and the governors of Nanyang (surname Cheng) and Taiyuan (surname Liu) were jailed under sentence of death, Liu Mao joined Chen Fan and Liu Ju in pleading for them. The emperor was angry; compliant officials impeached the three highest ministers, and Liu Mao lost his post. Under Emperor Ling he returned as grand counselor and died in harness. Note [1]: The secretariat speaks for the throne to the realm and back; it is called the "throat and tongue." Outgoing edicts carry the court's voice downward; incoming memorials carry local voices up.
98
周盤字堅伯，汝南安成人，征士燮之宗也。 [一]祖父業，建武初為天水太守。
Zhou Pan (Jianbo) came from Ancheng in Runan and belonged to the lineage of the recluse scholar Xie. [Note 1] His grandfather Zhou Ye served as governor of Tianshui early in the Guangwu reign.
99
盤少游京師，學古文尚書、洪範五行、左氏傳，好禮有行，非典謨不言，諸儒宗之。 居貧養母，儉薄不充。 嘗誦詩至汝墳之卒章，慨然而歎，[二]乃解韋帶，就孝廉之舉。 [三]和帝初，拜謁者，除任城長，遷陽夏、重合令，[四]頻歷三城，皆有惠政。 後思母，□官還鄉里。 及母歿，哀至幾於毀滅，服終，遂廬於頤側。
As a young man Zhou Pan studied in Luoyang—the Old Text Shang shu, Hongfan astrology, and the Zuozhuan—kept ritual discipline, spoke only on canonical matters, and became a scholarly authority. He kept his mother on very little and rarely had enough. Reciting "The Banks of Ru" he broke off at the closing stanza with a deep sigh, [Note 2] shed his rustic belt, and asked to be nominated as filial and incorrupt. [Note 3] Under Emperor He he became herald, then magistrate of Rencheng, Yangxia, and Chonghe in turn, [Note 4] earning a reputation for kindness at each post. Missing his mother, he left office and went home. Her death nearly broke him with grief; after the mourning period he lived in a mourning hut beside her grave.
100
教授門徒常千人。 注[一]燮自有傳。
His lecture hall regularly drew a thousand students. Note [1]: Xie has a separate biography in this history.
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注[二]韓詩曰：「汝墳，辭家也。 」其卒章曰：「魴魚赬尾，王室如□，雖則如娓，父母孔邇。 」薛君章句：「赬，赤也。 □，烈火也。 孔，甚也。 邇，近也。
Note [2]: The Han version of the Songs glosses "The Banks of Ru" as a poem about leaving home. The closing lines liken a weary court to a blazing furnace (the text has a lacuna) yet stress staying near one's parents. Xue's commentary glosses cheng as crimson. The gloss supplies a character meaning fierce flame. "Kong" intensifies the adjective as "greatly." "Er" means "close at hand."
102
言魴魚勞則尾赤，君子勞苦則顏色變。 以王室政教如烈火矣，猶觸冒而仕者，以父母甚迫近饑寒之憂，為此祿仕。」
Just as overwork reddens a fish's tail, hardship changes a gentleman's face. Even though court rule burns hot as fire, men still serve because parents face starvation at their elbow—they take salary posts from sheer necessity."
103
注[三]以韋皮為帶，未仕之服也。 求仕則服革帶，故解之。 賈山上書曰「布衣韋帶之士」也。
Note [3]: A leather belt marks a scholar who has not yet taken appointment. Office seekers wear stiff belts, so he removed his rustic strap to signal readiness. Jia Shan called such men "plain cloth and leather belt" scholars.
104
注[四]陽夏屬淮南郡。 重合屬勃海郡。
Note [4]: Yangxia county lay in Huainan commandery. Chonghe county was in Bohai commandery.
