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卷八十八 西域傳

Volume 88: Treatise on the Western Regions

Chapter 99 of 後漢書 · Book of Later Han
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1
便
Editor's note: Section headings were supplied by Wikisource editors to make the text easier to navigate.
2
13
Section 13: The kingdom of Gaofu.
3
西 使 西 使
Under Emperor Wu the Western Regions submitted to Han and comprised thirty-six polities. The Han court appointed imperial envoys and colonels to supervise and defend them. Emperor Xuan renamed the office Protector-General of the Western Regions; Emperor Yuan added two Gengji colonels with garrison farms at the seat of the king of Front Cheshi. During the reigns of Emperors Ai and Ping the region splintered into fifty-five states. When Wang Mang seized power and demoted or reshuffled the oasis rulers, the Western Regions turned against Han; ties with the interior were severed, and the oases again fell under Xiongnu control. The Xiongnu taxed them mercilessly until the kingdoms could endure no more. In the Jianwu period they sent missions one after another asking to enter Han protection and receive a Protector-General. Emperor Guangwu, with the empire barely settled, had no capacity for the frontier and ultimately refused. As the Xiongnu declined, Xian of Shache (Yarkand) conquered neighboring states; after his death the Tarim dissolved into endless warfare. Xiaoyuan, Jingjue, Ronglu, and Qiemo were absorbed by Shanshan (Loulan). Qule and Pishan fell under Khotan (Yutian), which took their lands in full. Yuli, Danhuan, Guhu, and Wuzilizi were extinguished by Cheshi. Later each of these polities was restored.
4
西 使
In the ninth year of his western campaign Ban Chao dispatched Gan Ying to explore westward to the Mediterranean before turning back. Regions no earlier envoy had reached and the Shan hai jing barely mentions—every land had its customs catalogued and its wonders committed to writing. Thereafter distant realms such as Mengqi and Doule presented themselves as tributaries and forwarded missions to court.
5
西 使
In Yanguang 2 (123 CE) Zhang Dan, governor of Dunhuang, laid out three options: "the Xiongnu King Huyan was roaming between Barkol and the steppe sea, dominating the Tarim and joining raids on the frontier. The best course: mass over two thousand men from the Jiuquan dependent state at Kunlun Pass, strike Huyan first to destroy his base, then bring five thousand Shanshan troops to bear on Rear Cheshi. If that is impossible, appoint a military official with five hundred men, provisions from the four western commanderies, and hold Liuzhong—the middle option. Failing that, abandon Jiaohe and withdraw Shanshan and allied states behind the wall—the least desirable plan." The court circulated Zhang's memorial for debate. Supervisor of the Masters of Writing Chen Zhong replied with a memorial:
6
西 西 贿 西 西 西 西
I have heard that of all the frontier threats, none matches the northern nomads. At the founding of Han, Gaozu was trapped at Pingcheng; Wen Di endured the humiliation of buying peace with gifts. So Emperor Wu, resolved on a lasting strategy, sent his best generals across the Yellow River and deep into the desert until the Xiongnu court itself was shattered. That war cost countless lives beyond the steppe, drained the treasury into mountain gorges, emptied granaries and workshops, and taxed everything from carts and boats down to livestock. It was not bloodlust—it was the knowledge that short-term pain could buy lasting peace. Thus he carved out the four Hexi commanderies to wall off the Qiang, drew thirty-six oasis states into the orbit of Han, and cut off the Xiongnu's western flank. The Chanyu was isolated and driven to skulk at the edges of the steppe like a cornered rat. By the reigns of Xuandi and Yuandi the Xiongnu had become tributary neighbors; frontier gates stayed open and alarm arrows ceased to fly. The lesson is plain: steppe peoples yield to strength, not to gentle persuasion. The oases have leaned toward Han for generations; time and again they have hammered on the Jade Gate because they dread the Xiongnu and look to the empire for succor. The nomads have smashed Cheshi and will surely drive on Shanshan; if we stand aside, every kingdom along the southern route will follow their lead. They would grow rich on plunder, bolder by the day, and bring the southern Qiang into their orbit. At that point the four Hexi commanderies themselves would be in peril. Once Hexi is threatened we would have to pour in troops anyway—at vastly greater cost than steady frontier stewardship. Critics harp on distance and expense yet ignore why our forebears invested so heavily in the west. Our frontier garrisons are ill equipped, interior reserves are thin, and Dunhuang—already isolated—sends desperate pleas from afar. If we refuse aid again, we comfort neither our own officials nor the frontier peoples, and we show the border tribes that Han's authority is hollow. The classics are plain: yielding territory only invites ruin. I urge that we post a colonel at Dunhuang, reinforce the four western commanderies as in former times, and steady the oases from there. That alone can deter invasion from the horizon and keep the Xiongnu in fear.
