1
鄧彪字智伯，南陽新野人，[一]太傅禹之宗也。 父邯，中興初以功封鄳侯，[二]仕至勃海太守。 彪少勵志，修孝行。 父卒，讓國於異母弟荊鳳，[三]顯宗高其節，下詔許焉。 注[一]續漢書曰：「其先楚人，鄧況始居新野，子孫以農桑為業。」
Deng Biao, whose courtesy name was Zhibo, came from Xinye in Nanyang; he belonged to the same clan as Grand Tutor Deng Yu. His father Deng Han had been enfeoffed as Marquis of Méng at the outset of the restoration for his services, and his career culminated as governor of Bohai. From boyhood Deng Biao was ambitious to better himself and practiced exemplary filial conduct. On his father's death he ceded the marquisate to a younger half-brother, Jing Feng; Emperor Ming thought highly of his moral stature and formally approved the act by edict. Commentary [1] quotes the Xù Hànshū: their forebears were from Chu; Deng Kuang was the first to settle at Xinye, and later generations lived by farming and silk raising.
2
注[二]鄳音莫庚反。
Note [2] gives the fanqie pronunciation of the place-name Méng.
3
注[三]本或無「荊」。
Note [3] remarks that some manuscript traditions omit the character "Jing."
4
注[二]胙，祭廟肉也。 禮，凡預祭，異姓則歸之胙，同姓則留之宴。 彪不預祭而賜胙，重之。
Note [2] explains zuò as the portion of sacrificial meat distributed from the ancestral temple. According to ritual, participants in the sacrifice who were not of the imperial clan took their allotted sacrificial meat home, while those of the same surname stayed for the banquet. Deng Biao had not joined the sacrifice, yet he was given sacrificial meat—a mark of exceptional honor.
5
注[三]東觀記曰「賜羊一頭，酒二石」也。
Note [3] cites the Dōngguān jì: he received one sheep and two shí of wine.
6
和帝即位，以彪為太傅，錄尚書事，賜爵關* (中) **[內]*侯。 永元初，竇氏專權驕縱，朝廷多有諫爭，而彪在位修身而已，不能有所匡正。 又嘗奏免御史中丞周紆，紆前失竇氏旨，故頗以此致譏，然當時宗其禮讓。 及竇氏誅，以老病上還樞機職，詔賜養牛酒而許焉。 五年春，薨於位，天子親臨吊臨。
When Emperor He came to the throne, Deng Biao was made grand tutor, given charge of the Masters of Writing, and awarded a noble title beginning with guān— the manuscript reads "(within)" here— —completing the title "marquis of Guānzhōng" (i.e., marquis who dwells within the passes). Early in the Yongyuan era the Dou family wielded unchecked power; though courtiers often spoke out, Deng Biao, holding high office, merely kept his own conduct in order and did nothing to correct the abuse. He once submitted a memorial to remove Imperial Secretary Zhou Xu, who had earlier crossed the Dou faction—an act that earned him censure—though contemporaries still respected him for his ritual-minded self-effacement. After the Dou were destroyed, he cited age and illness and surrendered his central responsibilities; the court sent him an ox and wine to support retirement and granted his request. In the fifth year, in spring, he died in post; the emperor came in person to offer condolences.
7
張禹字伯達，趙國襄國人也。
Zhang Yu, courtesy name Boda, was from Xiangguo in the kingdom of Zhao.
8
祖父況族姊為皇祖考夫人，[一]數往來南頓，見光武。 光武為大司馬，過邯鄲，況為郡吏，謁見光武。 光武大喜，曰：「乃今得我大舅乎！ 」因與俱北，到高邑，以為元氏令。 遷涿郡太守。 後為常山關長。 會赤眉攻關城，況戰歿。 [二]父歆，初以報仇逃亡，[三]後仕為淮陽相，終於汲令。 [四]注[一]皇祖考，鉅鹿都尉回。
His grandfather Zhang Kuang had a cousin who became consort to Emperor Guangwu's grandfather; Kuang often visited Nandun and there met the future Guangwu. When Guangwu served as grand marshal and passed through Handan, Zhang Kuang, then a commandery clerk, requested an audience. Guangwu exclaimed with delight, "Have I not at last found my wife's great-uncle! " He took him north to Gaoyi and appointed him magistrate of Yuanshi. He was later promoted to governor of Zhuo. He subsequently served as chief of the barrier post in Changshan. When the Red Eyebrows stormed the pass town, Zhang Kuang fell in the fighting. [Note 2] His father Zhang Xin had first fled the law while avenging a killing, [note 3] later became chancellor of Huaiyang, and died in office as magistrate of Ji. [Note 4] Note [1] identifies the imperial grandfather as Hui, grand commandant of Julu.
9
注[二]關，縣，屬常山郡，今定州行唐縣西北有故關邑城。 東觀記曰：「況遷涿郡太守，時年八十，不任兵馬，上疏乞身，詔許之。 後詔問起居何如，子歆對曰『如故』。 詔曰：『家人居不足贍，且以一縣自養。 』復以況為常山關長。 會赤眉攻關城，況出戰死。 上甚哀之。」
Note [2] identifies the pass as a county in Changshan; the ruins lie northwest of present-day Xingtang in Dingzhou. The Dōngguān jì records that when Zhang Kuang was raised to governor of Zhuo he was eighty and no longer fit for military duty; he asked to step down and the throne agreed. Later the court asked after his health; his son Xin answered that he was "the same as ever." The edict ran: "If family resources are insufficient, let him live on the income of one county." " Zhang Kuang was again appointed chief of the Changshan pass. When the Red Eyebrows attacked the pass, Zhang Kuang sallied forth and was killed. The emperor mourned him deeply."
10
注[三]東觀記曰：「歆守戲長，有報父仇賊自出，歆召囚詣合，曰：『欲自受其辭。 』既入，解械飲食，便發遣，遂棄官亡命，逢赦出，由是鄉里服其高義。 」與此不同。
Note [3] The Dōngguān jì tells how Xin, as chief of Xi, had a self-surrendered avenger of a father brought in, saying he would hear the confession himself. Inside the yamen he unshackled the man, fed him, and sent him free, then resigned and fled until an amnesty cleared him—the countryside admired his lofty sense of right. " This version differs from what is given here.
11
注[四]東觀記曰：「歆為相時，王新歸國，賓客放縱，干亂法禁，歆將令尉入宮搜捕，王* (自) **[白]*上，歆坐左遷為汲令，卒官。」
Note [4] The Dōngguān jì relates that while Xin was chancellor, a prince's household broke the law; Xin meant to search the palace with the magistrate and captain until the prince— on his own— —memorialized the throne; Xin was demoted to magistrate of Ji and died in that post."
12
禹性篤厚節儉。 [一]父卒，汲吏人賻送前後數百萬，悉無所受。 又以田宅推與伯父，身自寄止。 注[一]東觀記曰：「禹好學，習歐陽尚書，事太常桓榮，惡衣食。」
Zhang Yu was steadfast, generous, and abstemious by temperament. [Note 1] At his father's death the people and clerks of Ji offered hundreds of thousands in condolence money; he refused every coin. He ceded farmland and dwellings to an uncle and lived elsewhere himself. Note [1] The Dōngguān jì says he studied the Ouyang Shàngshū under Grand Master Huan Rong and was harsh with himself in dress and diet.
13
永平八年，舉孝廉，稍遷； 建初中，拜楊州刺史。 當過江行部，中土* (民) **[人]*皆以江有子胥之神，難於濟涉。 [一]禹將度，吏固請不聽。 禹厲言曰：「子胥如有靈，知吾志在理察枉訟，豈危我哉？ 」遂鼓楫而過。 歷行郡邑，深幽之處莫不畢到，親錄囚徒，多所明舉。 吏民希見使者，* (民) **[人]*懷喜悅，怨德美惡，莫不自歸焉。 注[一]酈元水經注曰，吳王賜子胥死，浮屍於江。 夫差悔，與腢臣臨江設祭，修塘道及壇，吳人因為立廟而祭焉。
In Yongping 8 he was nominated filial and incorrupt and rose through successive posts; early in the Jianchu era he became governor of Yang province. When he was to ford the Yangzi on circuit, people of the interior— commoners— —believed Master Zixu's ghost haunted the river and that the crossing was dangerous. [Note 1] As Zhang Yu prepared to embark, his staff pleaded with him not to go. Zhang Yu said sharply, "If Zixu truly has a spirit, he knows I mean to set right unjust cases—would he endanger me? " He had the oars driven and crossed. He toured every district, including the deepest backcountry, personally hearing prisoners and clearing many injustices. Locals rarely saw an imperial commissioner; the people— —were delighted; praise and blame, good report and bad, all found their way to him. Note [1] cites the Shuǐjīng zhù: King Fuchai had Zixu killed and cast his body into the Yangzi. The king repented; with his ministers he sacrificed by the river, built dikes and a mound, and the Wu people raised a shrine to Zixu there.