105
公府三辟，皆以有道特徵，盤語友人曰：「昔方回、支父嗇神養和，不以榮利滑其生術。 [一]吾親以沒矣，從物何為？ 」遂不應。 [二]建光元年，年七十三，歲朝會集諸生，講論終日，[三]因令其二子曰：「吾日者夢見先師東裡先生，與我講於陰堂之奧。 」[四]既而長歎：「豈吾齒之盡乎！ 若命終之日，桐棺足以週身，外幟足以周棺，斂形懸封，濯衣幅巾。 [五]編二尺四寸簡，寫堯典一篇，並刀筆各一，以置棺前，雲不忘聖道。 」其月望日，無病忽終，學者以為知命焉。 注[一]嗇，愛惜也。 滑，亂也。 列仙傳曰：「方回，堯時隱人也。 堯聘之，練食雲母，隱於五柞山。 至夏啟末，為人所劫，閉之室中，從求道，回化而去。」
The thrice-summoned "man of the Way" told friends how Fang Hui and Zhi Fu guarded body and breath and never let ambition spoil their longevity arts. [Note 1] My parents are dead; why chase career now? He refused every summons. [Note 2] At seventy-three, on New Year's day of 121 CE, he lectured students from dawn to dusk, [Note 3] then told his sons he had dreamed his teacher Dongli debating with him in the inner chamber. " [Note 4] Then he sighed, "Has my span truly run out? When I die, let a plain paulownia coffin cover me, a simple pall wrap it, lower me straight down without a ramp, dress me in washed linens and a cloth headwrap. [Note 5] Burial slips twenty-four cun long should carry the "Canon of Yao," plus knife and brush, laid before the coffin as a pledge to the classical tradition. On the full moon that month he died suddenly, apparently healthy—followers called it knowing one's allotted span. Note [1]: "Se" means to husband carefully. "Hua" means to throw into confusion. The Liexian zhuan calls Fang Hui a recluse under Emperor Yao. Yao courted him; he lived on mica on Mount Wuzuo. Late in Qi of Xia robbers locked him up demanding immortality lore; he vanished in transformation."
106
高士傳曰：「堯舜各以天下讓支父，支父曰：『予適有勞憂之病，方且療之，未暇理天下也。 』」莊子作「支伯」。
The Gaoshi zhuan records Zhi Fu refusing both Yao and Shang while he nursed an illness. The Zhuangzi spells the recluse's name "Zhi Bo."
107
注[二]物猶事也。
Note [2]: "Wu" here means worldly pursuits.
108
注[三]歲朝，歲旦。
Note [3]: "Sui chao" is New Year's morning assembly.
109
注[四]東南隅謂之奧，陰堂幽暗之室。 又入其奧，死之象也。
Note [4]: The inner southeast corner is the "recess" of the hall—the darkest part. Dreaming one has entered that recess foreshadows death.
110
注[五]斂形謂衣覆其形。 懸封謂直下棺，不為埏道也。 濯衣，浣衣也，不更新制。 幅巾，不加冠也。 封音窆。
Note [5]: "Gathering the form" means dressing the corpse. Direct burial without a sloping entrance ramp. Ordinary washed garments, not newly sewn grave clothes. A simple cloth headwrap instead of a formal cap. "Feng" (burial) is read like "bian."
111
盤同郡蔡順，字君仲，亦以至孝稱。 [一]順少孤，養母。 嘗出求薪，有客卒至，[二]母望順不還，乃噬其指，[三]順即心動，□薪馳歸，跪問其故。 母曰：「有急客來，吾噬指以悟汝耳。 」母年九十，以壽終。 未及得葬，裡中災，火將逼其捨，順抱伏棺柩，號哭叫天，火遂越燒它室，順獨得免。 太守韓崇召為東合祭酒。 母平生畏雷，自亡後，每有雷震，順輒圜頤泣，曰：「順在此。 」崇聞之，每雷輒為差車馬到墓所。 後太守鮑觿舉孝廉，順不能遠離墳墓，遂不就。 年八十，終於家。 注[一]汝南先賢傳曰：「蔡順事母至孝。 井桔□朽，在母生年上，而順憂，不敢理之。 俄而有扶老籐生，繞之，遂堅固焉。」
Cai Shun (Junzhong) of the same county was celebrated for filial devotion. [Note 1] Orphaned early, Cai Shun raised his mother alone. Once while gathering firewood an unexpected guest arrived; [Note 2] his anxious mother bit her finger; [Note 3] Cai Shun felt it, dropped his bundle, and raced home to kneel and ask why. She explained that she had nipped her finger to signal him. His mother died peacefully at ninety. Before the funeral a neighborhood fire threatened his home; he threw himself on the coffin and wept to heaven—the flames skipped his hut. Governor Han Chong named him libationer for the eastern bureau. She had feared thunder; after her death he paced her burial mound at every storm, calling out that her son was beside her. When Han Chong heard this, he sent a carriage to the grave whenever it thundered. Later Governor Bao Xi nominated him, but he would not leave his mother's grave and declined. He died at home at eighty. Note [1]: The Runan gazetteer praises Cai Shun's devotion. The well sweep over his mother's birth-year pillar rotted; he feared touching it. Overnight a vine twined the pole and strengthened it."
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注[二]卒音千訥反。
Note [2]: The word zu here rhymes like "cen" in the entering tone.
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注[三]噬，嚙也。
Note [3]: "Shi" means to bite down.
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趙咨字文楚，東郡燕人也。 [一]父暢，為博士。 咨少孤，有孝行，州郡召舉孝廉，並不就。 注[一]燕故城，今滑州胙城縣也，古南燕之國也。
Zhao Zi (Wenchu) came from Yan in Dong commandery. [Note 1] His father Zhao Chang held an erudite chair. Orphaned young and famously dutiful, he turned down every nomination as filial and incorrupt. Note [1]: Ancient Yan stood where modern Zuocheng in Huazhou lies—the old Southern Yan.
