1
孔子曰：「性相近也，習相遠也。 」言嗜惡之本同，而遷染之塗異也。 [一]夫刻意則行不肆，牽物則其志流。 [二]是以聖人導人理性，裁抑宕佚，慎其所與，節其所偏，雖情品萬區，質文異數，至於陶物振俗，其道一也。 [三]叔末澆訛，王道陵缺，[四]而猶假仁以效己，憑義以濟功。 舉中於理，則強梁簡氣； 片言違正，則□台解情。 蓋前哲之遺塵，有足求者。 [五]注[一]嗜猶好也。 惡音烏故反。 言人好惡，各有本性，遷染者，由其所習。 尚書曰：「唯人生厚，因物有遷。 」墨子曰：「墨子見染絲者，泣而歎曰：『染於蒼則蒼，染於黃則黃，故染不可不慎也。 非獨染絲然也，國亦有染。 湯染於伊尹，故王天下； 殷紂染於惡來，故國殘身死，為天下僇。 』」注[二]刻意，刻削其意不得自恣也。 莊子曰：「刻意尚行，離時異俗。 」行音下孟反。 肆猶族縱也。 牽物謂為物所牽制，則其志流宕忘反也。 淮南子曰：「非拘緊牽連於物，而不與推移也。」
Confucius said, "Human natures start much alike; it is habit that sets them wide apart." That is to say, what we love and hate begins from a common ground, yet the influences that reshape us diverge. [1] When the mind is rigidly disciplined, behavior stays within bounds; when outer things pull you about, your purpose loses its anchor. [2] Hence the sage teaches people to align character with reason, reins in recklessness and indulgence, chooses companions with care, and checks one-sided excess. Dispositions may differ in countless ways, and plainness or polish may not match the same scale, yet in shaping conduct and renewing the age, the underlying path is single. [3] In that decadent tail-end of the age, morals thinned and twisted and the royal road gave way, [4] yet rulers still wore humanity as a mask for self-display and invoked duty as a lever for ambition. When policy accords with right principle, the violent and proud are humbled; when a single skewed phrase departs from the straight path, even a low-born go-between can bend the truth of the case to suit himself. The footprints the ancients left behind still repay our study. [5] Note [1]: here shi means "to be fond of" or "to crave." The character wu (惡) in this sense is read like wu in the fanqie pair wu-gu. The point is that attraction and aversion rest on innate disposition, while what shifts and stains character is whatever habit has ingrained. The Book of Documents says, "Man alone is richly endowed at birth, yet circumstance moves him this way and that." " Mozi records how he watched a silk dyer weep and sigh: 'Soak it in indigo and it turns indigo; soak it in yellow and it turns yellow—so the vat you choose is never a small matter.'" Silk is not the only thing that takes a dye; whole kingdoms do as well.' Tang absorbed the influence of Yi Yin and so came to rule the world; the last king of Shang took his color from Wu Lai, and so his realm was torn apart, he perished in disgrace, and posterity holds him up as a warning.' '" Note [2]: "forcing the mind" means chiseling intent until it cannot run loose." Zhuangzi says, "Those who mortify the mind and make a cult of conduct cut themselves off from their own times and stand apart from common ways." " The word xing (行) here is read with the xia-meng fanqie gloss." Here it signifies wanton excess, the kind that lets a whole faction run unchecked. "Pulled about by externals" means letting things steer you until your purpose wanders off and never finds its way back. The Huainanzi puts it differently: true freedom is not clinging so tight to things that you cannot move with the times.
2
注[三]陶謂陶治以成之。 管子曰：「夫法之制人，猶陶之於埴，冶之於金也。」
Note [3]: tao here means shaping and firing, as a potter completes the ware. Guanzi says that law shapes a people the way a potter shapes clay or a founder tempers metal.
3
埴音植。
The character zhi (埴, "potter's clay") is read like zhi (植).
4
注[四]叔末猶季末也。 謂當春秋之時。
Note [4]: shu mo means the closing phase of an era, like the last month of a season. That is, the late Spring and Autumn age.
5
注[五]褫猶奪也，音直紙反。 □台，賤人也。 齊侯伐楚，楚子使與師言曰：「君處北海，寡人南海，唯是風馬牛不相及也，不虞君之涉吾地也。 何故？ 」管仲對曰：「爾貢苞茅不入，王祭不供，無以縮酒，寡人是征。 」對曰：「貢之不入，寡君之罪也。 」遂使屈完與齊盟於召陵。 此強梁褫氣也。 又晉呂甥、卻苪將焚公宮而殺晉侯，寺人披請見，公使讓之，且辭曰：「汝為惠公來求殺余，命汝三宿，汝中宿而至。 雖君有命，何其速也？ 」對曰：「臣謂君之入也，其知之矣。
Note [5]: chi (褫) means to wrest away; pronounce it with the zhi-zhi fanqie. The word tai denotes a person of mean station; the manuscript is damaged at the preceding graph. When the marquis of Qi marched against Chu, the king of Chu sent a spokesman to the invaders: "You hold the north, we the south; even the winds of our pastures would never have brought our herds together. We never thought you would set foot on our soil." What brings you here? " Guan Zhong answered, "You have failed to send the bundled reeds owed as tribute, so the royal house cannot prepare its libations. That is what we have come to call you to account for. " The envoy replied, "If the tribute never arrived, the fault lies with our ruler. " Qu Wan was then sent to conclude a pact with Qi at Shaoling." That episode shows how the violent are made to swallow their pride. Again, when Lü Sheng and Xi Rui of Jin plotted to burn the palace and murder their lord, the eunuch Pi asked to see Duke Wen. The duke sent word of rebuke: "When you served Duke Hui and came hunting my life, I told you to wait three days, yet you showed up on the second night." Even under orders, why were you in such haste? " Pi answered, "I assumed that by the time you returned, you would already have understood.
6
若猶未也，又將及難。 君命無二，古之制也。 除君之惡，唯力是視，蒲人狄人，余何有焉。 今君即位，其無蒲、狄乎？ 」此為□台解情也。 並見左傳。
If you still do not, fresh calamity will overtake you. A ruler's order brooks no divided loyalty—that was the ancient rule. To purge evil from one's lord, one brings whatever force one has; whether you were the man of Pu or the man of Di meant nothing to me. Now that you sit on the throne, must I still treat you as the exile of Pu or Di? " That is how a petty broker can twist the truth and still carry the day." Both anecdotes appear in the Zuo Commentary.
7
霸德既衰，狙詐萌起。 [一]強者以決勝為雄，弱者以詐劣受屈。 至有畫半策而綰萬金，開一說而錫琛瑞。 [二]或起徒步而仕執珪，解草衣以升卿相。 [三]士之飾巧馳辯，以要能釣利者，不期而景從矣。 [四]自是愛尚相奪，與時回變，其風不可留，其敝不能反。 注[一]霸德衰謂六國時也。 狙音七余反。 廣雅曰：「狙，獮猴也。 」以其多詐，故比之也。
When the moral force of the hegemons waned, sly trickery sprouted everywhere. [1] The powerful counted triumph everything; the weak survived only by guile, and paid for it in humiliation. Men could sketch half a scheme and walk away weighed down with gold, or float a single persuasion and receive gems from a ruler's hand. [2] Some marched straight from the road to the court with jade baton in hand; others shed their peasant cloaks and stepped straight into the ranks of chief ministers. [3] Scholars who polished clever words and raced through debate to win patronage and angle for profit found a host of followers gathering like shadows without being called. [4] After that, rival schools of fashion tore at one another and shifted with every season; the momentum could not be halted, and the rot could not be rolled back. Note [1]: the waning of hegemonic virtue means the era of the Warring States. Ju (狙) is read with the qi-yu fanqie. The Guangya defines ju as the macaque— "—and because the creature is full of guile, strategists are compared to it."
8
注[二]蘇秦說趙王，賜白壁百雙，黃金萬鎰。 虞卿一見趙王，賜白璧一雙，黃金百鎰。 見史記及戰國策。
Note [2]: Su Qin talked his way into the favor of the king of Zhao and received a hundred pairs of white jades and ten thousand yi of gold. Yu Qing won a single audience with the same king and walked out with a pair of white disks and a hundred yi of gold. Both stories are recorded in the Shiji and the Zhanguo ce.
9
注[三]史記曰，楚惠王言「莊舄，越之鄙細人也，今仕楚執珪，貴富矣」。 解草衣謂范睢、蔡澤之類。
Note [3]: the Shiji quotes King Hui of Chu remarking that Zhuang Xi had been a nobody from the Yue backwoods yet now served Chu with jade baton in hand, rich and honored. "Shedding the rush cloak" describes men such as Fan Ju and Cai Ze.
10
注[四]韓子李斯曰「韓非飾辯詐謀，以釣利於秦」也。 賈誼過秦曰「贏糧而景從」也。
Note [4]: as Han Fei's school and Li Si put it, Han Fei "varnished clever argument and cunning plots to angle for gain in Qin." Jia Yi's Faulting Qin speaks of men who "shouldered dry rations and followed like a shadow."
11
及漢祖杖□，武夫□興，憲令寬賒，文禮簡闊，緒余四豪之烈，人懷陵上之心，[一]輕死重氣，怨惠必讎，令行私庭，權移匹庶，任俠之方，成其俗矣。 [二]自武帝以後，崇尚儒學，懷經協術，所在霧會，至有石渠分爭之論，黨同伐異之說，守文之徒，盛於時矣。
Under the Han founder, who took the realm with sword in hand, a breed of fighting men came to the fore; laws grew lax and ceremony thin, yet the glamour of the four great patrons of retainers still hung in the air. Men nursed ambitions to climb over their betters, [1] held life cheap and honor dear, and answered every slight with blood feud. Orders were obeyed in private mansions rather than at court, and real power slipped into the hands of commoners until the ethos of the knight-errant had woven itself into the fabric of society. [2] After Emperor Wu, Confucian scholarship became the fashion; men who hugged the classics and brandished technical expertise flocked together everywhere. Debates at the Stone Canal Pavilion split schools against one another, "ally with your own kind and smite the rest" became a habit, and the literalists who clung to the written word dominated the age.
12
[三]至王莽專偽，終於篡國，忠義之流，恥見纓紼，遂乃榮華丘壑，甘足枯槁。
[3] When Wang Mang's counterfeit virtue gave way to outright usurpation, men of loyalty and principle blushed to wear the hat-strings of office; many chose renown in mountain seclusion and accepted a life of dry austerity rather than serve him.
13
[四]雖中興在運，漢德重開，而保身懷方，彌相慕襲，去就之節，重於時矣。 [五]逮桓靈之閒，主荒政繆，國命委於閹寺，士子羞與為伍，故匹夫抗憤，處士橫議，遂乃激揚名聲，互相題拂，品核公卿，裁量執政，婞直之風，於斯行矣。 [六]注[一]四豪謂信陵君魏公子無忌、平原君趙勝、春申君黃歇、孟嘗君田文。 前書班固曰：「游談者以四豪為稱首。」
[4] Even after fate restored the Han and imperial virtue stirred again, the ideal of guarding one's integrity and holding fast to principle was more admired than ever; the choice whether to serve or withdraw had become the measure of a man. [5] Between Emperors Huan and Ling, the throne idled while policy ran off the rails, and the life of the state was handed to the palace eunuchs. Educated men loathed sharing their company, so ordinary citizens vented their outrage and recluses aired sharp opinions until students and scholars began trading praise, passing judgment on high ministers and weighing the conduct of those in power—an unbending moralism that now swept the land. [6] Note [1]: the "four heroes" are Lord Xinling (Wei Wuji), Lord Pingyuan (Zhao Sheng), Lord Chunshen (Huang Xie), and Lord Mengchang (Tian Wen). Ban Gu observed in the Hanshu that wandering persuaders "ranked the four patrons foremost in their boasting."
14
注[二]前書音義曰：「相與信為任，同是非為俠，所謂權行州域，力折公侯者也。」
Note [2]: the Hanshu yinyi defines the knight-errant ethos as "keeping faith with friends is 'bearing responsibility'; sharing the same verdict on right and wrong is 'chivalry'—the type who throws weight across whole regions and can humble even nobles with sheer force of character."
15
注[三]武帝詔求賢良，於是公孫弘、董仲舒等出焉。 宣帝時，集諸儒於石渠閣，講論六蓺。 召五經名儒太子蕭望之等大議殿中，平公羊、谷梁同異，同己者朋黨之，異己者攻伐之。 劉歆書曰：「黨同門，妒道真。」
Note [3]: Emperor Wu's call for worthy men brought forth figures such as Gongsun Hong and Dong Zhongshu. Under Emperor Xuan the court gathered Confucian scholars at the Stone Canal Pavilion to debate the six classical arts. Noted masters of the Five Classics, including the heir apparent's tutor Xiao Wangzhi, were summoned to the palace to settle the quarrel between the Gongyang and Guliang traditions; scholars who agreed banded together, while those who disagreed were set upon. Liu Xin complained that they "clung to classmates and begrudged anyone who held the genuine teaching."
16
注[四]謂襲勝、薛方、郭欽、蔣詡之類，並隱居不應莽召。
Note [4]: Gong Sheng, Xue Fang, Guo Qin, Jiang Xu, and their like withdrew to seclusion and ignored Wang Mang's calls to office.
17
注[五]謂逢萌、嚴光、周黨、尚長之屬。
Note [5]: Feng Meng, Yan Guang, Zhou Dang, Shang Chang, and similar men who shunned the Later Han court.
18
注[六]婞，狠也，音邢鼎反。
Note [6]: xing (婞) means stubborn or harsh; read it with the xing-ding fanqie.
19
夫上好則下必甚，矯枉故直必過，其理然矣。 [一]若范滂、張儉之徒，清心忌惡，終陷黨議，不其然乎？ 注[一]禮記曰：「下之事上也，不從其所令，從其所行。 上好是物，下必有甚者矣。 」矯，正也。 正枉必過其直，見孟子。
Whatever the ruler favors, the people will push to extremes; bend a bow too far the other way and you overshoot the mark—that is simply how things work. [1] Think of Fan Pang and Zhang Jian, men who kept their hearts clean and loathed wickedness, yet still ended in the coils of the partisan proscriptions—was that not inevitable? Note [1]: the Liji says, "Those below do not mirror their superiors' orders so much as their superiors' deeds." Whatever the ruler singles out for praise, the people will pursue to fanatical lengths. Jiao means to set something straight. Mencius observes that in straightening a bend you inevitably overshoot the true line.
20
初，桓帝為蠡吾侯，受學於甘陵周福，及即帝位，擢福為尚書。 時同郡河南尹房植有名當朝，鄉人為之謠曰：「天下規矩房伯武，因師獲印周仲進。 」二家賓客，互相譏揣，[一]遂各樹朋徒，漸成尤隙，由是甘陵有南北部，黨人之議，自此始矣。
In his youth, while still marquis of Liwu, Emperor Huan had studied under Zhou Fu of Ganling; once he took the throne he raised Zhou Fu to the post of imperial secretary. Fang Zhi of the same commandery, then serving as governor of Henan, was a leading name at court, and local folk sang: "Fang Bowu sets the standard for the realm; Zhou Zhongjin owes his seal to his teacher." " The clients of the two camps traded barbs until each side recruited its own following and bad blood hardened; Ganling split into rival "southern" and "northern" cliques, and talk of "factions" dates from that moment."