7
西西 西 西 西 西
The emperor approved: Ban Yong became Chief Clerk of the Western Regions with five hundred penal troops and a base at Liuzhong. Ban Yong then crushed Cheshi and restored order. Between the Jianwu and Yanguang eras Han authority over the Tarim rose and fell three times. In Yongjian 2 (127 CE) of Emperor Shun, Ban Yong forced Yanqi (Karashahr) to surrender. Kucha, Kashgar, Khotan, Yarkand, and twelve other states renewed their allegiance, though ties with Wusun and everything beyond the Pamirs lapsed. That same year the court reopened the garrison farms at Yiwu—rich soil that the Xiongnu had used as a staging ground—mirroring the Yongyuan settlement and posting a single Yiwu major. After the Yangjia era (132–135 CE) imperial prestige faded; oasis kings grew arrogant and preyed on each other. In Yuanjia 2 (152 CE) Chief Clerk Wang Jing was captured by Khotan. In Yongxing 1 (153 CE) the king of Rear Cheshi rebelled and struck the Han camp. Even when rulers pledged submission, nothing changed their behavior, and respect for Han steadily eroded. Ban Gu's Western Regions account in the Hanshu already covers local customs in full. Here we record only what changed after Guangwu's restoration, drawing on Ban Yong's notes from late in Emperor An's reign.
8
西西西
The tributary states of the Western Regions stretch some six thousand li east to west and over a thousand li north to south—from Yumen and Yang Pass in the east to the Pamirs in the west. To the northeast they border the Xiongnu confederation and Wusun. Massifs wall the basin north and south; a river runs down the middle. The southern range reaches eastward into Jincheng commandery and joins the Qilian chain inside Han territory. The Tarim draws two headwaters—one eastward off the Pamirs, another north from the Kunlun south of Khotan—that merge and empty east into Lake Lop (Puchang). Puchang—also called the Salt Marsh—lies a little over three hundred li west of Yumen Pass.
9
西 西 西
West from Dunhuang through Yumen and Yang Pass one crosses Shanshan and reaches Yiwu in over a thousand li; another twelve hundred li north from Yiwu lies the Gaochang garrison of Front Cheshi, and five hundred li beyond that lies Jincheng in Rear Cheshi. These passes are the funnel into the Tarim, which is why the Gengji colonels alternate postings there. Yiwu's soil supports grain, hemp, mulberry, and vineyards. Liuzhong to the north is equally rich farmland. Hence the perennial Han–Xiongnu struggle for Cheshi and Yiwu—whoever holds them commands the western oases.
10
西 西 西 西 西
West of Shanshan two roads cross the Pamirs into Transoxiana. The southern road hugs the northern foot of the Kunlun, follows the river west to Yarkand. West of the Pamirs it opens onto Greater Yuezhi and Parthia. The northern road leaves the king of Front Cheshi, tracks the southern slope of the Tianshan, and runs west to Kashgar. Beyond the Pamirs it reaches Ferghana, Kangju, and the Alans.
11
From Yumen Pass through Shanshan, Qiemo, and Jingjue is more than three thousand li to Jumi.
12
The kingdom of Jumi.