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盜嘗夜往劫之，咨恐母驚懼，乃先至門迎盜，因請為設食，謝曰：「老母八十，疾病須養，居貧，朝夕無儲，乞少置衣糧。 」妻子物余，一無所請。 盜皆籩歎，跪而辭曰：「所犯無狀，干暴賢者。 」言畢奔出，咨追以物與之，不及。 由此益知名。 征拜議郎，辭疾不到，詔書切讓，州郡以禮發遣，前後再三，不得已應召。
When bandits broke in at night he met them at the gate before his mother woke; he offered food and asked only that they leave enough for his sick mother. He asked them to spare food and clothing only—nothing else for wife or children. Ashamed, they knelt and withdrew, apologizing for offending a worthy man. They fled; he chased them with gifts but could not overtake them. His reputation spread further. Summoned as gentleman consultant, he pleaded illness until imperial rebukes and repeated escorts forced him to Luoyang.
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復拜東海相。 之官，道經滎陽，令敦煌曹暠，咨之故孝廉也，[一]迎路謁候，咨不為留。 暠送至亭次，望塵不及，謂主簿曰：「趙君名重，今過界不見，必為天下笑！ 」即□印綬，追至東海。 謁咨畢，辭歸家。 其為時人所貴若此。 注[一]咨為敦煌太守時，薦暠為孝廉。
He was named chancellor of Donghai. En route to Donghai he passed Xingyang, where Magistrate Cao Gao—once Zhao Zi's nominee as filial and incorrupt—lined the road; Zhao Zi would not stop. Cao chased him to the post station but only saw dust; he told his clerk that missing such an eminent visitor would make them a laughingstock. Cao Gao gave up his credentials and followed Zhao Zi to Donghai. After paying his respects to Zhao Zi he went home. Such was the esteem he commanded. Note [1]: Zhao Zi had nominated Cao Gao while serving as governor of Dunhuang.
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咨在官清簡，計日受奉，豪黨畏其儉節。 視事三年，以疾自乞，征拜議郎。 抗疾京師，將終，告其故吏朱只、蕭建等，使薄斂素棺，籍以黃壤，[一]欲令速朽，早歸后土，不聽子孫改之。 乃遺書□子胤曰：「夫含氣之倫，有生必終，蓋天地之常期，自然之至數。 是以通人達士，鑒茲性命，以存亡為晦明，死生為朝夕，故其生也不為娛，亡也不知戚。 夫亡者，元氣去體，貞魂遊散，反素復始，歸於無端。 [二]既已消僕，還合糞土。 土為□物，豈有性情，而欲制其厚薄，調其燥濕邪？ 但以生者之情，不忍見形之毀，乃有掩骼埋窆之制。 易曰：『古之葬者，衣以薪，藏之中野，後世聖人易之以棺幟。 』[三]棺幟之造，自黃帝始。 [四]爰自陶唐，逮於虞、夏，猶尚簡樸，或瓦或木，及至殷人而有加焉。 [五]周室因之，制兼二代。 復重以牆翣之飾，[六]表以旌銘之儀，[七]招復含斂之禮，[八]殯葬宅兆之期，[九]棺幟周重之制，[一０]衣衾稱襲之數，[一一]其事煩而害實，品物碎而難備。 然而秩爵異級，貴賤殊等。 自成、康以下，其典稍乖。 至於戰國，漸至頹陵，[一二]法度衰毀，上下僭雜。 終使晉侯請隧，[一三]秦伯殉葬，[一四]陳大夫設參門之木，宋司馬造石幟之奢。 [一五]爰暨暴秦，違道廢德，滅三代之制，興淫邪之法，國貲糜於三泉，人力單于酈墓，玩好窮於糞土，伎巧費於窀穸。 [一六]自生民以來，厚終之敝，未有若此者。 雖有仲尼重明周禮，[一七]墨子勉以古道，猶不能御也。 [一八]是以華夏之士，爭相陵尚，違禮之本，事禮之末，務禮之華，□禮之實，單家竭財，以相營赴。 廢事生而營終亡，替所養而為厚葬，[一九]豈雲聖人制禮之意乎？ 記曰：『喪雖有禮，哀為主矣。 』又曰：『喪與其易也寧戚。 』今則不然，並棺合幟，以為孝愷，豐貲重襚，以昭惻隱，[二０]吾所不取也。 昔舜葬蒼梧，二妃不從。 [二一]豈有匹配之會，守常之所乎？ 聖主明王，其猶若斯，況於品庶，禮所不及。 古人時同即會，[二二]時乖則別，[二三]動靜應禮，臨事合宜。 王孫裸葬，[二四]墨夷露骸，[二五]皆達於性理，貴於速變。 梁伯鸞父沒，卷席而葬，身亡不反其屍。 [二六]彼數子豈薄至親之恩，亡忠孝之道邪？ 況我鄙闇，不德不敏，薄意內昭，志有所慕，[二七]上同古人，下不為咎。 果必行之，勿生疑異。 恐爾等目猒所見，耳諱所議，必欲改殯，以乖吾志，故遠采古聖，近揆行事，以悟爾心。 但欲制坎，令容棺幟，棺歸即葬，[二八]平地無墳。 勿卜時日，葬無設奠，勿留墓側，無起封樹。 於戲小子，其勉之哉，吾蔑復有言矣！ 」朱只、蕭建送喪到家，[二九]子胤不忍父體與土併合，欲更改殯，只、建譬以顧命，[三０]於是奉行，時稱咨明達。 注[一]棺中置土，以籍其屍也。
Zhao Zi ran a lean administration, drew pay strictly by the day, and local magnates feared his frugality. After three years he retired citing illness, then was recalled as gentleman consultant. Dying in Luoyang, he told Zhu Zhi and Xiao Jian to bury him plainly with yellow soil in the coffin so he would rot quickly and return to earth—no lavish changes by his heirs. He wrote his son Zhao Yin: "All living things must die; that is heaven's fixed rule and nature's arithmetic. The wise treat life and death like day and night—neither clings to living nor mourns dying. The dead lose breath; the soul disperses back into undifferentiated chaos. [Note 2] Once the body fails, it mingles again with the