21
後汝南太守宗資任功曹范滂，南陽太守成□亦委功曹岑晊，[二]二郡又為謠曰：
Later Zong Zi, governor of Runan, left real authority to his merit assessor Fan Pang, while Cheng Jin of Nanyang did the same with Cen Zhi; [2] the two regions circulated another rhyme:
22
「汝南太守范孟博，南陽宗資主畫諾。 南陽太守岑公孝，弘農成□但坐嘯。 」[三]因此流言轉入太學，諸生三萬餘人，郭林宗、賈偉節為其冠，[四]並與李膺、陳蕃、王暢更相□重。 學中語曰：「天下模楷李元禮，不畏強禦陳仲舉，天下俊秀王叔茂。 」又渤海公族進階、[五]扶風魏齊卿，並危言深論，不隱豪強。 [六]自公卿以下，莫不畏其貶議，屣履到門。 注[一]初委反。
"Fan Mengbo runs Runan; in Nanyang Zong Zi merely initials what Fan has already decided." "Cen Gongxiao runs Nanyang; Cheng Jin of Hongnong need only lean back and whistle while Cen runs the show." " [3] The gossip soon reached the Imperial Academy, where more than thirty thousand students looked to Guo Tai (Linzong) and Jia Biao (Weijie) as their leaders, [4] and together with Li Ying, Chen Fan, and Wang Chang they traded unstinting praise." A student slogan ran: "Li Ying (Yuanli) is the measure of the age; Chen Fan (Zhongju) fears no bully; Wang Chang (Shumao) is the finest mind in the land." " Gongzu Jinjie of Bohai [5] and Wei Qiqing of Fufeng joined them, airing blunt truths and searching critiques without sparing the mighty." [6] From the highest ministers on down, everyone dreaded their censure; notables would hurry to their doors in disheveled haste, slippers half on. Note [1]: read with the chu-wei fanqie gloss.
23
注[二]音質。
Note [2]: pronounce like zhi (質).
24
注[三]謝承書曰「成□少修仁義，篤學，以清名見。 舉孝廉，拜郎中，遷南陽太守。 郡舊多豪強，中官黃門盤* (牙) **[互]*境界。 □下車，振威嚴以撿攝之。
Note [3]: Xie Cheng records that Cheng Jin from boyhood pursued benevolence and duty, studied with single-minded zeal, and won notice for an unsullied name. Recommended filial and incorrupt, he entered the palace corps and rose to governor of Nanyang. Nanyang had always bristled with powerful houses, while palace eunuchs of the Yellow Gate were tangled* (the gloss ya (牙) suggests interlocking "fang-teeth," i.e. mutually entrenched power) with them across local boundaries—the text is damaged here.) When Cheng Jin took up his post, he moved at once to awe the clans into order and bring them under control.
25
是時桓帝乳母、中官貴人外親張子禁，怙恃貴埶，不畏法網，功曹岑晊勸使捕子禁付宛獄，笞殺之。 桓帝征□，下獄死。 宗資字叔都，南陽安觿人也。 家代為漢將相名臣。 祖父均，自有傳。 資少在京師，學孟氏易、歐陽尚書。 舉孝廉，拜議郎，補御史中丞、汝南太守。 署范滂為功曹，委任政事，推功於滂，不伐其美。 任善之名，聞於海內」也。
Zhang Zijin, the wet nurse's kin tied by marriage to an influential inner-court eunuch, swaggered above the law until Cen Zhi, the merit assessor, had him dragged to the Wan jail and beaten to death. The emperor summoned Governor Cheng to the capital; he never left prison alive. Zong Zi, known as Shudu, came from Anxi in Nanyang commandery. His house had supplied noted generals and chief ministers to the Han for generations. His grandfather Zong Jun has a separate biography in this history. As a young man in the capital he mastered the Meng commentary on the Changes and the Ouyang recension of the Documents. Recommended filial and incorrupt, he rose through the consultant corps to imperial secretary and finally governor of Runan. He named Fan Pang merit assessor, handed him the reins of administration, and always credited Fan for successes while refusing to advertise his own part. Thus he won a reputation, heard across the realm, for trusting able men."
26
注[四]冠猶首也。
Note [4]: here it means they stood at the head of the company.
27
注[五]公族，姓也，名進階。 風俗通曰：「晉成公立嫡子為公族大夫。 」韓無忌號公族穆子，見左氏傳。
Note [5]: Gongzu is the clan name and Jinjie the personal name. The Fengsu tongyi records that Duke Cheng of Jin appointed his heir-apparent grandee of the ducal kindred." Han Wuji bore the title Grandee Muzhi of the ducal clan; the Zuo Commentary tells his story."
28
注[六]危言謂不畏危難而直言也。 論語孔子曰：「邦有道，危言危行。」
Note [6]: the gloss takes wei yan as blunt speech that does not flinch from risk. Confucius says in the Analects that when the realm is well ordered, one may speak and act boldly."
29
時河內張成善說風角，推占當赦，遂教子殺人。 李膺為河南尹，督促收捕，既而逢宥獲免，膺愈懷憤疾，竟案殺之。 初，成以方伎交通宦官，帝亦頗誶其占。
Zhang Cheng of Henei, a master of wind-angles astrology, foretold an impending amnesty and urged his son to commit murder in the belief the boy would walk free. Li Ying, as governor of Henan, pressed for the killer's arrest, but an amnesty spared him. Li Ying's rage only deepened until he had the man tried and put to death anyway. Zhang Cheng had long curried favor with the eunuchs through his arts, and the emperor himself had begun to scoff at his prophecies.
30
成弟子牢修因上書誣告膺等養太學游士，交結諸郡生徒，更相驅馳，共為部黨，誹訕朝廷，疑亂風俗。 [一]於是天子震怒，班下郡國，逮捕黨人，佈告天下，使同忿疾，遂收執膺等。 其辭所連及陳寔之徒二百餘人，或有逃遁不獲，皆懸金購募。 使者四出，相望於道。 明年，尚書霍諝、城門校尉竇武並表為請，帝意稍解，乃皆赦歸田裡，禁錮終身。 而黨人之名，猶書王府。 注[一]說文曰：「誹，謗也。 」蒼頡篇曰：「訕，非也。」
His pupil Lao Xiu then memorialized the throne, charging Li Ying and his circle with harboring dissident scholars from the Imperial Academy, networking with students across the commanderies, dashing about in one another's cause, forming a clandestine league, vilifying the government, and unsettling public morals. [1] The emperor exploded with rage, sent warrants to every province, rounded up the so-called partisans, and published their names so the whole country would turn on them; Li Ying and the first wave were thrown in chains. Over two hundred men, including Chen Shi, were named in the indictment; fugitives carried prices on their heads in gold. Couriers fanned out until their relay teams seemed to meet on every highway. The following year Huo Xu and Dou Wu petitioned together; the emperor relented enough to release the prisoners to their homes but barred them from office for life. Their names nonetheless stayed on file in the imperial archives. Note [1]: the Shuowen defines fei as slander. The Cangjie pian glosses shan as to condemn or reject.
31
自是正直廢放，邪枉熾結，海內希風之流，遂共相摽搒，[一]指天下名士，為之稱號。 上曰「三君」，次曰「八俊」，次曰「八顧」，次曰「八及」，次曰「八廚」，猶古之「八元」、「八凱」也。 竇武、劉淑、陳蕃為「三君」。 君者，言一世之所宗也。 李膺、荀翌、杜密、王暢、劉祐、魏朗、趙典、朱□為「八俊」。
With honest men ruined and villains ascendant, every climber who sniffed the breeze began trading lists, [1] pinning honorific tags on celebrated scholars across the land. They ranked cliques as the Three Lords, then the Eight Handsome, the Eight Patrons, the Eight Links, and the Eight Kitchens, aping the old legends of the Eight Yuan and Eight Kai. Dou Wu, Liu Shu, and Chen Fan headed the list as the Three Lords. "Lord" here means the men an entire age looked up to. The Eight Handsome roster listed Li Ying, Xu Yi, Du Mi, Wang Chang, Liu You, Wei Lang, Zhao Dian, and Zhu—whose full name the manuscript omits.
32
俊者，言人之英也。 郭林宗、宗慈、巴肅、夏馥、范滂、尹勳、蔡衍、羊陟為「八顧」。 顧者，言能以德行引人者也。 張儉、岑晊、劉表、陳翔、孔昱、苑康、□* (敷) **[□]*、翟超為「八及」。 及者，言其能導人追宗者也。 [二]度尚、張邈、王考、劉儒、胡母班、秦周、蕃向、王章為「八廚」。 [三]廚者，言能以財救人者也。 注[一]希，望也，摽搒猶相稱揚也。 「搒」與「牓」同，古字通。
"Handsome" marks them as the age's most brilliant men. The Eight Patrons were Guo Tai (Linzong), Zong Ci, Ba Su, Xia Fu, Fan Pang, Yin Xun, Cai Yan, and Yang Zhi. "Patron" here means men whose virtue drew others after them. The Eight Links began with Zhang Jian, Cen Zhi, Liu Biao, Chen Xiang, Kong Yu, Yuan Kang, and a name lost in the lacuna— —where the manuscript gloss suggests the missing graph may read fu. —together with Zhai Chao, completing the roll called the Eight Links. "Link" means they could pull others toward the leaders they admired. [2] The Eight Kitchens were Du Shang, Zhang Miao, Wang Kao, Liu Ru, Humu Ban, Qin Zhou, Fan Xiang, and Wang Zhang. [3] "Kitchen" referred to hosts who fed and funded fugitives. Note [1]: xi means to look toward; biao bang means they trumpeted one another's names. The character here is the same word later written with the placard graph; the forms were interchangeable in antiquity.
33
注[二]導，引也。 宗謂所宗仰者。
Note [2]: dao means to draw someone along. Zong here means the figurehead whom followers revered.
34
注[三]蕃，姓也，音皮。
Note [3]: Fan is a clan name; pronounce it with the pi initial suggested in the gloss.
35
又張儉鄉人朱並，承望中常侍侯覽意旨，上書告儉與同鄉二十四人別相署號，共為部黨，圖危社稷。 以儉及□彬、褚鳳、張肅、薛蘭、馮禧、魏玄、徐干為「八俊」，田林、張隱、劉表、薛郁、王訪、劉祗、宣靖、公緒恭為「八顧」，[一]朱楷、田盤、□耽、薛敦、宋布、唐龍、嬴咨、宣□為「八及」，刻石立墠，共為部黨，而儉為之魁。 [二]靈帝詔刊章捕儉等。 [三]大長秋曹節因此諷有司奏捕前黨故司空虞放、太僕杜密、長樂少府李膺、司隸校尉朱□、穎川太守巴肅、沛相荀翌、河內太守魏朗、山陽太守翟超、任城相劉儒、太尉掾范滂等百餘人，皆死獄中。 余或先歿不及，或亡命獲免。 自此諸為怨隙者，因相陷害，睚□之忿，濫入黨中。 [四]又州郡承旨，或有未嘗交關，亦離禍毒。 其死徙廢禁者，六七百人。 注[一]公緒，姓也。
Zhu Bing, a fellow townsman of Zhang Jian, currying favor with the eunuch Hou Lan, accused Zhang and twenty-four neighbors of inventing factional titles and conspiring against the state. [1] The indictment split Zhang Jian's circle into new Eight Handsome, Eight Patron, and Eight Link lists—some names garbled in the stone—erected a sworn stele on a cleared ritual plot, and named Zhang Jian ringleader. [2] Emperor Ling ordered the names struck from the published warrant and Zhang Jian's band hunted down. [3] Cao Jie, the ranking eunuch, then had the bureaus rearrest over a hundred earlier "partisans," from the retired minister Yu Fang down to Fan Pang, the grand commandant's aide; every one of them perished in jail. Others had already died or slipped the dragnet as fugitives. After that anyone nursing a grudge could denounce a rival; the slightest squabble might land a man on the partisan list. [4] Local officials, eager to obey hints from above, ruined men who had never even met the accused. Death, exile, dismissal, or lifetime ban touched six or seven hundred souls. Note [1]: Gongxu is a compound surname.
36
注[二]墠，除地於中為□。 墠音禪。 魁，大帥也。
Note [2]: a shan is a swept ritual plot; the lacuna likely names the earthen platform. The gloss indicates a chan-type reading for the graph shan. Kui means ringleader.
37
注[三]刊，削。 不欲宣露並名，故削除之，而直捕儉等。
Note [3]: kan means to scrape away, here the names on the warrant. The court struck the co-conspirators from the edict so only Zhang Jian's band would be hunted.
38
注[四]睚音五懈反。 廣雅曰：「睚，裂也。 」□音才賜反。 前書音義曰：「瞋目魍也。 」史記曰：「睚□之隙必報。」
Note [4]: pronounce ya with the wu-xie fanqie. The Guangya glosses ya as a rending glance, a hair-trigger feud. The second character of the compound is read with the cai-ci fanqie. The Hanshu yinyi defines the compound as a glare that promises revenge. The Shiji warns that even a sidelong glance can demand blood payment.
39
熹平五年，永昌太守曹鸞上書大訟黨人，言甚方切。 帝省奏大怒，即詔司隸、益州檻車收鸞，送槐裡獄掠殺之。 於是又詔州郡更考黨人門生故吏父子兄弟，其在位者，免官禁錮，爰及五屬。 [一]注[一]謂斬衰、齊衰、大功、小功、緦麻也。
In 176 the governor of Yongchang, Cao Luan, sent a blunt memorial pleading the partisans' innocence. Emperor Ling read it and flew into a rage, ordering Luan seized in a prison cart, dragged to Huaili, and tortured to death. He then commanded a fresh sweep of every partisan's students, old staff, and male kin through five degrees of mourning; any who held office lost it and faced lifelong disqualification. [1] Note [1]: the five grades are the unlined and hemmed year mourning, the nine-month and five-month shares, and the lightest hemp.
40
光和二年，上祿長和海[一]上言：「禮，從祖兄弟別居異財，恩義已輕，服屬□末。 而今黨人錮及五族，既乖典訓之文，有謬經常之法。 」[二]帝覽而悟之，黨錮自從祖以下，皆得解釋。 注[一]上祿，縣，屬武都郡，今成州縣也。
In 179 He Hai, magistrate of Shanglu, argued that ritual treats fourth-cousin kin who keep separate households as only lightly bound; their mourning ties barely register. Yet the partisan ban still muzzled five collateral lines, contradicting canonical teaching and statutory common sense. [2] The emperor took the point and lifted the ban for everyone beyond the third-cousin circle. Note [1]: Shanglu county lay in Wudu, in the area of modern Chengzhou.
41
注[二]左氏傳曰：「父子兄弟，罪不相及。」
Note [2]: the Zuo Tradition insists that kin should not pay for one another's crimes.
42
中平元年，黃巾賊起，中常侍呂強言於帝曰：「黨錮久積，人情多怨。 若久不赦宥，輕與張角合謀，為變滋大，悔之無救。 」帝懼其言，乃大赦黨人，誅徙之家皆歸故郡。 其後黃巾遂盛，朝野崩離，綱紀文章蕩然矣。 [一]注[一]詩大雅蕩篇序曰：「厲王無道，天下蕩蕩，無綱紀文章。 」鄭玄注云：「蕩蕩，法度廢壞之魍也。」
When the Yellow Turbans rose in 184, the eunuch Lü Qiang warned the throne that decades of partisan ostracism had stockpiled popular resentment. If you keep them under ban, they will drift toward Zhang Jiao's conspiracy until the uprising swells beyond remedy. Alarmed, the emperor declared a general amnesty for the partisans and let exiled families go home. The rebellion still engulfed the realm; government and countryside split apart until law and letters alike dissolved. [1] Note [1]: the Great Ya preface on King Li describes a realm adrift, stripped of institutions and literacy. Zheng Xuan glosses the phrase as the look of a polity whose laws have rotted away.