13
Jumi had its capital at Ningmi—four thousand nine hundred li from the chief clerk's seat at Liuzhong and twelve thousand eight hundred li from Luoyang. It counted 2,173 households, 7,251 people, and 1,760 men under arms.
14
使 西 西
In Yongjian 4 (129 CE) Fangqian of Khotan murdered Jumi's king Xing, installed his own son on the throne, and still sent tribute missions to Luoyang. Governor Chu You of Dunhuang asked permission to attack; the court forgave Khotan on condition it restore Jumi, but Fangqian refused. In Yangjia 1 (132 CE) Xu You had Kashgar's king Chenpan march twenty thousand men against Khotan, routed it, took hundreds of heads, let his troops sack the countryside, enthroned Xing's kinsman Chengguo in Jumi, and withdrew. In Xiping 4 (175 CE) Anguo of Khotan stormed Jumi, slew its king, and left great slaughter. The Gengji colonel and the chief clerk sent troops to install Dingxing—the hostage prince at court—as king of Jumi. The realm now numbered barely a thousand souls. Its western frontier lay three hundred ninety li from Khotan.
15
The kingdom of Yutian (Khotan).
16
西
Khotan's capital was Xicheng—5,300 li from the chief clerk's headquarters and 11,700 li from Luoyang. It mustered 32,000 households, 83,000 people, and more than 30,000 soldiers.
17
广 西
Late in the Jianwu era Xian of Yarkand conquered Khotan and demoted King Yulin to the petty throne of Ligui. Under Emperor Ming's Yongping reign Khotan's general Xiumoba threw off Yarkand and crowned himself king. When Xiumoba died, his nephew Guangde took over, destroyed Yarkand, and built Khotan into the dominant power. From Jingjue northwest to Kashgar thirteen kingdoms acknowledged his authority. Shanshan's king grew strong at the same time. East of the Pamirs along the southern silk road only these two realms mattered.
18
西
From Khotan the route runs through Pishan to Xiye, Zihe, and Deruo.
19
西
The kingdom of Xiye.
20
西 西
Xiye—also called Piaosha—lay 14,400 li from Luoyang. It had 2,500 households, upward of 10,000 residents, and 3,000 troops. A toxic white grass grows there; locals boil it into a poison for arrowheads—a scratch means death. The Hanshu wrongly merged Xiye with Zihe; in fact each has its own ruler.
21
The kingdom of Zihe.
22
Zihe occupied the Hujian valley. It lies a thousand li from Kashgar. It had 350 households, 4,000 people, and 1,000 troops fit for service.
23
The kingdom of Deruo.
24
Deruo counted just over 100 households, 670 inhabitants, and 350 soldiers under arms. It was 3,530 li east of the chief clerk's headquarters, 12,150 li from Luoyang, and bordered Zihe. Their ways of life were identical.
25
The kingdom of Wuyi Shanli (Alexandria in Arachosia).
26
西
From Pishan one travels southwest through Wuna, crosses the perilous Hanging Pass, skirts Kashmir, and after more than sixty days reaches Wuyi Shanli—a realm thousands of li across, occasionally recorded under the alternate name Paichi.
27
西
Another hundred days' ride southwest brings one to Tiaozhi.
28
The kingdom of Tiaozhi.
29
西西 湿
Tiaozhi's capital stood on a mountain ringed by more than forty li of walls. It fronts the western ocean; the sea wraps around the south and northeast so that three sides are inaccessible by land, leaving only a northwest passage. The climate is torrid and humid; the region yields lions, rhinos, zebu, peacocks, and giant ostriches. The ostriches lay eggs as large as wine jars.
30
Bear north and eastward another sixty days on horseback and one reaches Parthia. Later it fell under Tiaozhi's sway; a senior commander was installed to administer its towns.
31
The kingdom of Parthia (Anxi).
32
鹿
Parthia had its seat at Heducheng, 25,000 li from Luoyang. It bordered Kangju on the north and Wuyi Shanli on the south. Its territory ran thousands of li across hundreds of walled towns; population and military manpower were among the richest of the western lands. Its eastern march ended at Mulu, known as Lesser Parthia—20,000 li from Luoyang.
