1
鄭太 〈(即鄭泰)〉 孔融荀彧
Zheng Tai. The text identifies him as Zheng Tai; the commentary closes.〉 Kong Rong; Xun Yu.
2
鄭太字公業,河南開封人,司農衆之曾孫也。 〈開封,縣,故城在今汴州南。〉 少有才略。 靈帝末,知天下將亂,陰交結豪桀。 家富於財,有田四百頃,而食常不足,名聞山東。
Zheng Tai, styled Gongye, came from Kaifeng in Henan; he was a fourth-generation descendant of Zheng Zhong, the minister of agriculture. Note: Kaifeng was a county; its old city lay south of what is now Kaifeng in Henan.〉 From his youth he showed ability and strategic sense. Late in Emperor Ling's reign, foreseeing turmoil, he secretly befriended bold men of action. His clan was wealthy and held four hundred qing of land, yet he spent so freely that he often ran short; his generosity made his name known throughout the northeast.
3
初舉孝廉,三府辟,公車徵,皆不就。 及大將軍何進輔政,徵用名士,以公業爲尚書侍郎, 〈續漢志曰:「尚書凡六曹,侍郎三十六人,四百石。 一曹有六人,主作文書起草。」〉 遷侍御史。 進將誅閹官,欲召并州牧董卓爲助。 公業謂進曰:「董卓彊忍寡義,志欲無猒。 若借之朝政, 〈借音子夜反。〉 授以大事,將恣凶慾,必危朝廷。 明公以親德之重,據阿衡之權,秉意獨斷,誅除有罪,誠不宜假卓以爲資援也。 且事留變生,殷鑒不遠。」 又爲陳時務之所急數事。 進不能用,乃弃官去。 謂潁川人荀攸曰:「何公未易輔也。」
He was nominated as filial and incorrupt, received summons from the three high offices and from the imperial coach, and declined every offer. When Grand General He Jin took charge of the government and recruited eminent men, he named Zheng Gongye secretary attendant of the secretariat, 〈The Continued Han Treatise states: "the secretariat had six bureaus, thirty-six attendant posts at four hundred bushels salary, six men to each bureau, charged with drafting documents and memorials."〉 He was promoted to attendant censor. When He Jin prepared to purge the eunuchs, he meant to summon Dong Zhuo, governor of Bingzhou, as an ally. Zheng Gongye warned He Jin: "Dong Zhuo is ruthless, treacherous, and insatiable; if you give him a hand in governing, 〈Comment: the character glossed as borrow is read with the ziye fan spelling (zye plus ye).〉 Hand him great power, and he will indulge his violent appetites and endanger the throne. You stand near the throne with the authority of a Yi Yin; you need only act decisively and execute the guilty—you should not make Dong Zhuo your prop. Delay invites treachery, and the lesson of Yin is still before our eyes." He went on to list several pressing points of policy. He Jin ignored him; Zheng Tai resigned his post and left. He told Xun You of Yingchuan, "Lord He will not be easy to serve."
4
進尋見害,卓果作亂。 公業等與侍中伍瓊、卓長史何顒共說卓,以袁紹爲勃海太守,以發山東之謀。 及義兵起,卓乃會公卿議,大發卒討之,羣僚莫敢忤旨。 公業恐其衆多益橫,凶彊難制,獨曰:「夫政在德,不在衆也。」 卓不恱,曰,「如卿此言,兵爲無用邪?」 公業懼,乃詭詞更對曰: 〈詭猶詐也。〉
He Jin was killed soon after, and Dong Zhuo did exactly as Zheng Tai had feared. Zheng Tai, with Palace Attendant Wu Qiong and Dong Zhuo's chief clerk He Yong, persuaded Dong Zhuo to name Yuan Shao governor of Bohai and so trigger the coalition east of the mountains. When the coalition rose, Dong Zhuo called the high ministers together, levied a great host to crush it, and no one dared gainsay him. Gongye feared that if their numbers grew they would become more overbearing, fierce and strong and hard to control; alone he said: "Government lies in virtue, not in numbers." "Zhuo was not pleased and said, If according to your words this is so, are troops useless?" Zheng Tai grew alarmed and answered evasively, 〈Comment: here the word rendered deceitful means fraudulent.〉
5
非謂無用,以爲山東不足加大兵耳。 如有不信,試爲明公略陳其要。
Not that arms are useless—I mean the east does not warrant a major campaign. If you doubt me, let me sketch the main reasons for my lord.
6
今山東合謀,州郡連結,人庶相動,非不強盛。 然光武以來,中國無警,百姓優逸,忘戰日乆。 仲尼有言:『不敎人戰,是謂弃之。』 其衆雖多,不能爲害。 一也。
The coalition east of the mountains has linked commandery with commandery and roused the common people—they are not weak. Yet since Emperor Guangwu the heartland has known no war; the people have lived at ease and forgotten how to fight. Confucius said, "To send untrained men into battle is to throw them away." Their numbers therefore cannot truly harm you. That is the first point.
7
明公出自西州,少爲國將,閑習軍事,數踐戰埸,名振當世,人懷懾服。 二也。
You hail from the northwest, have been a general since youth, know war from experience, and your name alone overawes the age—that is the second point. Second point.
8
袁本初公卿子弟,生處京師。 張孟卓東平長者, 〈孟卓名邈。〉 坐不闚堂。 〈言不妄視也。〉 孔公緒 〈名伷。〉 清談高論,噓枯吹生。 〈枯者噓之使生,生者吹之使枯。 言談論有所抑揚也。〉 並無軍旅之才,埶銳之幹,臨鋒決敵,非公之儔。 三也。
Yuan Shao is a son of the great families of Luoyang— Zhang Miao of Dongping is a respectable elder— Note: Mengzhuo is Zhang Miao.〉 He is the sort of man proverbially said never to glance beyond his own hall. 〈The phrase means he does not look rashly about.〉 Kong Zhou Note: his given name was Zhou.〉 He is a man of lofty talk who can make the dead seem alive and the living seem dead. 〈The commentary glosses: he breathes life into the withered and blows vitality from the living— that is, his conversation exaggerates and deprecates at will.〉 None of them has military talent or the edge to meet you blade to blade—they are not in your class. That is the third point. Third point.
9
山東之士,素乏精悍。 〈悍,勇也。〉 未有孟賁之勇,慶忌之捷, 〈說菀曰:「孟賁水行不避鮫龍,陸行不避虎狼,發怒吐氣,聲響動天。」 許慎注《淮南子》曰:「孟賁,衞人也。」 《呂氏春秋》曰:「孟賁過於河,先其伍,船人怒,以楫虓其頭,不知其孟賁故也。 中河,孟賁瞋目視船人,髮植目裂,舟中人盡播入河。」 慶忌,吳王僚子也。 射之矢,滿把不能中,四馬追之不能及。〉 聊城之守, 〈《史記》,燕將攻下聊城,因保守之。 齊將田單攻之,歲餘不下。〉 良、平之謀,可任以偏師,責以成功。 四也。
The gentry of the northeast have never been known for toughness— 〈Comment: here the word rendered keen means brave.〉 They have neither the raw strength of Meng Ben nor the speed of Qing Ji. 〈The Garden of Persuasions says: Meng Ben in water travel did not avoid sharks and dragons; on land travel did not avoid tigers and wolves; when angry he spat breath and sound shook heaven." Xu Shen's commentary on the Huainanzi says: Meng Ben was a man of Wei." The Lüshi Chunqiu says: "Meng Ben crossed a river ahead of his squad; the boatman in anger used an oar to strike his head, not knowing he was Meng Ben for that reason. midstream Meng Ben glared until his hair bristled and his eyes seemed to tear; the whole boatload tumbled into the water—" Qing Ji was a son of King Liao of Wu— arrows filled his grip yet could not strike him, and four-horse teams could not overtake him.〉 They cannot match the stubborn defense of Liaocheng. 〈The Records tells how a Yan general took Liaocheng and held it— while Tian Dan of Qi besieged it for over a year without success.〉 They are no Zhang Liang or Chen Ping: you could send a single column and expect victory. That is the fourth point. Fourth point.
10
就有其人,而尊卑無序,王爵不加,若恃衆怙力, 〈怙亦恃也。〉 將各基峙, 〈峙,止也。〉 以觀成敗,不肯同心共膽,與齊進退。 五也。
Even if such men existed, the coalition has no clear chain of command and no royal commission; if they lean on numbers and brute strength— 〈Comment: the word rendered trust also means rely on.〉 Each general will dig in on his own ground. 〈Comment: the word rendered stand apart means halt or stand firm.〉 They would watch how the fight goes and refuse to risk life and fortune together. That is the fifth point. Fifth point.
11
關西諸郡,頗習兵事,自頃以來,數與羌戰,婦女猶戴戟操矛,挾弓負矢, 〈挾,持也。〉 況其壯勇之士,以當妄戰之人乎! 其勝可必。 六也。
The northwestern commanderies are war-hardened; for years they have fought the Qiang—even women carry halberds, spears, bows, and quivers— 〈Comment: the word rendered hold means grasp.〉 Think how much more their fighting men will prevail against these untrained levies! Victory is assured. Sixth point.
12
且天下彊勇,百姓所畏者,有并、涼之人,及匈奴、屠各、湟中義從、西羌八種, 〈義從、八種並見 〈西羌傳〉。〉 而明公擁之,以爲爪牙,譬驅虎兕以赴犬羊。 七也。
Moreover the fiercest fighters in the empire—the very names that terrify the people—are the men of Bing and Liang, the Xiongnu, the Tuge, the Huangzhong volunteers, and the eight Qiang tribes, 〈See the treatises on volunteer followers and the eight tribes in 〈the Treatise on the Western Qiang〉 You hold them as your claws and fangs—it would be like setting tigers on sheep. Seventh point.
13
又明公將帥皆中表腹心,周旋日乆,恩信淳著,忠誠可任,智謀可恃。 以膠固之衆, 〈膠亦固也。〉 當解合之埶,猶以烈風掃彼枯葉。 八也。
Your commanders are kinsmen and trusted followers long tested together; their loyalty and counsel are beyond question— with an army bound fast by mutual trust— 〈Comment: the word rendered glued here means firmly joined.〉 Pitted against a loose alliance, your host would be like a gale stripping dead leaves. That is the eighth point. Eighth point.
14
夫戰有三亡,以亂攻理者亡,以邪攻正者亡,以逆攻順者亡。 今明公秉國平正,討滅宦豎,忠義克立。 以此三德,待彼三亡,奉辭伐罪,誰敢禦之! 九也。
There are three doomed ways to fight: disorder against order, wickedness against right, rebellion against legitimacy— you hold the government straight, you have destroyed the eunuchs, and you stand on loyalty and justice— three virtues against their three faults; who could withstand a punitive expedition bearing the right words? Ninth point.
15
東州鄭玄學該古今, 〈玄,北海人,故云東州。〉 北海邴原清高直亮, 〈《魏志》,原字根矩,北海朱虛人也。 與管寧俱以操尚稱。〉 皆儒生所仰,羣士楷式。 彼諸將若詢其計畫,足知彊弱。 且燕、趙、齊、梁非不盛也,終滅於秦; 吳、楚七國非不衆也,卒敗滎陽。 〈《前書》吳王濞、楚王戊、趙王遂、淄川王賢、濟南王辟光、膠西王卬、膠東王雄渠,景帝三年反,大將軍條侯周亞夫將兵破之滎陽。〉 況今德政赫赫,股肱惟良,彼豈讚成其謀,造亂長寇哉? 其不然。 十也。
In the east Zheng Xuan's learning spans antiquity and the present— Note: he was from Beihai, hence "eastern province".〉 Bing Yuan of Beihai is noted for integrity and candor— 〈The Wei Records gives his style as Genju and his home as Zhuxu in Beihai— and says he was ranked with Guan Ning for high character.〉 Both are beacons for scholars and models for the gentry— if your opponents consulted such men, they would know their own weakness. Yan, Zhao, Qi, and Liang were mighty states, yet Qin swallowed them all— The Wu-Chu coalition raised vast armies yet was crushed at Xingyang. 〈The Former Han History names the seven rebel kings and records how Grand Commandant Zhou Yafu broke them at Xingyang in 154 BCE.〉 Your virtue shines today and your ministers are able; would those eastern leaders really abet rebellion and breed banditry? They would not. That is the tenth point.
16
若其所陳少有可採,無事徵兵以驚天下,使患役之民相聚爲非,弃德恃衆,自虧威重。
If any part of my argument holds, you need not mobilize the empire, drive corvée-weary peasants into revolt, or forfeit moral authority by trusting numbers alone.
17
卓乃恱,以公業爲將軍,使統諸軍討擊關東。 或說卓曰:「鄭公業智略過人,而結謀外寇,今資之士馬,就其黨與,竊爲明公懼之。」 卓乃收還其兵,留拜議郎。
Dong Zhuo was mollified; he named Zheng Tai a general and put him in command of the campaign against the eastern coalition. Someone persuaded Zhuo, saying: Lord Zheng Ye's plans surpass other men, yet he plots with outside bandits; now if you supply him soldiers and horses, to join his faction—privately for my lord I fear this." Dong Zhuo stripped him of command but kept him at court as a gentleman consultant.
18
卓旣遷都長安,天下飢亂,士大夫多不得其命。 而公業家有餘資,日引賔客高會倡樂,所贍救者甚衆。 乃與何顒、荀攸共謀殺卓。 事洩,顒等被執,公業脫身自武關走,東歸袁術。 術上以爲楊州刺史。 未至官,道卒,時秊四十一。
After the removal to Chang'an, famine and anarchy spread and many scholar-officials perished. Zheng Tai still had means; he feasted guests nightly with music and rescued a great many people. He joined He Yong and Xun You in a plot to assassinate Dong Zhuo. When the plot failed, He Yong was arrested; Zheng Tai escaped through Wu Pass and fled east to Yuan Shu. Yuan Shu named him inspector of Yang province. He died en route before taking up the post, aged forty-one.