soil. Earth feels nothing—why fuss over how thick, how dry, the grave? We bury only because the living cannot bear to see remains exposed—hence rites of interment. The Zhou yi says ancient people wrapped the dead in brush and laid them in the open until later sages introduced coffins. [Note 3] Coffins began with the Yellow Emperor. [Note 4] From Yao and Shun through Xia, burials stayed plain—tile or wood—until Shang added ornament. [Note 5] Zhou synthesized Xia and Shang practice. Then came hearses with feather screens, epitaphs, soul calls, jade in the mouth, laying-out schedules, layered coffins, counted shrouds—the rules multiplied beyond reason. Ranks still distinguished noble from common. After Kings Cheng and Kang the ritual norms slipped. By the Warring States burials grew decadent; [Note 12] rules collapsed and everyone flouted sumptuary law. Hence Jin asked royal burial tunnels, Qin buried retainers alive, Chen planted ostentatious gateposts, Song carved extravagant stone coffins. [Note 15] Tyrannical Qin scrapped ancient norms and poured the realm's wealth and labor into mausoleums—treasure and craft lost in the dark. [Note 16]: Never had lavish burial done such harm. Neither Confucius's Zhou rituals nor Mozi's austerity could stop it. [Note 18]: The heartland gentry chased pomp, ignored the substance of ritual, and bankrupted families competing for display. Neglecting parents while alive yet burying them richly—[Note 19]—was that what the sages intended? The Record says mourning has forms but grief must lead. It also prefers raw grief over polished ceremony. Today people equate stacked coffins with filial love and costly grave gifts with compassion—[Note 20]—I reject that. Shun was buried at Cangwu without his two wives beside him. [Note 21]: Must spouses always share one tomb? If sage kings accepted separation, commoners need not insist on ritual detail. The ancients buried together when fate allowed, apart when it did not—[Notes 22–23]—each case judged on its own. Yang Wangzhu's unclad burial and the Mohist ideal of simple interment valued quick return to the elements. Liang Hong buried his father in a straw mat and later died away from home so his body never returned. [Note 26]: Were those men unfilial? I am humble and dull yet sincere—[Note 27] I follow the ancients and give no cause for reproach. Do as I say without second thoughts. Lest you shrink from plain rites and alter my funeral against my will, I cite sage precedent and recent examples to open your minds. Dig only a pit wide enough for the coffin; bury as soon as it arrives—[Note 28]—flat earth, no mound. No divining dates, no sacrifice at the grave, no vigil, no mound, no marker trees. My sons, heed this—I have nothing more to say! Zhu Zhi and Xiao Jian brought the body home; [Note 29] Zhao Yin wanted a richer coffining until they cited his father's dying orders—[Note 30]—then obeyed; contemporaries called Zhao Zi wise. Note [1]: Earth in the coffin cushioned the body.
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注[二]元氣，天之氣也。 貞，正也。 復，旋也。 端，際也。 太素、太始，天地之初也。 言人既死，正魂遊散，反於太素，旋於太始，無復端際者也。
Note [2]: "Original qi" is the breath of heaven. "Zhen" means steadfast. "Fu" means to circle back. "Duan" means boundary. Taisu and Taishi denote cosmic beginnings. The soul dissolves into primal chaos without fixed limit.