43
凡黨事始自甘陵、汝南，成於李膺、張儉，海內塗炭，二十餘年，諸所蔓衍，皆天下善士。 三君、八俊等三十五人，其名多存者，並載乎篇。 陳蕃、竇武、王暢、劉表、度尚、郭林宗別有傳。 荀翌附祖淑傳。 張邈附呂布傳。 胡母班附袁紹傳。 王考字文祖，東平壽張人，冀州刺史； 秦周字平王，陳留平丘人，北海相； 蕃向字嘉景，魯國人，郎中； 王璋字伯儀，東萊曲城人，少府卿：[一]位行並不顯。 翟超，山陽太守，事見陳蕃傳，字及郡縣未詳。 朱□，沛人，與杜密等俱死獄中。 唯趙典名見而已。 注[一]曲城，縣，故城在今萊州掖縣東北也。
The whole tragedy began in Ganling and Runan, crested with Li Ying and Zhang Jian, and for twenty years scorched the empire; nearly everyone caught in its net was a man of virtue. Thirty-five men from the ranked lists whose names survive are treated in the following notices. Chen Fan, Dou Wu, Wang Chang, Liu Biao, Du Shang, and Guo Tai already have chapters of their own. Xu Yi appears with his grandfather Xun Shu. Zhang Miao is narrated alongside Lü Bu. Humu Ban is treated in Yuan Shao's biography. Wang Kao (Wenju) of Shouzhang in Dongping served as inspector of Ji; Qin Zhou (Pingwang) of Pingqiu in Chenliu was chancellor of Beihai; Fan Xiang (Jiajing) of Lu held a gentleman-of-the-palace appointment; Wang Zhang (Boyi) of Qucheng in Donglai rose to minister coachman, [1] yet left little mark in office. Zhai Chao, governor of Shanyang, figures in Chen Fan's chapter; his style name and native place are unknown. Zhu of Pei died in jail with Du Mi and the rest. Only Zhao Dian rates a bare mention elsewhere. Note [1]: old Qucheng lay northeast of present Ye county in Shandong.
44
劉淑字仲承，河閒樂成人也。 祖父稱，司隸校尉。 淑少學明五經，遂隱居，立精舍講授，諸生常數百人。 州郡禮請，五府連辟，並不就。 永興二年，司徒種暠舉淑賢良方正，辭以疾。 桓帝聞淑高名，切責州郡，使輿病詣京師。 淑不得已而赴洛陽，對策為天下第一，拜議郎。 又陳時政得失，災異之占，事皆效驗。
Liu Shu, style Zhongcheng, came from Yuecheng in Hejian. His grandfather Liu Cheng had served as metropolitan commandant. He mastered the Five Classics in youth, then withdrew to a private academy that drew hundreds of students. Local authorities and all five high bureaus courted him with posts; he refused every call. In 154 Minister Chong Hao nominated him worthy and upright; Liu Shu pleaded illness. Emperor Huan, hearing his fame, rebuked local officials until they carted the ailing scholar to Luoyang. Unable to refuse further, he traveled to the capital, topped the examination, and received a consultant's rank. He also critiqued policy and read omens from heaven; time after time his forecasts came true.
45
再遷尚書，納忠建議，多所補益。 又再遷侍中、虎賁中郎將。 上疏以為宜罷宦官，辭甚切直，帝雖不能用，亦不罪焉。 以淑宗室之賢，特加敬異，每有疑事，常密諮問之。 靈帝既位，宦官譖淑與竇武等通謀，下獄自殺。
Promoted twice to the secretariat, he offered loyal advice that measurably improved governance. He rose twice more to palace attendant and colonel of the Tiger Ben guard. He urged the abolition of the eunuch establishment in blunt terms; the emperor ignored the plea but did not punish him. As a respected member of the imperial clan, Liu Shu was often summoned for confidential counsel on doubtful points. After Emperor Ling had taken the throne, eunuchs accused him of conspiring with Dou Wu; he was jailed and took his own life.
46
李膺字符禮，穎川襄城人也。 祖父修，安帝時為太尉。 [一]父益，趙國相。 膺性簡亢，無所交接，[二]唯以同郡荀淑、陳寔為師友。 注[一]漢官儀曰：「修字伯游。」
Li Ying, known as Yuanli, came from Xiangcheng in Yingchuan. His grandfather Li Xiu had been grand commandant under Emperor An. [1] His father Li Yi served as chancellor of the kingdom of Zhao. He was aloof and fastidious, [2] counting only Xun Shu and Chen Shi of Yingchuan as intimates. Note [1]: the Han guan yi gives Li Xiu the style Boyou.
47
注[二]亢，高也。
Note [2]: kang here means proud or unbending.
48
初舉孝廉，為司徒胡廣所辟，舉高第，再遷青州刺史。 守令畏威明，多望風□官。 復征，再遷漁陽太守。 尋轉蜀郡太守，以母老乞不之官。 [一]轉護烏桓校尉。 鮮卑數犯塞，膺常蒙矢石，每破走之，虜甚憚懾。 [二]以公事免官，還居綸氏，教授常千人。 [三]南陽樊陵求為門徒，膺謝不受。 陵後以阿附宦官，致位太尉，為節*[志]*者所羞。 [四]荀爽嘗就謁膺，因為其御，既還，喜曰：「今日乃得御李君矣。 」其見慕如此。 注[一]謝承書曰：「出補蜀郡太守，修庠序，設條教，明法令，威恩並行。 蜀之珍玩，不入於門。 益州紀其政化，朝廷舉能理劇，轉烏桓校尉。」
Recommended filial and incorrupt, he entered Hu Guang's service, won top placement, and twice rose to inspector of Qingzhou. Local magistrates dreaded his scrutiny; many resigned at rumor of his approach. Recalled to office, he advanced twice to governor of Yuyang. He was ordered to Shu but pleaded out on grounds of his mother's age. [1] He was then named colonel protecting the Wuhuan. He repeatedly drove back Xianbei raiders at personal risk, until the tribes learned to dread him. [2] Dismissed for official reasons, he retired to Lunshi, where a thousand students gathered. [3] Fan Ling of Nanyang begged enrollment; Li Ying refused him. Fan Ling later curried eunuch favor to become grand commandant, to the disgust of honest men. [4] Xun Shuang once drove Li Ying's carriage as a gesture of respect and exclaimed afterward, "Today I drove for Master Li." Such was the awe in which he was held. Note [1]: Xie Cheng records that as governor of Shu he built schools, published regulations, and balanced severity with kindness. No luxury gifts from Shu crossed his threshold. His administration was celebrated in the west; the court, citing his gift for knotty cases, moved him to the Wuhuan colonelcy.
49
注[二]謝承書曰：「膺常率步騎臨陣交戰，身被創夷，拭血進戰，遂破寇，斬首二千級。」
Note [2]: Xie Cheng describes him leading troops in person, stanching his wounds and killing two thousand enemies in one engagement.
50
注[三]綸氏，縣，屬穎川郡，故城今陽城縣也。
Note [3]: Lunshi lay in Yingchuan, near modern Yangcheng.
51
注[四]漢官儀曰：「樊陵字德雲。」
Note [4]: the Han guan yi gives Fan Ling the style Deyun.
52
永壽二年，鮮卑寇雲中，桓帝聞膺能，乃復征為度遼將軍。 先是羌虜及疏勒、龜茲，數出攻鈔張掖、酒泉、雲中諸郡，百姓屢被其害。 自膺到邊，皆望風懼服，先所掠男女，悉送還塞下。 自是之後，聲振遠域。
In 156 the Xianbei struck Yunzhong; Emperor Huan recalled Li Ying as general of the distant Liao frontier. Qiang and Tarim states had long raided the Hexi corridor, again and again harrying the border counties. Once Li Ying arrived, the raiders submitted without a fight and returned every captive taken in earlier seasons. His name thereafter carried terror and respect far beyond the wall.
53
延熹二年征，再遷河南尹。 時宛陵大姓羊元腢罷北海郡，臧罪狼藉，郡捨溷軒有奇巧，乃載之以歸。 [一]膺表欲按其罪，元腢行賂宦豎，膺反坐輸作左校。 注[一]溷軒，廁屋。
In 159 he was recalled and twice promoted to governor of Henan. Yang Yuanou, a magnate of Wanling, left a Beihai post under a cloud of corruption yet hauled off an elaborate privy from the official hostel. [1] Li Ying moved to indict him; Yang bought off the eunuchs, and Li Ying himself was sentenced to hard labor at the Left Work yards. Note [1]: the hun xuan was a latrine annex of the hostel.
54
初，膺與廷尉馮緄、大司農劉祐等共同心志，糾罰奸幸，緄、祐時亦得罪輸作。
Li Ying had joined Feng Gun and Liu You in prosecuting favorites until all three were railroaded into the labor gangs.
55
司隸校尉應奉上疏理膺等曰：「昔秦人觀寶於楚，昭奚恤馬以腢賢； [一]梁惠王瑋其照乘之珠，齊威王荅以四臣。 [二]夫忠賢武將，國之心膂。 竊見左校□刑徒前廷尉馮緄、大司農劉祐、河南尹李膺等，執法不撓，誅舉邪臣，肆之以法，[三]觿庶稱宜。 昔季孫行父親逆君命，逐出莒僕，於舜之功二十之一。 [四]今膺等投身強禦，畢力致罪，陛下既不聽察，而猥受譖訴，遂令忠臣同愆元惡。
Metropolitan Commandant Ying Feng petitioned for Li Ying, opening with the tale of Qin envoys who came to size up Chu. [1] He compared King Hui of Wei boasting of his luminous pearl to King Wei of Qi naming four ministers as his true jewels. [2] Loyal ministers and able generals are the sinews of the realm. [3] He named Feng Gun, Liu You, and Li Ying among the convicts, praising their unbending enforcement of the law against corrupt power. He cited Jisun Hangfu expelling the murderous steward of Ju as one-twentieth of Shun's twenty great deeds. [4] He protested that the emperor had swallowed slander and lumped loyal officials with real criminals.
56
自春迄冬，不蒙降恕，遐邇觀聽，為之歎息。 夫立政之要，記功忘失，是以武帝捨安國於徒中，[五]宣帝征張敞於亡命。 [六]緄前討蠻荊，均吉甫之功。 [七]祐數臨督司，有不吐茹之節。 [八]膺著威幽、並，遺愛度遼。 今三垂蠢動，王旅未振。 易稱『雷雨作解，君子以赦過宥罪』。 [九]乞原膺等，以備不虞。 」書奏，乃悉免其刑。 注[一]新序曰：「秦欲伐楚，使*[使]*者往觀楚之寶器。 楚王聞之，召昭奚恤問焉。 對曰：『此欲觀吾國之得失而圖之，寶器在於賢臣。 』遂使恤應之。 乃為東面之□四，為南面之□一，為西面之□一。
They languished from spring to winter while the empire looked on in dismay. Good government remembers service and overlooks slips, as Han Wudi freed Han Anguo and Xuandi recalled Zhang Chang from exile. [6] Feng Gun's southern campaign matched the ode's praise of Fang Shu. [7] Liu You had repeatedly served as metropolitan commandant with the steadfast courage praised in the Odes. [8] Li Ying's prestige had secured Youzhou and Bingzhou and his kindness still lingered on the Liao frontier. The borders were already restless while imperial armies stood idle. He quoted the Image of the hexagram Jie: the gentleman pardons error and remits punishment. [9] He begged a general pardon to meet emergencies on the frontier. The throne accepted the plea and freed them all. Note [1]: the Xin xu story of Qin scouting Chu's treasures opens the commentary. The king of Chu asked Zhao Xixu how to reply. Zhao Xixu answered that real treasure was wise ministers, not jade. The king had him receive the envoy. He arranged seats for the Qin envoy and Chu ministers.
57
秦使者至，恤曰：『君，客也，請就上位東面，子西南面，太宰子方次之，葉公子高次之，司馬子反次之。 』恤自居西面之□，稱曰：『客觀楚國之寶器。 所寶者，賢臣也。 理百姓，實倉廩，使人各得其所，子西在此。 奉珪璋，使諸侯，解忿悁之難，交兩國之歡，使無兵革之憂，太宰子方在此。 守封□，謹境界，不侵鄰國，鄰亦不侵，葉公子高在此。 理師旅，正兵戎，以當強敵，提袍鼓以動百萬之觿，使皆赴湯火，蹈白刃，出萬死不顧，司馬子反在此。 若懷霸王之餘義，獵理亂之遺風，昭奚恤在此。 惟大國所觀。 』秦使者瞿然無以對，恤遂攝衣而去。 使反，言秦君曰：『楚多賢臣，未可謀也。 』」注[二]瑋猶美也。 史記曰，魏惠王問齊威王曰：「王亦有寶乎？ 」威王曰：「無有。 」魏王曰：「寡人之國雖小，尚有徑寸珠照車前後十二乘者十枚，柰何以萬乘之國而無寶乎！ 」威王曰：「寡人所以為寶者與王異。 吾臣有檀子者，使守南城，楚人不敢為寇。 吾臣有盼子者，使守高堂，則趙人不敢東漁於河。 吾臣有黔夫者，使守徐州，於是燕人祭北門，趙人祭西門，從者七千餘家。 吾臣有種首者，使備盜賊，則道不拾遺。 以此為寶，將以照千里，豈直十二乘哉？ 」魏王籩，不懌而去。
Zhao Xixu seated the envoy in the guest of honor place and ranked Chu ministers around him. Taking the lowest seat himself, he announced that the envoy would see Chu's true treasures. Those treasures were living ministers. Zixi governs the people and fills the granaries. The grand steward settles quarrels between states. Lord Ye Gao guards the borders without provocation. Sima Zifan commands armies that will face any peril. As for the legacy of true kingship, Zhao Xixu himself embodies it. Let your great state look as it pleases. The envoy had no reply; Zhao Xixu rose and left. He reported to Qin that Chu was not to be trifled with. Note [2]: wei means to admire or boast of. The Shiji relates King Hui of Wei asking King Wei of Qi about treasures. King Wei answered that he had none. King Hui boasted of ten carriage-lighting pearls. King Wei replied that his idea of treasure differed. His minister Tanzi held the south so Chu dared not raid. Panzi guarded Gaotang so Zhao fishermen stayed west of the river. Qianfu drew seven thousand households to Xuzhou from Yan and Zhao. Shongshou kept the roads so honest that lost goods were returned. Those, he said, lit a thousand leagues, not a dozen chariots. King Hui of Wei slunk away embarrassed.
58
注[三]肆，陳也。
Note [3]: si means to lay out or apply in full.
59
注[四]紀太子僕殺紀公，以其寶玉來奔，納諸宣公，公命與之邑，季文子使司寇出之境。 公問其故，對曰：「孝敬忠信為吉德，盜賊藏奸為凶德。 夫莒僕，則其孝敬，*[則]*弒君父矣，則其忠信，則竊寶玉矣，其人則盜賊也，是以去之。
Note [4]: the steward of Ji murdered his lord and fled to Lu with stolen jade; Ji Wenzi had him driven out. Ji Wenzi explained that receiving a regicide's bribes was baleful virtue. The steward of Ju combined parricide with theft and had to be banished.
60
舜舉十六相，去四凶，有大功二十而為天子。 今行父雖未獲一吉人，去一凶矣，於舜之功，二十之一也。 」見左傳。
Shun's twenty great deeds included elevating good men and banishing the Four Fiends. Expelling the steward of Ju was one part in twenty of Shun's achievement. The story appears in the Zuo Commentary.
61
注[五]景帝時，韓安國為梁大夫，坐法抵罪。 後梁內史缺，起徒中為二千石，拜為內史。 臣賢案：此言武帝，誤也。
Note [5]: Han Anguo of Liang was convicted under Emperor Jing. He was later pulled from the convict ranks to serve as inner secretary at two thousand piculs. Li Xian corrects the text: it was Jingdi, not Wudi.
62
注[六]張敞為京兆尹，坐殺人亡命歸家。 冀州亂，征敞為冀州刺史。
Note [6]: Zhang Chang fled after a homicide conviction as governor of the capital. During Ji Province's unrest Xuandi summoned him as inspector.
63
注[七]詩小雅曰：「顯允方叔，征伐玁狁，蠻荊來威。 」鄭玄注云：「方叔先與吉甫征伐玁狁，今特往伐蠻荊，皆使來服於宣王之威，美其功之多也。 」緄以順帝時討長沙武陵蠻夷有功，故以比之。
Note [7]: the ode praises Fang Shu's aweing of the southern Man. Zheng Xuan notes Fang Shu's earlier northern campaign and this southern mission. Feng Gun's southern campaign under Shundi invites the same comparison.