19
孔融字文舉,魯國人,孔子二十世孫也。 七世祖霸,爲元帝師,位至侍中。 〈《前書》霸字次孺,元帝師。 解見 〈孔昱傳〉。〉 父宙,太山都尉。
Kong Rong, styled Wenju, came from the state of Lu and was the twentieth-generation descendant of Confucius. Seven generations back, Kong Ba had been tutor to Emperor Yuan of Former Han and rose to palace attendant. 〈The Former Han History identifies Kong Ba, styled Ciru, as Emperor Yuan's tutor. See 〈the biography of Kong Yu〉 His father Kong Zhou had been a colonel in Taishan commandery.
20
融幼有異才。 〈融家傳曰:「兄弟七人,融第六,幼有自然之性。 年四歲時,每與諸兄共食梨,融輒引小者。 大人問其故,荅曰:『我小兒,法當取小者。』 由是宗族竒之。」〉 年十歲,隨父詣京師。 時河南尹李膺 〈膺,潁川襄城人。 融家傳曰:「聞漢中李公清節直亮,意慕之,遂造公門。」 李固,漢中人,爲太尉,與此傳不同也。〉 以簡重自居,不妄接士賔客,勑外自非當世名人及與通家,皆不得白。 融欲觀其人,故造膺門。 語門者曰:「我是李君通家子弟。」 門者言之。 膺請融,問曰:「高明祖父甞與僕有恩舊乎?」 融曰:「然。 先君孔子與君先人李老君同德比義,而相師友, 〈家語曰:「孔子謂南宮敬叔曰:『吾聞老聃博古而達今,通禮樂之源,明道德之歸,即吾之師也。 今將往矣。』 遂至周,問禮於老聃焉。」〉 則融與君累世通家。」 衆坐莫不歎息。 太中大夫陳煒後至, 〈煒音于匭反。〉 坐中以告煒。 煒曰:「夫人小而聦了,大未必竒。」 融應聲曰:「觀君所言,將不早惠乎?」 膺大笑曰:「高明必爲偉器。」
As a boy Kong Rong showed remarkable gifts. 〈The Kong Rong family tradition says: "Seven brothers; Rong was sixth; in youth he had natural character. At four, when sharing pears with his brothers, he always chose the smallest. When asked why, he said he was the youngest and by custom should take the smallest. The whole clan marveled at the child."〉 At ten he accompanied his father to Luoyang. The governor of Henan at the time was Li Ying 〈Comment: Li Ying came from Xiangcheng in Yingchuan. The Kong family tradition says: "He heard that Lord Li of Hanzhong was pure in integrity and upright, admired him in intent, then went to the lord's gate." The comment notes Li Gu of Hanzhong served as grand tutor, which disagrees with the main text here.〉 Li Ying cultivated aloof dignity and admitted callers only if they were celebrated or had hereditary ties to his house. Kong Rong wished to meet him and presented himself at Li Ying's door. He told the gatekeeper: I am a younger of Lord Li's tied family." The porter carried the message inward. Ying invited Rong and asked: Did your eminent grandfather once have old kindness with your servant?" Rong said: "Yes. Confucius and Laozi, he said, had stood in a relation of mutual respect as teachers in the Way, 〈The Family Sayings quotes Confucius telling Nangong Jingshu that Laozi mastered antiquity, ritual, music, and the Way so fully that he would seek him as a teacher. He was leaving to consult him. He traveled to Zhou and questioned Laozi on ritual.〉 Therefore, he concluded, their houses had been allied for generations." Every guest in the room drew a long breath in admiration. The grand counselor Chen Wei arrived late. 〈Comment: the name Wei is glossed with a fanqie spelling.〉 Those present related the exchange to him. Wei said: When a person is small, clever and clear; great, not necessarily unusual." Rong answered on the sound: Looking at your words, were you not precocious in youth?" Ying greatly laughed and said: "The eminent will surely become a great vessel."
21
年十三,喪父,哀悴過毀,扶而後起,州里歸其孝。 性好學,博涉多該覽。
At thirteen he lost his father; he mourned so bitterly he had to be helped to his feet, and the neighborhood praised his filial piety. He loved learning and read widely with true comprehension.
22
山陽張儉爲中常侍侯覽所怨,覽爲刊章下州郡, 〈刊,削也。 謂削去告人姓名。〉 以名捕儉。 儉與融兄襃有舊,亡抵於襃,不遇。 〈抵,歸也。 融家傳「襃字文禮」也。〉 時融年十六,儉少之而不告。 融見其有窘色, 〈窘,迫也。〉 謂曰:「兄雖在外,吾獨不能爲君主邪?」 因留舍之。 〈舍,止也。〉 後事泄,國相以下,密就掩捕,儉得脫走,遂并收襃、融送獄。 二人未知所坐。 融曰:「保納舍藏者,融也,當坐之。」 襃曰:「彼來求我,非弟之過,請甘其罪。」 吏問其母,母曰:「家事任長,妾當其辜。」 一門爭死,郡縣疑不能決,乃上讞之。 〈《前書音義》曰:「讞,請也,音宜傑反。」〉 詔書竟坐襃焉。 融由是顯名,與平原陶丘洪、陳留邊讓齊聲稱。 州郡禮命,皆不就。
Hou Lan, a powerful eunuch, hounded Zhang Jian of Shanyang with a warrant that stripped the informer's name before it reached the commanderies. 〈Comment: to print here means to cut away. That is, the accuser's name was excised from the document.〉 The order commanded Zhang Jian seized by name. Zhang Jian, an old friend of Kong Rong's elder brother Kong Bao, fled to his door but missed him. 〈Comment: arrive here means to seek refuge. The Kong family tradition: "Bao courtesy name Wenli.〉" Kong Rong was sixteen; Zhang Jian, dismissing him as a boy, kept silent about his errand. Kong Rong read the fugitive's distress in his face. 〈Comment: harried means hard-pressed.〉 Said to him: Though my elder brother is outside, can I alone not be host for my lord?" He took Zhang Jian in. 〈Comment: lodge means to shelter.〉 When the secret leaked, officials moved to arrest; Zhang Jian escaped, but Kong Bao and Kong Rong were thrown into jail. Neither brother knew which charge applied. Rong said: I who protected, received, lodged, and hid him am Rong; I ought to sit for it." Bao said: He came seeking me; it is not my younger brother's fault; I request willingly to bear the crime." The clerk asked their mother; she said: Household affairs are the eldest's charge; your handmaid bears the guilt." The whole household vied to die in one another's place, and the local court referred the case upward for review. 〈The Former Documents pronunciation says: "Yan means petition; read yi jie fan.〉" The imperial rescript convicted Kong Bao alone. Kong Rong's fame spread; he was ranked with Taoqiu Hong of Pingyuan and Bian Rang of Chenliu. He turned down every nomination from the regions.
23
辟司徒楊賜府。 時隱覈官僚之貪濁者,將加貶黜,融多舉中官親族。 尚書畏迫內寵,召掾屬詰責之。 融陳對罪惡,言無阿撓。 〈撓,曲也,音乃孝反。〉 河南尹何進當遷爲大將軍,楊賜遣融奉謁賀進,不時通,融即奪謁還府,投劾而去。 河南官屬恥之,私遣劔客欲追殺融。 客有言於進曰:「孔文舉有重名, 〈融家傳曰:「客言於進曰:『孔文舉於時英雄特傑,譬諸物類,猶衆星之有北辰,百穀之有黍稷,天下莫不屬目也。』」〉 將軍若造怨此人,則四方之士引領而去矣。 不如因而禮之,可以示廣於天下。」 進然之,旣拜而辟融,舉高第,爲侍御史。 與中丞趙舍不同,託病歸家。
He was recruited into the bureau of Minister over the Masses Yang Ci. An inquiry targeted venal officials for demotion; Kong Rong submitted names that were mostly eunuchs' relatives. The secretariat, fearing eunuch pressure, summoned the staff to rebuke them. Kong Rong laid out the offenses without flinching. 〈Comment: bending means twisting; a fanqie note follows.〉 When He Jin was slated for grand general, Yang Ci sent Kong Rong with congratulations; left waiting, Kong flung down his card and resigned in protest. He Jin's staff were humiliated and hired assassins to kill him. A guest spoke to Jin saying: "Kong Wenju has heavy reputation, 〈A family tradition quotes the guest comparing Kong Rong to the polestar among stars—too celebrated to alienate.〉 To make an enemy of him would drive talented men from your banner. Honoring him instead would broadcast your magnanimity." He Jin agreed, and after his promotion summoned Kong Rong, graded him top of the class, and named him attendant censor. He could not work with Vice Censor Zhao She; he pleaded illness and went home.
24
後辟司空掾,拜中軍候。 在職三日,遷虎賁中郎將。 會董卓廢立,融每因對荅,輒有匡正之言。 以忤卓旨,轉爲議郎。 時黃巾寇數州,而北海最爲賊衝,卓乃諷三府同舉融爲北海相。
He was later clerk in the minister of works' office and then central army warden. Three days later he rose to leader of the tiger guard. Whenever Kong Rong spoke in Dong Zhuo's presence after the deposition of the emperor, he offered blunt correction. Dong Zhuo sidelined him as a gentleman consultant. As the Turbans ravaged the coast, Dong Zhuo maneuvered the three high offices into naming Kong Rong governor of Beihai—the most exposed commandery.
25
融到郡,收合士民,起兵講武,馳檄飛翰,引謀州郡。 賊張饒等羣輩二十萬衆從兾州還,融逆擊,爲饒所敗,乃收散兵保朱虛縣。 稍復鳩集吏民爲黃巾所誤者男女四萬餘人,更置城邑,立學校,表顯儒術,薦舉賢良鄭玄、彭璆、邴原等。 〈璆音巨秋反,又音求。〉 郡人甄子然、臨孝存知名早卒,融恨不及之,乃命配食縣社。 其餘雖一介之善,莫不加禮焉。 郡人無後及四方游士有死亡者,皆爲棺具而斂葬之。 時黃巾復來侵暴,融乃出屯都昌, 〈都昌,縣,屬北海郡,故城在今青州臨朐縣東北。〉 爲賊管亥所圍。 融逼急,乃遣東萊太史慈求救於平原相劉備。 〈吳志,慈字子義,東萊人也。 避事之遼東,北海相孔融聞而竒之,數遣人訊問其母,并致餉遺。 時融爲管亥所圍,慈從遼東還,母謂之曰:「汝與孔北海未甞相見,至汝行後,贍恤殷勤,過於故舊。 今爲賊所圍,汝宜赴之。」 慈單步見融,旣而求救於劉備,得兵以解圍焉。〉 備驚曰:「孔北海乃復知天下有劉備邪?」 即遣兵三千救之,賊乃散走。
He rallied the people, drilled troops, exchanged letters with neighboring governors, and planned a defense. Zhang Rao led two hundred thousand men back from Ji; Kong Rong attacked them but lost, then regrouped and held Zhuxu. He slowly gathered forty thousand souls misled by the rebels, rebuilt towns, opened schools, promoted Confucian scholarship, and recommended men such as Zheng Xuan, Peng Qiu, and Bing Yuan. 〈Comment: the name Qiu is glossed with alternate fanqie readings.〉 He honored two local worthies who had died young by granting them posthumous sacrifice at the county altars. The smallest kindness never went unrewarded. He buried childless locals and stranded scholars at his own expense. When the Yellow Turbans raided again, Kong Rong marched out and encamped at Duchang, 〈Duchang county lay in Beihai commandery; its old site was northeast of present Linqu in Shandong.〉 The rebel Guan Hai besieged him. Hard pressed, Kong Rong sent Taishi Ci of Donglai to beg help from Liu Bei, governor of Pingyuan. 〈The Wu chronicle identifies Taishi Ci, styled Ziyi, as a man of Donglai. He had fled trouble to Liaodong; Kong Rong, hearing of him, admired him and repeatedly sent gifts and inquiries to his mother. At the time Rong was surrounded by Guan Hai; Ci returned from Liaodong; his mother said to him: "You and Kong of the North Sea have never met; since you left, his aid and care have been diligent, more than for old friends. and now that he was trapped he must go to his aid." Taishi Ci went alone to Kong Rong, then won troops from Liu Bei and broke the siege.〉 Bei said in alarm: Kong of the North Sea then again knows there is Liu Bei under heaven?" He sent three thousand men at once; the rebels fled.
26
時袁、曹方盛,而融無所協附。 左丞祖者,稱有意謀,勸融有所結納。 融知紹、操終圖漢室,不欲與同,故怒而殺之。
Yuan Shao and Cao Cao were rising to power, but Kong Rong sided with neither. A man named Zuo Chengzu, reputed for counsel, urged Kong Rong to build alliances. Kong Rong knew Yuan Shao and Cao Cao meant to supplant the Han; refusing to join them, he slew Zuo Chengzu in anger.
27
融負其高氣,志在靖難,而才踈意廣,迄無成功。 〈迄,竟也。〉 在郡六年,劉備表領青州刺史。 建安元年,爲袁譚所攻,自春至夏,戰士所餘裁數百人,流矢雨集,戈矛內接。 融隱几讀書, 〈隱,憑也。 《莊子》曰:「南郭子綦隱几而坐。」〉 談笑自若。 城夜陷,乃奔東山,妻子爲譚所虜。
Proud and high-minded, he meant to save the dynasty, but his talents did not match his ambitions and he achieved little. 〈Comment: the word means in the end.〉 After six years as governor, Liu Bei had him named acting inspector of Qing province. In 196 CE Yuan Tan attacked him; from spring into summer only a few hundred defenders remained under a storm of arrows and close combat. Kong Rong leaned on his lectern and read, 〈Comment: lean here means to rest upon. The Zhuangzi says: "Nanguo Ziqi leaned on the armrest and sat.〉" He talked and laughed as if at ease. The city fell by night; he fled to the eastern hills while Yuan Tan seized his family.