119
注[三]易系辭之文也。
Note [3]: Quoted from the Xici zhuan.
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注[四]劉向曰：「棺幟之作，自黃帝始。 」案：禮記曰「殷人棺幟」，蓋至殷而加飾。
Note [4]: Liu Xiang dates coffins to the Yellow Emperor. The Liji mentions Yin coffins—the ornament likely grew elaborate then.
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注[五]禮記：「有虞氏之瓦棺，夏後氏之堲周、殷人棺幟。 」古史考曰：「禹作土堲以周棺。 」堲音即七反。
Note [5]: The Liji lists Yu tile shells, Xia baked-enclosure linings, Yin wooden coffins. The Gu shi kao credits Yu with baked-clay linings around coffins. "Ji" is read with the same initial as qi in the entering tone.
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注[六]禮記曰：「周人牆置翣。 」盧植曰：「牆，載棺車箱也。 」三禮圖曰「翣，以竹為之，高二尺四寸，廣三尺，衣以白布，柄長五尺，葬時令人執之於柩車傍」也。
Note [6]: The Liji describes Zhou hearses with curtains and feather fans. Lu Zhi calls the "wall" the hearse compartment. The San li tu describes feather fans of bamboo flanking the hearse.
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注[七]禮記曰：「銘，明旌也。 以死者為不可別，故以其旗識之。」
Note [7]: The Liji defines ming as the funeral banner. Because corpses look alike, a pennant identifies them."
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注[八]招復謂昭魂復魄也。 含，以玉珠實口也。 斂，以衣服斂屍也。 禮記曰：「凡復，男子稱名，婦人稱字。 」谷梁傳曰：「貝玉曰含。 」禮記曰「小斂於戶內，大斂於阼」也。
Note [8]: "Summon the soul" ceremonies called the hun and po back. Mouth jades sealed the lips. "Lian" means dressing the body for the coffin. The Liji says callers used men's given names and women's styles. The Guliang zhuan defines mouth treasures as shells or jade. The Liji places small lian indoors and great lian on the east stairs.
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注[九]期謂諸侯五日而殯，五月而葬； 大夫三日而殯，三月而葬； 士* (三) **[二]*日而殯，踰月而葬。 宅兆，葬之塋域也。
Note [9]: Feudal lords lay in state five days and buried after five months. Grandees had three days' lying-in-state and three months to burial. For gentlemen three two days' lying-in-state and burial after the first month. "Zhai zhao" means the burial plot.
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注[一０]禮記曰：「天子之棺四重。 」鄭玄注云：「諸公三重，諸侯再重，大夫一重，士不重。 」又曰：「君松幟，大夫柏幟，士雜木幟。 」注云「天子* (七) **[五]*重，諸公四重，諸侯三重，大夫再重，士一重」也。
Note [10]: The Liji prescribes four nested coffins for the emperor. Zheng Xuan counts fewer shells for lower ranks. Wood quality matched rank—pine, cypress, or mixed timber. One commentary variant assigns seven nested shells to the Son of Heaven seven with sevenfold imperial shells stepwise reduced to a single layer for gentlemen."
127
注[一一]凡小斂，諸侯、大夫、士皆用復衾，君錦衾，大夫縞衾，士緇衾。 又曰，天子襲十二稱，諸公九稱，諸侯七稱，大夫五稱，士三稱。 小斂，尊卑同。 十九稱。 大斂，天子百稱，上公九十稱，侯伯七十稱，大夫五十稱，士三十稱。 衣單復具曰稱。
Note [11]: Small lian quilts varied by rank—brocade for rulers, white silk for grandees, black for gentlemen. Layered grave clothes numbered twelve for the emperor down to three for gentlemen. Small lian followed the same rule for all ranks. Nineteen layers in one tally. Great lian reached one hundred suits for the emperor down to thirty for gentlemen. One "suit" meant upper and lower garments together.
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注[一二]戰國，當春秋時也。 頹陵謂頹廢陵□。
Note [12]: Here "Warring States" overlaps the late Chunqiu era. "Tui ling" means decadent, wasteful burial.
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注[一三]隧謂掘地為埏道，王之葬禮也。 諸侯則懸柩，故請之也。 左傳，晉文公朝於襄王，請隧，不許。
Note [13]: "Tunnel" means the royal ramp into the tomb. Feudal lords lowered coffins by ropes, hence Jin asked for tunnel privilege. The Zuozhuan tells how Duke Wen of Jin asked King Xiang for a royal-style tunnel and was refused.
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注[一四]左傳：「秦伯任好卒。 」任好，秦繆公名也。 以子車氏奄息、仲行、針虎殉葬，國人哀之，為賦黃鳥之詩也。
Note [14]: The Zuozhuan records Duke Mu of Qin's death. Renhao was Duke Mu's given name. Three fine warriors of the Ziju clan were buried alive with him; the people mourned them in the "Yellow Birds" ode.