33
西 西 西西 西
Three thousand four hundred li west of Parthia lies Aman. Another 3,600 li west from Aman brings one to Sibin. South from Sibin one crosses a river, then southwest 960 li to Yuluo—Parthia's farthest western frontier. Southward by sea from that point one reaches Daqin. Those shores yield many curiosities from beyond the western ocean.
34
The realm of Daqin (the Roman East).
35
西西 軿
Daqin—also called Lijian—lies beyond the western sea and is therefore styled the Western Sea realm. Its domains stretch thousands of li and encompass more than four hundred cities. Several dozen lesser realms pay it tribute. Their city walls are built of stone. Postal relays line the roads, each station whitewashed. Pines, cypresses, and many other trees and herbs grow there. The people farm intensively and cultivate orchards and mulberry for silk. They shave their heads, wear brocade, ride light carriages under white parasols, announce coming and going with drums, and travel behind colored banners.
36
使
Their chief cities sprawl across well over a hundred li. The capital contains five palaces spaced ten li apart. Crystal columns adorn the halls, and even tableware is cut from the same stone. The king spends each night in a different palace and completes the circuit every fifth day. An attendant walks beside the royal carriage with a leather sack; petitioners drop written appeals inside, and later the palace clerks empty the bag and judge each case on its merits. Every bureau keeps its own archives. Thirty-six commanders meet in council to settle national policy. The throne does not pass by hereditary right alone. The worthiest candidate is chosen to rule. If calamity strikes or the rains fail, the ruler is deposed for another; the fallen sovereign accepts blame without complaint. The populace is tall and fair like the Chinese themselves—hence the name Daqin, “Great Qin.”
37
The soil yields gold, silver, and rarities—phosphorescent jade, luminous pearls, patterned rhino horn, coral, amber, glass, langgan beads, cinnabar, and blue-green gems. Artisans stitch gold-thread embroidery and weave brocades, gold-shot felts, and polychrome silks. They gild ware in gold and weave asbestos cloth that survives flame. Their finest linen—said to be carded from “sea sheep” or spun from wild silkworm cocoons—is prized abroad. Perfumers blend resins into storax oil. Every exotic treasure known to the western trade originates there.
38
使驿 使 使
Gold and silver circulate as coinage at a ratio of one gold piece to ten silver. Maritime trade with Parthia and India returns tenfold profit. Merchants are scrupulous; goods have a single fair price. Grain stays cheap and the treasury overflows. Foreign envoys who reach the frontier are rushed by relay to the capital and presented with gold on arrival. Roman rulers longed to open direct ties with Han, but Parthia monopolized the silk trade and blocked every embassy. Not until Yanxi 9 of Emperor Huan (166 CE), when King Antoninus sent envoys from beyond Rinan with ivory, rhinoceros horn, and hawksbill shell, did an embassy finally reach Luoyang. The gifts were hardly worthy of Rome—later readers suspected the story had grown in the telling.
39
西西 西 使 西
Some place Daqin west of the Weak River and shifting sands, near the mythic haunts of Xiwangmu at the sunset's edge. The Han Shu says, “From Tiaozhi west traveling over two hundred days, near where the sun enters”—then it differs from present texts. Earlier Han missions turned back east of Wuyi; none had seen Tiaozhi itself. Again it says, “From Anxi by land route circling the sea north proceeding out to sea west to Daqin, people and multitude connect continuously; ten li one pavilion, thirty li one station; in the end no robbers or bandit alarms. Yet tigers and lions wait along the road, and any party with fewer than a hundred armed men is devoured." Again it says, “There are flying bridges several hundred li that can cross to the various states north of the sea.” Such marvels read like fantasy and are omitted here.
40
The kingdom of the Greater Yuezhi.
41
西
The Kushan court sat at Lanshi—forty-nine days west of Parthia, 6,537 li east of the chief clerk's headquarters, and 16,370 li from Luoyang. It registered 100,000 households, 400,000 people, and more than 100,000 soldiers under arms.