28
及獻帝都許,徵融爲將作大匠,遷少府。 每朝會訪對,融輒引正定議,公卿大夫皆隷名而已。 〈《說文》云:「隷,附著。」〉
When the emperor moved to Xu, Kong Rong was recalled as minister of imperial construction and then promoted to lesser treasury. At court conferences he set the terms of debate while high officials merely signed their names to his conclusions. 〈The Shuowen says: "Li means attach.〉"
29
初,太傅馬日磾奉使山東,及至淮南,數有意於袁術。 術輕侮之,遂奪取其節,求去又不聽,因欲逼爲軍帥。 日磾深自恨,遂嘔血而斃。 〈三輔決錄曰:「日磾字翁叔,馬融之族子。 少傳融業,以才學進。 與楊彪、盧植、蔡邕等典校中書,歷位九卿,遂登台輔。」 獻帝春秋曰:「術從日磾借節觀之,因奪不還,條軍中十餘人使促辟之。 日磾謂術曰:『卿先代諸公辟士云何? 而言促之,謂公府掾可劫得乎?』 從術求去,而術不遣,旣以失節屈辱憂恚。」〉 及喪還,朝廷議欲加禮。 融乃獨議曰:「日磾以上公之尊,秉髦節之使,銜命直指, 〈直指,無屈撓也。 《前書》有繡衣直指。〉 寧輯東夏, 〈輯,和也。〉 而曲媚姦臣,爲所牽率,章表署用,輒使首名, 〈所上章表及署補用,皆以日磾名爲首也。〉 附下罔上, 〈前書曰:「附下罔上者刑。」〉 姦以事君。 〈《左傳》叔向曰:「姦以事君者,吾所能禦。」〉 昔國佐當晉軍而不撓, 〈《公羊傳》曰:「鞌之戰,齊師大敗。 齊侯使國佐如師。 郤克曰:『與我紀侯之甗及魯、衞之侵地,使耕者東西其畝,以蕭同叔子爲質,則吾舍子。』 國佐曰:『與我紀侯之甗,請諾。 使反魯、衞之侵,請諾。 使耕者東西其畝,是則土齊也。 蕭同叔子者,齊君母也,齊君母猶晉君之母也,曰不可。 請戰,一戰而不勝,請再戰,再戰而不勝,請三戰,三戰不勝,則齊國盡子之有也,何必蕭同叔子爲質!』 揖而去之。」〉 宜僚臨白刃而正色。 〈楚白公勝欲爲亂,謂石乞曰:「王卿士皆以五百人當之則可。」 乞曰:「不可得也。」 曰:「市南有熊相宜僚者,若得之,可以當五百人矣。」 乃從白公而見之。 與言,恱; 告之故,辭; 承之以劔,不動。 事見左傳。〉 王室大臣,豈得以見脅爲辭! 又袁術僭逆,非一朝一夕,日磾隨從,周旋歷歲。 漢律與罪人交關三日已上,皆應知情。 春秋魯叔孫得臣卒,以不發揚襄仲之罪,貶不書日。 〈《公羊傳》曰:「叔孫得臣卒。」 何休注曰:「不日者,知公子遂欲殺君,而爲人臣知賊而不言,明當誅也。」 公子遂即襄仲也。〉 鄭人討幽公之亂,斲子家之棺。 〈《左傳》:「鄭子家卒,鄭人討幽公之亂,斲子家之棺而逐其族。」 杜預注曰:「斲薄其棺,不使從卿禮。」 爲其殺君故也。〉 聖上哀矜舊臣,未忍追案,不宜加禮。」 朝廷從之。
Grand Tutor Ma Midi had been sent east; reaching Huainan he showed repeated favor to Yuan Shu. Yuan Shu humiliated him, seized his baton of office, refused his resignation, and tried to force him to command troops. Ma Midi died of shame and a hemorrhage. 〈The Sanfu Judgment Record says: "Midi courtesy name Wengshu; a clan nephew of Ma Rong. trained under Kong Rong in youth and rose by scholarship, collated the archives with Yang Biao, Lu Zhi, and Cai Yong, rose through the nine ministers, and reached the highest councils," The Annals of Emperor Xian says: "Shu from Midi borrowed credentials to view them, then seized and did not return; listed more than ten men in the army to urge summoning him. Ma Midi asked how the great houses of Yuan Shu's line had ever summoned men by coercion, and whether high bureau clerks could be dragooned, then begged to leave but was held until shame and rage killed him."〉 When his body came home, the court debated granting him special funeral honors. Kong Rong alone objected: "as a grandee bearing the imperial baton on a direct commission, 〈Comment: direct commission means without deviation, as in the Former Han embroidered-guard commissioners,〉 he should have pacified the east, 〈Comment: gather here means to harmonize,〉 yet he curried favor with a traitor, let himself be led, and lent his name first on every memorial and appointment, 〈meaning Ma Midi's signature headed every document,〉 cleaving to inferiors while deceiving the throne— 〈Former Han law punished those who flattered subordinates while deceiving superiors,〉 and treason in serving the ruler, 〈as Shu Xiang says in the Zuo Tradition,〉 Guo Zhuo once faced the Jin host unbowed, 〈the Gongyang chronicle on the battle of An: the marquis of Qi sent Guo Zhuo to the enemy camp, Xi Ke demanded the tripod of Ji, border lands from Lu and Wei, reoriented fields, and the marquis's mother as hostage, Guo Zhuo conceded the tripod, promised to return Lu's and Wei's lands, but called east-west furrows an attempt to reduce Qi to a subject soil, and refused to hand over the marquis's mother, likening her to the Jin ruler's own mother, then offered three battles to decide the fate of Qi rather than yield the hostage, and withdrew with a bow.〉 Yuan Liao kept his composure under naked blades, 〈when Bai Gong of Chu plotted revolt and told Shi Qi that five hundred men could hold each minister, Shi Qi said it could not be done, and named the warrior Yuan Liao south of the market as worth five hundred, Bai Gong went to see him, spoke with him and was pleased, explained the plot; Yuan Liao refused, and even a sword at his breast did not move him— as the Zuo Tradition records.〉 A minister of the royal house cannot plead coercion as excuse. Yuan Shu's treason was no overnight affair; Ma Midi had attended him for years. Han law held anyone who consorted with criminals three days or more complicit, the Spring and Autumn omits the day of Shusun Dechen's death because he hid Prince Sui's crime, 〈the Gongyang says Shusun Dechen died, and He Xiu explains the omission of the day: he knew Prince Sui would murder the duke yet stayed silent, Prince Sui being Duke Xiangzhong of Lu.〉 Zheng hacked open Zijia's coffin over Duke You's murder, 〈the Zuo Tradition records Zheng punishing Zijia's clan after Duke You's death, Du Yu notes they thinned his coffin so he could not receive ministerial burial, for his part in regicide.〉 The emperor pities old servants and will not reopen the case; he should not be honored beyond the usual." The court accepted Kong Rong's view.
30
初,曹操攻屠鄴城,袁氏婦子多見侵略,而操子丕私納袁熙妻甄氏。 〈〈袁紹傳〉 ,熙,紹之中子也。 甄氏,中山無極人,漢太保甄邯後也。 父逸,上蔡令。 《魏略》曰:「熙出在幽州,甄氏侍姑,及鄴城破,文帝入紹舍,后怖,伏姑膝上。 帝令舉頭就視,見其顏色非凡。 太祖聞其意,爲迎取之。」〉 融乃與操書,稱「武王伐紂,以妲己賜周公」。 〈妲音丁末反,又音旦。 紂之妃,有蘇氏女也。 紂用其言,毒虐衆庶。 武王剋殷,斬妲己頭,縣之於小白旗,以爲紂之亡由此女也。 出列女傳也。〉 操不悟,後問出何經典。 對曰:「以今度之,想當然耳。」 後操討烏桓, 〈建安十二年也。〉 又嘲之曰:「大將軍遠征,蕭條海外。 昔肅慎不貢楛矢, 〈國語曰:「昔武王剋商,通于九夷百蠻,於是肅慎氏貢楛矢石砮,其長尺有咫。」 《肅慎國記》曰:「肅慎氏,其地在夫餘國北,東濵大海。」 《魏略》曰:「挹婁一名肅慎氏。」 說文曰「楛,木也。 今遼左有楛木,狀如荊,葉如榆」也。〉 丁零盜蘇武牛羊,可并案也。」 〈山海經曰:「北海之內,有丁零之國。」 前書蘇武使匈奴,單于徙北海上,丁零盜武牛羊,武遂窮戹也。〉
When Cao Cao sacked Ye, Yuan women were abused, and Cao Pi took Yuan Xi's wife Lady Zhen for himself, 〈See the biography of Yuan Shao〉 Yuan Xi was Yuan Shao's second son. Lady Zhen came from Wuji in Zhongshan, a line descended from the Han grand guardian Zhen Han, her father Zhen Yi having been magistrate of Shangcai. The Wei Summary says: "Xi was out in Youzhou; Lady Zhen served her mother-in-law; when Ye city fell, Emperor Wen entered Shao's residence; the empress was frightened, crouched on her mother-in-law's knees. Cao Pi bade her look up and was struck by her beauty, and Cao Cao approved the match."〉 "Rong then wrote Cao a letter, citing King Wu attacked Zhou and gave Daji to the Duke of Zhou." 〈Comment on pronunciation of the name Daji, she was King Zhou's consort, daughter of the You Su clan, whose counsel made him cruel to the people, while King Wu beheaded her and spiked her head on a white banner as the cause of Shang's fall, according to the Biographies of Exemplary Women.〉 Cao Cao missed the irony and later asked which classic said so, He answered: By measuring with the present, I suppose it is so." Later, when Cao Cao marched against the Wuhuan, 〈in 207 CE,〉 Kong Rong mocked him again: "The grand general campaigns to the ends of the earth, When the Sushen withheld their tribute of maple-shafted arrows, 〈The Discourses of the States records that after King Wu conquered Shang the Sushen sent maple arrows and stone heads a cubit long, while the Record of Sushen places them north of Buyeo facing the sea, and the Wei Summary identifies them with the Yilou people, the Shuowen glossing ku wood, still found in southern Manchuria like hawthorn and elm.〉 The Dingling theft of Su Wu's herds belongs in the same indictment." 〈The Classic of Mountains and Seas says: "Within the North Sea there is the state of Dingling." and the Former Han History tells how they plundered Su Wu when he was exiled to the lake,〉
31
融報曰:「猥惠書敎, 〈猥,曲也。〉 告所不逮。 融與鴻豫州里比郡, 〈山陽與魯郡相鄰比。〉 知之最早。 雖甞陳其功美,欲以厚於見私,信於爲國,不求其覆過掩惡,有罪望不坐也。 前者黜退,懽欣受之。 昔趙宣子朝登韓厥,夕被其戮,喜而求賀。 〈宣子,趙盾謚也。 國語曰:「宣子言韓厥於靈公,以爲司馬。 河曲之役,趙宣子使人以其乘車干行,韓厥執而戮之。 衆咸曰:『韓厥必不沒矣。 其主朝升之而暮戮其車,其誰安之?』 宣子召而禮之,謂諸大夫曰:『二三子可以賀我矣。 吾舉厥也,中吾,乃今知免於罪矣。』」〉 況無彼人之功,而敢枉當官之平哉! 忠非三閭, 〈即屈原也。 掌王族三姓,曰昭、屈、景,故曰「三閭」。〉 智非鼂錯,竊位爲過,免罪爲幸。 乃使餘論遠聞,所以慙懼也。 朱、彭、寇、賈,爲世壯士,愛惡相攻,能爲國憂。 至於輕弱薄劣,猶昆蟲之相囓,適足還害其身, 〈夏小正云:「昆,衆也。」 孫卿子曰:「昆蟲亦有知。」〉 誠無所至也。 晉侯嘉其臣所爭者大,而師曠以爲不如心競。 〈左傳「秦伯之弟鍼如晉脩成,叔向命召行人子員。 行人子朱曰:『朱也當御。』 三云,叔向不應。 子朱怒曰:『班爵同,何以黜朱於朝?』 撫劔從之。 叔向曰:『秦晉不和乆矣。 今日之事,幸而集,晉國賴之; 不集,三軍暴骨。 子員導二國之言無私,子常易之。 姦以事君者,吾所能禦也。』 拂衣從之。 人救之。 平公曰:『晉其庶乎! 吾臣之所爭者大。』 師曠曰:『公室懼卑,臣不心競而力爭』」也。〉 性旣遲緩,與人無傷,雖出胯下之負, 〈韓信貧賤,淮陰少年侮之,令信出跨下。〉 榆次之辱, 〈史記,荊軻甞游榆次,與蓋聶論劔,蓋聶怒而目之,荊軻出去。〉 不知貶毀之於己,猶蚊虻之一過也。 〈蚊音文。 虻音䖟。 言蚊虻之暫過,未以爲害。〉 子產謂人心不相似, 〈左傳曰,子產謂子皮曰:「人心不同,其如面焉,吾豈敢謂子面如吾面乎?」〉 或矜埶者,欲以取勝爲榮,不念宋人待四海之客,大鑪不欲令酒酸也。 〈鑪,累土爲之,以居酒瓮,四邊隆起,一面高如鍛鑪,故名鑪。 字或作「壚」。 韓子曰:「宋人有沽酒者,斗概甚平,遇客甚謹,爲酒甚美,而酒不售,酒酸。 怪其故,問所知閭長者楊倩。 倩曰:『汝狗猛耶?』 曰:『狗猛。』 『何故不售?』 曰:『人畏焉。』 令孺子懷錢挈壺往沽,狗迎齕之,酒所以酸而不售。」〉 至於屈穀巨瓠,堅而無竅,當以無用罪之耳。 〈韓子曰:「齊有居士田仲,宋人屈穀往見之,曰:『穀聞先生之義,不恃仰人而食。 今穀有樹瓠之法,堅如石,厚而無竅,願獻先生。』 田仲曰:『夫子徒謂我也。 凡貴於樹瓠者,爲可以盛也。 今厚而無竅,則不可以盛物,而任堅如石,則不可以割而斟,吾無以此瓠爲也。』 曰:『然,穀將棄之。』 今仲不恃仰人而食,亦無益人國,亦堅瓠之類。」〉 它者奉遵嚴敎,不敢失墜。 郗爲故吏,融所推進。 趙衰之拔郤縠, 〈左傳,晉文公謀元帥,趙衰曰:「郤縠可。」 乃使郤縠將中軍。〉 不輕公叔之升臣也。 〈公叔文子,衞大夫,其家臣名僎,行與文子同,升之於公,與之並爲大夫。 僎音士眷反,見論語。〉 知同其愛,訓誨發中。 〈言曹公與己同愛郗慮,故發於中心而訓誨。〉 雖懿伯之忌,猶不得念, 〈《禮記·檀弓》曰; 「滕成公之喪,使子叔敬叔弔,子服惠伯爲介。 及郊,爲懿伯之忌不入。 惠伯曰:『政也,不可以叔父之私不將公事。』 遂入。」 鄭玄注曰:「懿伯,惠伯之叔父也。 忌,怨也。」〉 況恃舊交,而欲自外於賢吏哉! 〈賢吏謂慮也。〉 輒布腹心,脩好如初。 苦言至意,終身誦之。」