14
元和二年，轉兗州刺史，亦有清平稱。 三年，遷下邳相。 徐縣北界有蒲陽坡，[一]傍多良田，而堙廢莫修。 禹為開水門，通引灌溉，遂成孰田數百頃。 勸率吏民，假與種糧，親自勉勞，遂大收谷實。 鄰郡貧者歸之千餘戶，室廬相屬，其下成巿。
In Yuanhe 2 he was shifted to governor of Yan and again earned a name for honest, tranquil government. The next year he became chancellor of Xiapi. North of Xu county lay the Puyang marsh-slope, [note 1] with fine fields beside it that had silted up and gone unreclaimed. Zhang Yu opened sluices and drew in water until several hundred qǐng of fertile land were brought under the plow. He urged officials and people on, lent seed, and by his own exertions secured a bumper crop. Over a thousand indigent families from neighboring jurisdictions settled under him; dwellings crowded together until a market grew up below them.
15
後歲至墾千餘頃，民用溫給。 [二]功曹史戴閏，故太尉掾也，權動郡內。 有小譴，禹令自致徐獄，然後正其法。 [三]自長史以下，莫不震肅。 注[一]東觀記曰：「坡水廣二十里，逕且百里，在道西，其東有田可萬頃。 」「坡」與「陂」同。
Year after year they brought more than a thousand qǐng under cultivation, and the people grew warm and well fed. [Note 2] Dai Run, chief clerk of merit, had been an aide to the grand commandant and dominated local politics. For a small offense Zhang Yu made him turn himself in at the Xu county jail before sentence was passed. [Note 3] From the chief clerk down, everyone stood in disciplined awe. Note [1] The Dōngguān jì: the sheet of water was twenty lǐ across and stretched a hundred lǐ west of the road; eastward lay land for ten thousand qǐng. " The character read pō here is equivalent to bēi, a diked pond."
16
注[二]東觀記曰：「禹巡行守舍，止大樹下，食糒飲水而已。 後年，鄰國貧人來歸之者，茅屋草廬千戶，屠酤成巿。 墾田千餘頃，得谷百萬餘斛。」
Note [2] The Dōngguān jì: on tour he slept under a big tree and lived on dry provisions and water. The year after, a thousand-odd poor from neighboring commanderies arrived; thatched lanes multiplied until butchers and taverns made a fair. They reclaimed over a thousand qǐng and gathered more than a million hú of grain."
17
注[二]徐，縣名也。 東觀記曰「閏當從行縣，從書佐假車馬什物。 禹聞知，令直符責問，閏具以實對。 禹以宰士惶恐首實，令自致徐獄」也。
Note [2] identifies Xu as a county name. The Dōngguān jì: when Dai Run was to join a circuit, he borrowed a cart, horses, and kit from a secretary. Zhang Yu heard of it and had the tally officer interrogate him; Dai Run confessed. Since a ranking clerk had owned up in fear, Zhang Yu told him to surrender himself at the Xu jail."
18
永元六年，入為大司農，拜太尉，和帝甚禮之。 十五年，南巡祠園廟，禹以太尉兼□尉留守。 [一]聞車駕當進幸江陵，以為不宜冒險遠，驛馬上諫。 詔報曰：
In Yongyuan 6 he came to the capital as grand minister of agriculture, was raised to grand commandant, and Emperor He showed him exceptional deference. In year 15, when the court went south to sacrifice at the tombs, Zhang Yu as grand commandant also held—one character is missing in the text—the captaincy and stayed to guard the capital. [Note 1] Learning the train meant to push on to Jiangling, he thought the long risky route ill advised and sent a relay memorial urging caution. The throne answered:
19
「祠謁既訖，當南禮大江，會得君奏，臨漢回輿而旋。 」及行還，禹特蒙賞賜。 注[一]東觀記曰「禹留守北宮，太官朝夕送食，賜闟登具物，除子男盛為郎」也。
"Sacrifices at the tombs being done, I meant to travel south to honor the Yangzi; on your memorial I halted at the Han and turned the train back. " On the return Zhang Yu alone received extraordinary gifts. Note [1] The Dōngguān jì: he guarded the Northern Palace, the palace kitchen fed him twice daily, he received full travel gear, and his son Nan Sheng was made a gentleman cadet.
20
延平元年，遷為太傅，錄尚書事。 鄧太后以殤帝初育，[一]欲令重臣居禁內，乃詔禹捨宮中，給帷帳默褥，太官朝夕進食，五日一歸府。 每朝見，特贊，與三公絕席。 禹上言：「方諒闇密靜之時，不宜依常有事於苑囿。 [二]其廣成、上林空地，宜且以假貧民。」
In Yanping 1 he became grand tutor with authority over the Masters of Writing. The Deng empress dowager, the boy emperor having just been born, [note 1] wanted a senior minister inside the palace; she bade Zhang Yu live in the compound, with hangings, bedding, and twice-daily meals from the imperial kitchen, going home only every fifth day. Whenever he attended court he was announced separately and was given a seat apart from the three dukes. Zhang Yu memorialized: "During the mourning seclusion of liàng'ān, the ruler should not amuse himself in the hunting parks as in ordinary times. [Note 2] The vacant tracts at Guangcheng and Shanglin ought temporarily to be given to the destitute."
21
太后從之。 及安帝即位，數上疾乞身。 詔遣小黃門問疾，賜牛一頭，酒十斛，勸令就第。 其錢布、刀□、衣物，前後累至。 注[一]育，生也。
The empress dowager accepted his proposal. After Emperor An's accession he repeatedly cited illness and asked to resign. The court dispatched a junior eunuch to ask after his health, gave him an ox and ten hú of wine, and pressed him to withdraw to his house. Money, silk, blades (one character missing in the text), and garments kept arriving in successive gifts. Note [1] glosses yù as "to bear" or "to rear."
22
注[二]鄭玄注論語曰：「諒闇謂凶廬也。 」尚書曰「帝乃徂落，四海遏密八音」也。
Note [2] Zheng Xuán on the Analects: liàng'ān is the mourning shed. " The Shàngshū says, 'The emperor passed on; the four seas fell silent and the eight tones ceased.'"
23
永初元年，以定策功封安鄉侯，食邑千二百戶，與太尉徐防、司空尹勤同日俱封。 其秋，以寇賊水雨策免防、勤，而禹不自安，上書乞骸骨，更拜太尉。 四年，新野君病，[一]皇太后車駕幸其第。 禹與司徒夏勤、司空張敏俱上表言：「新野君不安，車駕連日宿止，臣等誠竊惶懼。 臣聞王者動設先置，止則交戟，清道而後行，清室而後御，[二]離宮不宿，所以重宿□也。 陛下體烝烝之至孝，親省方藥，恩情發中，久處單外，百官露止，議者所不安。 宜且還宮，上為宗廟社稷，下為萬國子民。 」比三上，固爭，乃還宮。 後連歲災荒，府臧空虛，禹上疏求入三歲租稅，以助郡國稟假。 [三]詔許之。 五年，以陰陽不和策免。
In Yongchu 1 he was enfeoffed marquis of Anxiang, with 1,200 taxable households, the same day as Grand Commandant Xu Fang and Minister of Works Yin Qin, for helping fix the succession. That autumn banditry and storms led to the edict-driven removal of Fang and Qin; uneasy, Zhang Yu asked to retire on grounds of old age but was instead made grand commandant again. In year 4 the Lady of Xinye fell ill; [note 1] the empress dowager drove in state to her house. Zhang Yu, Minister of Education Xia Qin, and Minister of Works Zhang Min jointly memorialized: "The Lady of Xinye is gravely ill, and Your Majesty has lingered at her residence for days on end; we cannot help but be deeply anxious." They wrote: "We are told that a ruler on the move prepares every detail in advance; when he stops, halberds are crossed at the gate, the route is swept before he travels, the hall is cleansed before he rests, [note 2] and he does not sleep in outlying lodges—all to show how seriously he treats spending the night away from the capital (one character missing in the text)." You embody the purest filial devotion, personally overseeing her physic; yet affection must not overturn protocol: you have stayed long in a private house while your ministers camp outdoors, which critics rightly find troubling." You should return to the palace—for the sake of the imperial shrines and the altars of state above, and for the myriad commanderies and common people below." " They tabled the memorial three times running and pressed the point until the empress dowager went back to the palace." Year after year brought famine and calamity, and the state granaries ran dry; Zhang Yu asked that three years' worth of land tax be advanced to fund relief grain and seed loans in the provinces. [Note 3] The throne approved. In the fifth year he was removed from office, the edict citing disharmony between yin and yang.
24
七年，卒於家。 使者弔祭。 除小子曜為郎中。 長子盛嗣。 注[一]鄧太后母陰氏。
In the seventh year he died in his own house. The court sent envoys to mourn and sacrifice on his behalf. His youngest son, Zhang Yao, was made a gentleman of the interior. The eldest son, Zhang Sheng, inherited the marquisate. Note [1] identifies the Lady of Xinye as the Deng empress dowager's mother, of the Yin clan.
25
注[二]前書曰：「舊典，天子行幸，所至必遣靜室令先案行，清靜殿中，以虞非常。」
Note [2] quotes the Hànshū: the ancient rule was that before the emperor lodged anywhere, a "Quiet Chamber" officer went ahead to secure and sweep the halls against surprise."
26
注[三]稟，給也。 假，貸也。
Note [3] glosses bǐng as "to issue" or "to supply." Note [3] continues: jiǎ means "to lend" (seed or grain on credit).