42
Driven from the steppe by the Xiongnu, the Yuezhi resettled in Bactria and split into five tribal confederations: Xiumi, Shuangmi, Guishuang, Fudun, and Dumi. A century later Qiujiuque of Guishuang crushed the other four chiefs, proclaimed himself king, and took Guishuang as his dynastic name. He invaded Parthia and seized the Gaofu region. He overran Puda and Kashmir and annexed both realms. Qiujiuque died in his eighties; his son Yangaozhen ascended the throne. He conquered northern India and stationed a resident general to govern it. The Yuezhi empire henceforth towered over the region; neighbors spoke only of the King of Guishuang. Chinese documents still use their ancient name and call them the Greater Yuezhi.
43
The kingdom of Gaofu.
44
西
Gaofu lay southwest of the Yuezhi heartland and ranked as a major power. Its culture resembles India's, yet the realm is weak and quick to submit. Its merchants thrive and the kingdom is wealthy. It changed hands with whichever of India, Kashmir, or Parthia held the upper hand; it had never been a stable dependency of the Yuezhi. The Hanshu wrongly listed Gaofu among the five yabghus. It later fell under Parthia. Only after the Yuezhi shattered Parthia did they secure Gaofu.
45
The realm of Tianzhu (India).
46
湿 西西 西
India—also called Shendu—lies several thousand li southeast of the Yuezhi domains. Customs mirror the northwestern Indians', but the climate is low, humid, and sweltering. The country fronts a great river. They fight from elephant howdahs. They are less warlike than the Yuezhi; Buddhism forbids killing, and that ethic has shaped daily life. From the Yuezhi and Gaofu frontiers westward, south to the ocean and east to Panqi, lies the Indian cultural sphere. India contains hundreds of walled towns, each overseen by a magistrate. Several dozen kingdoms each enthrones its own ruler. Local titles vary, yet foreigners bundle them under “Shendu”; in this era they all answered to the Yuezhi. The Yuezhi executed native kings and installed military governors. The land yields ivory, rhino horn, hawksbill, and every metal; Roman luxuries arrive via the western trade. Exports include fine cotton, carpets, aromatics, cane sugar, pepper, ginger, and black salt.
47
使西
Under Emperor He missions arrived often; after the Western Regions revolted, contact ceased. Under Emperor Huan, missions from beyond Rinan arrived again in Yanxi 2 and Yanxi 4 with tribute.
48
西 使
Legend says Emperor Ming dreamed of a towering golden figure crowned with light and polled his ministers. Someone said: “In the west there is a spirit, named Buddha; its form is one zhang six chi in height and golden in color.” The emperor sent envoys to India to inquire into the Buddha's teaching and soon welcomed icons painted within China itself. Prince Ying of Chu was the first notable convert; thereafter Buddhists began to appear in the interior. Emperor Huan honored both Buddhist stupas and Laozi; popular devotion grew and Buddhism flourished.
49
The kingdom of Dongli.
50
Dongli had its capital at Shaqi, more than three thousand li southeast of India—a substantial realm. Climate and productions matched those of India. Dozens of walled towns each styled its lord a king. The Kushans invaded and brought Dongli to heel. The people stood eight chi tall but were timid in battle. They traveled among neighbors on elephants and camels. When attacked, they fought from elephants.
51
The kingdom of Lige.
52
Lige was a dependency of Kangju. It exported horses, livestock, grapes, and orchard fruit; the wine was celebrated.
53
Yan lay north of Alania under Kangju and paid tribute in furs.
54
The kingdom of Yancai (Alania).
55
Yancai—renamed Alanliao—with its seat at Dicheng remained subject to Kangju. The climate was temperate and pine and white grass grew thick. Dress and custom matched Kangju.
56
The kingdom of Shache (Yarkand).
57
西
Westward the road ran through Puli and Wulei to the Yuezhi lands; the capital lay 10,950 li east of Luoyang.