Kong Rong wrote back: "I am grateful for your letter of instruction, 〈Comment: humble here means self-deprecating courtesy,〉 and for pointing out my shortcomings. Xi Lü and I are from neighboring commanderies, 〈Shanyang and Lu border one another,〉 so I have known him longest. I praised his merits to win your trust for the state, not to shield his faults or spare him punishment, and I accepted his dismissal with good grace. Zhao Dun promoted Han Jue in the morning and suffered his discipline by evening yet rejoiced— 〈Xuanzi being the posthumous name of Zhao Dun, the Discourses records how he named Han Jue marshal to Duke Ling, and at the battle of the river bend Han Jue executed a lawbreaking charioteer from Zhao's own train, so that onlookers thought Han Jue ruined, his patron having raised him that same day, yet Zhao Dun honored him and bade the ministers congratulate him, saying his choice of Han Jue had saved him from blame.〉 How much less may I twist justice for a man who has done nothing comparable! I am no Qu Yuan of the Three Lu offices, 〈meaning Qu Yuan, who oversaw the three royal clans Zhao, Qu, and Jing,〉 nor am I Chao Cuo; holding office unworthily is my fault, and acquittal would be luck enough. Having my words spread abroad fills me with shame and fear. Zhu Fu and Peng Chong, Kou Xun and Jia Fu were titans whose loves and hates shook the state, but petty men who nip like insects only wound themselves, 〈The Xia calendar glosses kun as multitude, and Xunzi says even insects possess awareness,〉 so they achieve nothing. Duke Ping of Jin praised his ministers for disputing weighty matters, but Music Master Kuang preferred rivalry in loyalty over rivalry in force, 〈The Zuo Tradition: when the Qin lord's brother Zhen came to Jin to make peace, Shu Xiang ordered the herald Zi Yuan summoned, but herald Zi Zhu said he should lead the escort, three times over, and Shu Xiang did not answer, until Zi Zhu drew his sword, demanding why an equal was passed over, and pressed Shu Xiang with blade in hand, Shu Xiang replied that Qin and Jin had long been enemies, that this day's parley, if it succeeded, would save Jin, and if it failed would doom the host, that Zi Yuan spoke for both courts without private bias while Zi Zhu twisted the message, and that treacherous servants of the ruler he could restrain, then brushed his sleeve and went to face him down, until bystanders intervened, whereupon Duke Ping cried that Jin might yet thrive, for his ministers disputed great matters of state, while Music Master Kuang answered that rivalry in force without loyalty in the heart spelled doom for the ruling house.〉 I am slow-tempered and harmless; though I suffer the humiliation of crawling between another's legs, 〈as Han Xin once did at Huaiyin,〉 or the cold stare Jing Ke bore at Yuci, 〈The Records says that Jing Ke once visited Yuci, debated swordsmanship with Gai Nie, and left when Gai Nie angrily glared at him.〉 I count slander no more lasting than a gnat's bite, 〈Comment on pronunciation of mosquito, and of gadfly, meaning a fleeting annoyance, not real injury.〉 Zi Chan said faces and hearts differ, 〈as the Zuo Tradition records to Zi Pi,〉 yet some braggarts seek victory as glory, forgetting the Song wine-seller whose fierce dog soured his trade, 〈Comment: a wine-stall platform of rammed earth, sometimes written with the alternate character, Han Feizi's tale of the honest Song vintner whose dog drove buyers away, until a neighbor named Yang Qian explained the dog, asking if the dog was fierce, and learning it was, why the wine would not sell, because buyers feared the cur, even biting a boy sent with cash—so the stock turned sour.〉 As for Qu Gu's useless gourd, hard and hollowless, blame lies in its uselessness alone, 〈Han Feizi tells how Qu Gu offered Tian Zhong a gourd, stone-hard and without spout, which Tian Zhong refused because it could hold nothing, since gourds exist to hold liquid, and could not be cut to pour—useless as Tian Zhong himself, so Qu Gu abandoned it, likening a recluse who benefits no state to that gourd.〉 In all else I obey your strict commands and dare not falter. Xi Lü is my former protégé, as Zhao Cui raised Xi Hu, 〈the Zuo Tradition records when Duke Wen of Jin chose a commander, and Zhao Cui recommended Xi Hu for the central army,〉 no less weighty than Duke Gongshu's promotion of his retainer to minister, 〈when Duke Gongshu of Wei raised his steward Zhuan to share rank as minister, as told in the Analects with a pronunciation note,〉 knowing you share my regard for him and speak from the heart, 〈the comment notes Cao Cao and Kong Rong both valued Xi Lü,〉 even the taboo day for Yi Bo in the Rites could not block public duty, 〈The Record of Rites, Tan Gong chapter, tells how on Duke Cheng of Teng's death envoys were sent, but halted at the border on Yi Bo's death anniversary, until Huibo insisted that private taboos must not block state business, and they entered, Zheng Xuan identifying Yi Bo as Huibo's uncle, with ji meaning the death anniversary,〉 how much less may I stand aloof from a worthy officer on the strength of old ties! 〈The worthy clerk named in the note is Xi Lü.〉 He opened his heart fully and renewed their friendship as before, and swore he would remember the blunt counsel all his life."
32
歲餘,復拜太中大夫。 性寬容少忌,好士,喜誘益後進。 及退閑職, 〈太中大夫職在言議,故云閑職。〉 賔客日盈其門。 常歎曰:「坐上客恒滿,尊中酒不空,吾無憂矣。」 與蔡邕素善,邕卒後,有虎賁士貌類於邕, 〈漢官典職儀曰:「虎賁中郎將,主武賁千五百人。」〉 融每酒酣,引與同坐,曰:「雖無老成人,且有典刑。」 〈詩大雅曰「雖無老成人,尚有典刑」也。〉 融聞人之善,若出諸己,言有可採,必演而成之,面告其短,而退稱所長,薦達賢士,多所獎進,知而未言,以爲己過,故海內英俊皆信服之。
A year later he was again named grand counselor, tolerant, slow to take offense, fond of talent, eager to mentor the young, and when that post left him with leisure, 〈the grand counselor being chiefly an advisory role,〉 his gate was thronged daily with guests. He often sighed, saying: "Guests on my mats are always full, in the goblet wine is never empty—I have no worries." After Cai Yong died, a palace guard resembled him in face, 〈The Han Offices Canon says: "The tiger guard leader commands fifteen hundred tiger guards.〉" Whenever Rong was drunk with wine, he led him to sit together, saying: "Though there is no elder, still there is the model and punishment." 〈The Greater Odes of the Poetry says: "Though there is no elder, still there is the model and punishment.〉" He rejoiced in others' virtues as his own, polished their good ideas, told them their faults in private while praising their gifts abroad, promoted the worthy, and blamed himself for any talent he failed to mention—so men of ambition across the empire trusted him.
33
曹操旣積嫌忌,而郗慮復搆成其罪,遂令丞相軍謀祭酒路粹 〈《典略》曰:「粹字文蔚,陳留人,少學於蔡邕。 建安初,以高第擢拜尚書郎,後爲軍謀祭酒,與陳琳、阮瑀等典記室。 融誅之後,人睹粹所作,無不嘉其才而忌其筆也。」〉 枉狀奏融曰:「少府孔融,昔在北海,見王室不靜,而招合徒衆,欲規不軌,云『我大聖之後,而見滅於宋, 〈史記曰,魯大夫孟釐子曰:「孔丘,聖人之後,滅於宋。」 服虔注曰; 「聖人謂商湯也。 孔子六代祖孔父嘉爲宋華督所殺,其子奔魯也。」〉 有天下者,何必卯金刀』。 及與孫權使語,謗訕朝廷。 〈訕音所諫反。 訕謂謗毀也。 蒼頡篇曰:「訕,非也。」〉 又融爲九列,不遵朝儀,禿巾微行, 〈謂不加幘。〉 唐突宮掖。 又前與白衣禰衡跌蕩於言, 〈跌蕩,無儀檢也。 放,縱也。〉 云『父之於子,當有何親? 論其本意,實爲情欲發耳。 子之於母,亦復奚爲? 譬如寄物缻中, 〈《說文》曰:「缻,缶也。」 字書曰:「缻似缶而高。」〉 出則離矣』。 旣而與衡更相贊揚。 衡謂融曰:『仲尼不死。』 融荅曰:『顏回復生。』 大逆不道,宜極重誅。」 書奏,下獄弃市。 時年五十六。 妻子皆被誅。
Cao Cao's grudge deepened; Xi Lu forged charges, and Cao ordered Lu Cui, 〈The Compendium says: "Cui courtesy name Wenwei, a man of Chenliu, in youth studied under Cai Yong. who rose to the secretariat and then joined Chen Lin and Ruan Yu in the chancellery, and after Kong Rong's death readers admired Lu Cui's talent but dreaded his pen."〉 With false memorial he accused Rong, saying: Minister of the lesser treasury Kong Rong, formerly at Beihai, seeing the royal house unquiet, gathered followers and masses, wishing to plot rebellion, saying: "I am a great sage's descendant, yet was destroyed by Song, 〈the Records citing Meng Yizi on Confucius as a sage's descendant destroyed by Song, Fu Qian's commentary adds, that the sage meant Shang Tang, and that Confucius's ancestor Kong Fu Jia was killed in Song and his line fled to Lu,〉 adding that whoever holds the empire need not bear the surname Liu, and had slandered the court to Sun Quan's envoy, 〈Comment on pronunciation, shan meaning to revile, per the Cangjie Primer,〉 As one of the nine ministers he ignored court dress, walked abroad bareheaded in disguise, 〈meaning without the formal cap,〉 and intruded rudely on the inner palace, and earlier bandied reckless words with the commoner Mi Heng, 〈reckless meaning without restraint, and loose meaning unbridled,〉 saying fathers and sons owed each other no natural bond, that conception was mere appetite, and sons and mothers likewise nothing, like something stored in a jar, 〈the Shuowen defining the vessel as a jar, taller than an ordinary jar,〉 to be parted when it comes forth, then he and Mi Heng flattered each other, Mi Heng telling Kong Rong that Confucius lived again, Kong Rong answering that Yan Hui had returned to life, charges branded as capital treason," The memorial was accepted; Kong Rong was jailed and executed in the marketplace, aged fifty-six, his wife and children condemned with him.
34
初,女年七歲,男年九歲,以其幼弱得全,寄它舍。 二子方弈棊,融被收而不動。 左右曰:「父執而不起,何也?」 荅曰:「安有巢毀而卵不破乎!」 主人有遺肉汁,男渴而飲之。 女曰:「今日之禍,豈得乆活,何賴知肉味乎?」 兄號泣而止。 或言於曹操,遂盡殺之。 及收至,謂兄曰; 「若死者有知,得見父母,豈非至願!」 乃延頸就刑,顏色不變,莫不傷之。
A daughter of seven and a son of nine were spared as infants and hidden in another house, They were playing weiqi when their father was seized and did not stir, Those beside them said: "Your father is seized yet you do not rise—why?" They answered: "How can there be a nest destroyed yet eggs unbroken!" The host offered broth; the boy drank, The girl said: "Today's calamity—how can we long survive; why rely on knowing the taste of meat?" until her brother wept and obeyed, but Cao Cao heard and had both children killed, When the officers came she told her brother, "If the dead have awareness, to see father and mother—is that not the utmost wish!" then stretched her neck to the blade without flinching, and all who heard mourned her.