27
徐防字謁卿，沛國銍人也。 [一]祖父宣，為講學大夫，以易教授王莽。 [二]父憲，亦傳宣業。 注[一]銍故城，今亳州臨渙縣也。
Xu Fang, courtesy name Yeqing, came from Zhì in the kingdom of Pei. [Note 1] His grandfather Xu Xuan had been lecturer-in-chief and instructed Wang Mang in the Yìjīng. [Note 2] His father Xian continued the same scholarly line. Note [1] places old Zhì at modern Linhuan in Bozhou.
28
注[二]王莽置六經祭酒各一人，秩上卿。 長安國由為講易祭酒，宣為講學大夫，蓋當屬於祭酒也。
Note [2] explains that Wang Mang appointed six canonical libationers, each ranked as high minister. In Chang'an Guo You held the Yì libationership while Xu Xuan held the broader title of lecturer-in-chief—probably a subordinate office within that system.
29
防少習父祖學，永平中，舉孝廉，除為郎。 防體貌矜嚴，占對可觀，顯宗異之，特補尚書郎。 職典樞機，周密畏慎，奉事二帝，未嘗有過。 和帝時，稍遷司隸校尉，出為魏郡太守。 永元十年，遷少府、大司農。 防勤曉政事，所在有多。
Fang mastered his forebears' scholarship; in the Yongping era he was nominated filial and incorrupt and entered the court as a gentleman. He carried himself with austere dignity and spoke well in audience; Emperor Ming singled him out and made him a clerk of the Masters of Writing. He worked at the nerve center of policy, meticulous and wary, and served two reigns without a blemish on his record. Under Emperor He he rose to colonel of the metropolitan region, then became governor of Wei. In Yongyuan 10 he was shifted to privy treasurer and grand minister of agriculture. He was industrious and adept at administration, and left a strong record in every post he held.
30
十四年，拜司空。
In the fourteenth year he became minister of works.
31
防以五經久遠，聖意難明，宜為章句，以悟後學。 上疏曰：「臣聞詩書禮樂，定自孔子； 發明章句，始於子夏。 [一]其後諸家分析，各有異說。 [二]漢承亂秦，經典廢絕，本文略存，或無章句。 收拾缺遺，建立明經，博征儒術，開置太學。
Xu Fang argued that the five classics had grown distant and opaque, and that standardized chapter-and-verse glosses were needed to guide later scholars. His memorial began: "The Shī, Shū, Lǐ, and Yuè received their canonical form from Confucius;" while the fashion of writing out zhangjù commentary began with Zixia." [Note 1] Later schools fractured the canon, each teaching its own reading. [Note 2] The Han took over from the ruin of Qin, when the classics had nearly vanished; often only the bare text survived, sometimes with no commentary tradition. The dynasty gathered fragments, revived the canon, summoned ru scholars, and founded the Imperial Academy."
32
[三]孔聖既遠，微旨將絕，故立博士十有四家，[四]設甲乙之科，[五]以勉勸學者，所以示人好惡，改敝就善者也。 伏見太學試博士弟子，皆以意說，不修家法，[六]私兼容隱，開生奸路。 每有策試，輒興諍訟，論議紛錯，互相是非。 孔子稱『述而不作』，[七]又曰『吾猶及史之闕文』，[八]疾史有所不知而不肯闕也。 今不依章句，妄生穿鑿，以遵師為非義，意說為得理，輕侮道術，□以成俗，誠非詔書實選本意。 改薄從忠，三* (世) **[代]*常道，[九]專精務本，儒學所先。 臣以為博士及甲乙策試，宜從其家章句，開五十難以試之。
[Note 3] Because the Sage was remote and subtle doctrine was fading, fourteen doctoral chairs were set up, [note 4] with A- and B-grade examinations [note 5] to spur students—meant to signal what to honor and what to reject, and to cure shallow practice with earnest learning. Yet I see today's Academy tests letting disciples riff from personal opinion instead of adhering to a master's zhangjù, [note 6] indulging private whims and inviting fraud. Each policy exam sparks quarrels and suits; voices cross and scholars gainsay one another. Confucius praised 'transmitting without inventing,' [note 7] and said he had seen archivists leave a blank when unsure, [note 8] faulting those who would not admit ignorance but instead forced a reading. Today men ignore established glosses, invent forced readings, treat loyalty to a teacher as unprincipled, and call private guesswork insight; they despise the classics until one character is missing in the text this has become habit—far from what the throne meant by selecting genuine talent. To abandon thin cleverness for solid integrity is the enduring rule of the three— ages— —of Xia, Shang, and Zhou, [note 9] and devotion to fundamentals is what ru learning must prioritize first. I propose that doctoral examinations require each candidate's house tradition of zhangjù and add fifty challenge questions.
33
解釋多者為上第，引文明者為高說； 若不依先師，義有相伐，[一０]皆正以為非。 五經各取上第六人，論語不宜射策。 雖所失或久，差可矯革。 」[一一]詔書下公卿，皆從防言。 注[一]史記，孔子沒，子夏居西河，教弟子三百人，為魏文侯師。
Those who answer the most items correctly take top rank; those who cite the canon clearly count as superior; any answer that departs from the old teachers and pits one gloss against another, [note 10] should simply be marked incorrect. Each classic should advance six winners; the Analects should not be tested by random slip drawing. Even if bad habits are old, they can still be bent back toward the good." " [Note 11] The edict went to the high ministers, who endorsed Xu Fang's plan. Note [1] cites the Shǐjì: after Confucius's death Zixia taught west of the River and became Marquis Wen of Wei's tutor.
34
注[二]前書：「仲尼沒而微言絕，七十子喪而大義乖，故春秋為五，詩分為四，易有數家之傳。」
Note [2] quotes the Hànshū on how the canon splintered after Confucius and his disciples passed away.
35
注[三]武帝時開學官，置博士弟子員也。
Note [3] refers to Emperor Wu's founding of academic officers and doctoral disciples.
36
注[四]漢官曰：「光武中興，恢弘稽古，易有施、孟、梁丘賀、京房，書有歐陽和伯、夏侯勝、建，詩有申公、轅固、韓嬰，春秋有嚴彭祖、顏安樂，禮有戴德、戴聖。 凡十四博士。 太常差選有聰明威重一人為祭酒，總領綱紀也。」
Note [4] lists Guangwu's fourteen doctoral lines in the five classics—Shi, Meng, Liangqiu, Jing Fang for Yì; Ouyang and two Xiahous for Shū; three Odes masters; two Chunqiu masters; two Dai for Lǐ— fourteen chairs in total. The chamberlain for ceremonials singled out one man of intelligence and dignity as libationer to oversee the entire program.
37
注[五]前書曰：「歲課甲科四十人為郎中，乙科二十人為太子舍人，丙科四十人補文學掌故。」
Note [5] quotes the Hànshū quotas for annual A-, B-, and C-grade graduates.
38
注[六]諸經為業，各自名家。
Note [6] explains that each scripture formed a separate professional lineage.
39
注[七]但述先聖之言，不自製作。
Note [7] glosses Confucius's "transmitting" as passing on earlier sages without inventing doctrine.
40
注[八]古者史官於書事，有不知則闕，以待能者。 孔子言「吾少時猶及見古史官之闕文，今則無之」，疾時多穿鑿也。 見論語也。
Note [8] says ancient scribes left lacunae when uncertain. Confucius remarked that in his youth archivists still admitted ignorance with blanks, but no longer—attacking willful over-reading. The gloss points to the Analects.
41
注[九]太史公曰：「夏之政忠。 忠之敝，小人以野，故殷人承之以敬。 敬之敝，小人以鬼，故周人承之以文。 文之敝，小人以僿，故救僿莫若以忠。 三王之道若循環，周而復始。 」僿音西志反，史記「僿」或作「薄」。
Note [9] quotes the Grand Scribe's cyclical theory: Xia government was marked by earnestness (zhōng). Its excess drove common men to coarseness, so Shang replaced it with reverence. Reverence's flaw was superstition, so Zhou answered with ritual refinement. Culture's flaw was slick superficiality; the cure was to recover earnestness. Thus the three dynasties rotated like a wheel, each correcting the last. Note [9] also gives the fanqie for sì and notes a variant "thin" in the Shǐjì.
42
注[一０]伐謂自相攻伐也。
Note [10] explains fá as mutual contradiction between interpretations.
43
注[一一]東觀記防上疏曰：「試論語本文章句，但通度，勿以射策。 冀令學者務本，有所一心，專精師門，思核經意，事得其實，道得其真。 於此弘廣經術，尊重聖業，有益於化。 雖從來久，六經衰微，學問寖淺，誠宜反本，改矯其失。」
Note [11] the Dōngguān jì version: examine the Analects by text and gloss, demand competence, but abandon the slip lottery. Let scholars fix on fundamentals, commit to one school, weigh the sense of the canon until facts and principle align. That would magnify canonical study and dignify the sage's legacy, to the good of customs. Even though the rot is old and the six classics have thinned, it is time to return to roots and straighten the abuse."
44
十六年，拜為司徒。 延平元年，遷太尉，與太傅張禹參錄尚書事，數受賞賜，甚見優寵。
In the sixteenth year he became minister of education. In Yanping 1 he rose to grand commandant and, with Grand Tutor Zhang Yu, jointly directed the Masters of Writing; honors and gifts flowed to him and he basked in imperial favor.