64
注[八]謂祐奏梁冀弟旻，又為司隸校尉，權豪畏之也。 詩曰：「唯仲山甫，柔亦不茹，剛亦不吐，不侮□寡，不畏強禦。」
Note [8]: Liu You had impeached Liang Min and cowed the mighty as metropolitan commandant. He quoted the ode on Zhong Shanfu's refusal to truckle to the strong or trample the weak.
65
注[九]易解卦象詞也。 卦坎下震上。 解，坎為險，為水。 水者，雨之象。 震為動，為雷。 王弼注云：「屯難盤結，於是乎解也。」
Note [9]: the quotation is the Image text of the hexagram Jie. The hexagram stacks Kan beneath Zhen. In Jie the lower trigram Kan stands for danger and for water. In this image, water stands for rainfall. The Zhen trigram is motion and thunder. Wang Bi reads the hexagram as the point when stubborn troubles finally come undone.
66
再遷，復拜司隸校尉。 時張讓弟朔為野王令，貪殘無道，至乃殺孕婦，聞膺厲威嚴，懼罪逃還京師，因匿兄讓弟捨，藏於合柱中。 膺知其狀，率將吏卒破柱取朔，付洛陽獄。 受辭畢，即殺之。 讓訴冤於帝，詔膺入殿，御親臨軒，詰以不先請便加誅辟之意。 膺對曰：「昔晉文公執□成公歸於京師，春秋是焉。 [一]禮雲公族有罪，雖曰宥之，有司執憲不從。 [二]昔仲尼為魯司寇，七日而誅少正卯。 今臣到官已積一旬，私懼以稽留為愆，不意獲速疾之罪。 誠自知釁責，死不旋踵，特乞留五日，克殄元惡，退就鼎鑊，始生之願也。 」帝無復言，顧謂讓曰：「此汝弟之罪，司隸何愆？ 」乃遣出之。 自此諸黃門常侍皆鞠躬屏氣，休沐不敢復出宮省。 帝怪問其故，並叩頭泣曰：「畏李校尉。 」注[一]公羊傳曰：「晉人執□侯，歸之於京師。 歸之於者，執之乎天子之側者也。
After further promotion he resumed the metropolitan commandantcy. Zhang Shuo, Zhang Rang's brother and magistrate of Yewang, had murdered a pregnant woman; when he heard Li Ying was coming, he fled to Luoyang and hid inside a column in his brother's house. Li Ying learned of it, smashed the pillar, dragged Zhang Shuo out, and threw him into the Luoyang prison. As soon as the interrogation ended, he had him put to death. Zhang Rang appealed to the throne; Emperor Ling summoned Li Ying to the palace and demanded why he had executed a man without prior imperial approval. Li Ying cited Duke Wen of Jin arresting a feudal lord and bringing him to the capital, an act the Spring and Autumn endorsed. [1] The classics say that even royal relatives who break the law must answer to the judge. [2] Confucius as Lu's justice minister had Shaozheng Mao killed within a week. I have been in post only ten days; I feared delay would be negligence, not that speed would be faulted. I accept death; grant me five more days to extirpate the chief criminal, then send me to the executioner. The emperor fell silent, then told Zhang Rang the fault lay with his brother, not Li Ying. He dismissed Li Ying from the audience. After that the eunuchs walked on tiptoe and on their days off dared not leave the palace. When the emperor asked why, they wept that they feared Metropolitan Commandant Li. Note [1]: the Gongyang cites Jin bringing a captive lord to the capital. The formula means the arrest was carried out in the royal presence.
67
罪定不定已可知矣。 」何休注云：「歸之於者，決辭也。」
Guilt was already plain. He Xiu calls the wording a verdict of condemnation.
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注[二]解見張酺傳。
Note [2]: see the biography of Zhang Pu for the gloss.
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是時朝庭日亂，綱紀頹阤，膺獨持風裁，以聲名自高。 [一]士有被其容接者，名為登龍門。 [二]及遭黨事，當考實膺等。 案經三府，太尉陳蕃卻之。 曰：「今所考案，皆海內人譽，憂國忠公之臣。 此等猶將十世宥也，[三]豈有罪名不章而致收掠者乎？ 」不肯平署。 [四]帝愈怒，遂下膺等於黃門北寺獄。 [五]膺等頗引宦官子弟，宦官多懼，請帝以天時宜赦，於是大赦天下。 膺免歸鄉里，居陽城山中，天下士大夫皆高尚其道，而污穢朝廷。 [六]注[一]裁音才代反。
While the court slid into chaos, Li Ying alone enforced discipline and let his reputation rise. [1] A private audience with him was called mounting the Dragon Gate. [2] When the partisan inquisition began, the court moved to verify charges against Li Ying and his circle. The dossier went to the three high ministries; Grand Commandant Chen Fan refused to sign. Chen Fan said the accused were the realm's most honored servants of the public good. [3] Men worthy of ten generations of amnesty should not be jailed on vague charges. He withheld his countersignature. [4] The emperor, enraged, sent Li Ying and the rest to the eunuch-run North Prison. [5] Li Ying's testimony threatened eunuch families until the eunuchs begged for a general amnesty. Li Ying retired to Yangcheng while scholars everywhere honored him and despised the court. Note [6]: the commentary gives the fanqie reading for cai.
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注[二]以魚為喻也。 龍門，河水所下之口，在今絳州龍門縣。 辛氏三秦記曰「河津一名龍門，水險不通，魚□之屬莫能上，江海大魚薄集龍門下數千，不得上，上則為龍」也。
Note [2]: the Dragon Gate image compares scholars to leaping fish. Dragon Gate is the gorge of the Yellow River, modern Longmen in Shanxi. The Sanqin ji tells how carp mass below the rapids and those that leap through become dragons.
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注[三]解見耿弇傳。
Note [3]: see Geng Yan's biography for the ten-generation pardon gloss.
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注[四]平署猶連署也。
Note [4]: ping shu means cosigning the warrant.
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注[五]獄名，解見靈紀也。
Note [5]: the North Prison is explained in Emperor Ling's annals.
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注[六]以朝廷為污穢也。
Note [6]: scholars treated the court as corrupt by contrast.
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及陳蕃免太尉，朝野屬意於膺，荀爽恐其名高致禍，欲令屈節以全亂世，為書貽曰：「久廢過庭，不聞善誘，陟岵瞻望，惟日為歲。 [一]知以直道不容於時，悅山樂水，家於陽城。 道近路夷，當即聘問，無狀嬰疾，闕於所仰。 頃聞上帝震怒，貶黜鼎臣，[二]人鬼同謀，[三]以為天子當貞觀二五，利見大人，[四]不謂夷之初旦，明而未融，[五]虹蜺揚輝，□和取同。 [六]方今天地氣閉，大人休否，[七]智者見險，投以遠害。 [八]雖匱人望，內合私願。 [九]想甚欣然，不為恨也。 願怡神無事，偃息衡門，[一０]任其飛沉，與時抑揚。 」頃之，帝崩。 陳蕃為太傅，與大將軍竇武共秉朝政，連謀誅諸宦官，故引用天下名士，乃以膺為長樂少府。 及陳、竇之敗，膺等復廢。 注[一]論語曰：「鯉趨而過庭。 子曰：『學詩乎？ 』曰『未也』。 」又曰：「孔子恂恂然善誘人。 」詩曰：「陟彼岵兮，瞻望父兮。 」又曰：「一日不見，如三歲兮。 」爽致敬於膺，故以父為喻也。
After Chen Fan fell, all eyes turned to Li Ying; Xun Shuang wrote urging him to bend a little to survive the times, opening with courteous regret at long separation. [1] He acknowledged that Li Ying's integrity had blocked his career and praised his mountain retreat. He apologized for not visiting sooner, blaming illness. He alluded in dense classical imagery to Chen Fan's dismissal, ill omens, and a darkened court. [6-7] He cited hexagrams of closure and obstruction and urged the wise to flee danger. [8] He admitted that retreat disappointed the world yet suited Li Ying's private peace. [9] He hoped Li Ying bore no grudge for the advice. He urged calm seclusion at a humble gate, rising and falling with fortune. Soon afterward Emperor Huan died. Chen Fan and Dou Wu took power, plotted against the eunuchs, and recalled Li Ying as chamberlain of Changlo. After Chen Fan and Dou Wu fell, Li Ying lost office again. Note [1]: Xun Shuang alludes to Confucius teaching his son in the courtyard. Confucius asks whether the boy has studied the Odes. The boy answers not yet. He cites Confucius as a patient teacher. He quotes the ode on longing for a father figure. He adds the ode on aching absence. Xun Shuang styled Li Ying a father-teacher in classical idiom.
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注[二]上帝謂天子，鼎臣即陳蕃。
Note [2]: High Lord is the emperor; the tripod minister is Chen Fan.
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注[三]易下系曰：「人謀鬼謀，百姓與能。」
Note [3]: he quotes the Changes on human and spirit counsel agreeing.
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注[四]易曰：「天地之道，貞觀也。 」干九二、九五並曰「利見大人」也。
Note [4]: he cites the Changes on the steadfast vision of heaven and earth. He adds the Qian hexagram lines on seeing the great man.
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注[五]夷，傷也。 融，朗也。 明夷卦離下坤上，離為日，坤為地，日之初出，其明未朗。 左傳曰：「明而未融，其當旦乎？ 」以膺黜，故喻之也。
Note [5]: yi in Ming yi means wounding. Rong means clarity or brightness. He explains the Ming yi image as the dim first light of dawn. He quotes the Zuo on twilight brightness. He applies the image to Li Ying's fall from office.
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注[六]春秋考異郵曰：「虹蜺出，亂惑□和。 」謂□君子，同小人也。 論語曰：
Note [6]: an omen text links double rainbows with a corrupted harmony. It warns against gentlemen allying with petty men. He turns to the Analects.
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「君子和而不同，小人同而不和」也。
He quotes the distinction between harmony and mere conformity.
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注[七]易文言曰：「天地閉，賢人隱。 」否九五曰：「大人休否。 」休否謂休廢而否塞。
Note [7]: the Wen yan counsels reclusion when heaven and earth close. He cites Pi's fifth line on the great man pausing in obstruction. He glosses resting from obstruction as withdrawal while the age stays blocked.
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注[八]見險難，故投身以遠害也。 易曰：「君子以儉德避難，不可榮以祿。」
Note [8]: the wise withdraw to escape danger. He quotes the gentleman's duty to refuse salary and hide.
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注[九]匱，乏也。
Note [9]: kui means to fall short of expectation.
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注[一０]毛萇詩注曰：「衡門，橫木為門。」
Note [10]: the humble crossbeam gate marks a scholar's poor dwelling.
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後張儉事起，收捕鉤黨，鄉人謂膺曰：「可去矣。 」對曰：「事不辭難，罪不逃刑，臣之節也。 [一]吾年已六十，死生有命，去將安之？ 」乃詣詔獄。 考死，妻子徙邊，門生、故吏及其父兄，並被禁錮。 注[一]左傳曰，晉侯之弟楊干亂行於曲梁，魏絳戮其僕。 晉侯怒，謂羊舌赤曰：
When Zhang Jian's case triggered arrests, a neighbor urged Li Ying to flee. Li Ying answered that a minister does not dodge hardship or punishment. [1] At sixty he asked where exile could lead but disgrace. He walked to the imperial prison and surrendered. He died under torture; his family was exiled and his followers barred from office. Note [1]: the gloss cites Wei Jiang executing a noble's attendant despite danger. The duke of Jin fumed to Yangshe Chi.
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「合諸侯以為榮也。 楊干為戮，何辱如之？ 必殺魏絳，無失也。 」對曰：「絳無貳志，事君不避難，有罪不逃刑，其將來辭，何辱命焉！」
He said the league of states was meant to bring glory. Executing Yang Gan shamed the host. He ordered Wei Jiang killed. The reply was that Wei Jiang would answer for himself and need not be summoned in disgrace.
88
時侍御史蜀郡景毅子顧為膺門徒，而未有錄牒，故不及於譴。 毅乃慨然曰：「本謂膺賢，遣子師之，豈可以漏奪名籍，苟安而已！ 」遂自表免歸，時人義之。
Jing Gu studied under Li Ying but was omitted from the roster and escaped prosecution. Jing Yi refused to hide behind a clerical error. He petitioned to be struck from office anyway, and contemporaries honored him.
89
膺子瓚
Li Ying's son Zan
90
膺子瓚，位至東平相。 [一]初，曹操微時，瓚異其才，將沒，謂子宣等曰：「時將亂矣，天下英雄無過曹操。 張孟卓與吾善，袁本初汝外親，雖爾勿依，必歸曹氏。 」諸子從之，並免於亂世。 注[一]謝承書「瓚」作「珪」。
His son Li Zan became chancellor of Dongping. [1] Li Zan, seeing Cao Cao's genius while he was still unknown, told his sons on his deathbed that Cao would tower over the coming chaos. He warned them not to rely even on friends or in-laws but to follow Cao Cao. They followed his advice and survived the wars. Note [1]: Xie Cheng writes the name as gui instead of zan.
91
杜密字周甫，穎川陽城人也。 為人沉質，少有厲俗志。 為司徒胡廣所辟，稍遷代郡太守。 征，三遷太山太守、北海相。 其宦官子弟為令長有奸惡者，輒捕案之。 行春到高密縣，見鄭玄為鄉佐，知其異器，即召署郡職，遂遣就學。
Du Mi, style Zhoufu, came from Yangcheng in Yingchuan. He was grave and steady by nature, and from boyhood meant to stiffen public morals. Hu Guang brought him in, and he rose step by step to governor of Dai. Recalled to court, he climbed three ranks to governor of Taishan and chancellor of Beihai. Whenever a eunuch's son held a county magistracy and turned corrupt, Du Mi had him arrested and charged. During a spring tour of Gaomi he spotted Zheng Xuan as a minor clerk, recognized his genius, gave him a county appointment, and sponsored his further study.
92
後密去官還家，每謁守令，多所陳托。 同郡劉勝，亦自蜀郡告歸鄉里，閉門埽軌，無所幹及。 [一]太守王昱謂密曰：「劉季陵清高士，公卿多舉之者。 」密知昱激己，對曰：「劉勝位為大夫，見禮上賓，而知善不薦，聞惡無言，隱情惜己，自同寒蟬，此罪人也。 [二]今志義力行之賢而密達之，[三]違道失節之士而密糾之，使明府賞刑得中，令問休揚，不亦萬分之一乎？ 」昱籩服，待之彌厚。 注[一]軌，車多也。 言絕人事。
After Du Mi retired, he still lobbied local officials on every visit. His townsman Liu Sheng had likewise quit Shu and shut himself away from the world. [1] Governor Wang Yu told Du Mi that Liu Sheng was a recluse much praised at court. Du Mi saw the barb and answered that a man who hoards silence while holding office is no better than a mute cicada. [2-3] He pledged to forward the diligent and expose the corrupt so the governor's justice would shine. Wang Yu accepted the rebuke and treated Du Mi with greater respect. Note [1]: the gloss explains gui as wheel-ruts. It describes severing worldly ties.
93
注[二]寒蟬謂寂默也。 楚詞曰：「悲哉秋之為氣也，蟬寂漠而無聲。」
Note [2]: the winter cicada stands for cowed silence. The Chuci likens autumn to a voiceless cicada.
94
注[三]力行謂盡力行善也。 禮記曰：「好問近乎智，力行近乎仁。」
Note [3]: vigorous practice means pressing every effort toward virtue. The Liji pairs eager inquiry with wisdom and resolute action with benevolence.
95
後桓帝征拜尚書令，遷河南尹，轉太僕。 黨事既起，免歸本郡，與李膺俱坐，而名行相次，故時人亦稱「李杜」焉。 [一]後太傅陳蕃輔政，復為太僕。 明年，坐黨事被征，自殺。 注[一]前有李固、杜喬，故言「亦」也。
Emperor Huan later named him minister secretary, then governor of Henan, then grand coachman. The proscription caught him with Li Ying, and the pair were nicknamed the second Li and Du. [1] Under Chen Fan he returned as grand coachman. The following year a new warrant for partisans drove him to suicide. Note [1]: the text says "also" because an earlier famous Li-Du pair existed.