35
初,京兆人脂習元升,與融相善,每戒融剛直。 〈《魏略》曰:「曹操爲司空,威德日盛,融故以舊意書疏倨傲,習常責融令改節,融不從之。」〉 及被害,許下莫敢收者,習往撫尸曰:「文舉舍我死,吾何用生爲?」 操聞大怒,將收習殺之,後得赦出。
Zhi Xi of Jingzhao, styled Yuansheng, had been Kong Rong's friend and often urged him to soften his bluntness, 〈The Wei Summary says: "When Cao Cao was minister of works, awe and virtue daily grew; Rong therefore in old habit wrote letters arrogant; Xi constantly rebuked Rong to change his conduct; Rong did not follow.〉" When he was killed, none under Xu dared collect the body; Xi went and stroked the corpse, saying: "Wenju left me to die—what use have I for life?" Cao Cao meant to execute Zhi Xi for it but later pardoned him,
36
魏文帝深好融文辭,每歎曰:「楊、班儔也。」 募天下有上融文章者,輒賞以金帛。 所著詩、頌、碑文、論議、六言、策文、表、檄、敎令、書記凡二十五篇。 文帝以習有欒布之節,加中散大夫。 〈《前書》曰:「欒布,梁人也,爲梁王彭越大夫,使於齊,未反。 漢誅越,梟首雒陽下,布還,奏事越頭下,祠而哭之。」〉
Wei Wendi deeply loved Rong's literary phrasing, often sighed, saying: "A match for Yang and Ban." offering gold and silk for any recovered piece, His collected poems, eulogies, inscriptions, essays, memorials, and letters came to twenty-five chapters, and Wendi named Zhi Xi grand counselor at large for loyalty like Luan Bu's, 〈The Former Documents says: "Luan Bu was a man of Liang, was King of Liang Peng Yue's minister, sent to Qi, not yet returned. returned to mourn beneath his lord's displayed head,"〉
37
論曰:昔諫大夫鄭昌有言:「山有猛獸者,藜藿爲之不採。」 〈宣帝時,司隷校尉蓋寬饒以直言得罪,鄭昌愍傷寬饒忠直憂國,以言事不當意,而爲文吏所詆挫,故上書訟之。〉 是以孔父正色,不容弒虐之謀; 〈公羊傳曰:「孔父正色而立于朝,則人莫敢過而致難於其君者,孔父可謂義形於色矣。」〉 平仲立朝,有紓盜齊之望。 〈紓音舒,解也,緩也。 盜齊謂田常也。 莊子曰:「田成子一旦弒齊君而盜其國。」 左傳,齊景公坐於路寢。 公歎曰:「美哉室! 其誰有此乎?」 晏子對曰:「如君之言,其陳氏乎?」 公曰:「是可若何?」 對曰:「唯禮可以已之。」〉 若夫文舉之高志直情,其足以動義槩而忤雄心。 〈忤,逆也。〉 故使移鼎之迹,事隔於人存; 〈移鼎謂遷漢之鼎也。 人存謂曹操身在不得篡位也。 左傳曰:「桀有昏德,鼎遷於商; 商紂暴虐,鼎遷於周。」〉 代終之規,啟機於身後也。 〈代終謂代漢祚之終也。 身後謂曹丕受禪也。〉 夫嚴氣正性,覆折而己。 豈有員园委屈,可以每其生哉! 〈「园」即「刓」字,音五丸反。 前書音義曰:「刓謂刓團無稜角也。」 每,貪也。 言寧正直以傾覆摧折,不能委曲以貪生也。 賈誼云:「品庶每生。」〉 懍懍焉,皜皜焉,其與琨玉秋霜比質可也。 〈懍懍言勁烈如秋霜也。 皜皜言堅貞如白玉也。 皜音古老反。〉
The historian cites Zheng Chang: "where fierce beasts roam, even poor gleaners stay away," 〈when Zheng Chang defended the blunt Gai Kuanyao before Emperor Xuan,〉 as Kong Fu's stern presence blocked regicide, 〈The Gongyang Tradition says: "Kong Fu with correct countenance stood in court, then none dared pass and bring difficulty on his lord—Kong Fu may be called having righteousness show in his color.〉" and Yan Ying at court gave hope of checking the Chen clan's theft of Qi, 〈Comment: shu means to ease, the theft of Qi referring to Tian Chengzi, The Zhuangzi says: "Tian Chengzi in one morning murdered the Qi lord and stole his state." the Zuo Tradition where Duke Jing of Qi sat in his chamber, The duke sighed: "How beautiful this chamber! and asking who would possess it," Yanzi replied: "According to my lord's words—is it not the Chen clan?" The duke said: "If it is so, what can be done?" He replied: "Only ritual can stop it.〉" Kong Rong's high purpose and blunt honesty stirred the sense of right and defied a ruthless will, 〈wu meaning to oppose,〉 so the omen of shifting the dynastic cauldron waited while Cao Cao lived, 〈moving the cauldron meaning usurpation of Han, blocked because Cao Cao himself could not yet seize the throne, The Zuo Tradition says: "Jie had dark virtue; the cauldron shifted to Shang; and from cruel Zhou of Shang to Zhou,"〉 while the plan to supplant Han waited until after his death for Cao Pi's accession, 〈replacing the end meaning inheriting Han's mandate, after his death referring to Cao Pi's acceptance of the abdication,〉 Such stern integrity ends in ruin, and cannot be bent in circles to cling to life, "〈Yuan is the character wan, read wu wan fan." The Former Documents pronunciation says: "Wan means rounded smooth without corners." mei meaning greedy, preferring ruin in integrity to survival by compromise, Jia Yi said: "The common sort greedily clings to life.〉" he may be set beside jade in a cliff and frost in autumn for purity and chill. <Commentary: linlin describes a stern chill like autumn frost, and haohao describes firm purity like white jade, with a pronunciation note on hao.〉
38
苟彧字文若, 〈袁宏《漢紀》「彧」作「郁」。〉 潁川潁陰人,朗陵令淑之孫也。 〈朗陵,縣,屬汝南郡,故城在今豫州朗山縣西南。〉 父緄,爲濟南相。 〈緄音古本反。〉 緄畏憚宦官,乃爲彧娶中常侍唐衡女。 〈《典略》曰:「衡欲以女妻汝南傅公明,公明不取,轉以妻郁。」〉 彧以少有才名,故得免於譏議。 南陽何顒名知人,見彧而異之,曰:「王佐才也。」
Xun Yu, styled Wenruo, 〈Yuan Hong's Han Annals writes "Yu" as "Yu."〉 He came from Yingyin in Yingchuan and was a grandson of Xun Shu, magistrate of Langling. 〈Langling county lay in Runan; its old site was southwest of present Langshan in Henan,〉 his father Xun Gun having served as minister of Jinan, 〈with a pronunciation note on the name Gun,〉 Xun Gun, fearing the eunuchs, arranged a marriage for his son to the daughter of the eunuch Tang Heng, 〈The Compendium says: "Heng wished to give his daughter in marriage to Fu Gongming of Runan; Gongming would not take her; then turned to give her in marriage to Yu.〉" whose early reputation for talent spared him mockery for the match, He Yong of Nanyang was famed for knowing men; when he saw Yu he marveled at him, saying: "A king-helper's talent."
39
中平六年,舉孝廉,再遷亢父令。 〈亢父屬梁國,故城在今兖州任城縣南。 亢音剛,父音甫。〉 董卓之亂,弃官歸鄉里。 同邵韓融時將宗親千餘家,避亂密西山中。 〈密縣西山也。〉 彧謂父老曰:「潁川,四戰之地也。 〈四面通也。〉 天下有變,常爲兵衝。 密雖小固,不足以扞大難,宜亟避之。」 〈亟音紀力反。〉 鄉人多懷土不能去。 會兾州牧同郡韓馥遣騎迎之,彧乃獨將宗族從馥,留者後多爲董卓將李傕所殺略焉。
In 189 CE he was nominated filial and incorrupt and rose to magistrate of Kangfu, 〈Kangfu lay in Liang commandery south of present Jining, with pronunciation notes,〉 he resigned and went home when Dong Zhuo seized power, while Han Rong of his commandery led over a thousand kinsmen into the hills west of Mi county, 〈meaning the western hills of Mi,〉 Yu said to the elders: "Yingchuan is a land of four battles, 〈open to attack from every direction,〉 and whenever the empire rose in arms it became the main thoroughfare of armies, while Mi's hills were too weak to hold off disaster and they should flee at once," 〈with a pronunciation note on urgently,〉 most villagers clung to their homes and would not go, until Han Fu of Ji province sent escort; Xun Yu alone moved his clan with Han Fu while those who stayed were later massacred or plundered by Li Jue,
40
彧比至兾州,而袁紹已奪馥位,紹待彧以上賔之禮。 彧明有意數, 〈數,計數也。〉 見漢室崩亂,每懷匡佐之義。 時曹操在東郡,彧聞操有雄略,而度紹終不能定大業。 初平二年,乃去紹從操。 操與語大恱,曰:「吾子房也。」 〈比之張良。〉 以爲奮武司馬,時年二十九。 明年,又爲操鎮東司馬。
By the time he reached Ji province Yuan Shao had displaced Han Fu and received Xun Yu as an honored guest, Xun Yu saw the situation clearly and calculated the odds, 〈shu meaning strategic reckoning,〉 and nursed a constant wish to rescue the Han, Learning that Cao Cao in Dong commandery had grand designs while Yuan Shao could never settle the realm, in 191 CE he left Yuan Shao for Cao Cao, Cao spoke with him and was greatly pleased, saying: "You are my Zifang." 〈that is, his Zhang Liang,〉 and named him marshal of fierce martial at twenty-nine, the next year marshal pacifying the east,
41
二年,陶謙死,操欲遂取徐州,還定呂布。 彧諫曰:「昔高祖保關中, 〈高祖距項羽,常留蕭何守關中。〉 光武據河內,皆深根固本,以制天下。 進可以勝敵,退足以堅守,故雖有困敗,而終濟大業。 將軍本以兖州首事,故能平定山東, 〈曹操初從東郡守鮑信等迎領兖州牧,遂進兵破黃巾等,故能平定山東也。〉 此實天下之要地,而將軍之關河也。 若不先定之,根本將何寄乎? 宜急分討陳宮,使虜不得西顧,乘其閒而收熟麥,約食稸穀,以資一舉,則呂布不足破也。 今舍之而東,未見其便。 多留兵則力不勝敵,少留兵則後不足固。 布乘虛寇暴,震動人心,縱數城或全,其餘非復己有,則將軍尚安歸乎? 且前討徐州,威罰實行,其子弟念父兄之恥,必人自爲守。 就能破之,尚不可保。 彼若懼而相結,共爲表裏,堅壁清野,以待將軍,將軍攻之不拔,掠之無獲,不出一旬,則十萬之衆未戰而自困矣。 夫事固有弃彼取此,以權一時之埶,願將軍慮焉。」 操於是大收孰麥,復與布戰。 布敗走,因分定諸縣,兖州遂平。
In 194 CE, when Tao Qian died, Cao Cao meant to seize Xu province first and then deal with Lü Bu, Yu remonstrated, saying: "In old days the High Ancestor protected Guanzhong, 〈leaving Xiao He to guard the interior while facing Xiang Yu,〉 and how Guangwu held Henai to anchor his power before conquering the empire, both advancing to victory and retreating to a secure base, so that even reverses could not stop the great work, The general had raised his army from Yanzhou and pacified the east from that base, 〈At first Cao Cao, with the support of Dong Commandery Governor Bao Xin and others, was welcomed to take charge as Inspector of Yanzhou. He then advanced his troops and defeated the Yellow Turbans and others, and therefore was able to pacify the lands east of the mountains.〉 making Yanzhou his strategic heartland like Guanzhong or Henai, If it were not secured first, where would his foundation lie? He should strike Chen Gong at once, keep Lü Bu looking east, reap the ripe wheat, hoard grain, and break Lü Bu in one blow, Abandoning Yanzhou for the east offered no clear gain, for many troops in the east would weaken the front against Lü Bu while a small garrison could not hold Yanzhou, Lü Bu would raid the empty province, shake morale, and even if a few towns held, the rest would be lost—where then could Cao Cao withdraw? Moreover his last Xu campaign had been brutal; every household would fight to avenge fathers and brothers, and even victory would not guarantee holding the land, If the Xu men united, cleared the countryside, and held their walls, his army would find nothing to plunder and a hundred thousand men would starve within ten days without a battle, The art of war sometimes means forsaking one gain for another; he begged Cao Cao to weigh it," Cao Cao gathered the wheat, renewed the war with Lü Bu, defeated him, secured the counties, and pacified Yanzhou,
42
及帝都許,以彧爲侍中,守尚書令。 操每征伐在外,其軍國之事,皆與彧籌焉。 彧又進操計謀之士從子攸, 〈魏志,荀攸字公達。 太祖素聞攸名,與語大恱,謂彧曰:「公達非常人,吾得與計事,天下當何憂哉?」〉 及鍾繇、郭嘉、 〈《魏志》,嘉字奉孝,潁川人也。 戲志才,籌畫士也,太祖甚器之,早卒。 太祖與彧書曰:「自志才亡後,莫可與計事者。 汝、潁固多竒士,誰可以繼之?」 彧薦嘉,召見論天下事,太祖曰:「使孤成大業者,必此人也。」〉 陳羣、杜襲、 〈襲字子緒,潁川人。 荀彧薦襲,太祖以爲丞相軍謀祭酒,魏國建,爲侍中。〉 司馬懿、 〈懿字仲達,即晉宣帝。〉 戲志才等,皆稱其舉。 唯嚴象爲楊州, 〈《三輔決錄》曰:「象字文則,京兆人。 少聦博有膽智,爲楊州刺史。 後爲孫策廬江太守李術所殺。」〉 韋康爲涼州,後並負敗焉。 〈康字元將,京兆人。 父端,從涼州牧徵爲太僕,康代爲涼州刺史,時人榮之。 後爲馬超所圍,堅守歷時,救軍不至,遂爲超所殺。〉
When the court moved to Xu, Xun Yu became palace attendant and acting director of the secretariat, and every military and civil matter while Cao campaigned was planned with him, He recommended his nephew Xun You, 〈the Wei Records giving his style as Gongda, Taizu long heard You's name; spoke with him and was greatly pleased; said to Yu: "Gongda is no ordinary man—if I obtain to plan affairs with him, what should the realm worry?"〉 along with Zhong Yao, Guo Jia, 〈Guo Jia of Yingchuan, styled Fengxiao, Xi Zhicai, a brilliant planner whom Cao Cao prized, died young, Taizu wrote Yu a letter, saying: "Since Zhicai died, none can plan affairs with me. asking who among the Ruying scholars could replace him," Yu recommended Jia; summoned audience to discuss realm affairs; Taizu said: "He who makes orphan complete the great enterprise must be this man.〉" Chen Qun, Du Xi, 〈Du Xi, styled Zixu, from Yingchuan, recommended by Xun Yu as army planning libationer and later palace attendant of Wei,〉 Sima Yi, 〈styled Zhongda, the future Jin Xuandi,〉 and Xi Zhicai—every nomination won praise, only the appointments of Yan Xiang to Yang province 〈failed: "the Sanfu Judgment Record names Yan Xiang of Jingzhao, clever and bold as governor of Yang, until Li Shu of Lujiang killed him for Sun Ce,"〉 and Wei Kang to Liang province—both ended badly, 〈Wei Kang, styled Yuanjiang, from Jingzhao, succeeded his father Wei Duan as governor of Liang when the latter was summoned as grand coachman, an honor then much remarked, until Ma Chao besieged him, relief never came, and Ma Chao killed him,〉