45
防卒，子衡當嗣，讓封於其弟崇。 數歲，不得已，乃出就爵雲。
At his death his son Heng was due to inherit, but ceded the title to a younger brother, Chong. After some years, unable to refuse longer, Heng finally accepted a noble title at Yun (the text is abbreviated).
46
張敏字伯達，河閒鄚人也。 [一]建初二年，舉孝廉，四遷，五年，為尚書。 注[一]鄚，今瀛州縣也。 音莫。
Zhang Min, courtesy name Boda, was a native of Mao in Hejian. [Note 1] Nominated filial and incorrupt in Jianchu 2, promoted four times, by Jianchu 5 he was a clerk of the Masters of Writing. Note [1] identifies Mào as a county in modern Yingzhou. The name is pronounced mò.
47
建初中，有人侮辱人父者，而其子殺之，肅宗貰其死刑而降宥之，[一]自後因以為比。 是時遂定其議，以為輕侮法。 敏駁議曰：「夫輕侮之法，先帝一切之恩，不有成科班之律令也。 夫死生之決，宜從上下，猶天之四時，有生有殺。 若開兼容恕，著為定法者，則是故設奸萌，生長罪隙。 孔子曰：『民可使由之，不可使知之。 』[二]春秋之義，子不報讎，非子也。 [三]而法令不為之減者，以相殺之路不可開故也。 今托義者得減，妄殺者有差，使執憲之吏得設巧詐，非所以導『在丑不爭』之義。 [四]又輕侮之比，□以繁滋，至有四五百科，轉相顧望，彌復增甚，難以垂之萬載。 臣聞師言：『救文莫如質。 』故高帝去煩苛之法，為三章之約。 建初詔書，有改於古者，可下三公、廷尉蠲除其敝。 」議寢不省。 敏復上疏曰：「臣敏蒙恩，特見拔擢，愚心所不曉，迷意所不解，誠不敢苟隨觿議。 臣伏見孔子垂經典，戲陶造法律，[五]原其本意，皆欲禁民為非也。 未曉輕侮之法將以何禁？ 必不能使不相輕侮，而更開相殺之路，執憲之吏復容其奸枉。 議者或曰：『平法當先論生。 』臣愚以為天地之性，唯人為貴，殺人者死，三代通制。 今欲趣生，反開殺路，一人不死，天下受敝。 記曰：『利一害百，人去城郭。 』夫春生秋殺，天道之常。 春一物枯即為災，[六]秋一物華即為異。 [七]王者承天地，順四時，法聖人，從經律。 願陛下留意下民，考尋利害，廣令平議，天下幸甚。 」和帝從之。 注[一]貰，寬也，音示夜反。
Early in Jianchu a man killed another who had insulted his father; Emperor Zhang spared him execution and reduced the sentence, [note 1] and later courts treated it as binding precedent. The case law came to be known as the "insult statute." Zhang Min objected: "The insult rule was a one-time act of mercy from a past emperor, not a finished code with proper articles. Life-and-death judgments must follow a clear hierarchy, like the seasons that both nurture and slay. To codify sweeping indulgence is to plant malice and widen loopholes for wrongdoing. Confucius said, "The common people may be led along a path they cannot be made to understand in depth. " [Note 2] The Chunqiu tradition holds that a son who fails to avenge his father is no true son. [Note 3] The written law does not lighten such homicides precisely because private vengeance must not be licensed. If righteous motive wins a reduction while wanton killing is graded otherwise, magistrates can play favorites—hardly the way to teach "no brawling among kin and neighbors." [Note 4] Worse, insult-case precedents have multiplied—one character missing—into four or five hundred sub-rules, cross-referenced and still growing, unfit to be a permanent code. My teacher used to say, "When refinement runs wild, return to plain substance." " Hence Gaozu swept away intricate Qin statutes and left only the three-article oath. Whatever in the Jianchu edicts departed from ancient rigor should be referred to the three excellencies and the commandant of justice for repeal of its abuses." " The board tabled his protest and took no action. Zhang Min wrote again: "I owe Your Majesty singular favor, yet what I fail to grasp I dare not gloss over for the sake of consensus. Confucius transmitted the canon while Gao Yao set up the penal code, [note 5] both intending to keep people from crime. What evil, then, is the insult statute meant to prevent? It cannot stop mutual taunts, yet it widens the path to blood feud and invites judicial corruption. Some argue, "Mercy should come first when balancing the statutes. " I hold that among all creatures man alone is sacred: a life-taker forfeits his own—common law since the three ages." To bend the law toward mercy only opens the door to private killing; spare one murderer and the whole country pays for it. The classic warns: favor one man, harm a hundred, and the people will flee the cities. Spring nurtures and autumn cuts down: that is the way of nature. A lone withered stalk in spring is an ill omen, [note 6] and a stray blossom in autumn is taken as a portent— [note 7] because the king stands between heaven and earth, follows the seasons, imitates the sages, and heeds statute and canon. We ask you to think of the people below, sift real gain from real loss, and widen consultation; nothing would do the realm more good." Emperor He accepted Zhang Min's view. Note [1] glosses shì as "pardon" or "leniency" and gives its fanqie reading.
48
注[二]由，從也。 言設政教，可但使人從之，若知其本末，愚者或輕而不行。 事見論語也。
Note [2] explains yóu as "to follow" in the sense of compliance. Confucius means that policy can require outward compliance without full understanding; if everyone saw the full rationale, the simple might treat the law lightly and disobey. The allusion is explained in the Analects.
49
注[三]公羊傳曰：「父不受誅，子復讎可也。 」注云：「不受誅，罪不當誅也。」
Note [3] quotes the Gōngyáng zhuàn: when the father was wrongly condemned, the son may take revenge. The sub-commentary adds: "Not liable to execution" means the killing was unjust under the statutes.
50
注[四]導，教也。 丑，類也。
Note [4] glosses dǎo as "to guide" or "to teach." Note [4] continues: chǒu means "one's own kind" or "peers."
51
注[五]史游急就篇曰「戲陶造獄法律存」也。
Note [5] cites Shǐ Yóu's primer: "Gāo Yáo built the prisons; the statutes endure."
52
注[六]禮記月令曰「孟春行夏令，則風雨不時，草木早落」也。
Note [6] quotes the Yueling: spring commands out of season bring storms at the wrong time and early defoliation.
53
注[七]月令曰「仲秋行春令，則秋雨不降，草木生榮，國乃有恐」也。
Note [7] adds the Yueling parallel for autumn: untimely spring weather brings drought, odd growth, and fear in the land.
54
九年，拜司隸校尉。 視事二歲，遷汝南太守。 清約不煩，用刑平正，有理能名。
In the ninth year he became colonel of the metropolitan region. Two years into the post he was raised to governor of Runan. He ran a lean administration, kept sentencing fair, and was known as a capable, principled magistrate.
55
坐事免。 延平元年，拜議郎，再遷穎川太守。 *[永初元年]*，征拜司空，在位奉法而已。 視事三歲，以病乞身，不聽。 六年春，行大射禮，陪位頓僕，乃策罷之。 [一]因病篤，卒於家。 注[一]東觀記載策曰：「今君所苦未瘳，有司奏君年體衰羸，郊廟禮儀仍有曠廢。
He lost his post over an incident. In Yanping 1 he entered the court as a consultant, then moved up to governor of Yingchuan. Yongchu 1 brought a summons to the capital as minister of works, where he simply enforced the statutes. Three years into the ministry he asked to resign for illness; the throne would not hear of it. In spring of the sixth year he fainted while attending the grand archery rite, and an edict thereupon dismissed him from office. [Note 1] He died at home when his illness turned critical. Note [1] the Dōngguān jì quotes the edict: your sickness lingers, the board says you are too frail for the suburban sacrifices, and rites are still being skipped.
56
鼎足之任不可以缺，重以職事留君。 其上司空印綬。」
The ministry is one leg of the tripod of state and cannot long stand empty; nonetheless we have pressed you to stay for the workload. You are therefore to return the seals and ribbons of the minister of works."
57
胡廣字伯始，南郡華容人也。 [一]六世祖剛，清高有志節。 平帝時，大司徒馬宮辟之。 值王莽居攝，剛解其衣冠，縣府門而去，遂亡命交址，隱於屠肆之閒。
Hu Guang, courtesy name Boshi, came from Huarong in Nan commandery. [Note 1] Six generations back, Hú Gāng was celebrated for moral purity and steadfast resolve. Under Emperor Ping, Grand Minister of Education Mǎ Gōng tried to recruit him. When Wang Mǎng took the regency, Hú Gāng hung his official dress on the gate and walked away, fleeing to Jiāozhǐ and living incognito among butchers.
58
後莽敗，乃歸鄉里。 父貢，交址都尉。 注[一]華容，縣，故城在今荊州東。
Only after Mǎng's fall did he go home. His father, Hú Gòng, had served as colonel of Jiāozhǐ. Note [1] places Huarong east of modern Jīngzhōu.