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注[一五]宋司馬，桓魋也。 自為石幟，三年不成。 孔子曰：「若是其靡也，死不如速朽之愈也。 」見禮記。
Note [15]: The Song minister of war was Huan Tui. He wasted three years carving a stone outer coffin. Confucius said such waste made quick decay preferable. Recorded in the Liji.
132
注[一七]謂周公制禮之後，仲尼自□返魯，又定之也。
Note [17]: Confucius revised the canon after returning to Lu.
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注[一八]御，止也，言猶不能止其奢侈。 墨子曰：「古者聖人制為葬埋之法，棺三寸足以朽體，衣衾三領足以覆惡。 堯葬邛之山，滿坎無窆，舜葬紀市，禹葬會稽，皆下不及泉，上無遺臭。 三王者，豈財用不足哉！」
Note [18]: "Yu" means to restrain—even Mozi could not halt lavish burial. Mozi quoted sage-era burial law: a three-cun coffin and three suits were enough. Yao, Shun, and Yu had shallow graves—no odor above, no deep shafts. Those three kings were hardly short of resources—plain burial was a choice, not poverty."
134
注[一九]替，廢也。
Note [19]: "Ti" means to abandon.
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注[二０]谷梁傳曰：「衣衾曰襚。 」音遂。
Note [20]: The Guliang zhuan defines grave clothes as "sui." Read like "sui."
136
注[二一]二妃，娥皇、女英也。 禮記曰：「舜葬於蒼梧，蓋二妃未之從也。」
Note [21]: Shun's two wives were Ehuang and Nüying. The Liji notes Shun's wives did not follow him to Cangwu.
137
注[二二]謂呂望為太師，死葬於周，其子封於齊，比五代皆反葬於周，此時同則會也。
Note [22]: Jiang Taigong's descendants kept reburying kin at Zhou when geography allowed reunion.
138
注[二三]謂舜葬於蒼梧，二妃不從。
Note [23]: Shun's wives stayed north while he lay in the south.
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注[二四]王孫者，楊王孫也。 臨終令其子曰：「吾死，可為布囊盛屍，入地七尺。 既下，從足脫其囊，以身親土。 」遂裸葬。 見前書。
Note [24]: "Wangsun" is Yang Wangsun. He told his son to sew a cloth sack for his body and bury it seven chi deep. After lowering, pull the sack off by the feet so flesh meets soil. Thus his "naked burial." See the Han shu.
140
注[二五]墨夷謂為墨子之學者名夷之。 欲見孟子。 孟子曰：「吾聞墨之治喪，以薄為其道也。 蓋上世嘗有不葬其親者，其親死，則舉而委之於壑。 」見孟子。
Note [25]: Yizhi was a Mohist disciple. He sought an audience with Mencius. Mencius knew Mohists favored austere funerals. Ancient people sometimes dumped kin in ravines—Mohism echoed that starkness. Quoted from the Mencius.
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注[二六]梁伯鸞父護寓於北地而卒，卷席而葬。 鴻後出關適吳，及卒，葬於吳要離頤傍。
Note [26]: Liang Hong's father died a guest in Beidi and was buried in a straw mat. Liang Hong later died in Wu and was buried near Yaoli's grave.
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注[二七]薄，微也。
Note [27]: "Bo" means humble or slight.
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注[二八]歸到東郡也。
Note [28]: The coffin returned to Dong commandery.
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注[二九]謝承書曰：「咨在京師病困，故吏蕭建經營之。 咨豫自買小素棺，使人取干黃土細搗篩之，聚二十石。 臨卒，謂建曰：『亡後自著所有故巾單衣，先置土於棺，內屍其中以擁其上。 』」注[三０]譬，曉也。
Note [29]: Xie Cheng records Zhao Zi dying in Luoyang while Xiao Jian arranged matters. Zhao Zi bought a plain coffin and twenty shi of sifted yellow earth in advance. He told Xiao Jian to dress him in old clothes, line the coffin with earth, then lay in the body. " Note [30]: "Pi" means to explain until understood.
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贊曰：公子、長平，臨寇讓生。 淳於仁悌，「巨孝」以名。 居巢好讀，遂承家祿。
The summation praises the Wei heir and the Changping marquis who yielded their lives to bandits. Chunyu Gong earned the title "supreme filial son." Liu Ban of Ju-chao loved books and kept his family's rank.