43
袁紹旣兼河朔之地,有驕氣。 而操敗於張繡, 〈魏志,張繡在南陽降,旣而悔之,而復反。 操與戰,軍敗爲流矢所中。〉 紹與操書甚倨。 〈陳琳爲紹作檄書曰:「操祖父騰饕餮放橫,父嵩乞匄攜養,操贅閹遺醜。」 並倨慢之詞也。〉 操大怒,欲先攻之,而患力不敵,以謀於彧。 彧量紹雖強,終爲操所制,乃說先取呂布,然後圖紹,操從之。 三年,遂擒呂布,定徐州。
Yuan Shao grew arrogant after swallowing the north of the Yellow River, while Cao Cao had just been beaten by Zhang Xiu at Wancheng, 〈Zhang Xiu having surrendered at Nanyang then rebelled, and wounded Cao Cao with a stray arrow in the defeat,〉 Yuan Shao's letter to him was insultingly arrogant, 〈Chen Lin for Shao made a proclamation saying: "Cao's grandfather Teng was gluttonous and unrestrained; father Song begged and carried to raise him; Cao is a leftover eunuch's ugly remnant." all of it arrogant abuse,〉 Cao Cao raged and wished to strike Yuan Shao first but feared his strength and asked Xun Yu, who judged that Yuan Shao could still be mastered but Lü Bu must be taken first; Cao Cao agreed, and in 198 CE captured Lü Bu and secured Xu province,
44
五年,袁紹率大衆以攻許,操與相距。 紹甲兵甚盛,議者咸懷惶懼。 少府孔融謂彧曰:「袁紹地廣兵彊,田豐、許攸智計之士爲其謀, 〈《先賢行狀》:「豐字元皓,鉅鹿人。 天姿瓌傑,權略多竒。」 許攸字子遠。〉 審配、逢紀盡忠之臣任其事, 〈配字正南,魏郡人。 忠烈慷慨,有不可犯之色。 紹領兾州,委配腹心之任。 《英雄記》曰:「紀字元圖。 初,紹去董卓,與許攸及紀俱詣兾州,紹以紀聦達有計策,甚信之。」〉 顏良、文醜勇冠三軍,統其兵,殆難克乎?」 彧曰:「紹兵雖多而法不整,田豐剛而犯上,許攸貪而不正,審配專而無謀,逢紀果而自用,顏良、文醜匹夫之勇,可一戰而擒也。」 後皆如彧之籌,事在 〈袁紹傳〉。
In 200 CE Yuan Shao marched on Xu while Cao Cao held the line, Yuan Shao's host was overwhelming and many advisers panicked, Minister of the lesser treasury Kong Rong said to Yu: "Yuan Shao's territory is broad and troops strong; Tian Feng, Xu You—men of wisdom and plan—are his strategists, 〈the Exemplary Conduct calls Tian Feng Yuanhao of Julu, gifted and full of stratagems, Xu You being styled Ziyuan,〉 while Shen Pei and Feng Ji were loyal ministers handling affairs, 〈Shen Pei, styled Zhengnan, from Wei commandery, fiercely loyal and formidable in manner, and Yuan Shao, as governor of Ji, had entrusted Shen Pei with his closest counsels. The Record of Heroes gives Feng Ji courtesy name Yuantu, when Yuan Shao fled Dong Zhuo he went to Ji with Xu You and Feng Ji and trusted Feng Ji for his clever counsel,〉 Yan Liang and Wen Chou were the bravest in the host and led his army—could they be beaten?" Yu said: Shao's troops though numerous are not ordered by law; Tian Feng is rigid and offends superiors; Xu You is greedy and not upright; Shen Pei is domineering and without stratagem; Feng Ji is decisive and self-willed; Yan Liang and Wen Chou are the courage of common men—they can be captured in one battle." and events proved his forecast, as told in 〈the biography of Yuan Shao〉
45
操保官度, 〈官度,即古之鴻溝也。 於滎陽下引河東南流,其所保處在今鄭州中牟縣北官度口是也。〉 與紹連戰,雖勝而軍糧方盡,與彧議,欲還許以致紹師。 〈致猶至也。 兵法曰:「善戰者,致人不致於人。」〉 彧報曰:「今穀食雖少,未若楚漢在滎陽、成皐閒也。 是時劉項莫肯先退者,以爲先退則埶屈也。 〈高祖與項羽於滎陽、成皐閒,乆相持不決,後羽請鴻溝以西爲漢而退,高祖遂乘羽,敗之垓下,追殺之。〉 公以十分居一之衆, 〈言與紹衆寡相懸也。〉 畫地而守之, 〈言畫地作限隔也。 鄒陽曰:「畫地而不敢犯。」〉 搤其喉而不得進, 〈搤音戹。 搤謂捉持之也。〉 已半年矣。 情見埶竭,必將有變,此用竒之時,不可失也。」 操從之,乃堅壁持之。 遂以竒兵破紹,紹退走。 封彧萬歲亭侯,邑一千戶。
Cao Cao held Guandu, 〈Guandu being the ancient Hong Canal, where the Yellow River ran southeast of Xingyang; the site lay north of present Zhongmou at Guandu ford,〉 After successive victories grain ran low; he discussed with Xun Yu a retreat to Xu to lure Yuan Shao, 〈zhi meaning to bring the enemy to you, as the Art of War says: "the skilled fighter makes the enemy come to him,"〉 Yu replied: "Now grain though scant is not like Chu and Han between Xingyang and Chenggao. when neither Liu Bang nor Xiang Yu dared withdraw first for fear of losing the initiative, 〈until Xiang Yu yielded the west of the Hong Canal and was run down at Gaixia,〉 Cao Cao held the line with a tenth of Yuan Shao's numbers, 〈meaning the odds were ten to one against him,〉 yet he drew a line and held it, 〈making a boundary he would not cross, as Zou Yang said of a line none dared cross,〉 choking Yuan Shao's advance, 〈with a pronunciation note on choke, meaning to seize and hold fast,〉 for half a year already, the enemy's strength was spent and a shift was due—the moment for surprise must not be missed," Cao Cao agreed and held his fortified camp, then broke Yuan Shao with a surprise stroke and drove him back, Xun Yu was enfeoffed as Marquis of Wansui village with one thousand households,
46
六年,操以紹新破,未能爲患,但欲留兵衞之,自欲南征劉表,以計問彧。 彧對曰:「紹旣新敗,衆懼人擾,今不因而定之,而欲遠兵江漢,若紹收離糾散, 〈糾,合也。〉 乘虛以出,則公之事去矣。」 操乃止。
In 201 CE Cao Cao thought Yuan Shao no longer a threat and meant to leave a garrison while he marched south against Liu Biao; he asked Xun Yu, Yu replied: "Shao is newly defeated; the host fears and men are disturbed; now not taking the occasion to settle him, yet wishing to send troops far to the Jiang and Han—if Shao gathers the scattered and ropes the dispersed, 〈jiu meaning to gather,〉 would risk losing everything," so Cao Cao dropped the plan,
47
九年,操拔鄴,自領兾州牧。 有說操宜復置九州者,以爲兾部所統旣廣,則天下易服。 操將從之。 彧言曰:「今若依古制,是爲兾州所統,悉有河東、馮翊、扶風、西河、幽、并之地也。 公前屠鄴城,海內震駭,各懼不得保其土宇,守其兵衆。 今若一處被侵,必謂以次見奪,人心易動,若一旦生變,天下未可圖也。 願公先定河北,然後脩復舊京,南臨楚郢,責王貢之不入。 天下咸知公意,則人人自安。 須海內大定,乃議古制,此社稷長乆之利也。」 操報曰:「微足下之相難,所失多矣!」 遂寑九州議。
In 204 CE he took Ye and named himself governor of Ji province, Some urged reviving the nine ancient provinces so that a vast Ji jurisdiction would overawe the realm, Cao Cao was inclined to agree, Yu spoke, saying: "Now if following ancient institutions, this means what Ji Province would govern would entirely include Hedong, Fengyi, Fufeng, Xihe, You, and Bing lands. after the sack of Ye every region feared losing its territory and troops, one rumor of annexation would set the empire in panic and spoil any plan of unification, He urged Cao first to secure Hebei, restore Luoyang, then turn south to demand tribute from the Yangzi lords, so that all would know his intent and rest easy, and only after the realm was settled debate reviving antiquity—for the lasting good of the state," Cao replied: Without your opposing me, how much would have been lost!" and shelved the nine-province plan,
48
十二年,操上書表彧曰:「昔袁紹作逆,連兵官度,時衆寡糧單,圖欲還許。 尚書令荀彧深建宜住之便,遠恢進討之略, 〈恢,大也。〉 起發臣心,革易愚慮,堅營固守,徼其軍實, 〈徼,邀也,音古堯反。〉 遂摧撲大寇,濟危以安。 紹旣破敗,臣糧亦盡,將舍河北之規,改就荊南之策。 彧復備陳得失,用移臣議,故得反斾兾土, 〈《左傳》:「南轅反斾。」 杜預曰:「軍門前大旂。」〉 克平四州。 〈謂兾、青、幽、并也。〉 向使臣退軍官度,紹必鼓行而前, 〈鼓行謂鳴鼓而行,言無所畏也。〉 敵人懷利以自百, 〈各規利,人百其勇也。〉 臣衆怯沮以喪氣, 〈沮,止也。〉 有必敗之形,無一捷之埶。 〈捷,勝也。〉 復若南征劉表,委弃兖、豫,飢軍深入,踰越江、沔, 〈沔即漢水也。 孔安國曰:「漢上爲沔。」〉 利旣難要,將失本據。 而彧建二策,以亡爲存,以禍爲福,謀殊功異,臣所不及。 是故先帝貴指縱之功,薄搏獲之賞; 〈搏,擊也。 高祖旣殺項羽,論功行封,以蕭何爲最,功臣多不服。 高祖曰:「諸君知獵乎? 夫獵追殺獸者,狗也,而發縱指示獸者,人也。 諸君徒能追得獸耳,功狗也。 至如蕭何,發指示,功人也。」 「縱」或作「蹤」,兩通。〉 古人尚帷幄之規,下攻拔之力。 〈張良未甞有戰鬬功,高帝曰:「運策帷幄中,決勝千里外,子房功也。」 自擇齊三萬戶以封之。〉 原其績効,足享高爵。 而海內未喻其狀,所受不侔其功, 〈侔,等也。〉 臣誠惜之。 乞重平議,增疇戶邑。」 〈《前書》曰:「復其後代,疇其爵邑。」 音義曰:「疇,等也,使其後常與先人等也。」〉 彧深辭讓。 操譬之曰:「昔介子推有言:『竊人之財,猶謂之盜。』 〈《左傳》介子推,晉文公臣。〉 況君竒謨拔出,興亡所係,可專有之邪? 〈操不專功,欲分之於彧也。〉 雖慕魯連冲高之迹, 〈《史記》曰,趙欲尊秦爲帝,魯連止之,平原君乃欲封魯連。 連笑曰:「所貴於天下之士,爲人排患釋難解紛而無取也。 即有取者,是商賈之士也,而連不忍爲也。」〉 將爲聖人達節之義乎!」 〈《左傳》曰:「聖達節,次守節。」〉 於是增封千戶,并前二千戶。 又欲授以正司, 〈彧先守尚書令,今欲正除也。〉 彧使荀攸深自陳讓,至于十數,乃止。 操將伐劉表,問彧所策。 彧曰:「今華夏以平,荊、漢知亡矣,可聲出宛、葉而閒行輕進,以掩其不意。」 操從之。 會表病死。 〈《魏志》,操如彧計,表子琮以州逆降。〉
In the twelfth year, Cao submitted a memorial praising Yu, saying: "In old days Yuan Shao rebelled, linked troops at Guandu; at the time few against many, grain alone, planned to return to Xu. and Director Xun Yu had urged him to stand fast and mapped the grand offensive, 〈hui meaning to enlarge,〉 awakening Cao Cao's mind, stiffening the camp, and cutting enemy supplies, 〈yao meaning intercept, with a pronunciation note,〉 until the great rebel was crushed and danger turned to safety, grain exhausted again, he had meant to abandon the north for a southern campaign, Xun Yu again weighed the options and turned him back to Ji, 〈the Zuo phrase on reversing the banners southward, meaning the great standard at the army gate,〉 and pacify the four northern provinces, 〈Ji, Qing, You, and Bing,〉 Had he withdrawn from Guandu, Yuan Shao would have marched unopposed, 〈beating drums meaning an unafraid advance,〉 the enemy would fight at double strength for gain, 〈each man fighting a hundred times harder for spoils,〉 while Cao Cao's men would lose heart, 〈ju meaning halted,〉 sure defeat with no hope of victory, 〈jie meaning victory,〉 A southern march on Liu Biao would abandon Yan and Yu, starve the army deep in enemy ground, and cross the Yangzi and Han, 〈Mian being the Han River, Kong Anguo glosses the upper Han as Mian,〉 where profit was uncertain and the northern base lost, Xun Yu's two counsels had turned death to life and disaster to fortune—counsel and achievement beyond Cao Cao's own, as the founder prized the hunter who points the game over the hounds that bite, 〈bo meaning to strike, when Liu Bang ranked Xiao He first after Xiang Yu's death, many generals resented it, Liu Bang asked if they understood hunting, the dogs run down the quarry but the huntsman looses them and points, calling his captains mere hunting dogs, while Xiao He was the huntsman, with a note that zong may be written with the other graph,〉 the ancients ranked planning above mere storming of walls, 〈citing Gaozu's praise of Zhang Liang for winning battles in the tent, and offering him thirty thousand households in Qi,〉 Xun Yu's service merited the highest rank, yet the realm did not grasp his worth and his fief did not match his deeds, 〈mou meaning equal,〉 which Cao Cao regretted, and asked the court to enlarge his fief accordingly," 〈The Former Documents says: "Restore his posterity, equalize his noble fief." Pronunciation meaning says: "Chou means equal; make his posterity always equal to the former men.〉" Xun Yu firmly declined, Cao paralleled, saying: In old days Jie Zitui had a saying: "To steal another's wealth is still called theft. 〈Jie Zitui being a minister of Duke Wen of Jin in the Zuo Tradition,〉 and asked how Xun Yu could monopolize credit for plans on which survival hung, 〈meaning Cao refused to hoard the glory,〉 Though Xun Yu admired Lu Zhonglian's refusal of reward, 〈the Records tale of Lu Lian refusing a fief from Lord Pingyuan, Lu Lian's laugh that a gentleman untangles strife without pay, and would not act the merchant,〉 urging him to accept the sage's flexible standard," 〈The Zuo Tradition says: "Sages comprehend the season; next guard the season.〉" so his fief rose by a thousand households to two thousand in all. The court again meant to give him a formal appointment to the post, Commentary: Xun Yu had been serving as acting director of the secretariat; the plan was now to confirm him in the full title.〉 Xun Yu sent Xun You to press his repeated refusals—more than ten times—before the matter was dropped. When Cao Cao was preparing to strike Liu Biao, he asked Xun Yu for a plan. Xun Yu said, “The heartland is already settled; the Jing–Han region knows it is finished. Feint a thrust through Wan and Ye, then slip a fast, light force along byways to catch them off guard.” Cao Cao adopted the advice. Liu Biao then fell ill and died. 〈The Wei Records notes that Cao Cao followed Xun Yu’s design and that Liu Biao’s son Liu Cong yielded the province in surrender.〉