59
廣少孤貧，親執家苦。 [一]長大，隨輩入郡為散吏。 太守法雄之子真，從家來省其父。 真頗知人。 會歲終應舉，雄□真助*[其]*求* (其) *才。 雄因大會諸吏，真自於牖閒密占察之，乃指廣以白雄，遂察孝廉。 既到京師，試以章奏，安帝以廣為天下第一。 [二]旬月拜尚書郎，五遷尚書僕射。 注[一]襄陽耆舊記，廣父名寵，寵妻生廣，早卒，寵更娶江陵黃氏，生康，字仲始。
Hú Guǎng lost his father in poverty and shouldered the household drudgery himself. [Note 1] As an adult he followed his peers into the commandery yamen as a low-ranking clerk. Fǎ Zhēn, son of Magistrate Fǎ Xióng, arrived from the family estate to see his father. Fǎ Zhēn had a knack for sizing people up. At year's end, when nominations were due, Fǎ Xióng had Zhēn help scout— their— —for talent. Fǎ Xióng assembled the staff; Zhēn watched from a side window, singled out Hú Guǎng, and told his father, who thereupon nominated Guǎng as filial and incorrupt. At the capital he was tested on memorial style, and Emperor Ān ranked his paper the best in the land. [Note 2] Within ten days he was a gentleman clerk of the Masters of Writing; five steps up the ladder made him vice director. Note [1] the Xiāngyáng qíjiù jì names his father Chǒng, records Chǒng's first wife dying after bearing Guǎng, and notes a second wife surnamed Huáng who bore Kāng, courtesy Zhòngshǐ.
60
注[二]謝承書曰：「廣有雅才，學究五經，古今術蓺皆畢覽之。 年二十七，舉孝廉。 」續漢書曰「故事，孝廉高第，三公尚書輒優* (文) **[之]*，特勞來其舉將，於是公府下詔書勞來雄焉。 及拜郎，恪勤職事，所掌* (辯) **[辨]*護」也。
Note [2] Xiè Chéng's history calls him broadly learned in the five classics and the arts of antiquity and his own day. He was nominated filial and incorrupt at twenty-seven. " The Xù Hànshū adds: when a nominee scored at the top, the high ministers habitually sent a special— literary— —commendation to the man who had recommended him, which is why the ministries issued an edict praising Fǎ Xióng. Once a gentleman cadet, he was meticulous in every assignment he— argument— —handled meant drafting and defending memorials."
61
順帝欲立皇后，而貴人有寵者四人，莫知所建，議欲探籌，以神定選。 廣與尚書郭虔、史敞上疏諫曰：「竊見詔書以立後事大，謙不自專，欲假之籌策，決疑靈神。 篇籍所記，祖宗典故，未嘗有也。 恃神任筮，既不必當賢； 就值其人，猶非德選。 夫岐嶷形於自然，[一]俔天必有異表。 [二]宜參良家，簡求有德，德同以年，年鈞以貌，稽之典經，斷之聖慮。 [三]政令猶汗，往而不反。 [四]詔文一下，形之四方。 [五]臣職在拾遺，憂深責重，是以焦心，冒昧陳聞。」
Emperor Shùn needed a new empress but favored four ladies equally; some proposed casting lots and leaving the choice to the gods. Hú Guǎng, Guō Qián, and Shǐ Chǎng objected: the edict says the empress is too weighty a choice for you to settle alone, so you would trust slips and spirits— yet neither the classics nor ancestral precedent ever sanctioned such a method. Spirits and yarrow cannot guarantee virtue in a consort; even a lucky draw would not amount to choosing on moral grounds. The Odes praise a child "ke-yi"—clear-eyed from birth, [note 1] and a woman fit to wed the Son of Heaven ought to show heaven-marked distinction. Note [2] Draw from reputable houses, test for character, break ties by age and then by bearing, check the ritual canon, and let your own judgment settle the matter. Note [3] Policy, like sweat, does not go back into the body once it is out. Note [4] An edict, once published, is read in every quarter of the realm. Note [5] Remonstrance is our duty; the stakes leave us no choice but to speak plainly.
62
帝從之，以梁貴人良家子，定立為皇后。 注[一]詩云：「克岐克嶷。 」鄭玄注云：「岐岐然意有所知也。 其貌嶷然，有所識別也。」
The emperor accepted the advice and raised the Lady of Liáng, a woman of unblemished family, as empress. Note [1] quotes the Shī: "Ke-qí, ke-yì"— " Zhèng Xuán glosses the reduplication as precocious awareness— and yì as a bearing by which the child could be known."
63
注[二]俔音苦見反。 說文曰：「俔，譬諭也。 」詩云：「文王嘉止，俔天之妹。」
Note [2] gives the fanqie for qiàn. The Shuōwén defines qiàn as "likeness" or "analogy." " The Shī applies the word to King Wén's bride: "like Heaven's younger sister."
64
文王聞太姒之賢則美之。 言大邦有子女，譬天之有女弟，故求為配焉。
King Wén praised Tàisī when he heard of her virtue. The image is that a great house has daughters as if Heaven itself had a sister to offer in marriage.
65
注[三]左傳曰「昔先王之命曰：『王后無嫡，則擇立長，年鈞以德，德鈞以卜』」也。
Note [3] quotes the Zuǒ zhuàn on how to pick an heir or consort when several candidates tie.
66
注[四]易曰：「渙汗其大號，王居無咎。 」劉向曰「汗出而不反」者也。
Note [4] cites the Yì: the king's great proclamation spreads like sweat— " and Liú Xiàng glosses it as irreversible once issued."
67
注[五]形，見也。
Note [5] explains xíng as "to make visible" or "to publish."
68
時尚書令左雄議改察舉之制，限年四十以上，儒者試經學，文吏試章奏。 廣復與敞、虔上書駁之，曰：「臣聞君以兼覽博照為德，[一]臣以獻可替否為忠。 [二]書載稽疑，謀及卿士； [三]詩美先人，詢於芻蕘。 [四]國有大政，必議之於前訓，諮之於故老，[五]是以慮無失策，舉無過事。 竊見尚書令左雄議郡舉孝廉，皆限年四十以上，諸生試章句，文吏試箋奏。 [六]明詔既許，復令臣等得與相參。 竊惟王命之重，載在篇典，[七]當令縣於日月，固於金石，遺則百王，施之萬世。 詩云：『天難諶斯，不易惟王。 』可不慎與！ [八]蓋選舉因才，無拘定制。 六奇之策，不出經學； [九]鄭、阿之政，非必章奏。 [一０]甘、奇顯用，年乖強仕； [一一]終、賈揚聲，亦在弱冠。 [一二]漢承周、秦，兼覽殷、夏，祖德師經，參雜霸軌，[一三]聖主賢臣，世以致理，貢舉之制，莫或回革。 今以一臣之言，僄戾舊章，[一四]便利未明，觿心不猒。 [一五]矯枉變常，政之所重，而不訪台司，不謀卿士。 若事下之後，議者剝異，異之則朝失其便，同之則王言已行。 臣愚以為可宣下百官，參其同異，然後覽擇勝否，詳采厥衷。 敢以瞽言，冒干天禁，[一六]惟陛下納焉。 」帝不從。 注[一]即明四目，達四聰也。
Director Zuǒ Xióng of the Masters of Writing wanted to cap nominations at forty, test scholars on zhāngjù and clerks on draft memorials. Hú Guǎng, Shǐ Chǎng, and Guō Qián replied that a ruler's excellence is breadth of counsel [note 1] and a minister's loyalty is to improve what can be improved and discard what cannot. Note [2] The Shū speaks of resolving doubts with the high ministers. Note [3] The Shī praises rulers who consulted the humblest subjects. Note [4] Great affairs demand precedent and the advice of old hands, [note 5] lest policy misfire or action go astray. They noted that Zuǒ's plan—age floor of forty, examinations for students and clerks—[note 6] had already been blessed by edict and that the three writers were now asked to concur. Note [6] The throne has already assented in writing and now bids us take part in the discussion. Royal commands belong in the canon, [note 7] fixed as the luminaries and durable as bronze and stone, a pattern for every reign to come. The Shī says: "Heaven is hard to read, and for no one is wielding kingship easy— —how could you not treat such a matter with the utmost care?" Note [8] Talent should rule selection, not mechanical rules. The "six marvels" of statecraft were not all products of the lecture hall; [note 9] nor did the governance of Zǐchǎn in Zhèng turn on formal memorials alone. Note [10] Gān Luó and similar prodigies served the throne long before the canonical forty; [note 11] Zhōng Jūn and Jiǎ Yì were already famous in early youth. Note [12] The Han drew on Zhōu and Qín, looked back to Yīn and Xià, paired moral example with canonical study, and blended true-king with hegemon policy, [note 13] so that wise rulers and good ministers kept good order while the nomination system stayed intact. Now a single minister's proposal would wrench the old code out of shape; [note 14] the advantage is still unclear, [note 15] and young men of talent have not had their fill of resentment. Note [15] Correcting abuse is the heart of governance, yet no one asked the three excellencies or the senior ministers. Once the edict is promulgated, a split vote embarrasses the court, while unanimous rubber-stamp leaves an irreversible mistake. Better to circulate the plan to every bureau, compare views, then pick the sound middle course. We venture this blunt counsel despite the taboo on unsolicited advice, [note 16] and ask Your Majesty to accept it. The emperor rejected their memorial. Note [1] glosses the phrase as widening the ruler's sight and hearing in every direction.