96
劉祐字伯祖，中山安國人也。 [一]安國後別屬博陵。 祐初察孝廉，補尚書侍郎，閒練故事，文札強辨，每有奏議，應對無滯，為僚類所歸。 注[一]安國，縣，故城在今定州義豐縣東南。 謝承書曰：「祐，宗室胤緒，代有名位。 少修操行，學嚴氏春秋、小戴禮、古文尚書，仕郡為主簿。 郡將小子嘗出錢付之，今市買果實，祐悉以買筆書具與之，因白郡將，言『郎君年可入小學，而但傲佷，遠近謂明府無過庭之教，請出授書』。 郡將為使子就祐受經，五日一試，不滿呈限，白決罰，遂成學業也。」
Liu You, style Bozu, came from Anguo in Zhongshan. [1] Anguo county was later reassigned to Boling. Recommended filial and incorrupt, he mastered palace paperwork and became the colleague everyone relied on in debate. Note [1]: old Anguo lay southeast of present Yifeng in Hebei. Xie Cheng traces him to Han imperial kin with a long record of office. He studied the Yan Chunqiu, the Lesser Dai Liji, and the old-text Documents before becoming chief clerk of his commandery. When the governor's son asked him to buy fruit, he spent the money on school supplies and bluntly told the father the boy needed a tutor, not treats. The governor then placed the boy under Liu You's tutelage with regular examinations until the youth actually learned the texts.
97
除任城令，兗州舉為尤異，遷揚州刺史。 是時會稽太守梁旻，大將軍冀之從弟也。 祐舉奏其罪，旻坐征。 復遷祐河東太守。 時屬縣令長率多中官子弟，百姓患之。 祐到，黜其權強，平理冤結，政為三河表。 [一]注[一]三河謂河東、河內、河南也。 表猶標準也。
As magistrate of Rencheng he won an exceptional rating and rose to inspector of Yangzhou. His first clash with power came when Kuaiji governor Liang Min, Liang Ji's cousin, broke the law. Liu You impeached Liang Min and had him recalled for trial. He was then promoted to governor of Hedong. Hedong's counties were stuffed with eunuchs' sons as magistrates, to the people's misery. He purged the powerful, cleared old injustices, and set the standard for the whole Three Rivers region. [1] Note [1]: the Three Rivers are Hedong, Henei, and Henan. Here biao means the yardstick other governors tried to match.
98
再遷，延熹四年，拜尚書令，又出為河南尹，轉司隸校尉。 時權貴子弟罷州郡還入京師者，每至界首，輒改易輿服，隱匿財寶，威行朝廷。
In 161 he became minister secretary, then governor of Henan, then metropolitan commandant. So feared was he that magnates' sons shed silks and hid gold before crossing into his jurisdiction.
99
拜宗正，三轉大司農。 時中常侍蘇康、管霸用事於內，遂固天下良田美業，山林湖澤，民庶窮困，州郡累氣。 [一]祐移書所在，依科品沒入之。 桓帝大怒，論祐輸左校。 注[一]累氣，屏息也。
He directed the imperial clan office and thrice rose to minister of finance. Su Kang and Guan Ba seized prime farmland and waterways until provinces dared not breathe a protest. [1] Liu You ordered local officials to confiscate those estates under statute. Emperor Huan, furious, sent him to the Left Work gangs. Note [1]: lei qi describes officials too frightened to exhale.
100
後得赦出，復歷三卿，輒以疾辭，乞骸骨歸田裡。 詔拜中散大夫，遂杜門絕多。
After a pardon he cycled through top ministries yet pleaded illness until he was allowed to retire. The court named him a chief counselor, whereupon he sealed his gate and turned away casual callers.
101
每三公缺，朝廷皆屬意於祐，以譖毀不用。 延篤貽之書曰：「昔太伯三讓，人無德而稱焉。 [一]延陵高揖，華夏仰風。 [二]吾子懷蘧氏之可卷，體寧子之如愚，[三]微妙玄通，沖而不盈，[四]蔑三光之明，未暇以天下為事，何其劭與！ 」[五]注[一]三讓，解見和紀。
Each time a trio seat opened, rumor blocked his appointment. Yan Du wrote praising Liu You's humility, opening with Taibo's three refusals of the throne. [1] He compared him to Prince Jizha of Wu, whose courtesy bow awed the central states. [2-4] He piled classical compliments on Liu You's Daoist restraint and refusal of high office. [5] Note [1]: see the He annals for Taibo's three yields.
102
注[二]揖，讓也。 左傳，吳王壽夢卒，子諸樊既除喪，將立弟季札，札□其室而耕，乃捨之。
Note [2]: yi means deferential yielding. The gloss recounts Prince Jizha refusing the throne of Wu.
103
注[三]蘧瑗字伯玉，寧子名俞，並□大夫。 論語孔子曰：「君子哉蘧伯玉，邦有道則仕，邦無道則可卷而懷之。 」又曰：「寧武子邦無道則愚。」
Note [3]: Qu Boyu and Ning Wuzi were both Wei ministers. He quoted Confucius on Qu Boyu's ability to withdraw when the age turned dark. He added Confucius on Ning Wuzi's studied simplicity.
104
注[四]老子曰「古之善為道者，微妙玄通，深不可識」也。 又曰「道沖而用之或不盈」。
Note [4]: Laozi describes the sage as subtle and unfathomable. Laozi also calls the Way a vessel that cannot be filled.
105
注[五]莊子曰：「舜讓天下於子州支伯，子州支伯曰：『予適有幽憂之病，方且理之，未暇理天下也。 』」靈帝初，陳蕃輔政，以祐為河南尹。 及蕃敗，祐黜歸，卒於家。 明年，大誅黨人，幸不及禍。
Note [5]: Zhuangzi tells how a recluse refused Shun's offer of the throne. Early in Emperor Ling's reign Chen Fan made him governor of Henan again. When Chen Fan fell, Liu You went home and died there. The next year's partisan bloodbath missed him by luck.
106
魏朗字少英，會稽上虞人也。 [一]少為縣吏。 兄為鄉人所殺，朗白日操刃報讎於縣中，遂亡命到陳國。 從博士卻仲信學春秋圖緯，[二]又詣太學受五經，京師長者李膺之徒爭從之。 注[一]上虞，縣，故城在今越州余姚縣西。 有虞山，在縣東。
Wei Lang, style Shaoying, came from Shangyu in Kuaiji. [1] He began as a petty county clerk. He avenged his brother's murder in open daylight, then fled to Chen. He read apocryphal Chunqiu with Xi Zhongxin, then mastered the Five Classics at the academy, where men like Li Ying flocked to him. Note [1]: old Shangyu lay west of modern Yuyao in Zhejiang. Mount Yu stands east of the county seat.
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注[二]孔子作春秋緯十二篇。
Note [2]: the commentary attributes twelve Chunqiu weft texts to Confucius.
108
初辟司徒府，再遷彭城令。 時中官子弟為國相，多行非法，朗與更相章奏，幸臣忿疾，欲中之。 [一]會九真賊起，乃共薦朗為九真都尉。 到官，□厲吏兵，討破腢賊，斬首二千級。 桓帝美其功，征拜議郎。 頃之，遷尚書。 屢陳便宜，有所補益。 出為河內太守，政稱三河表。 尚書令陳蕃薦朗公忠亮直，宜在機密，復征為尚書。 會被黨議，免歸家。 注[一]中猶中傷。
He entered the minister of education's bureau and twice rose to magistrate of Pengcheng. He traded indictments with corrupt eunuch chancellors until the inner court plotted his ruin. [1] A rebellion in Jiuzhen became his enemies' pretext to banish him south as commandant. He whipped the local army into shape and killed two thousand rebels. Emperor Huan praised the campaign and recalled him as a consultant. Soon he entered the ministry. He kept forwarding practical reforms from his desk. As governor of Henei he repeated his fame as a Three Rivers exemplar. Chen Fan urged his recall as a blunt loyalist fit for the secretariat. The partisan proscription sent him home again. Note [1]: zhong here means to frame or slander.
109
朗性矜嚴，閉門整法度，家人不見墯容。 後竇武等誅，朗以黨被急征，行至牛渚，自殺。 [一]著書數篇，號魏子雲。 注[一]牛渚，山名。 突出江中，謂為牛渚圻，在宣州當塗縣北也。
At home he enforced such strict discipline that kin never saw him relax. When Dou Wu died a warrant raced after him; he killed himself at Niuzhu. [1] He left essays collected under the title Master Wei. Note [1]: Niuzhu is a riverine mountain. The Niuzhu cliff north of modern Dangtu juts into the Yangzi.
110
夏馥字子治，陳留圉人也。 少為書生，言行質直。 同縣高氏﹑蔡氏並皆富殖，郡人畏而事之，唯馥比門不與交通，[一]由是為豪姓所仇。 桓帝初，舉直言，不就。 注[一]比門猶並門也。
Xia Fu, style Zizhi, came from Yu in Chenliu. As a young scholar he was blunt and plain-spoken. He alone refused to curry favor with two rich clans next door, [1] and they hated him for it. Early in Emperor Huan's reign he was nominated for frank counsel yet stayed home. Note [1]: bi men means literally the next door over.
111
馥雖不交時宦，然以聲名為中官所憚，遂與范滂﹑張儉等俱被誣陷，詔下州郡，捕為黨魁。
Though he never courted eunuchs, his reputation made them list him with Fan Pang and Zhang Jian as a ringleader.
112
及儉等亡命，經歷之處，皆被收考，辭所連引，布□天下。 馥乃頓足而歎曰：「孽自己作，空污良善，一人逃死，禍及萬家，何以生為！ 」乃自翦須變形，入林慮山中，[一]隱匿姓名，為冶家傭。 親突煙炭，形貌毀瘁，積二三年，人無知者。 後馥弟靜，乘車馬，載縑帛，追之於涅陽市中。 [二]遇馥不識，聞其言聲，乃覺而拜之。 馥避不與語，靜追隨至客舍，共宿。 夜中密呼靜曰：「吾以守道疾惡，故為權宦所陷。 且念營苟全，以庇性命，弟柰何載物相求，是以禍見追也。」
Zhang Jian's flight triggered arrests everywhere his path touched. He cried that one fugitive doomed thousands and refused to prolong it. [1] He shaved his beard, fled to the Linyu hills, and hired on as a foundry laborer under a false name. Soot and sweat disfigured him until no one recognized him for years. His brother Jing tracked him to the Nieyang market with a cartload of silk. [2] Jing failed to recognize him until he spoke, then fell to his knees. Xia Fu would not answer; Jing followed him to an inn and stayed the night. At midnight he whispered that his principles had brought the eunuchs' malice down on him. He scolded Jing for riding into a hiding place with treasure that could only draw the hunters.
113
明旦，別去。 黨禁未解而卒。 注[一]林慮，今相州縣。
They separated at first light. He died before the ban on partisans was raised. Note [1]: Linyu is in the area of modern Linzhou, Henan.
114
注[二]涅陽，縣，屬南陽郡。
Note [2]: Nieyang lay in Nanyang commandery.
115
宗慈字孝初，南陽安觿人也。 [一]舉孝廉，九辟公府，有道征，不就。 後為修武令。 時太守出自權豪，多取貨賂，慈遂□官去。 征拜議郎，未到，道疾卒。 南陽腢士皆重其義行。 注[一]安觿在今南陽縣西南，仍有其名，無復基趾也。
Zong Ci, style Xiaochu, came from Anxi in Nanyang. [1] The court called him repeatedly for high office; he stayed home. He later served as magistrate of Xiuwu. When a venal magnate became governor, Zong Ci quit. He died en route to a consultant appointment. The gentry of Nanyang honored his integrity. Note [1]: old Anxi lay southwest of modern Nanyang city.
116
巴肅字恭祖，勃海高城人也。 [一]初察孝廉，歷慎令﹑貝丘長，[二]皆以郡守非其人，辭病去。 辟公府，稍遷拜議郎。 與竇武﹑陳蕃等謀誅閹官，武等遇害，肅亦坐黨禁錮。 中常侍曹節後聞其謀，收之。 肅自載詣縣，縣令見肅，入合解印綬與俱去。 肅曰：「為人臣者，有謀不敢隱，有罪不逃刑。 既不隱其謀矣，又敢逃其刑乎？ 」遂被害。 刺史賈琮刊石立銘以記之。 注[一]高城，縣，故城在今滄州鹽山縣南。
Ba Su, style Gongzu, came from Gaocheng in Bohai. [1-2] He quit two posts rather than serve under unworthy governors. He entered a minister's bureau and rose to consultant. He joined Dou Wu's plot; when it failed he was proscribed as a partisan. Cao Jie learned of the conspiracy and had him arrested. The local magistrate tried to flee with Ba Su rather than arrest him. Ba Su said a loyal minister does not hide plots or flee justice. Having owned the plot, he refused to run. He was executed. Inspector Jia Cong set up a memorial stele. Note [1]: old Gaocheng lay south of present Yanshan, Hebei.
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注[二]慎，縣，屬汝南郡。 貝丘，縣，屬清河郡。
Note [2]: Shen county was in Runan. Beiqiu county lay in Qinghe commandery.
118
范滂字孟博，汝南征羌人也。 [一]少厲清節，為州裡所服，舉孝廉﹑光祿四行。
Fan Pang, style Mengbo, came from Zhengqiang in Runan. [1] From youth he was known for austerity and won the top conduct recommendations.
119
[二]時冀州饑荒，盜賊腢起，乃以滂為清詔使，案察之。 滂登車攬轡，慨然有澄清天下之志。 及至州境，守令自知臧污，望風解印綬去。 其所舉奏，莫不厭塞觿議。 遷光祿勳主事。 時陳蕃為光祿勳，滂執公儀詣蕃，蕃不止之，滂懷恨，投版□官而去。 [三]郭林宗聞而讓蕃曰：「若范孟博者，豈宜以公禮格之？ [四]今成其去就之名，得無自取不優之議也？ 」蕃乃謝焉。 注[一]征羌，解見來歙傳。 謝承書曰：「汝南細陽人也。」
[2] During Ji Province's famine he was sent as an imperial inspector with orders to clean house. He mounted his chariot resolved to purge the province. Corrupt magistrates fled before he crossed the border. Every indictment he filed met public approval. He became a steward in the chamberlain for ceremonies office. Chen Fan received him with stiff formality; Fan Pang resigned in a huff. [3] Guo Tai scolded Chen Fan for treating Fan Pang like an ordinary subordinate. [4] Guo Tai warned that Chen Fan had made himself look petty. Chen Fan apologized. Note [1]: see Lai Xi's biography for Zhengqiang. Xie Cheng gives his native place as Xiyang instead.
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注[二]漢官儀曰：「光祿舉敦厚﹑質樸﹑遜讓﹑節儉。 」此為四行也。
Note [2]: the four conduct categories are defined in the Han guan yi. Those are the four virtues in question.
121
注[三]版，笏也。
Note [3]: the ban is the official tablet he threw down.
122
注[四]格，正也。
Note [4]: ge here means to fence off with ceremony.
123
復為太尉黃瓊所辟。 後詔三府掾屬舉謠言，[一]滂奏刺史﹑二千石權豪之黨二十餘人。 尚書責滂所劾猥多，疑有私故。 滂對曰：「臣之所舉，自非叨穢奸暴，深為民害，豈以污簡札哉！ 閒以會日迫促，故先舉所急，其未審者，方更參實。
Grand Commandant Huang Qiong summoned him again. [1] In the hearsay-inquest round he impeached over twenty grandees and magnates. The secretariat accused him of overreach and private grudges. He swore he named only public predators, not private enemies. He asked time to verify the rest of his list.
124
臣聞農夫去草，嘉谷必茂； [二]忠臣除奸，王道以清。 若臣言有貳，甘受顯戮。」
He compared the purge to weeding a field. [2] Loyal ministers clear evil as farmers clear weeds. He offered his life if any charge proved false.