49
十七年,董昭等 〈昭字公仁,濟陰人也。〉 欲共進操爵國公,九錫備物, 〈禮含文嘉曰:「九錫一曰車馬,二曰衣服,三曰樂器,四曰朱戶,五曰納陛,六曰虎賁百人,七曰斧鉞,八曰弓矢,九曰秬鬯,謂之九錫。 錫,與也,九錫皆如其德。」 《左傳》曰:「分魯公以大路大旂,夏后氏之璜,封父之繁弱,祝宗卜史,備物典策。」〉 密以訪彧。 彧曰「曹公本興義兵,以匡振漢朝,雖勳庸崇著,猶秉忠貞之節。 君子愛人以德,不宜如此。」 事遂寑。 〈《禮記》曰「君子之愛人也以德,細人之愛人也以姑息」也。〉 操心不能平。 會南征孫權,表請彧勞軍于譙,因表留彧曰:「臣聞古之遣將,上設監督之重,下建副二之任, 〈《史記》,齊景公以田穰苴爲將軍,扞燕。 苴曰:「臣素卑賤,擢之閭伍之中,加之大夫之上,士卒未附,百姓不信,權輕,願得君之寵臣,國之所尊,以監軍,乃可。」 景公許之,使莊賈往。 即監督之義也。〉 所以尊嚴國命,謀而鮮過者也。 〈《左傳》曰:「謀而鮮過,惠訓不倦。」〉 臣今當濟江,奉辭伐罪,宜有大使肅將王命。 文武並用,自古有之。 使持節侍中守尚書令萬歲亭侯彧,國之望臣,德洽華夏,旣停軍所次,便宜與臣俱進,宣示國命,威懷醜虜。 軍禮尚速,不及先請,臣輒留彧,依以爲重。」 書奏,帝從之,遂以彧爲侍中、光祿大夫,持節,參丞相軍事。 至濡須, 〈濡須,水名也,在今和州歷陽縣西南。 吳錄曰:「孫權聞操來,夾水立塢,狀如偃月,以相拒,月餘乃退。」〉 彧病留壽春, 〈壽春,縣,屬淮南郡,今壽州郡也。〉 操饋之食,發視,乃空器也,於是飲藥而卒。 時年五十。 〈《獻帝春秋》,董承之誅,伏后與父完書,言司空殺董承,帝方爲報怨。 完得書以示彧,彧惡之,隱而不言。 完以示其妻弟樊普,普封以呈太祖,太祖陰爲之備。 彧恐事覺,欲自發之,因求使至鄴,勸太祖以女配帝。 太祖曰:「今朝廷有伏后,吾女何得配上?」 彧曰:「伏后無子,性又凶邪,往甞與父書,言詞醜惡,可因此廢也。」 太祖曰:「卿昔何不道之?」 彧陽驚曰:「昔已甞爲公言也。」 太祖曰:「此豈小事,而吾忘之!」 太祖以此恨彧,而外含容之。 至董昭建魏公議,彧意不同,欲言之於太祖,乃齎璽書犒軍,飲饗禮畢,彧請間,太祖知彧欲言,揖而遣之,遂不得。 留之,卒於壽春。〉 帝哀惜之,祖日爲之廢讌樂。 〈祖日謂祭祖神之日,因爲讌樂也。 《風俗通》曰:「共工氏子曰脩,好遠遊,祀以爲祖神。 漢以午日祖。」〉 謚曰敬侯。 明年,操遂稱魏公云。
In the seventeenth year of the Jian’an era, Dong Zhao and others Commentary: Dong Zhao, styled Gongren, came from Jiyin.〉 They sought jointly to raise Cao Cao to the rank of duke of a state and to award him the full regalia of the nine bestowals, 〈The ritual text Hanwenjia lists the nine bestowals: "chariots and horses; robes; instruments; vermilion doors; the palace stair; a hundred tiger guards; the axe and halberd; bow and arrows; and the dark-millet ale—the nine gifts so named. Xi means ‘to grant,’ and each of the nine honors was meant to match the recipient’s virtue. The Zuo Tradition says: They divided to the duke of Lu the great chariot and great banner, the Xia hou’s jade, Fengfu’s bow, invocators, lineage masters, diviners, and scribes—complete paraphernalia and canonical documents. Closing note.〉 They sounded Xun Yu out on the plan in private. Xun Yu said, “Lord Cao first took up arms in a righteous cause to set the Han to rights. However great his merit, he has kept faith with the dynasty. A gentleman serves another’s good by moral means; this is not the way to treat him.” The proposal was shelved. Commentary: The Record of Rites contrasts the gentleman’s love, which builds character, with the small man’s, which is mere indulgence.〉 Cao Cao could not set the slight aside. On the southern expedition against Sun Quan, Cao Cao memorialized that Xun Yu should review the troops at Qiao, then used a second memorial to keep him there: “Ancient custom placed heavy overseers above a field commander and paired seconds below him, 〈The Records tells how Duke Jing of Qi named Tian Rangju general against Yan. Rangju replied, “I am of mean origin, pulled from the ranks above senior officers; the soldiers do not yet follow me, and the people do not trust my light authority. Give me one of your trusted ministers, honored in the state, to supervise the host, and it can be done.” The duke agreed and sent Zhuang Jia. That is the sense of “overseer” intended here. End of gloss.〉 Thus the majesty of the state’s orders is upheld and counsel rarely errs. Commentary: The Zuo Tradition praises counsel that seldom fails and teaching that never tires.〉 I am about to cross the river on a punitive mission; a senior envoy should carry the imperial charge with fitting gravity. Civil and military means have always been paired. The commissioner with insignia, palace attendant, acting director of the secretariat, and Marquis of Wansui Precinct, Xun Yu, is a pillar of the state whose virtue runs through the realm. As he has paused where the army rests, he should march with me to proclaim the court’s will and overawe the foe. Field etiquette prizes speed, so I could not wait for prior approval; I have therefore kept Xun Yu with the army as my mainstay.” The emperor approved the memorial, and Xun Yu was appointed palace attendant, grand master of splendid happiness, credential-bearer, and adviser on the chancellor’s staff. When the host reached Ruxu, Commentary: Ruxu is a river name, southwest of present-day Liyang in Hezhou. The Wu Record says: "When Sun Quan heard Cao was coming, he built stockades along both banks in the shape of a reclining moon to oppose him; after more than a month Cao withdrew. Closing note.〉" Xun Yu fell ill and was left at Shouchun, Commentary: Shouchun county lay in Huainan commandery, in what is now Shouzhou.〉 Cao Cao sent a meal; when the cover was lifted, the vessels were empty. Xun Yu took poison and died. He was fifty years old. 〈The Annals of Emperor Xian relates that after Dong Cheng’s death, Empress Fu wrote her father Fu Wan that the minister of works had executed Dong Cheng while the emperor still nursed a grievance. Fu Wan showed the letter to Xun Yu, who was appalled and kept silent. Fu Wan also showed it to his brother-in-law Fan Pu, who sealed it and sent it to Cao Cao, who quietly laid his plans. Fearing exposure, Xun Yu tried to get ahead of the plot by asking leave to go to Ye and urging Cao Cao to marry a daughter into the palace. Cao Cao replied, “The court already has Empress Fu; how can my daughter enter the harem?” Xun Yu said, “The empress is sonless and vicious; she once wrote her father intemperate letters—grounds enough to set her aside.” Cao Cao asked, “Why did you never mention this before?” Xun Yu pretended astonishment: “I did tell you, my lord.” Cao Cao said, “A matter of this weight—and I would forget?” From that day Cao Cao nursed a grudge against Xun Yu while still treating him with outward respect. When Dong Zhao pressed the motion to ennoble Cao as duke of Wei, Xun Yu disagreed and meant to remonstrate. He carried an edict to feast the army; after the banquet he asked for a private word. Cao Cao guessed his intent, bowed him out, and gave him no chance to speak. He was kept there and died at Shouchun. End of gloss.〉 The emperor grieved for him and canceled banquet music on the ancestral day observed in his honor. Commentary: “Ancestral day” was the feast honoring the patron spirit of travel, and the Comprehensive Meaning of Customs explains that Gonggong’s wandering son Xiu became its tutelary deity. The Han marked that rite on the wu day of the cycle.” End of gloss.〉 He was given the posthumous title Reverent Marquis. The following year Cao Cao took the title duke of Wei.
50
論曰:自遷帝西京,山東騰沸, 〈詩曰:「百川沸騰。」〉 天下之命倒縣矣。 〈趙岐注《孟子》曰:「倒縣猶困苦也。」〉 荀君乃越河、兾,間關以從曹氏。 〈間關猶展轉也。〉 察其定舉措, 〈措,置也。〉 立言策,崇明王略,以急國艱,豈云因亂假義,以就違正之謀乎? 〈言彧本心不背漢也,〉 誠仁爲己任,期紓民於倉卒也。 〈紓,緩也,音舒。〉 及阻董昭之議,以致非命,豈數也夫! 世言荀君者,通塞或過矣。 常以爲中賢以下,道無求備,智筭有所研踈,原始未必要末。 斯理之不可全詰者也。 夫以衞賜之賢,一說而斃兩國。 〈兩國謂齊與吳也。 端木賜字子貢,衞人也。 田常欲伐魯,仲尼令出使勸田常伐吳,常許之。 賜又至吳,請夫差伐齊。 又之越,說句踐將兵助吳。 又之晉,說以兵待吳伐齊之弊。 吳旣勝齊,與晉爭彊,晉果敗吳,越襲其後,遂殺夫差。 故子貢一出,存魯,亂齊,破吳,彊晉,霸越。〉 彼非薄於仁而欲之,蓋有全必有喪也,斯又功之不兼者也。 〈子貢不欲違仁義而致晉,但其事不兼濟也。 言彧豈願彊曹氏令代漢哉? 事不得已也。〉 方時運之屯邅, 〈《易》曰:「屯如邅如。」 邅音竹連反。〉 非雄才無以濟其溺,功高埶彊,則皇器自移矣。 〈謂魏太祖功業大而神器自歸也。〉 此又時之不可並也。 蓋取其歸正而已,亦殺身以成仁之義也。
The historian’s judgment: After the emperor was removed to the western capital, the lands east of the mountains seethed, Commentary: The Odes speaks of “the hundred streams boiling over.”〉 the fate of the empire hung upside down. Commentary: Zhao Qi glosses “inverted” as utter distress.〉 Lord Xun Yu crossed the Yellow River and the Ji region, making a hard road of it to join the Caos. Commentary: “Jianguan” here means a winding, difficult journey.〉 Watching how he set policy, Commentary: Cuo means “to set” or “to arrange.”〉 framing counsel and exalting the royal design to ease the dynasty’s peril—can that be dismissed as seizing a moral pretext in turmoil to serve a crooked end? Commentary: The point is that Xun Yu’s heart never turned against the Han.〉 He truly took humanity as his charge and hoped to spare the people in the crisis of the moment. Commentary: Shu means “to ease,” read like the character for “relax.”〉 When he blocked Dong Zhao’s scheme and paid with his life, was that mere chance? Popular talk about Lord Xun Yu—whether he flourished or was blocked—often misses the mark. Below the middling sage one cannot demand perfection: wit may excel in one place and falter in another, and a noble start need not guarantee the same end. That is a truth no moral audit can exhaust. Even Wei Ci’s genius—one round of diplomacy undid two kingdoms. Commentary: The two states are Qi and Wu. Duanmu Ci, styled Zigong, was a native of Wei. When Tian Chang planned to attack Lu, Confucius sent Zigong to persuade him to strike Wu instead, and Tian Chang agreed. Zigong then went to Wu and urged King Fuchai to march against Qi. He next visited Yue and talked Gou Jian into sending troops to help Wu. He then went to Jin and urged it to hold its army ready for the weariness that would follow Wu’s campaign in Qi. Wu beat Qi, then clashed with Jin for dominance; Jin broke Wu’s power, Yue struck from the rear, and Fuchai died. Thus a single mission preserved Lu, ruined Qi, shattered Wu, bolstered Jin, and crowned Yue. End of gloss.〉 That was not because he scanted humanity for gain: every gain costs something else—no single deed can compass every good. Commentary: Zigong did not mean to betray moral duty to elevate Jin, yet one stroke could not save every state. The text asks whether Xun Yu truly wanted to build the Caos into usurpers of the Han. He was caught in what could not be helped. End of gloss.〉 In an age stumbling through hardship, Commentary: The Changes reads, “Blocked and stumbling,” with zhan read in the zhu-lian cut. End of gloss.〉 Only a heroic talent could pull the realm from the flood; once power towers, the throne slips away on its own. Commentary: Cao Cao’s deeds grew so great that the mandate gravitated to him.〉 That, too, is what the age will not allow to be reconciled. He chose to stand by the right even at the cost of his life—the sense of Confucius’s “die to perfect benevolence.”