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注[二]左傳曰，齊晏子曰：「君所謂可而有否焉，臣獻其否，以成其可。 君所謂否而有可焉，臣獻其可，以去其否。」
Note [2] quotes Yan Ying: a good minister completes the ruler's half-formed judgments. Yan Ying completes the thought: present the workable side of a "no" and the unwelcome side of a "yes."
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注[三]稽，考也。 考正疑事，謀及卿士。 見尚書。
Note [3] explains jī as careful examination. The gloss paraphrases the Shū: settle doubts with the high ministers. The commentator points to the Documents.
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注[四]詩大雅曰：「先人有言，詢於芻蕘。 」注云：「詢，謀也。 芻蕘，薪采者也。 言有疑事，當與薪采者謀之也。」
Note [4] cites the Dàyǎ: consult even the humblest before deciding. The sub-comment defines xún as deliberation. Chú ráo denotes the poorest laborers who gather fuel. The moral: do not disdain the lowest counsel when the issue is unclear.
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注[五]國語叔向曰：「國有大事，必順於典刑，而訪於耇老，而後行之。」
Note [5] gives Shū Xiàng's formula for great affairs—law first, elders second, then action.
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注[六]周成雜字曰：「箋，表也。 」漢雜事曰：「凡腢臣之書，通於天子者四品：
Note [6] defines jiān as a formal memorial table. The Hàn záshì lists four grades of document that reach the throne.
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一曰章，二曰奏，三曰表，四曰駁議。 章者需頭，稱『稽首上以聞』。 謝恩陳事，詣闕通者也。 奏者亦需頭，其京師官但言『稽首言』，下『稽首以聞』，其中有所請，若罪法劾案，公府送御史台，卿校送謁者台也。 表者不需頭，上言『臣某言』，下言『誠惶誠恐，頓首頓首，死罪死罪』，左方下附曰『某官臣甲乙上』。」
They are zhāng, zòu, biǎo, and counter-memorial (bóyì). A zhāng uses the formal header and ends with "I kowtow and report for Your Majesty's hearing." It serves thanks and routine business submitted at the palace gate. A zòu uses the same header; capital officials write "I kowtow and speak" and add the closing formula, and it carries requests or impeachments routed through the censorate or gate offices. A biǎo omits the xū head, opens with "Your minister X speaks," closes with the full ritual humility formula, and names office and signer at the left margin.
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注[七]禮記曰：「動則左史書之，言則右史書之。 」尚書曰：「王言惟作命，弗言，臣下罔由稟令。 」又曰：「令出惟行，不惟反。」
Note [7] cites the Lǐjì on left and right scribes recording deed and word. The Shū stresses that royal silence leaves ministers without orders. Edicts, once spoken, must run forward and cannot be recalled.
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注[八]詩大雅也。 諶，信也。 斯，詞也。 天之意難信矣，不可改易者天子也。
Note [8] identifies the quotation as from the Greater Odes. Note [8] glosses chén as "trustworthy." Sī is a grammatical particle in the line. The line means heaven's will is inscrutable, but the king's decree is final.
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注[九]前書陳平設六奇策以佐高祖。
Note [9] recalls Chén Píng's six stratagems for Gāozǔ.
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注[一０]說苑曰：「子產相鄭，內無國中之亂，外無諸侯之患也。 子產從政也，擇能而使之。 晏子化東阿，三年，景公召而數之，晏子請改道易行。 明年上計，景公迎而賀之，晏子對曰：『臣前之化東阿也，屬托不行，貨賂不至，君反以罪臣。 今則反是，而更蒙賀。 』景公下席而謝。」
Note [10] praises Zǐchǎn's domestic peace and secure borders. He governed by appointing talent. Yàn Yǐng's first stint at East Āpí drew blame; he asked to change methods. The next year the duke congratulated him; Yàn explained his honest first term versus a corrupt second. The duke apologized for misjudging him. Note [11] sets up Gān Luó's mission at twelve for Qín against Zhào.
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注[一一]史記曰，秦欲與燕共伐趙，以廣河閒之地。 甘羅年十二，使於趙，說趙王立割五城，以廣河閒，秦乃封羅為上卿。 說苑曰，子奇年十八，齊君使主東阿，東阿大化。 禮記曰：「四十強而仕。」
The boy diplomat won five cities and a top minister's seal. Zǐqí at eighteen supposedly transformed East Āpí for Qí. The Lǐjì fixes forty as the age for taking office. Note [12] tells Zhōng Jūn at eighteen vowing to bind the king of Yuè.
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注[一二]前書，終軍年十八，為博士弟子，自請願以長纓必羈南越王而致之闕下。 上奇其對，擢為諫大夫，往說越。 越聽命，天子大悅。 賈誼年十八，以誦詩屬文稱於郡中，文帝召為博士。
The court marveled and sent him south as remonstrant. Yuè submitted; the emperor rejoiced. Jiǎ Yì at eighteen entered as an erudite for his literary brilliance. Note [13] quotes Xuān-dì: the Han mixed kingly virtue with hegemonic firmness.
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注[一三]宣帝曰：「漢家自有制度，本以霸王道雜理之。」
Note [14] explains piào as shaving away or overturning.
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注[一四]僄，削也。 戾，乖也。
Note [14] explains lì as "run counter to." Note [15] reads yàn as satisfaction or acceptance.
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注[一五]猒，服也。
Note [16] defines gǔ as physical blindness.
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注[一六]瞽，無目者也。 不察人君顏色而言，如無目之人也。 孔子曰：「未見顏色而言謂之瞽。 」干，犯也。
Speaking blind to the ruler's mood is likened to sightlessness. The Analects supplies Confucius's line on reading the ruler's face. Gān means to intrude or offend. When Chénliú needed a governor, clerks of the Masters of Writing led by Shǐ Chǎng nominated Hú Guǎng.
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時陳留郡缺職，尚書史敞等薦廣。 曰：「臣聞德以旌賢，[一]爵以建事，[二]『明試以功』，典謨所美，[三]『五服五章』，天秩所作，[四]是以臣竭其忠，君豐其寵，[五]舉不失德，下忘其死。 竊見尚書僕射胡廣，體真履規，謙虛溫雅，博物洽聞，探賾窮理，六經典奧，舊章憲式，無所不覽。 柔而不犯，文而有禮，[六]忠貞之性，憂公如家。 不矜其能，不伐其勞，翼翼周慎，行靡玷漏。 密勿夙夜，[七]十有餘年，心不外顧，志不苟進。 臣等竊以為廣在尚書，劬勞日久，後母年老，既蒙簡照，宜試職千里，匡寧方國。 [八]陳留近郡，今太守任缺。
Their memorial invoked merit-based appointment and canonical precedent. They praised his learning, modesty, loyalty, and decades of flawless service. They described him as supple yet principled, cultured yet ritual-minded, tireless and incorrupt. He sought no credit and broke no rule through seventy years at the center. They argued he had earned a provincial test of his talents while caring for an aged stepmother. Chénliú was near the capital and the post stood empty. They asked to place him where he could reform lax customs and set a moral example. The memorial opens by tying virtue, rank, statutory examination, and ritual dress to proper Han governance.
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廣才略深茂，堪能撥煩，願以參選，紀綱頹俗，使束修守善，有所勸仰。 」注[一]旌，明也。 書曰「德懋懋官」也。
It then paints Hu Guang as modest, learned, utterly reliable, and free of self-aggrandizement through decades at the bureau. Note [1] explains jīng as "to illuminate" worthy men. The Shū line links abundant virtue with abundant offices.
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注[二]能建立事則與之爵。
Note [2] ties noble rank to demonstrable achievement.
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注[三]明白考試之，有功者則授之以官。 舜典、咎繇□皆有此言，故云「典□所美」也。
Note [3] paraphrases trial by merit from Shùn and Gāo Yáo. Hence the phrase "what the canons praise."
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注[四]五服謂天子、諸侯、卿、大夫、士之服也。 五者之服必須章明。 尚書咎繇謨曰：「天秩有禮，自我五禮有庸哉。 天命有德，五服五章哉。 」秩，序也。
Note [4] lists the five ranks of ceremonial dress. Emblems must distinguish each rank clearly. The Gāo Yáo mò passage orders ritual and charged dress. Heaven assigns virtue; five garments show five insignia. Zhì is glossed as orderly rank.
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注[五]豐，厚也。
Note [5] explains fēng as generous reward.
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注[六]柔而不犯謂性和柔而不可犯以非義也。
Note [6] praises gentle firmness: amiable but not corruptible.
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注[七]密勿，僶勉。
Note [7] equates mìwù with diligent striving.
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注[八]詩云：「厥德不回，以受方國。」
Note [8] quotes the Shī on steady virtue winning the regional lords.
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廣典機事十年，出為濟陰太守，以舉吏不實免。 復為汝南太守，入拜大司農。
After ten years directing the Masters of Writing he governed Jìyīn, then fell for a bad personnel nomination. He returned as governor of Rǔnán, then became grand minister of agriculture.
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漢安元年，遷司徒。 質帝崩，代李固為太尉，錄尚書事。 以定策立桓帝，封育陽安樂鄉侯。 以病遜位。 又拜司空，告老致仕。 尋以特進征拜太常，遷太尉，以日食免。 復為太常，拜太尉。
Hàn'an 1 made him minister of education. On Zhì-dì's death he succeeded Lǐ Gù as grand commandant with Masters of Writing authority. He was enfeoffed for helping enthrone Huán-dì. Illness made him step down once. He served again as minister of works, then retired formally on age. The court recalled him as specially advanced, then grand commandant; a solar eclipse cost him that post. He rotated back through grand master of ceremonies to grand commandant again.