58
西
While the Xiongnu exploited Wang Mang's chaos to seize the Tarim, King Yan of Yarkand alone remained powerful and independent. Under Yuandi he had served as a hostage and grew up at court, absorbing Han ritual and law. He charged his heirs never to betray the Han house. Yan died in Tianfeng 5 and received the posthumous title King Zhongwu; his son Kang succeeded him.
59
西 西西
Early in Guangwu's reign Kang rallied neighboring states against the Xiongnu, sheltered more than a thousand dependents of the old western garrison, sent word into Hexi asking after the interior, and pledged loyalty to Han. In Jianwu 5 Dou Rong invested Kang as king of Han's Shache with the titles “Merit” and “Cherishing Virtue,” named him Grand Colonel of the Western Regions, and fifty-five states acknowledged him.
60
西西 使西 使 使西 使
Kang died in the ninth year and was posthumously named King Xucheng. His brother Xian took the throne, overran Jumi and Xiye, executed both kings, and enthroned two of Kang's sons on those thrones. In the fourteenth year Xian and the king of Shanshan jointly sent tribute missions to Luoyang and the Tarim corridor reopened. Every kingdom east of the Pamirs acknowledged Xian. In the seventeenth year he sent another embassy begging for a Protector-General. The emperor consulted Dou Rong, who argued that Xian's family had long honored Han in good faith and deserved investiture to stabilize the west. Through the envoy the emperor awarded Xian the seal of Protector-General with chariot banners and gold brocade. Governor of Dunhuang Pei Zun submitted upward saying: “Yi and Di cannot be lent great authority; moreover it causes the various states to lose hope.” An edict recalled the Protector-General insignia and substituted the seal of Han Grand General. When the envoy refused the swap, Pei Zun seized the seal by force—Xian's resentment began there. Xian still styled himself Protector-General in letters to the oases, won their obedience, and accepted the title Chanyu. He grew arrogant, doubled levies, and repeatedly struck Kucha and its neighbors until they lived in dread.
61
西 使 使西
That winter eighteen realms including Front Cheshi, Shanshan, and Yanqi sent hostage princes and treasure to Luoyang. At audience they wept and kowtowed, pleading for a Protector-General. The court, with the interior still unsettled and the northern frontier open, sent the hostages home with rich gifts. Xian, confident in his army, aimed to conquer the entire Tarim and redoubled his campaigns. Learning that no Protector-General was coming and that hostages had been sent home, the kings panicked and petitioned Dunhuang to keep their sons as a signal to Yarkand that Han would soon appoint a Protector-General—anything to check Xian. Pei Zun relayed the plea and the emperor approved. In the twenty-second year, seeing no Protector-General, Xian ordered the king of Shanshan to cut the trade route to Han. An refused and executed Xian's messenger. Enraged, Xian marched on Shanshan. An gave battle, lost, and fled into the hills. Xian slaughtered and carried off more than a thousand people before withdrawing. That winter he struck Kucha, slew its king, and annexed the realm. The stranded hostages from Shanshan and Yanqi broke homeward from Dunhuang in despair. The king of Shanshan memorialized anew, offering hostages and begging for a Protector-General. Without a Protector-General they had no choice but to yield to the Xiongnu. The Son of Heaven replied saying: “Now envoys and great troops are not yet able to emerge; if the various states' strength does not reach their hearts, east west south north are at liberty.” Shanshan and Cheshi therefore submitted again to the Xiongnu while Xian grew bolder.
62
使 使
The king of Guisai, confident in his remoteness, murdered Xian's envoys; Xian destroyed the kingdom and enthroned the noble Sijian. Xian then installed his son Zeluo as king of Kucha. Finding Zeluo too young to rule, Xian carved Kucha into a new kingdom called Wulei, moved Sijian there as king, and appointed another noble over Guisai. Within a few years the people of Kucha slew Zeluo and Sijian and begged the Xiongnu to choose a new king. The Xiongnu enthroned the Kuchean noble Shendu, and Kucha henceforth answered to them.