125
吏不能詰。 滂鶯時方艱，知意不行，因投劾去。 注[一]漢官儀曰：「三公聽采長史臧否，人所疾苦，還條奏之，是為舉謠言也。
The clerks had no reply. Seeing reform blocked, he resigned on principle. Note [1]: the procedure required the three offices to channel popular complaints.
126
頃者舉謠言，掾屬令史都會殿上，主者大言，州郡行狀雲何，善者同聲稱之，不善者默爾銜枚。」
The gloss describes the public inquest in the palace hall.
127
注[二]左傳曰：「為國家者，見惡如農夫之務去草焉。」
Note [2]: the Zuo compares governance to weeding.
128
太守宗資先聞其名，請署功曹，委任政事。 滂在職，嚴整疾惡。 其有行違孝悌，不軌仁義者，皆埽多斥逐，不與共朝。 顯薦異節，抽拔幽陋。 滂外甥西平李頌，公族子孫，而為鄉曲所□，中常侍唐衡以頌請資，資用為吏。 滂以非其人，寑而不召。 資遷怒，捶書佐朱零。 零仰曰：「范滂清裁，猶以利刃齒腐朽。 [一]今日寧受笞死，而滂不可違。 」資乃止。 郡中中人以下，莫不歸怨，乃指滂之所用以為「范黨」。 注[一]裁音才載反。
Governor Zong Zi made him merit assessor and handed him real power. Fan Pang ran the office with iron integrity. He expelled anyone who flouted filial piety or humaneness. He promoted hidden talent and shunned the corrupt. Governor Zong tried to slip in Fan Pang's unworthy nephew at a eunuch's request. Fan Pang shelved the appointment. Zong Zi beat his clerk Zhu Ling in rage. Zhu Ling cried that Fan Pang's standards cut like a knife through rot. [1] Zhu Ling said he would die before countermanding Fan Pang. Zong Zi relented. Petty men smeared his appointees as a Fan clique. Note [1]: fanqie gloss for cai in cai judgment.
129
後牢修誣言鉤黨，[一]滂坐系黃門北寺獄。 獄吏謂曰：「凡坐系皆祭□陶。 」滂曰：「□陶賢者，古之直臣。 知滂無罪，將理之於帝； [二]如其有罪，祭之何益！」
[1] Lao Xiu's memorial landed Fan Pang in the eunuch prison. The turnkey told him to worship the spirit of justice. Fan Pang called Gao Yao a model judge. Such a spirit would plead his innocence to heaven. [2] If he were guilty, prayer would be mockery.
130
觿人由此亦止。 獄吏將加掠考，滂以同囚多嬰病，乃請先就格，遂與同郡袁忠爭受楚毒。 桓帝使中常侍王甫以次辨詰，滂等皆三木囊頭，暴於階下。 [三]餘人在前，或對或否，滂﹑忠於後越次而進。 王甫詰曰：「君為人臣，不惟忠國，而共造部黨，自相□舉，評論朝廷，虛構無端，諸所謀結，並欲何為？ 皆以情對，不得隱飾。 」滂對曰：「臣聞仲尼之言，『見善如不及，見惡如探湯』。 [四]欲使善善同其清，惡惡同其污，謂王政之所願聞，不悟更以為黨。 」甫曰：「卿更相拔舉，迭為唇齒，有不合者，見則排斥，其意如何？ 」滂乃慷慨仰天曰：「古之循善，自求多福； 今之循善，身陷大戮。 身死之日，願埋滂於首陽山側，上不負皇天，下不愧夷﹑齊。」
Other prisoners dropped the idea too. He volunteered for torture first to spare sick cellmates, rivaling Yuan Zhong for the rack. Wang Fu interrogated them in fetters and hoods on the palace steps. [3] Fan Pang and Yuan Zhong pushed forward out of turn. Wang Fu demanded they confess to forming an anti-court cabal. He ordered plain truth, no evasions. Fan Pang quoted Confucius on zeal for good and horror of evil. [4] He said he had only tried to align the court with virtue. Wang Fu pressed him on mutual recommendation. Fan Pang cried that ancient virtue won reward. Today virtue earns the executioner. He asked to lie near Boyi and Shuqi's grave on Shouyang.
131
[五]甫愍然為之改容。 乃得並解桎梏。 [六]注[一]鉤，引也。
[5] Even Wang Fu was moved. Their shackles were struck off. Note [1]: gou in gou dang means to implicate.
132
注[二]帝謂天也。
Note [2]: High Lord here means heaven or the throne.
133
注[三]三木，項及手足皆有械，更以物蒙覆其頭也。 前書司馬遷曰「魏其，大將也，衣赭關三木」也。
Note [3]: three-wood fetters bound neck, wrists, and ankles, with a hood over the head. The Hanshu compares the humiliation to Wei Qi in fetters.
134
注[四]探湯喻去疾也。 見論語。
Note [4]: the boiling cauldron image means instant revulsion at evil. The quotation is from the Analects.
135
注[五]伯夷﹑叔齊餓死首陽山，見史記。 首陽山在洛陽東北。
Note [5]: the Shiji tells of Boyi and Shuqi on Shouyang. Shouyang lies northeast of Luoyang.
136
注[六]鄭玄注周禮曰：「木在足曰桎，在手曰梏。」
Note [6]: Zheng Xuan distinguishes ankle stocks from hand stocks.
137
滂後事釋，南歸。 始發京師，汝南﹑南陽士大夫迎之者數千兩。 [一]同囚鄉人殷陶﹑黃穆，亦免俱歸，並□侍於滂，應對賓客。 滂顧謂陶等曰：「今子相隨，是重吾禍也。 」遂遁還鄉里。 注[一]兩，車也。 尚書曰：「戎車三百兩。」
When he was cleared he headed home south. Thousands of carriages of Runan and Nanyang gentry met him leaving Luoyang. [1] Two fellow townsfolk who shared his cell insisted on escorting him. He told them their company would only deepen suspicion. They slipped home separately. Note [1]: liang here counts carriages, not pairs of horses only. The Book of Documents counts war carts by liang.
138
初，滂等系獄，尚書霍諝理之。 及得免，到京師，往候諝而不為謝。 或有讓滂者。 對曰：「昔叔向嬰罪，祁奚救之，未聞羊舌有謝恩之辭，祁老有自伐之色。」
When Fan Pang was jailed, Huo Xu pleaded for him at the secretariat. After his release Fan Pang called on Huo Xu without a word of gratitude. Some criticized him for ingratitude. He cited the Zuo story: Shu Xiang never thanked Xi Qi aloud, nor did Xi Qi boast of the rescue.
139
竟無所言。 [一]注[一]左傳，晉討欒盈之黨，殺叔向之弟羊舌虎，並囚叔向。 於是祁奚聞之，見范宣子曰：「夫謀而鮮過，惠訓不倦者，叔向有焉。 社稷之固也，猶將十代宥之，今一不免其身，不亦惑乎？ 」宣子說而免之。 祁奚不見叔向而歸，叔向亦不告免焉而朝。 孔安國注尚書曰「自功曰伐」也。
He let the point stand without another word. [1] Note [1]: the gloss retells Jin's purge of Luan Ying and Shu Xiang's arrest. Xi Qi told Fan Xuanzi that Shu Xiang was the state's pillar. He argued that such a man deserved amnesty, not execution. Fan Xuanzi agreed and freed Shu Xiang. Neither man made a show of the rescue—they simply resumed duty. Kong Anguo defines fa as boasting of one's own deeds.
140
建寧二年，遂大誅黨人，詔下急捕滂等。 督郵吳導至縣，抱詔書，閉傳捨，伏默而泣。 [一]滂聞之，曰：「必為我也。 」即自詣獄。 縣令郭揖大驚，出解印綬，引與俱亡。 曰：「天下大矣，子何為在此？ 」滂曰：「滂死則禍塞，何敢以罪累君，又令老母流離乎！ 」其母就與之訣。 滂白母曰：「仲博孝敬，足以供養，[二]滂從龍舒君歸黃泉，[三]存亡各得其所。 惟大人割不可忍之恩，勿增感戚。」
In 169 the second partisan purge ordered Fan Pang's arrest. Wu Dao locked himself in the post station with the warrant and wept. [1] Fan Pang knew the warrant was for him. He walked to prison and surrendered. Magistrate Guo Yi tried to resign and flee with him. He urged Fan Pang to run while he could. Fan Pang refused to drag the magistrate or his mother into his fate. His mother came for a final farewell. [2-3] He told her his brother could support her while he joined his dead father. He begged her to choke back grief for his sake.
141
母曰：「汝今得與李﹑杜齊名，死亦何恨！ [四]既有令名，復求壽考，可兼得乎？」
She said to die beside Li Ying and Du Mi was honor enough. [4] She asked whether fame and long life could both be his.
142
滂跪受教，再拜而辭。 顧謂其子曰：「吾欲使汝為惡，則惡不可為； 使汝為善，則我不為惡。 」行路聞之，莫不流涕。 時年三十三。 注[一]傳，驛捨也，音知戀反。
He knelt, bowed twice, and went to his death. He told his son evil was not a path he could teach. His own death for good, he said, was the lesson for his son. Every bystander wept. He was thirty-three. Note [1]: chuan means the post-house; the commentary gives its fanqie.
143
注[二]仲博，滂弟也。
Note [2]: Zhongbo is Fan Pang's brother.
144
注[三]謝承書曰：「滂父顯，故龍舒侯相也。」
Note [3]: Fan Xian had been chancellor to the marquis of Longshu.
145
注[四]李膺﹑杜密。
Note [4]: Li and Du are Li Ying and Du Mi.
146
論曰：李膺振拔污險之中，[一]蘊義生風，以鼓動流俗，[二]激素行以恥威權，立廉尚以振貴埶，使天下之士奮迅感□，波蕩而從之，幽深牢破室族而不顧，至於子伏其死而母歡其義。 壯矣哉！ 子曰：「道之將廢也與？ 命也！ 」[三]注[一]前書班固曰「振拔污塗，跨騰風雲」也。
The historian praises Li Ying for rousing the elite against corruption until men died gladly and mothers approved. What grandeur! Confucius asked whether the Way's eclipse was fate. He called it Heaven's decree. [3] Note [1]: Ban Gu's phrase on rising from the mire.
147
注[二]周易曰：「鼓以動之。」
Note [2]: the Changes uses the drum as image of stirring action.
148
注[三]論語之文。
Note [3]: the closing quote is from the Analects.
149
尹勳字伯元，河南鞏人也。 家世衣冠。 伯父睦為司徒，兄頌為太尉，宗族多居貴位者，而勳獨持清操，不以地埶尚人。 州郡連辟，察孝廉，三遷邯鄲令，政有異多。 後舉高第，五遷尚書令。 及桓帝誅大將軍梁冀，勳參建大謀，封都鄉侯。 遷汝南太守。 上書解釋范滂﹑袁忠等黨議禁錮。 尋征拜將作大匠，轉大司農。 坐竇武等事，下獄自殺。
Yin Xun, style Boyuan, came from Gong in Henan. His house had long held high office. Though uncles and brothers were grandees, Yin Xun stayed modest. He rose through Handan with a singular reputation for governance. He climbed five steps to minister secretary. He helped plan Liang Ji's fall and won a village marquisate. He became governor of Runan. He petitioned to clear Fan Pang and Yuan Zhong of the ban. He was recalled minister of works, then minister of finance. Dou Wu's coup trapped him in prison; he took his own life.
150
蔡衍字孟喜，汝南項人也。 [一]少明經講授，以禮讓化鄉里。 鄉里有爭訟者，輒詣衍決之，其所平處，皆曰無怨。 注[一]項，今陳州項城縣也。
Cai Yan, style Mengxi, came from Xiang in Runan. [1] He taught the classics and taught his neighbors courtesy. Villagers brought every dispute to him and left satisfied. Note [1]: Xiang is modern Xiangcheng in Henan.
151
羊陟字嗣祖，太山梁父人也。 [一]家世冠族。 陟少清直有學行，舉孝廉，辟太尉李固府，舉高第，拜侍御史。 會固被誅，陟以故吏禁錮歷年。 復舉高第，再遷冀州刺史。 奏案貪濁，所在肅然。 又再遷虎賁中郎將﹑城門校尉，三遷尚書令。 時太尉張顥﹑司徒樊陵﹑大鴻臚郭防﹑太僕曹陵﹑大司農馮方並與宦豎相姻私，公行貨賂，並奏罷黜之，不納。 以前太尉劉寵﹑司隸校尉許冰﹑幽州刺史楊熙﹑涼州刺史劉恭﹑益州刺史龐艾清亮在公，薦舉升進。 帝嘉之，拜陟河南尹。 計日受奉，常食干飯茹菜，禁制豪右，京師憚之。 會黨事起，免官禁錮，卒於家。 注[一]梁父故城在今兗州泗水縣北。
Yang Zhi, style Sizu, came from Liangfu in Taishan. [1] His clan ranked among the great houses. Recommended filial and incorrupt, he served Li Gu and became attendant censor. Li Gu's death barred him from office for years. Recalled, he rose twice to inspector of Ji Province. His investigations terrified corrupt officials. He rose to Tiger Ben colonel, city-gates colonel, then minister secretary. He impeached a ring of ministers tied to eunuchs; the throne ignored it. He nominated honest men such as Liu Chong and Xu Bing for higher rank. The emperor made him governor of Henan. He lived on dry rations and cracked down on Luoyang magnates. The proscription ended his career; he died at home. Note [1]: old Liangfu lay north of Sishui, Shandong.
152
張儉字符節，山陽高平人，趙王張耳之後也。 [一]父成，江夏太守。 儉初舉茂才，以刺史非其人，謝病不起。 注[一]張耳，大梁人也。 高祖立為趙王。
Zhang Jian, style Yuanjie, of Gaoping in Shanyang, traced descent from Zhao's Zhang Er. [1] His father Zhang Cheng governed Jiangxia. He refused a flourishing-talent summons under a corrupt inspector. Note [1]: Zhang Er came from Daliang. Gaozu made him king of Zhao.
153
延熹八年，太守翟超請為東部督郵。 時中常侍侯覽家在防東，[一]殘暴百姓，所為不軌。 儉舉劾覽及其母罪惡，請誅之。 覽遏絕章表，並不得通，由是結仇。
In 165 Governor Zhai Chao named him eastern supervising secretary. [1] Hou Lan's kin terrorized Fangdong. Zhang Jian memorialized for Hou Lan's execution. Hou Lan suppressed the memorials and sealed their feud.
154
鄉人朱並，素性佞邪，為儉所□，並懷怨恚，遂上書告儉與同郡二十四人為黨，於是刊章討捕。 儉得亡命，困迫遁走，望門投止，莫不重其名行，破家兼容。
Zhu Bing, whom Zhang Jian had shamed, denounced him as head of a twenty-five-man clique. Fugitives across the realm hid him at ruinous cost.
155
後流轉東萊，止李篤家。 外黃令毛欽操兵到門，篤引欽謂曰：「張儉知名天下，而亡非其罪。 縱儉可得，寧忍執之乎？ 」欽因起撫篤曰：「蘧伯玉恥獨為君子，足下如何自專仁義？ 」篤曰：「篤雖好義，明廷今日載其半矣。 」[二]欽歎息而去。 篤因緣送儉出塞，以故得免。 其所經歷，伏重誅者以十數，宗親並皆殄滅，郡縣為之殘破。 注[一]縣名，屬山陽郡，故城在今兗州金鄉縣南。
He reached Donglai and the home of Li Du. Magistrate Mao Qin came with troops; Li Du argued Zhang Jian was innocent. He asked whether Mao Qin could arrest a man he knew was blameless. Mao Qin cited Qu Boyu's shame at solitary virtue. Li Du answered that the state already owned half the credit by not forcing the arrest. [2] Mao Qin sighed and withdrew. Li Du smuggled him beyond the frontier to safety. His flight cost dozens of hosts execution and shattered whole counties. Note [1]: Fangdong county lay south of Jinxiang, Shandong.