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延熹二年，大將軍梁冀誅，廣與司徒韓演、司空孫朗坐不□宮，皆減死一等，奪爵土，免為庶人。 後拜太中大夫、太常。 九年，復拜司徒。
In Yánxī 2, after the general-in-chief Liáng Jì was executed, he and Ministers Hán Yǎn and Sūn Lǎng were held responsible for a palace-security lapse; all were spared execution by one degree, stripped of noble lands, and reduced to commoners. He was later appointed grand counselor and grand master of ceremonies. In the ninth year he became minister of education again.
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靈帝立，與太傅陳蕃參錄尚書事，復封故國。 以病自乞。 會蕃被誅，代為太傅，總錄如故。
When Emperor Líng was enthroned he joined Grand Tutor Chén Fān in jointly directing the Masters of Writing and recovered his former fief. He asked to retire citing illness. After Chén Fān was executed he succeeded him as grand tutor, with the same overall responsibility for the documents.
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時年已八十，而心力克壯。 [一]繼母在堂，朝夕瞻省，傍無幾杖，言不稱老。 [二]及母卒，居喪盡哀，率禮無愆。 性溫柔謹素，常遜言恭色。 [三]達練事體，明解朝章。 雖無謇直之風，屢有補闕之益。 故京師諺曰：「萬事不理問伯始，天下中庸有胡公。 」[四]及共李固定策，大議不全，[五]又與中常侍丁肅婚姻，以此譏毀於時。 注[一]盛弘之荊州記曰「菊水出穰縣。 芳菊被涯，水極甘香。 谷中皆飲此水，上壽百二十，七八十者猶以為夭。 太尉胡廣所患風疾，休沐南歸，恆飲此水，後疾遂瘳，年八十二薨」也。
By then he was eighty, yet his mind and strength were still robust. Note [1] His stepmother still lived in the family hall; morning and evening he attended her, kept neither bench nor staff at his side, and never spoke of himself as old. Note [2] When she died he observed the full mourning rites without slipping from the prescribed observances. By nature he was mild, careful, and plain, always deferential in speech and respectful in demeanor. Note [3] He was thoroughly versed in administrative routine and had a clear grasp of court regulations. Though he lacked the blunt edge of outspoken remonstrance, his memorials repeatedly supplied what policy had left out. Hence the capital rhyme: "When nothing can be settled, ask Boshi; in all the world the man of the middle way is Lord Hu." Note [4] Yet when he and Lǐ Gù together fixed the succession, the great council did not reach a clean conclusion, [note 5] and because he had married into the family of the palace attendant Dīng Sù, contemporaries reviled him. Note [1] Shèng Hóngzhī's Jingzhou Record begins: chrysanthemum spring water rises in Rǎng county. Fragrant chrysanthemums line its banks, and the water is famously sweet. The whole valley drinks it; centenarians are common, and a man who dies at seventy or eighty is still counted as having died young. Grand Commandant Hú Guǎng suffered wind illness; on southern leave he drank this water constantly, recovered, and died at eighty-two—the story concludes here.
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注[二]禮記曰：「夫為人子者，恆言不稱老。」
Note [2] The Record of Rites says a filial son should never call himself "old" in speech.
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注[三]遜，順也。
Note [3] glosses xùn as "to yield" or "to comply."
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注[四]庸，常也。 中和可常行之德也。 孔子曰：「中庸之為德，其至矣乎！」
Note [4] explains yōng as "constant" or "normative." The Doctrine of the Mean names a steady, balanced virtue that can be lived day by day. Confucius calls the golden mean the supreme excellence of character."
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注[五]質帝崩，固為太尉，與廣及司空趙戒議欲立清河王蒜。 梁冀以蒜年長有德，恐為後患，盛意立蠡吾侯志。 廣﹑戒等懾憚不能與爭，而固與杜喬堅守本議。
Note [5] sets the scene: after Zhì-dì's death, Lǐ Gù, Hú Guǎng, and Zhào Jiè favored Prince Suàn of Qinghé. Liáng Jì thought Suàn too grown and able; he pushed hard for the boy Zhì of Lǐyī. Hú Guǎng and Zhào Jiè quailed and would not fight, while Lǐ Gù and Dù Qiáo stood fast on their first choice.
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注[二]謝承書曰：「鹹字符卓，汝南西平人。 孤特自立。 家貧母老，常躬耕稼以奉養。 學魯詩﹑春秋公羊傳﹑三禮。 三府並辟，司徒胡廣舉茂才，除高密令，政多奇異，青州表其狀。 建寧三年，自大鴻臚拜太尉。 自在相位，約身率下，常食脫粟飯﹑醬菜而已。 不與州郡交通。 刺史﹑二千石箋記，非公事不發省。
Note [2] introduces Zhào Jiè (written with the salt radical), a poor scholar from Rǔnán. He had no family backing and made his own way. He farmed with his own hands to feed an aging mother. His learning covered the Lǔ Shī, the Gōngyáng Zhuàn, and the three ritual classics. All three high offices recruited him; Hú Guǎng nominated him as màocái, and as magistrate of Gāomì his rule drew notice as remarkable enough for Qīngzhōu to memorialize. Jiànníng 3 raised him from grand herald to grand commandant. In office he lived plainly—millet and pickles were his usual fare. He refused private ties with local governors. He opened no letters from inspectors or governors unless they concerned official duty.
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以老乞骸骨，見許，悉還所賜物，乘敝牛車，使子男御。 晨發京師，百僚追送盈塗，不能得見。 家舊貧狹，庇蔭草廬。」
Retiring for age, he returned every imperial gift, climbed into a patched ox-cart, and let his son take the reins. He left before light while the whole bureaucracy crowded the streets but never reached him. His home was a mean thatched shelter—so Xie's text ends."
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初，楊雄依虞箴作十二州二十五官箴，[一]其九箴亡闕，後涿郡崔駰及子瑗又臨邑侯劉騊駼增補十六篇，廣復繼作四篇，文甚典美。 乃悉撰次首目，為之解釋，名曰百官箴，凡四十八篇。 其餘所著詩﹑賦﹑銘﹑頌﹑箴﹑吊及諸解詁，凡二十二篇。 注[一]楊雄傳曰：「箴莫大於虞箴，故遂作九州箴。 」左傳曰，昔周辛甲之為太史也，命百官官箴王闕，於虞人之箴曰：「芒芒禹多，畫為九州。 經啟九道，人有寢廟，獸有茂草，各有攸處，德用不擾，在帝夷羿，冒於原獸，忘其國恤，而思其麀牡。 武不可重，用不恢於夏家，獸臣司原，敢告僕夫。」
Yáng Xióng's regional admonitions inspired a tradition: [note 1] nine were missing until Cuī Yīn, Cuī Yuán, and Liú Táotóu added sixteen, and Hú Guǎng capped the series with four especially fine pieces. He collated the whole corpus with headnotes and commentary under the title Bǎiguān zhēn—forty-eight sections. Besides those, his poems, fu, inscriptions, hymns, zhēn, dirges, and philological notes fill twenty-two further titles. Note [1] cites Yáng Xióng: the Yù zhēn model launched his Jīuzhōu set. The Zuǒ zhuàn tells how Xīn Jiǎ had officers admonish royal faults; the forester's piece begins with Yǔ's nine provinces. It warns that men and beasts each need their domain, while rulers who hunt to excess forget the altars of state. The refrain ends: overreliance on arms ruined Xià; the forester reports to the charioteer."
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熹平六年，靈帝思感舊德，乃圖畫廣及太尉黃瓊於省內，詔議郎蔡邕為其頌雲。
Xīpíng 6: Líng-dì honored Hú Guǎng and Huáng Qióng with palace portraits and commissioned Cài Yōng's commemorative ode.
107
[一]注[一]謝承書載其頌曰：「巖巖山嶽，配天作輔。 降神有周，生申及甫。 允茲漢室，誕育二後。 曰胡曰黃，方軌齊武。 惟道之淵，惟德之藪。 股肱元首，代作心膂。 天之烝人，有則有類。 我胡我黃，鐘厥純懿。 巍巍特進，仍踐其位。 赫赫三事，七佩其紱。 奕奕四牡，沃若文轡。
Note [1] opens the Xù Hànshū ode: peaks that match heaven as the state's pillars. Zhou's line produced Shēn and Fǔ—classic paragons. The ode blesses the Han for rearing two such consorts. Hú and Huáng ride side by side, matched in dignity. They plumb the Way and gather virtue like water in a deep marsh. They served as the ruler's limbs, then as his inmost counsel. Heaven fashions human types by pattern and class. The ode hails Hú and Huáng and prays their purity will echo down the ages. The specially advanced treads once more his honored step. The three great offices blaze; their seal-ribbons shine. Four matched horses gleam; ornamented reins lie smooth.
108
袞職龍章，其文有蔚。 參曜干台，窮寵極貴。 功加八荒，腢生以遂。 超哉邈乎，莫與為二！」
Dragon blazon on the dǎn robe burns clear in the brocade. They shared the radiance of the high hall and climbed to the summit of honor. Their merit reached the eight directions; courtiers below them thrived. Lofty beyond compare—second to none, the ode proclaims."