63
使
Angered by falling tribute from Ferghana, Xian led a coalition army west; Yanliu surrendered at once, so Xian marched home and transferred Jumi's king Qiaosaiti onto the Ferghana throne. Kangju raids drove Qiaosaiti out within a year; Xian restored him in Jumi, returned Yanliu to Ferghana, and resumed tribute. He demoted Khotan's Yulin to Ligui and enthroned Weishi in his place. A year later, suspecting revolt, Xian summoned Weishi and the kings of Jumi, Gumo, and Zihe and executed them all, replacing royal rule with military governors. Weishi's son Rong escaped to Han. The court enfeoffed him as Marquis Shoujie.
64
退
Junde, Yarkand's garrison commander in Khotan, tyrannized the people. In Yongping 3 of Emperor Ming the chief Dumo left the city, spotted a wild boar, and drew his bow. The boar spoke: “Spare me and I will rid you of Junde.” Dumo and his brothers then slew Junde. The chief Xiumoba then murdered Dumo and his kin with Han Rong's help, crowned himself king of Khotan, joined Jumi troops to wipe out Yarkand's garrison at Pishan, and marched home. Xian sent his heir and chancellor with twenty thousand allies against Xiumoba, who met them in battle and routed Yarkand, taking more than ten thousand heads. Xian raised another host and led it himself; Xiumoba shattered the army, slaughtering more than half before Xian fled home alone. Xiumoba pressed the siege of Yarkand but fell to an arrow; his army retreated.
65
广 广使 使广 广广 广 使使广 广 广婿 广
Khotan's ministers, led by Suyule, raised Xiumoba's nephew Guangde to the throne. The Xiongnu and Kucha-led coalition failed to storm Yarkand. Guangde exploited Yarkand's exhaustion and sent his brother Ren, Marquis Fuguo, against Xian. Hard-pressed by continuous war, Xian sued for peace. Guangde's father had long been held at Yarkand; Xian now released him, married Guangde to his daughter, swore brotherhood, and Guangde withdrew. The following year ministers such as Qieyun, weary of Xian's cruelty, plotted to open the gates to Khotan. Guangde then marched thirty thousand allied troops against Yarkand. From behind the walls Xian demanded of Guangde: “I freed your father and gave you my daughter—why attack me now?” Guangde answered: “You are my wife's father; we have been apart too long—let each of us bring two companions and swear an oath beyond the walls.” Xian asked Qieyun; Qieyun said: “Guangde is son-in-law; utmost kin—it is fitting to go out and see him.” Trusting the advice, Xian rode out lightly and Guangde seized him. Qieyun admitted Khotanese troops, seized Xian's family, and annexed Yarkand. They marched Xian away in chains and executed him after a year.
66
广广 广
Learning that Guangde had destroyed Yarkand, the Xiongnu sent five generals with thirty thousand men from fifteen states to besiege Khotan; Guangde capitulated, surrendered his heir, and promised annual tribute of woolens. That winter the Xiongnu placed Xian's hostage Bujuzheng on the Yarkand throne; Guangde stormed the city, killed him, and enthroned Bujuzheng's brother Qili—this was Yuanhe 3 of Emperor Zhang. Chief Clerk Ban Chao then rallied the allies, shattered Yarkand, and brought it back under Han. The rest of the story appears in Ban Chao's biography.
67
Yarkand lies northeast of Kashgar.
68
The kingdom of Shule (Kashgar).
69
Kashgar stood 5,000 li from the chief clerk's headquarters and 10,300 li from Luoyang. It numbered 21,000 households and more than 30,000 troops under arms.
70
In Yongping 16 Jian of Kucha killed Kashgar's king Cheng and installed his officer Douti as puppet ruler. That winter Army Major Ban Chao seized Douti and enthroned Zhong, a nephew of the murdered king Cheng. When Zhong later rebelled, Ban Chao executed him. The full account appears in Ban Chao's biography.