146
伯豫逡巡，方多孤竹。 文楚薄終，喪朽惟速。 周能感親，嗇神養福。 [一]注[一]感，思也。 謂誦詩至汝墳，思養親而求仕也。 嗇神養福謂不應辟召，以壽終也。 左傳曰：「能者養之以福。」
Liu Kai's yielding recalls the worthy recluses of Guzhu. Zhao Zi (Wenchu) chose a swift return to dust. Zhou Pan moved his mother by husbanding his strength and living long. [Note 1] "Gan" means moved by reflection. He took office after "The Banks of Ru" stirred him to support his mother. Refusing summonses preserved his lifespan. The Zuozhuan says the worthy cultivate their own good fortune.
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校勘記
Textual collation
148
一二九三頁五行樂之遁也按：集解引惠棟說，謂「遁」一作「過」。
Collation note: variant reads "passing" for "retreat" on joy.
149
一二九四頁一三行汝南薛包孟嘗按：汲本「嘗」作「常」。 王先謙謂東觀記「包」作「苞」。
Ji edition uses "chang" for the character read mengchang. Wang Xianqian notes the Dongguan ji spelling "bao" with the grass radical.
150
一二九四頁一四行至被歐杖按：汲本「歐」作「驅」。 校補謂古書「歐」亦通「驅」，驅即「驅」字，謂驅之出，不去，又杖之，故不得已而廬於捨外也。
Ji edition reads "drive off" where others read "beat." The supplement glosses the variant as "drive him out," then beating—explaining his hut outside.
151
一二九六頁二行將亨*[之]*刊誤謂案文「亨」下少一「之」字。 今據補。
Errata adds missing "him" after "boil." Supplied accordingly.
152
一二九六頁七行平狄將軍龐萌反於彭城攻敗郡守孫萌按：校補引錢大昭說，謂是時彭城非郡，不得有守，本紀作「楚郡太守」。
Qian Dazhao: Pengcheng was not a commandery seat; Annals say Chu governor.
153
一二九六頁七行被七創汲本、殿本「七」作「十」。 按：校補引錢大昭說，謂閩本作「七」。
Major editions disagree on seven versus ten wounds. Min edition keeps "seven."
154
一二九七頁四行數薦達名士承宮郇恁等殿本考證謂「郇」一本作「荀」。 今按：周黃徐姜申屠傳序作「荀」。
Variant surname graphs Xun versus Xun. Related chapter preface uses the Xun spelling.
155
一二九七頁八行給其* (廩) **[稟]*糧據刊誤改。
Line begins "supply them—" Reading "granary grain" Errata emends to "ration grain."
156
一二九七頁一０行春秋之義按：刊誤謂案文當作「義之」。 「春秋之義」它處可用，此據上下文則不安也。
Errata transposes to "meaning thereof." The stock phrase fits elsewhere but not in this context.
157
一二九八頁六行固病不起按：刊誤謂案文當作「固以病不起」。
Errata inserts "because" before illness.
158
一二九九頁八行音所買反按：「買」原斗「賈」，逕據汲本、殿本改正。
Fixed phonetic gloss misprint mai versus jia.
159
一三００頁二行賊鄉而放遣「鄉」汲本、殿本並作「矜」。 按：馬□倫謂段本說文「矜」字作「鄉」，從矛令聲，華嚴音義卷二十引同，此鄉憐可通之證。
Major editions read "pity" not "face toward." Ma Xulun cites Shuowen and Huayan yinyi for xiang or pity interchange.
160
一三００頁七行餘人皆茹草萊按：「萊」原斗「菜」，逕據汲本、殿本改正。
Emended lai wild greens for misprinted "cai."
161
一三００頁七行並得俱免按：校補謂「並」當為「遂」字之鬥。
Supplement emends "together" to "thereupon."
162
一三０一頁三行故城* (今) *在*[今]*密州安丘縣東北據汲本、殿本改。
Phrase "old city" continues with lacuna Particle "now" Location clause emended from Ji and Palace editions.
163
一三０二頁一行江革字次翁按：校補引柳從辰說，謂袁紀「次翁」作「次伯」。
Yuan ji variant courtesy Ci Bo instead of Ci Weng.
164
一三０二頁四行莫不必給殿本考證謂「必」當作「畢」。 今按：必畢同音，例得通□。 書康王之誥「畢協賞罰」，白虎通諫諍篇引作「必力賞罰」，是其證也。
Palace scholars read "all supplied" for "necessarily supplied." Homophone interchange allowed between "must" and "all." Parallel from Documents and Baihu tong illustrates bi or bi interchange.
165
一三０二頁六行語以避兵道也按：「也」原斗「地」，逕據汲本、殿本改正。
Final particle emended from misprinted "earth."
166
一三０四頁四行列侯之妻稱夫人按：汲本、殿本注此下有「列侯死子復為列侯」八字。
Ji and Palace editions carry extra gloss on marquis succession.
167
一三０五頁一三行泛勝之按：「泛」各本皆斗「汜」，逕改正。
Unified spelling Fan Shengzhi.