109
論曰：爵任之於人重矣，全喪之於生大矣。 懷祿以圖存者，仕子之恆情； 審能而就列者，出身之常體。 [一]夫紆於物則非己，直於志則犯俗，[二]辭其艱則乖義，徇其節則失身。 [三]統之，方軌易因，險塗難御。 [四]故昔人明慎於所受之分，□□於岐路之閒也。 [五]如令志行無牽於物，臨生不先其存，後世何貶焉？ [六]古人以宴安為戒，豈數公之謂平？ [七]注[一]列，位也。
The historian's essay weighs how heavy rank sits on a man—and how great it is to surrender life for principle. Holding a stipend to stay alive is the usual habit of career men. Testing one's capacity before accepting a post is the common rule of entering office. [Note 1] Bend to circumstance and you cease to be your own man; stand straight and you collide with fashion; [note 2] refuse hardship and you betray duty; cling to austerity and you may lose your life. [Note 3] In short, the level highway invites steady progress; the cliff road tempts a fall. [Note 4] So wise men weighed what share of power they could bear and paused where the roads forked—two characters are missing in the manuscript. [Note 5] Had they kept intent free of entanglement and met death without clutching life, later ages would have had little to reproach. [Note 6] The classics call soft living deadly—perhaps that warning fits these figures after all. [Note 7] Note [1] glosses liè as "rank" or "post."
110
注[二]紆，曲也。
Note [2] explains yū as "crooked" or "compromised."
111
注[三]徇，營也。
Note [3] explains xùn as "to chase gain" or "to angle for advantage."
112
注[四]統者，總論上事也。 方軌謂平路也。 若履平路，易可因循； 如踐險塗，則難免顛覆也。
Note [4] says tǒng here means a summation of the points above. The image of "parallel ruts" is a level highway. On flat ground one can keep to the rut; on a precipice one rarely escapes a spill.
113
注[五]呈材效職，則受之分明矣。 □□，疑不前之貌也。 明其分，則不可妄進。
Note [5] once merit and office align, one's proper share is obvious. The lacuna suggests the look of halting, unable to advance. Knowing one's limit blocks reckless ambition.
114
注[六]守志直道，視死如歸，則後之人何從而貶責矣。
Note [6] adds: hold to principle unto death, and posterity has no censure left.
115
注[七]左傳曰：「宴安酖毒，不可懷也。」
Note [7] quotes the Zuǒ warning against clinging to soft pleasures."
116
贊曰：鄧﹑張作傅，無咎無譽。 敏正疑律，防議章句。 胡公庸庸，飾情恭貌。
The verse appraisal: the Deng and Zhāng chapters record men neither famed nor infamous. Zhāng Mǐn fixed muddled law; Xú Fāng fought for canonical glosses. Lord Hú's easy temper masked intent behind a mask of courtesy.
117
朝章雖理，據正或橈。 [一]注[一]橈，曲也，易曰「棟橈凶」也。
The statutes looked tidy, yet the straight path could still twist. Note [1] glosses ráo as "warped," citing the Yì's "bent rafter" omen."
118
校勘記
Section heading: textual collation notes.
119
一四九五頁一０行在所以二千石奉終其身按：王先謙謂東觀記「在所」作「所在」。
Collation: Wáng Xiānqián argues the Dōngguān reading should be "where located" rather than the received graph.
120
一四九六頁三行賜爵關* (中) **[內]*侯據汲本改。 按：刊誤謂案漢無關中侯，「中」當作「內」。
Collation note on the fragmentary noble title. Manuscript gloss: "within." Editorial note: restore "inner" for the marquis title per the Jí edition. The Kānwù entry argues "within the passes" is a scribal error for "inner."
121
一四九六頁六行天子親臨吊臨殿本考證王會汾雲上「臨」字疑衍。 今按：上「臨」字訓澠，下「臨」字讀如「臨於大宮」之「臨」，同字異訓，非衍文也。
Collation: editors debate duplicated lín in "mourn and condole." The comment defends two different readings of the same character rather than deletion.
122
一四九七頁五行王* (自) **[白]*上據汲本﹑殿本改。
Collation on the fragment "wang" before the verb "memorialized above." Alternate reading: "himself" (for the graph). Editorial restoration: "memorialized" rather than "king."
123
一四九七頁一０行當過江行部中土* (民) **[人]*皆以江有子胥之神李慈銘謂「中土民」及下文「民懷喜悅」兩「民」字皆本當作「人」，此類皆宋以後校者妄以為章懷諱避而誤改之。 今據改。
Collation on "central plain people" versus "people." Manuscript note: graph should be rén. Lǐ Címíng argues Song editors wrongly changed rén to mín. The text is corrected per that argument.
124
一四九七頁一三行* (民) **[人]*懷喜悅據殿本改。
Collation lacuna marker. Graph variant note. Palace edition restores rén.
125
一四九八頁六行食糒飲水而已按：汲本﹑殿本「食糒」下有「音憊糗也干飯屑」七字，當原為小注而混入注中也。 聚珍本東觀記亦衍「干飯屑」三字。
Editors note absorbed marginal glosses on bèi. The Jùzhēn Dōngguān jì repeats the error.
126
一四九八頁一一行以為不宜冒險遠按：李慈銘謂「冒險遠」不成句，「遠」下當有「行」字。
Lǐ Címíng supplies a missing xíng after yuǎn.
127
一五０一頁三行三* (世) **[代]*常道據汲本改。 按：刊誤謂「世」與「代」全別，緣太宗諱，遂更「世」為「代」。 此合作「代」字，乃誤為「世」，蓋後人知此書中「世」字率皆換「代」，乃欲稍還正之，遂誤為此字也。
Collation on "three ages" fragment. Manuscript gloss. Restore dài for shì per Jí edition. Tang taboo explains shì for dài. Later copyists mixed taboo reversions.
128
一五０二頁五行六經衰微按：「六」原斗「大」，逕據汲本﹑殿本改正。
The editor replaces the miswritten graph for "great" with the correct graph for "six."
129
一五０二頁七行其年以災異寇賊策免按：沉家本謂按防之免在永初元年秋，此傳上言延平元年，又言安帝即位，而不著永初元年，則「其年」雲者似即延平元年，未免稍疏。
Shěn Jiāběn dates Xú Fáng's removal to Yǒngchū 1; the narrative's "that year" is imprecise.
130
一五０四頁八行*[永初元年]*征拜司空錢大昭謂敏代周章為司空，本紀在永初元年，「征拜」上當有「永初元年」四字，下文「六年」二字乃有根，否則下六年竟似延平六年矣，南監本不誤。 今據補。
Qián Dàzhāo supplies the missing reign date before the summons. The editors add the phrase.
131
一五０四頁一二行六世祖剛按：集解引惠棟說，謂渚宮故事「剛」作「綱」。
Huì Dǒng cites a variant that writes the ancestor's name with the "silk" radical, implying "cord" rather than "firm."
132
一五０五頁三行雄□真助*[其]*求* (其) *才據汲本﹑殿本改。
Collation on lacunae in the Fǎ Xióng passage. Manuscript parenthesis. The line ends with "talent," corrected in the Jí and palace recensions.
133
一五０五頁八行輒優* (文) **[之]*特勞來其舉將據汲本改。 按：校補謂勞來舉將正所以優此孝廉，其舉將，明謂孝廉舉主也，且勞來由公府下詔書，非三公得自以文勞來之，作「文」誤。
Collation on the phrase "always honor" (text damaged). Manuscript gloss: the graph should be "literary" (wén). Editors restore "them" and read the phrase as commending the sponsors of the nominees. The Jiāobǔ note explains why wén is wrong: praise of the recommender came by public edict, not by private "literary" letters from the three dukes.
134
一五０五頁八行所掌* (辯) **[辨]*護也據汲本﹑殿本改。
Collation on "what he oversaw" (lacuna). Gloss: the graph should be biàn (debate, disputation). Editors read the compound as biànhù, "to argue a case in defense," per Jí and palace texts.
135
一五０六頁三行年鈞以德按：「鈞」原斗「均」，逕改正。
The note records that the character for "even" was mistakenly written for the graph meaning "equal in age"; the received text corrects the slip.
136
一五０六頁一五行不謀卿士按：「謀」原斗「博」，逕據汲本﹑殿本改正。
Collation restores móu from a miswritten bó.
137
一五０七頁一二行臣下罔由稟令按：校補引柳從辰說，謂今書說命「由」作「攸」。
Editors note a variant in the Shàngshū passage: yóu versus yōu.
138
一五０八頁一一行臣聞德以旌賢按：集解引蘇輿說，謂「德」疑作「官」。
Sū Yú suggests dé might be a corruption of guān.
139
一五０八頁一二行天秩所作按：「作」原斗「祚」，逕據汲本﹑殿本改正。
Collation replaces a miswritten zuò with zuò in the sense of "ordain."
140
一五０八頁一三行探賾窮理按：「賾」原斗「頤」，逕據汲本﹑殿本改正。
Collation restores zé from a miswritten yí.
141
一五一０頁五行大議不全按：刊誤謂案文「議」當作「義」。
The Kānwù note argues yì fits better than yì "deliberation."