156
注[二]明廷猶明府。 言不執儉，得義之半也。
Note [2]: ming ting means the same as ming fu, "your excellency." Letting Zhang Jian go counted as half the moral victory.
157
中平元年，黨事解，乃還鄉里。 大將軍、三公並辟，又舉敦樸，公車特徵，起家拜少府，皆不就。 獻帝初，百姓饑荒，而儉資計差溫，乃傾竭財產，與邑裡共之，賴其存者以百數。
In 184 the ban ended and he went home. High office called him repeatedly; he refused every post. In the famine he fed hundreds from his own stores.
158
建安初，征為衛尉，不得已而起。 儉見曹氏世德已萌，乃闔門懸車，不豫政事。
In 196 he could no longer refuse the captaincy of the guard. Seeing Cao power rise, he sealed his gate and withdrew from politics.
159
歲余卒於許下。 年八十四。
He died at Xu a year later. He was eighty-four.
160
論曰：昔魏齊違死，虞卿解印； [一]季布逃亡，朱家甘罪。 [二]而張儉見怒時王，顛沛假命，天下聞其風者，莫不憐其壯志，而爭為之主。 至乃捐城委爵、破族屠身，蓋數十百所，豈不賢哉！ 然儉以區區一掌，而欲獨堙江河，[三]終嬰疾甚之亂，多見其不知量也。 [四]注[一]違，避也。 史記魏齊，魏之諸公子也。 虞卿，趙相也。 范睢入秦，為昭王相，昭王乃遺趙王書曰：「魏齊，范睢之仇也，急持其頭來。 」趙王乃圍齊，齊急亡，見虞卿。 卿度趙王不可說，乃解其印，與齊往信陵君所。 信陵君初聞之疑，後乃出迎。 齊聞信陵初疑，遂自刎。 趙王持其頭遺秦也。
The historian compares him to Wei Qi and Yu Qing. [1] And to Ji Bu sheltered by Zhu Jia. [2] All the empire pitied Zhang Jian and competed to hide him. Hosts ruined themselves by the score—could such men be less than heroic? [3] The historian judges Zhang Jian a fool to think one man could dam the torrent of eunuch power. [4] Note [1]: wei means to flee. Wei Qi was a Wei nobleman. Yu Qing served as chancellor of Zhao. Fan Ju demanded Wei Qi's head from Zhao. Zhao besieged Wei Qi, who fled to Yu Qing. Yu Qing resigned his seal and fled with Wei Qi to Lord Xinling. Lord Xinling hesitated, then welcomed them. Wei Qi killed himself when he heard of the hesitation. Zhao sent Wei Qi's head to Qin.
161
注[二]季布，楚人。 為項羽將，數窘漢王。 羽敗，漢購求布千金，敢捨匿，罪三族。 布匿濮陽周氏，髡鉗布，之魯朱家所賣之。 朱家心知是季布也。 買置田舍。 乃往洛陽，見汝陰侯灌嬰，說之曰：「季布何罪？ 臣各為主用，職耳。 」汝陰侯言於高帝，帝乃赦之。 拜郎中，後為河東守也。
Note [2]: Ji Bu was a Chu man. He had embarrassed Liu Bang under Xiang Yu. Han put a thousand-catty price on his head. He was disguised as a convict laborer and sold to Zhu Jia in Lu. Zhu Jia recognized him. Zhu Jia bought him and hid him on a farm. Zhu Jia went to Luoyang and persuaded Marquis of Ruoyin Guan Ying to plead for Ji Bu. He said each side served its lord by duty. Guan Ying persuaded Gaozu to pardon Ji Bu. Ji Bu rose to governor of Hedong.
162
注[三]堙，塞也。 前書班固曰：「何武、王嘉，區區以一簣障江河，用沒其身。」
Note [3]: yin means to dam up. Ban Gu compared them to men who tried to dam a river with one basket of earth.
163
注[四]論語曰：「人而不仁，疾之以甚，亂也。 」又曰：「人雖欲自絕，其何傷於日月[乎]？ 多見其不知量也。」
Note [4]: the Analects warns against excessive hatred of the inhumane. The Analects compares slander to trying to eclipse the sun. The closing line marks folly and overreach.
164
岑晊字公孝，南陽棘陽人也。 [一]父* (像) **[豫]*，為南郡太守，以貪叨誅死。
Cen Zhi, style Gongxiao, came from Jiyang in Nanyang. His father A damaged gloss follows the father's name. His father Yu governed Nan commandery and was executed for corruption.
165
[二]晊年少未知名，往候同郡宗慈，慈方以有道見征，賓客滿門，以晊非良家子，不肯見。 晊留門下數日，晚乃引入。 慈與語，大奇之，遂將俱至洛陽，因詣太學受業。 注[一]棘音力。
[2] Zong Ci at first snubbed the son of an executed official. After days at the gate Cen Zhi was finally admitted. Zong Ci brought him to the capital and enrolled him in the academy. Note [1]: the commentary gives the reading of ji.
166
注[二]方言曰：「叨，殘也。」
Note [2]: tao in the Fang yan means cruel greed.
167
晊有高才，郭林宗、朱公叔等皆為友，李膺、王暢稱其有干國器，雖在閭裡，慨然有董正天下之志。 [一]太守弘農成□下車，欲振威嚴，聞晊高名，請為功曹，又以張牧為中賊曹吏。 □委心晊、牧，□善糾違，肅清朝府。 宛有富賈張泛者，桓帝美人之外親，善巧雕鏤玩好之物，頗以賂遺中官，以此並得顯位，恃其伎巧，用埶縱橫。 晊與牧勸□收捕泛等，既而遇赦，晊竟誅之，並收其宗族賓客，殺二百餘人，後乃奏聞。 於是中常侍侯覽使泛妻上書訟其冤。 帝大震怒，征□，下獄死。 晊與牧亡匿齊魯之閒。 會赦出。 後州郡察舉，三府交辟，並不就。 及李、杜之誅，因復逃竄，終於江夏山中雲。 注[一]爾雅曰：「董，督正也。」
Guo Tai and Li Ying hailed him as a statesman even while he was still unknown locally. [1] Governor Cheng Jin of Hongnong named him merit assessor alongside Zhang Mu. The governor left discipline to the pair and the yamen ran clean. A well-connected merchant named Zhang Fan bullied Wan with eunuch backing. They executed Zhang Fan and two hundred kin despite an amnesty, then reported it. Hou Lan had the widow petition for revenge. The emperor had Governor Cheng jailed until he died. Cen Zhi and Zhang Mu fled to the Qi-Lu border. An amnesty freed them. They refused every later summons. After Li Ying and Du Mi died they vanished into the Jiangxia hills. Note [1]: dong in the Erya means to set right.
168
陳翔字子麟，汝南邵陵人也。 祖父珍，司隸校尉。 翔少知名，善交結。 察孝廉，太尉周景辟舉高第，拜侍御史。 時正旦朝賀，大將軍梁冀威儀不整，*[翔]*奏冀恃貴不敬，請收案罪，時人奇之。 遷定襄太守，征拜議郎，遷揚州刺史。 舉奏豫章太守王永奏事中官，吳郡太守徐參在職貪穢，並征詣廷尉。 參，中常侍璜之弟也。 由此威名大振。 又征拜議郎，補御史中丞。 坐黨事考黃門北寺獄，以無驗見原，卒於家。
Chen Xiang, style Zilin, came from Shaoling in Runan. His grandfather Chen Zhen had been metropolitan commandant. He was famous young for networking. Zhou Jing raised him to attendant censor. He impeached Liang Ji for slovenly court demeanor at New Year. He governed Dingxiang, then inspected Yangzhou. He charged two governors—one for using eunuchs, one for graft. Xu Can was the eunuch Xu Huang's brother. His fame exploded after those indictments. He returned as consultant and imperial secretary. The partisan case jailed him briefly; lack of evidence freed him and he died at home.
169
注[二]家學尚書。
Note [2]: his household specialized in the Documents.
170
苑康字仲真，勃海重合人也。 [一]少受業太學，與郭林宗親善。 舉孝廉，再遷穎陰令，有能多。 注[一]重合，縣，故城在今滄州樂陵縣東。
Yuan Kang, style Zhongzhen, came from Chonghe in Bohai. [1] He studied at the academy with Guo Tai. He twice governed Yingyin with distinction. Note [1]: old Chonghe lay east of Leling, Hebei.
171
遷太山太守。 郡內豪姓多不法，康至，奮威怒，施嚴令，莫有干犯者。 先所請奪人田宅，皆遽還之。
He became governor of Taishan. He terrified Taishan's magnates into obedience. He forced restitution of stolen land.
172
是時山陽張儉殺常侍侯覽母，案其宗黨賓客，或有迸匿太山界者，康既常疾閹官，因此皆窮相收掩，無得遺脫。 覽大怨之，誣康與兗州刺史第五種及都尉壺嘉詐上賊降，征康詣廷尉獄，減死罪一等，徙日南。 穎陰人及太山羊陟等詣闕為訟，乃原還本郡，卒於家。
When Zhang Jian's purge drove Hou Lan's clients into Taishan, Yuan Kang hunted every one of them down. Hou Lan framed him with Di Wu; he was spared death but exiled south. Popular petition won his return home, where he died.
173
□□字文有，山陽瑕丘人也。 [一]少為諸生，家貧而志清，不受鄉里施惠。 舉孝廉，連辟公府，皆不就。 立精舍教授，遠方至者常數百人。 桓帝時，博士征，不就。 靈帝即位，太尉黃瓊舉方正，對策合時宜，再遷議郎，補蒙令。 [二]以郡守非其人，□官去。 家無產業，子孫同衣而出。 年八十，卒於家。 [三]注[一]瑕丘，今兗州縣。
A scholar whose name is lost in the lacuna, style Wenyou, came from Xiaqiu in Shanyang. [1] He was a poor student who refused charity. He turned down every high summons. He ran a private school of several hundred students. He refused an erudite post under Emperor Huan. Huang Qiong nominated him; he served as magistrate of Meng. [2] He quit over a bad governor. His family shared one set of good clothes for going out. He died at home at eighty. [3] Note [1]: Xiaqiu is in modern Shandong.
174
注[二]蒙，縣，屬梁國。
Note [2]: Meng county lay in the kingdom of Liang.
175
注[三]謝承書曰「□*[與]*子孫同衣而行，并日而食」也。
Xie Cheng stresses his extreme poverty.
176
劉儒字叔林，東郡陽平人也。 [一]郭林宗常謂儒口訥心辯，有珪璋之質。 [二]察孝廉，舉高第，三遷侍中。 桓帝時，數有□異，下策博求直言，儒上封事十條，極言得失，辭甚忠切。 帝不能納，出為任城相。 頃之，征拜議郎。 會竇武事，下獄自殺。 注[一]陽平故城，今魏州莘縣。
Liu Ru, style Shulin, came from Yangping in Dong commandery. [1] Guo Tai called him tongue-tied but brilliant as jade. [2] He rose thrice to palace attendant. He sent ten blunt memorials on omens and policy. The emperor ignored him and made him chancellor of Rencheng. Soon he was recalled as consultant. Dou Wu's fall drove him to suicide in prison. Note [1]: old Yangping is near modern Shen, Henan.
177
注[二]珪璋，玉也。 半珪曰璋。 謝承書曰：「林宗歎儒有珪璋之質，終必為令德之士。 」詩曰：「如珪如璋，令聞令望。」
Note [2]: gui and zhang are ritual jades. A zhang is half a scepter jade. Guo Tai predicted Liu Ru would be a man of virtue. The ode compares a gentleman to scepter jades.
178
賈彪字偉節，穎川定陵人也。 少游京師，志節慷慨，與同郡荀爽齊名。
Jia Biao, style Weijie, came from Dingling in Yingchuan. In Luoyang he matched Xun Shuang for fervor and fame.
179
初仕州郡，舉孝廉，補新息長。 [一]小民困貧，多不養子，彪嚴為其制，與殺人同罪。 城南有盜劫害人者，北有婦人殺子者，彪出案發，[二]而掾吏欲引南。
He began as chief of Xinxi. [1] He criminalized infanticide in his county. [2] His clerks wanted him to pursue the bandits first.
180
彪怒曰：「賊寇害人，此則常理，母子相殘，逆天違道。 」遂驅車北行，案驗其罪。 城南賊聞之，亦面縛自首。 數年閒，人養子者千數，僉曰「賈父所長」，生男名為「賈子」，生女名為「賈女」。 注[一]新息，今豫州縣。
He said parricide was worse than robbery. He drove north to try the mother first. The robbers surrendered when they heard of his justice. Within a few years a thousand families kept newborns and nicknamed them after Magistrate Jia. Note [1]: Xinxi is in modern Henan.
181
注[二]就發處案驗之。
Note [2]: the gloss means to verify on site.
182
延熹九年，黨事起，太尉陳蕃爭之不能得，朝廷寒心，莫敢復言。 彪謂同志曰：
In 166 the proscription silenced the whole court after Chen Fan failed. Jia Biao told his allies,
183
「吾不西行，大禍不解。 」乃入洛陽，說城門校尉竇武、尚書霍諝，武等訟之，桓帝以此大赦黨人。 李膺出，曰：「吾得免此，賈生之謀也。」
that he must go to Luoyang or the purge would stand. He lobbied Dou Wu and Huo Xu until Emperor Huan issued a broad amnesty. Li Ying credited Jia Biao with their release.
184
先是岑晊以黨事逃亡，親友多匿焉，彪獨閉門不納，時人望之。 [一]彪曰：「傳言『相時而動，無累後人』。 [二]公孝以要君致釁，自遺其咎，吾以不能奮戈相待，反可容隱之乎？ 」於是鹹服其裁正。 注[一]望，怨也。
When Cen Zhi fled, Jia Biao alone refused him shelter. [1] He quoted the need to act in season and not burden posterity. [2] He said Cen Zhi had courted ruin and hiding him would wrong the state. Critics accepted his reasoning. Note [1]: wang here means blame or resentment.
185
注[二]相，視也。 左傳之文也。
Note [2]: xiang means to watch the moment. The quotation comes from the Zuo Commentary.
186
以黨禁錮，卒於家。 初，彪兄弟三人，並有高名，而彪最優，故天下稱曰「賈氏三虎，偉節最怒」。
The ban kept him home until he died. The world ranked the three Jia brothers as tigers, with Jia Biao fiercest.
187
何顒字伯求，南陽襄鄉人也。 [一]少遊學洛陽。 顒雖後進，而郭林宗、賈偉節等與之相好，顯名太學。 友人虞偉高有父讎未報，而篤病將終，顒往候之，偉高泣而訴。 顒感其義，為復讎，以頭醊其墓。 [二]注[一]襄鄉故城在今隨州棗陽縣東北也。
He Yong, style Boqiu, came from Xiangxiang in Nanyang. [1] He studied in the capital as a young man. Guo Tai befriended him despite his junior status and made him famous at the academy. He visited a dying friend who wept over an unavenged father. He avenged the murder and poured a blood libation on the friend's grave. [2] Note [1]: old Xiangxiang lay northeast of modern Zaoyang.
188
注[二]醊，祭酹也，音竹歲反。
Note [2]: zhui means a libation offering; the commentary gives fanqie.
189
及陳蕃、李膺之敗，顒以與蕃、膺善，遂為宦官所陷，乃變姓名，亡匿汝南閒。
After Chen Fan and Li Ying fell, he fled under an alias in Runan.
190
所至皆親其豪桀，有聲荊豫之域。 袁紹慕之，私與往來，結為奔走之友。 [一]是時黨事起，天下多離其難，顒常私入洛陽，從紹計議。 其窮困閉□者，為求援救，以濟其患。 有被掩捕者，則廣設權計，使得逃隱，全免者甚觿。 注[一]詩大雅曰：「予曰有胥附，予曰有先後，予曰有奔走，予曰有禦侮。 」毛萇注曰：「諭德宣譽曰奔走。」
He rallied heroes wherever he went across Jing and Yu. Yuan Shao courted him as a confidential ally. [1] He slipped into Luoyang repeatedly to plot with Yuan Shao. He organized relief for partisans trapped in poverty. He engineered escapes for many men under warrant. Note [1]: the ode lists the king's four kinds of helper. Mao Hong defines the runner as one who spreads the ruler's fame.