168
一三０五頁一三行上農區田* (大) **[法]*區方深各六寸據汲本、殿本改。
Cluster-field passage fragment Large-method gloss Emended dimensions per Ji and Palace editions.
169
一三０六頁一行華嶠書* (曰) *奪作脫也據殿本考證刪。
Hua Qiao quotation fragment Particle "says" Palace edition removes stray gloss line.
170
一三０六頁一一行遁亡七年按：集解引蘇輿說，謂自章帝建初三年至和帝永元十年，已二十年矣，故上文言「積十餘歲」。 此「七」字有誤，疑是「積」字聲近而訛。
Su Yu dates twenty-year flight versus seven-year figure. Seven may be corrupt for "accumulated."
171
一三０七頁一行言* (善無) **[何難之]*有也據汲本改。 按：殿本無此注。
Analects gloss fragment Particle "no difficulty" Ji edition restores Analects wording. Palace edition omits this commentary.
172
一三０七頁八行* (永初) *六年代張敏為司空按：集解引蘇輿說，謂上已出「永初」，明衍二字。 今據刪。
Editorial asterisk before reign tag Reign label Yongchu Su Yu deletes duplicate Yongchu prefix. Removed accordingly.
173
一三０七頁一六行前書*[杜欽]*曰據汲本補。
Ji edition restores Du Qin's name.
174
一三０八頁一一行兼浩然之氣按：「浩」原斗「皓」，逕據汲本、殿本改正。 注同。
Emended "vast" qi for misprint "bright." Same fix in commentary.
175
一三０九頁二行如今使臧吏禁錮子孫汲本、殿本「今」作「令」。 按：刊誤謂案文多一「如」字。
Major editions read imperative "let" versus "now." Errata deletes stray "like."
176
一三０九頁九行不義而富*[且貴]*據殿本補。
Palace edition adds "and noble."
177
一三０九頁一二行景慕以為法式按：此注原在「歸懷」下，據殿本移正。
Comment relocated per Palace edition.
178
一三一０頁一一行太守劉□按：校補引柳從辰說，謂桓紀「□」作「質」。
Liu Congchen fills lacuna as Liu Zhi.
179
一三一０頁一一行司徒劉矩按：集解引錢大昕說，謂據本紀，是時為司徒者乃胡廣，非劉矩也。 陳蕃傳亦同此誤。
Qian Daxin: Hu Guang held the post, not Liu Ju. Chen Fan biography repeats the mistake.
180
一三一一頁二行汝墳之卒章按：「墳」原斗「濆」，逕據汲本、殿本改正。
Emended poem title graph.
181
一三一三頁六行大司農陳奇按：汲本「奇」作「狶」，殿本作「豨」。
Ji and Palace editions write Minister Chen’s personal name with alternate graphs meaning pig or boar.
182
一三一三頁一一行妻子物余集解引惠棟說，謂蔣杲云「物余」當作「余物」。 今按：東觀記作「余物」，御覽四一二引東觀記同。 然御覽八四七引范書亦作「物余」。
Collation reverses the compound to "remaining goods." Dongguan ji and Yulan agree on "surplus goods." Another Yulan citation keeps the inverted order.
183
一三一三頁一一行干暴賢者按：校補引錢大昭說，謂閩本「暴」作「冒」。
Min edition reads "offend" for "violence."
184
一三一四頁五行抗疾京師按：刊誤謂「抗」無義，當是「被」字。
Errata emends "resist" to "afflicted by" illness.
185
一三一四頁六行告其故吏朱只按：「只」疑當作「祗」。 朱名本傳凡三見，汲本前一左從禾，後二左從衣，殿本前一後一左均從示，中一從禾，其右從氐則同。
Editors prefer the Zhu written with the altar radical. Print runs disagree on the left radical of Zhu across three occurrences.
186
一三一六頁八行故以其旗識之按：汲本「旗」作「旌」。
Ji edition reads funeral pennant as "jing" standard.
187
一三一六頁一一行士* (三) **[二]*日而殯據汲本、殿本改。
Fragment "gentlemen" with editorial asterisk Figure three in parentheses Ji and Palace editions fix the numeral for lying-in-state.
188
一三一六頁一三行天子* (七) **[五]*重據集解引沉欽韓說改，與禮喪服大記鄭注合。
Line opens Son of Heaven with asterisk Figure seven Shen Qinhan’s emendation aligns coffin count with Zheng Xuan’s Liji gloss.
189
一三一七頁五行以人魚為膏燭按：刊誤謂案文「膏」當在「為」字上。
Errata transposes "fat" before "make" for lamp fuel.
190
一三一七頁八行堯葬邛之山按：「邛」原斗「滘」，逕改正。
Corrected mountain name from misprint Jiao to Qiong.