51
【贊】
Section heading: encomium.
52
贊曰:公業稱豪,駿聲升騰。 權詭時偪, 〈謂詭辭以對卓。〉 揮金僚朋。 〈揮,散也。〉 北海天逸,音情頓挫。 〈逸,縱也。 頓挫猶抑揚也。〉 越俗易驚,孤音少和。 直轡安歸,高謀誰佐? 〈直轡,直道也。 言其道無所歸,謀謨之高欲誰佐也。〉 彧之有弼,誠感國疾。 功申運改,迹疑心一。 〈迹若可疑,心如一心。〉
The encomium runs: Gongye was hailed a hero, and his fair fame climbed high. When crisis pressed, he answered with wiles, Commentary: He dissembled before Dong Zhuo.〉 He scattered gold among friends and allies. Commentary: “Scatter” is the sense of hui here.〉 The lord of Beihai moved with heaven’s ease, his voice and passion breaking in waves. Commentary: Here yi means “unrestrained ease.” Commentary: Duncuo means cadence, rise and fall. End of gloss.〉 The south startles easily; a solitary voice rarely finds a chorus. The straight road offers no homecoming; whose hand steadies so high a design? Commentary: “Straight reins” stands for the upright way. It means he had no safe road back, and no ally for his grand counsel. End of gloss.〉 That Xun Yu had a counterpart shows how keenly he felt the dynasty’s ailment. Times shifted and deeds ran on; the record looks tangled, but the purpose never wavered. Commentary: Outward signs may puzzle, inward resolve did not. End of gloss.〉
53
校勘記
Textual collation notes.
54
二二五七頁三行司農觿之曾孫也按:「曾孫」當作「玄孫」。 泰弟渾,魏志有傳,雲高祖父觿,則泰乃觿之玄孫也。
Page 2257, line 3, Minister of Agriculture Xi’s great-grandson—note: “great-grandson” should read “great-great-grandson.” Zheng Hun’s Wei biography names Xi as a remote ancestor, so Zheng Tai is Xi’s fifth-generation descendant, not merely a great-grandson.
55
二二五八頁一一行將各* (基) **[潟]*峙刊誤謂案文「基」當作「潟」,謂如潟不動。 按:王先謙謂魏志鄭渾傳注引張璠漢紀作「潟峙」。 今據改。
Page 2258, line 11: the phrase “each general …” is damaged in the print. Alternate reading supplied: ji (“base”). The collation argues ji should be xi (still water), not “base.” Note: Wang Xianqian says the Wei Records, Zheng Hun commentary citing Zhang Fan’s Han Annals, has “xi zhi.” The text is emended accordingly.
56
二二五八頁一二行婦女猶戴戟操矛按:王先謙謂戟不能戴,魏志鄭渾傳注引張璠漢紀作「載戟」。
Collation: dai ji should be zai ji—“bearing halberds”—per Wang Xianqian and the Wei commentary.
57
二二五八頁一三行百姓所畏者有並涼之人按:刊誤謂案文多一「有」字。
Collation: delete the stray you before “people from Bing and Liang.”
58
二二五九頁一五行說菀曰汲本、殿本「菀」作「苑」。 按:菀苑通。
Collation: wan / yuan variant in “speaks to the park.” Wan and yuan are equivalent graphs in this context.
59
二二五九頁一五行聲響動天按:「響」原斗「向」,逕改正。
Page 2259, line 15: sound and echo shake heaven—note: xiang “echo” was miswritten as xiang “direction”; corrected directly.
60
二二六0頁一0行景帝* (二) **[三]*年反據殿本改。
Page 2260, line 10: the reign year for Emperor Jing is damaged. The numeral supplied is “two.” Read “third year” of the revolt, following the Palace edition.
61
二二六0頁一四行年四十一汲本、殿本作「四十二」。 按:魏志鄭渾傳注作「四十一」,盧弼校雲宋本作「四十二」。
Collation: "age forty-one versus forty-two in the editions." Note: The Wei Records, Zheng Hun commentary, has forty-one; Lu Bi’s collation says the Song edition reads forty-two.
62
二二六一頁三行霸字次* (孺) **[儒]*據汲本、殿本改,與前書合。
Page 2261, line 3: Yan Ba’s courtesy name is partly lost. Alternate reading: ru (“child”). Emended to ru to match the Former Han parallel.
63
二二六一頁七行太中大夫陳煒按:袁紀「煒」作「禕」。
Collation: "Chen Wei vs Chen Yi in the Yuan Annals."
64
二二六一頁九行將不早惠乎殿本「惠」作「慧」,冊府元龜七七三卷同。 按:惠慧通。
Collation: the Palace text and Cefu yuangui write hui “clever” for hui “kind.” Editors treat the benevolence and cleverness graphs as variants.
65
二二六一頁九行高明必為偉器按:王先謙謂世說注引續漢書,「高明」上有「長大」二字,似不可少。
Wang Xianqian argues the Xu Han shu gloss adds “grown tall” before “lofty clarity.”
66
二二六二頁一行年十三喪父按:校補引沉銘彝說,謂融父宙卒於桓帝延熹六年正月己未,見孔宙碑,以融卒年計之,則宙卒時,融年十一,非十三也。
Collation: Kong Rong was eleven, not thirteen, at his father’s death per the stele dating.
67
二二六二頁三行時融年十六按:校補引侯康說,謂詔捕張儉事在建寧二年,融年十七矣。
Collation: at the Zhang Jian incident Rong was seventeen, not sixteen.
68
二二六三頁六行拜中軍候刊誤謂漢官無中軍候,惟有北軍中候耳,明字有脫誤。
Collation: “central army commandant” should be “northern army commandant.”
69
按:校補引錢大昭說,謂魏志崔琰傳注云「累遷北軍中候」此作「中軍候」,誤。
Qian Dazhao cites the Wei parallel: "read northern army commandant."
70
二二六五頁一六行* (及) **[反]*魯□之侵地刊誤謂案公羊傳本文,「及」當作「反」。 今據改。 按:以下注所引公羊傳文與今本多不合,然意義無大出入。
Page 2265, line 16: damaged character in the apparatus. Alternate reading: ji (“and”). Collation: per Gongyang, ji should be fan for “restore Lu’s seized lands.” Emended accordingly. Later Gongyang quotations diverge slightly from received texts without changing the sense.
71
二二六六頁一0行善否不別按:御覽六四八引續漢書,「不別」作「區別」。
Collation: Xu Han shu via Imperial Readings reads “distinguish good from bad.”
72
二二六六頁一三行是下常有千八百紂也按:刊誤謂「是」下少一「天」字。
Collation: "insert tian below shi to match the source line."
73
二二六八頁七行軍半至刊誤謂案史記,彼文更有他語,故未云「軍半至」,今既節取,不宜長此三字。 今按:史記作「兵法,百里而趣利者蹶上將,五十里而趣利者軍半至。」
Collation: “half the army arrives” is an awkward excerpt from the Records passage. The Records line runs from “military doctrine” through “half his army.”
74
二二六八頁一0行於是令齊軍曰按:史記無「曰」字。
Page 2268, line 10: thereupon ordered the Qi army yue—note: the Records lack the graph yue (“said”) here.
75
二二六八頁一0行期日莫見火舉而俱發按:史記「日」作「曰」。
Page 2268, line 10: fix the day at mo, see fire raised and all shoot—note: in the Records the graph ri (“day”) appears as yue (“said”).
76
二二七0頁九行苞茅不入汲本、殿本「苞」作「包」。 按:阮元謂「包茅不入」之「包」,原從艸作「苞」,自石經始去艸頭,後人往往從之。
Collation: bao vs bao for “bundled reeds” in the tribute phrase. Ruan Yuan traces the grass-headed bao to the stone classics’ simplification.
77
二二七0頁九行包裡束也按:「裡」原斗「裡」,逕改正。
Collation: "a duplicated or miswritten li in the gloss is normalized."
78
二二七一頁八行並獻帝子按:校補謂以融所對聖恩敦睦及同產昆弟之說證之,實皆獻帝之諸弟,而靈帝子耳。 疑此注本作「並靈帝子」,淺人妄改為「獻」。
Collation: these princes were Emperor Ling’s sons, not Emperor Xian’s. The gloss likely read “Ling’s sons” before a scribal change to “Xian.”
79
二二七二頁一0行單于徙北海上按:張森楷校勘記謂「徙」下疑有「之」字。
Collation: possibly insert zhi after “moved” for “moved to the sea.”
80
二二七四頁二行獻帝嘗時見慮按:刊誤謂案文「時」當作「特」。
Collation: read te for shi—“specially summoned Lu.”
81
二二七四頁一五行令宗欽馮愔守栒邑按:集解引周壽昌說,謂案鄧禹傳,「宗欽」作「宗歆」。
Collation: Zong Qin should be Zong Xin per Deng Yu’s biography.
82
二二七六頁一三行令信出跨下汲本、殿本「跨」作「胯」。 按:跨胯同。
Collation: kua / kua variant for “between the legs.” The two graphs are equivalent.
83
二二七七頁一行酒酸* (者) *據今本韓非子刪。
Page 2277, line 1: damaged particle after “sour wine.” Supplied reading: zhe (“one who”). The particle is absent in the modern Han Feizi.
84
二二七七頁一行* (二人) **[倩]*曰汝狗猛耶據今本韓非子改。
Page 2277, line 1: lacuna in the parable. Gloss supplies “two men.” Collation: the Han Feizi wording for the neighbor’s question is adopted.
85
二二七七頁五行*[曰然谷]*將□之按:韓非子作「曰然谷將棄之」,此脫「曰然谷」三字,今據補。
Collation: three characters missing before “will abandon,” restored from Han Feizi.
86
二二七八頁八行譬如寄物燦中按:殿本「燦」作「瓶」。
Collation: can / ping (“jar”) variant.
87
二二七九頁二行燦缶也按:沈家本謂按說文,缾,□也,瓶缾或從□。 此注言缶也,疑傳寫奪爛其半耳。 「瓶」字本或作「燦」者誤,說文無燦字也。
Shen Jiaben cites Shuowen parallels for ping as jar. The gloss probably meant fou but was damaged in transmission. "Where ping is written can is wrong; Shuowen has no can graph."
88
二二八0頁三行豈有員□委屈可以每其生哉汲本「有員」作「其負」。 校補謂負,恃也,恃員道以為委屈也。 □可通員,作「員□」於義為窒,似誤。 今按:員□委屈,相對成文,古人自有復語耳,作「負」者鬥,校補說非。
Collation: "Jizhou reads qi fu instead of you yuan." One editor glosses fu as “rely on” the constant way. [lacuna] can interchange with yuan; writing “yuan[lacuna]” makes awkward sense and seems wrong. Now checked: "yuan[lacuna] and qu qu form a parallel; ancients used such double phrasing; writing fu is corruption, and the supplement is wrong."
89
二二八一頁一一行亢父*[縣]*屬梁國據汲本、殿本補。
Collation: add “county” after Kangfu per the editions.
90
二二八一頁一五行彧明有意數按:刊誤謂「明」上當有一「聰」字。
Collation: insert cong before ming—“keenly perceptive in counsel.”
91
二二八二頁一行明年又為操鎮東司馬按:集解引錢大昕說,謂此初平二年之明年也。 據魏志,操為鎮東將軍在建安元年,則初平三年安得便稱鎮東司馬乎?
Qian Daxin dates the line to the year after Chuping 2. According to the Wei Zhi, Cao Cao became General Who Guards the East in the first year of Jian'an. How, then, could he already be called Marshal Who Guards the East in the third year of Chuping?
92
魏志彧傳本雲明年太祖領兗州牧,後為鎮東將軍,常以司馬從。 然則領兗州在此年,而除鎮東不在此年也。 范史刪去領兗州句,遂誤以鎮東司馬為是年事矣。
The Wei text orders Yanzhou first, then the eastern garrison appointment. He took Yanzhou this year; the eastern garrison rank came later. Fan Ye’s omission of Yanzhou skews the chronology.
93
二二八二頁六行宜亟供軍實按:集解引惠棟說,謂「實」魏志作「食」。
Collation: Wei parallel reads “food” not “matériel.”
94
二二八三頁六行而將軍之關河也按:集解引錢大昕說,謂「關河」當依魏志彧傳作「關中河內」,蓋上言高祖保關中,光武據河內,皆深根固本,以制天下,故以兗州比關中、河內。 范史刪去二字,未當。
Collation: read “Guanzhong and Henei,” not the compressed guan he. Fan Ye’s shortening loses the geographical parallel.
95
二二八三頁一五行東郡守按:刊誤謂案文少一「太」字。
Collation: supply tai—“grand administrator.”
96
二二八六頁八行*[書]*與彧議據殿本補。 按:下文云「彧報曰」,則此當有「書」字。
Collation: add shu (“letter”) before consulting Yu. Note: Below it says “Yu replied,” so there should be a “letter” here.
97
二二八九頁二行各規利人百其勇也按:「各」原斗「名」,逕改正。
Collation: ge for ming—“each man” not “fame.”
98
二二八九頁七行發[縱]指示功人也據汲本補。
Collation: insert zong in fa zong zhi shi per Jizhou.
99
二二九0頁五行國之* (望) **[重]*臣據汲本、殿本改。
Page 2290, line 5: lacuna in “pillar of the state.” Alternate reading: wang (“hope”). Collation: read zhong chen (“weighty minister”) per the editions.