191
操以是嘉之。 嘗稱「穎川荀彧，王佐之器」。 及彧為尚書令，遣人西迎叔父爽，並致顒屍，而葬之爽之頤傍。
Cao Cao honored him for it. He famously called Xun Yu fit to assist a true king. When Xun Yu rose to power he had He Yong buried beside Xun Shuang.
192
贊曰：渭以涇濁，玉以礫貞。 物性既區，嗜惡從形。 [一]蘭蕕無並，銷長相傾。
The encomium compares worthies clarified by contrast with vileness. Nature sorts noble from base; preference follows what one sees. [1] Sweet orchid cannot share soil with stinkgrass; the two camps exclude each other.
193
[二]徒恨芳膏，煎灼燈明。 [三]注[一]礫音歷。 說文曰：「礫，小石也。 」言渭以涇濁，乃顯其清，玉居礫石，乃見其貞。 區猶別也。 嗜，愛也。 從形謂形有善惡也。 以諭彼李膺等與宦豎不同，故相憎疾。
[2] It laments fine men consumed like lamp oil by the flame of integrity. [3] Note [1]: fanqie for the gravel character. The Shuowen defines li as pebble. Mud clarifies the river; gravel sets off the jade. Qu means sorting into kinds. Shi means fondness. Cong xing means outward form shows good or evil. It applies the image to Li Ying's hatred of the eunuchs.
194
注[二]蕕，臭草也。 左傳曰：「一熏一蕕，十年尚猶有華。 」易否卦曰：「小人道長，君子道銷。 」泰卦曰：「君子道長，小人道銷。 」老子曰「高下相傾」也。
Note [2]: you is the foul elecampane-like weed. The Zuo contrasts one fragrant and one foul influence. The Pi hexagram shows the petty man rising. The Tai hexagram reverses the pattern. Laozi notes that high and low define each other.
195
注[三]前書龔勝死，有一老父入哭甚哀，曰：「熏以香自燒，膏以明自銷。」
Note [3]: an old man mourned Gong Sheng with the lamp-and-incense metaphor.
196
校勘記
Section heading: textual collation notes.
197
二一八四頁六行又將及難按：「又」原斗「及」，逕據汲本、殿本改正。
Collation: emendation from you to ji at 2184.6.
198
二一八四頁一一行狙獮猴也按：「獮」原斗「彌」，逕據汲本、殿本改正。
Collation: restore xian for yi in the macaque gloss.
199
二一八四頁一三行謂范睢蔡澤之類按：汲本、殿本「睢」作「雎」。
Collation: variant spelling of Fan Ju's name.
200
二一八四頁一四行贏糧而景從也按：「贏」原斗「嬴」，逕據汲本、殿本改正。
Collation: fix ying carrying grain.
201
二一八四頁一六行懷經協術集解引惠棟說，謂「協」當作「挾」，古字通，黃瓊傳「黃門協邪」是也。
Collation: xie for xie per Hui Dong.
202
二一八五頁二行忠義之流按：「忠」原斗「志」，逕據汲本、殿本改正。
Collation: zhong not zhi.
203
二一八五頁三行國命委於閹寺按：「閹」原斗「閽」，逕據汲本、殿本改正。
Collation: yan for hun.
204
二一八五頁一五行正枉必過其直見孟子按：殿本考證謂今孟子無此文。
Collation: Mencius parallel not found in received text.
205
二一八六頁一０行磬* (牙) **[互]*境界按：校補引柳從辰說，謂「牙」應作「□」，即「互」字。 今據改。
Collation: damaged graph at 2186.10. Collation gloss fragment ya. Collation: read hu for ya in borderlands phrase. Collation: emendation adopted.
206
二一八七頁二行李膺為河南尹集解引惠棟說，謂考異云「河南尹」當作「司隸」。
Collation: Li Ying's title Henan versus metropolitan commandant.
207
校補引侯康說，謂通鑒系張成事於延熹九年，是年李膺為司隸，故考異云然，然靈紀九年無赦，惟八年三月大赦天下，則張成推占當赦，命子殺人，實在八年三月前，是時李膺正代鄧萬世為河南尹也。 今按：黃山謂按張成事不必在八年。 膺之輸作左校，本傳及陳蕃傳皆謂膺河南尹，馮緄傳則謂膺司隸校尉，此范書之疏繆也。
Collation: dating Li Ying's title during Zhang Cheng case. Collation: Huang Shan on dating. Collation: Fan Ye's inconsistency on Li Ying's office.
208
二一八七頁三行帝亦頗誶其占集解引錢大昕說，謂「誶」當作「訊」，古書訊誶二字多相亂。 今按：御覽六五一引作「訊」。
Collation: read xun for sui. Collation: Taiping yulan supports xun.
209
二一八七頁三行成弟子牢修集解引惠棟說，謂袁宏紀作「牢順」，續漢志作「牢川」。 今按：御覽引作「牢循」。
Collation: variants for Lao Xiu's name. Collation: another variant Lao Xun.
210
二一八七頁一一行荀翌按：汲本、殿本「翌」作「昱」。 下同。 按：「翌」字經史多假為「昱」字。
Collation: Yi versus Yu for Xun Yi. Collation: same emendation below. Collation: yi as loan for yu.
211
二一八七頁一三行孔昱按：皇甫規傳「昱」作「翊」。 集解引惠棟說，謂黨錮傳有孔昱，昱字符世，韓敕碑有御史孔翊元世，則翊即昱也。
Collation: Kong Yu versus Kong Yi. Collation: Kong Yi identified with Kong Yu.
212
二一八七頁一三行苑康汲本、殿本「苑」作「范」。 下同。 按：荀淑、竇武傳並作「苑康」，作「范」誤。
Collation: Fan versus Yuan for Yuan Kang. Collation: same below. Collation: Yuan is correct, not Fan.
213
二一八七頁一三行□* (敷) **[□]*按：集解引惠棟說，謂本傳及韓敕碑皆作「□」。 今據改，與下文合。
Collation: lacuna at 2187.13. Collation gloss fu. Collation: restore lacunose name per stele. Collation: emended for consistency.
214
二一八八頁六行劉祗按：「祗」原斗「只」，逕據汲本、殿本改正。
Collation: Liu Zhi graph.
215
二一八八頁六行朱楷按：「楷」原斗「揩」，逕據汲本、殿本改正。
Collation: Zhu Kai graph.
216
二一九０頁一行荀翌附祖淑傳按：沉家本謂案淑傳雲兄淑子昱，則「祖」字鬥。
Collation: zu error in Xun Yi attachment note.
217
二一九０頁二行王璋字伯儀集解引惠棟說，謂「璋」當作「章」，「儀」當作「義」。
Collation: Wang Zhang name variants.
218
按：校補引柳從辰說，謂上文王章為八廚，字本作「章」，此又作「璋」，必有一誤。
Collation: Wang Zhang versus Wang Zhang duplication.
219
二一九一頁七行還居綸氏續志「綸氏」作「輪氏」。 按：綸輪通。
Collation: Lun versus Wheel county name. Collation: lun and wheel are cognate.
220
二一九一頁八行為節*[志]*者所羞據汲本、殿本補。
Collation: supplement zhi in phrase.
221
二一九二頁一五行使*[使]*者往觀楚之寶器據汲本、殿本補。
Collation: duplicate envoy supplied.
222
二一九三頁九行使守高堂按：汲本、殿本「堂」作「唐」。
Collation: Gaotang versus Gaotang.
223
二一九三頁一四行*[則]*弒君父矣據汲本、殿本補，與左傳合。
Collation: supply ze in Zuo quotation.
224
二一九四頁七行時張讓弟朔為野王令按：集解引惠棟說，謂袁紀作「陽翟令張輿」，又膺為河南尹時考殺之也。
Collation: variant on Zhang Shuo and magistracy.
225
二一九四頁一一行今臣到官已積一旬按：集解引惠棟說，謂袁紀「一旬」作「二旬」。
Collation: ten versus twenty days in Fan Pang memorial.
226
二一九四頁一三行皆鞠躬屏氣按：「鞠」原斗「鞫」，逕據汲本、殿本改正。
Collation: bow graph ju versus ju.
227
二一九七頁八行漏奪名籍刊誤謂「奪」當作「脫」。 按：惠棟謂續漢書作「漏脫」，奪與脫古字通。
Collation: duo versus tuo in Jing Yi quotation. Hui Dong cites Xu Han shu wording and the duo-tuo interchange.
228
二一九八頁四行劉季陵清高士按：汲本「陵」作「林」。 殿本考證謂「陵」本或作「林」。
Collation: Ji edition has lin instead of ling for Liu Jiling. Palace editors note the ling-lin variant.
229
二二０二頁六行入林慮山中按：御覽八一七引謝承書，作「遁多黑山」。
Collation: Taiping yulan variant for the mountain name.
230
二二０二頁七行為冶家傭按：「冶」原斗「治」，逕據汲本、殿本改正。
Collation: restore ye foundry graph.
231
二二０二頁七行追之於涅陽巿中按：集解引惠棟說，謂袁紀作「滏陽」，魏郡鄴縣有釜水，或是滏水之陽。 案漢末林慮、鄴縣皆屬魏郡，馥入林慮山，靜追之滏陽巿中，為得其實。
Collation: Nieyang versus Fuyang market name. Collation argues Fuyang fits geography better than Nieyang.
232
二二０四頁三行得無自取不優之議也按：汲本「議也」作「譏邪」。
Collation: yi ye versus ji xie wording.
233
二二０四頁一二行滂鶯時方艱按：集解引王補說，謂袁紀「艱」下有「難」字。
Collation: add nan after jian per Yuan Hong.
234
二二０五頁一五行見則排斥按：刊誤謂「見則」案文當作「則見」。
Collation: word order jian ze versus ze jian.
235
二二０五頁一五行古之循善按：刊誤謂案文「循」當作「修」。
Collation: xun versus xiu for cultivate good.
236
二二０六頁一０行並衛侍於滂按：汲本、殿本「滂」作「傍」。
Collation: bang for pang in attend on Fan Pang.
237
二二０八頁三行周易曰鼓以動之殿本考證雲諸本同，王會汾謂案易無此文。 張森楷校勘記謂「鼓」或當是「風」誤。 今按：注或引詩大序「風以動之」，展轉傳寫，誤「詩序」為「周易」，誤「風」為「鼓」耳。
Collation: disputed citation to Zhou yi. Collation: gu versus feng in the gloss. Collation explains misattribution to Shijing preface.
238
二二０九頁五行* (征) **[復]*拜議郎據汲本、殿本改。 按：前曾征拜議郎，故此雲復拜，作「征」誤。
Collation: lacuna at 2209.5. Collation gloss zheng. Collation: supply fu again in appointment phrase. Collation: fu not zheng for again appointed.
239
二二０九頁六行家世冠族按：汲本、殿本「冠」上有「衣」字。
Collation: insert yi before guan clan.
240
二二０九頁八行司徒樊陵按：集解引錢大昕說，謂靈帝紀陵為太尉，非司徒。
Collation: Fan Ling's office title.
241
二二０九頁一０行司隸校尉許冰汲本、殿本「冰」作「永」。 按：殿本考證謂「永」毛本作「冰」，監本作「水」，今從宋本。 王先謙謂毛本並不作「冰」，不知所據何本。
Collation: Xu Bing versus Xu Yong. Collation: follow Song for Bing. Collation: Wang Xianqian doubts Mao Bing reading.
242
二二０九頁一０行幽州刺史楊熙按：「楊」原斗「揚」，逕改正。
Collation: surname Yang not yang raise.
243
二二一０頁五行由是結仇鄉人朱並汲本、殿本「結仇」下衍「覽等」二字。 按：
Collation: spurious lan deng after jie chou. Collation note continues.
244
「覽等」二字如連上讀，當以「由是結仇覽等」句絕，然上文祗言侯覽與張儉結仇，不當有「等」字也。 如連下讀，則朱並成為侯覽之鄉人，通鑒即以「覽等」二字連下讀，而省去一「等」字，作「覽鄉人朱並」，然朱並為張儉之鄉人，非侯覽之鄉人也。 紹興本無此二字，乃知此二字為衍文。
Collation: lan deng cannot end prior sentence. Collation: Zhu Bing cannot be Lan's townsman. Collation: Shaoxing edition omits spurious graphs.
245
冊府元龜九四九正作「鄉人朱並告儉與同郡二十四人為黨」，亦一明證也。
Collation: Cefu yuangui confirms wording.
246
二二一０頁七行外黃令毛欽操兵到門按：外黃屬陳留郡，黃縣屬東萊郡，故顧炎武、錢大昕皆謂當作「黃令」，多一「外」字。 惠棟則謂袁紀作「督郵毛欽」，或欽是外黃人，衍一「令」字耳。
Editors note that Waihuang lay in Chenliu while Huang county lay in Donglai; Gu Yanwu and Qian Daxin therefore argue the text should read magistrate of Huang, with the graph wai intruding by error. Collation: Mao Qin as supervising secretary variant.
247
二二一二頁二行其何傷於日月*[乎]*據汲本、殿本補，與論語合。
Collation: supply hu particle in Analects quote.
248
二二一二頁三行父* (像) **[豫]*為南郡太守據汲本、殿本改。 按：殿本考證謂「豫」監本作「像」，從宋本改。
Collation: lacuna in father's name. Collation gloss fragment. Collation: restore Yu graph for father's name. Collation: Yu versus xiang in editions.
249
二二一二頁九行又以張牧為中賊曹吏按：刊誤謂案文多一「中」字，「吏」當作「史」。
Collation: zhong li versus banditry shi title.
250
二二一二頁一三行晊與牧亡匿齊魯之閒按：汲本、殿本「亡匿」上衍「遁逃」二字。
Collation: spurious dun tao before fled.
251
二二一三頁四行*[翔]*奏冀恃貴不敬據汲本、殿本補。
Collation: supply Xiang subject of memorial.
252
二二一三頁五行奏事中官按：校補謂案文「奏」當為「奉」之鬥。 又按：據張元濟後漢書校勘記，「官」原作「宮」，影印時描改為「官」。
Collation: zou versus feng serve eunuchs. Collation: gong versus guan graph damage.
253
二二一四頁一行前書孔霸字次* (孺) **[儒]*據汲本、殿本改，與前書合。
Collation: Kong Ba style name fragment. Collation gloss ru. Collation: ru character in Kong Ba name.
254
二二一四頁九行皆遽還之按：王先謙謂「遽」乃「追」之鬥。
Collation: ju versus zhui for return land.
255
二二一五頁二行遠方至者常數百人按：「常」原作「嘗」，逕據汲本、殿本改。
Collation: chang always not taste.
256
二二一五頁七行□*[與]*子孫同衣而行據汲本、殿本補。
Collation: supply with graph in poverty phrase.
257
二二一五頁一０行出為任城相按：「城」原斗「成」，逕據汲本、殿本改正。
Collation: Rencheng city graph.
258
二二一五頁一二行令聞令望按：「聞」原作「問」，逕據汲本、殿本改。
Collation: wen fame not ask.
259
二二一六頁三行而掾吏欲引南按：刊誤謂案文「吏」當作「史」。
Collation: li clerk versus shi scribe.
260
二二一七頁一０行亡匿汝南閒按：刊誤謂案文「閒」字下又云「有聲荊豫之域」，若只在汝南，則無用「閒」字，不當云「荊」，蓋漏「南郡」二字也，南郡則屬荊州。
Collation: supplement Nan commandery in flight phrase.
261
二二一八頁五行遣人西迎叔父爽按：刊誤謂案文致顒屍，又葬頤傍，則爽亦死矣，明脫一「喪」字。
Collation: missing sang for Xun Shuang's death.