71
稿
Early in the Yuanchu years, King Anguo of Kashgar exiled his uncle Chenpan to the Yuezhi for a crime. The Kushan king favored Chenpan. When Anguo died without an heir, the queen mother ruled and the nobles enthroned Yifu, Chenpan's nephew by the same mother. Chenpan petitioned the Kushan king: “Anguo left no son; the royal line is weak. If a queen's faction rules, I am Yifu's uncle and the rightful king.” The Kushans sent troops to restore Chenpan to Kashgar. The nobles, who honored Chenpan and feared the Kushans, stripped Yifu of his seal, enthroned Chenpan, and reduced Yifu to Marquis of Gaocheng. When Yarkand broke with Khotan and entered Kashgar's orbit, Kashgar grew strong enough to stand as a third power against Kucha and Khotan.
72
宿
Northeastward the road runs through Weitou, Aksu, Gumo, and Kucha to Karashahr.
73
The kingdom of Yanqi (Karashahr).
74
The king ruled from Nanhe—800 li north of the chief clerk's camp and 8,200 li west of Luoyang. It counted 15,000 households, 52,000 people, and more than 20,000 soldiers. Ringed by mountains and linked by dangerous roads to Kucha, it was easy to defend. A lake curls among the peaks and belts the capital for more than thirty li.
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西 西
Late in Yongping, Yanqi and Kucha jointly destroyed Protector-General Chen Mu and Vice Colonel Guo Xun and slew over two thousand Han troops. In Yongyuan 6 Ban Chao led an allied army against Yanqi, Weixu, Korla, and the mountain states; he sent the heads of the kings of Yanqi and Korla to Luoyang for display. Ban Chao enthroned Yuan Meng in Yanqi and installed new rulers in Korla, Weixu, and the mountain chiefdoms. Under Emperor An the Tarim states rebelled. During Yanguang, Ban Yong as chief clerk reconquered the oases. Yuan Meng held Korla and Weixu against Han. In Yongjian 2 Ban Yong and Zhang Lang of Dunhuang crushed the coalition; Yuan Meng then sent his son to court with tribute.
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The kingdom of Pulei (Barkol).
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Pulei occupied Shuyu west of the Tianshan—1,290 li southeast of the chief clerk's headquarters and 10,490 li from Luoyang. It mustered some 800 households, 2,000 people, and 700 troops. They lived in yurts, followed pasture, and practiced limited farming. They kept cattle, horses, camels, and sheep. They forged bows and arrows. The land bred excellent horses.
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Pulei had once been large; when its king offended the Chanyu, the court resettled six thousand people in Awu on the right wing of the Xiongnu confederation, hence the name Awu. From Awu it was ninety days' ride south to Rear Cheshi. The remnant poor hid in the hills—this is how the petty polity survived.
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The kingdom of Yizhi.
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Yizhi occupied the Barkol region. It counted upward of 1,000 households, 3,000 people, and 1,000 warriors. They were fierce raiders who lived by plunder. They wore their hair loose, followed the herds, and did not farm. Their produce matched Pulei's.
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The kingdom of Eastern Juemi.
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Eastern Juemi lay 800 li east of the chief clerk's seat and 9,250 li from Luoyang. It had over 3,000 households, 5,000 people, and more than 2,000 soldiers. They lived in yurts, followed pasture, and farmed a little. Their exports were the same as Pulei's. They had no fixed settlements.
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The king of Front Cheshi ruled from Jiaohe. Two rivers bracket the town—hence “Jiaohe,” the Confluence. It was 80 li from Liuzhong and 9,120 li west of Luoyang. It numbered some 1,500 households, 4,000 people, and 2,000 troops.
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The rear king held court at Wutugu—500 li from the chief clerk's headquarters and 9,620 li from Luoyang. It mustered over 4,000 households, 15,000 people, and more than 3,000 soldiers.
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Front and Rear Cheshi plus Eastern Juemi, Beilu, Pulei, and Yizhi formed the six Cheshi polities—bordering the Xiongnu on the north, Front Cheshi opening the northern road to Yanqi, Rear Cheshi linking west to Wusun.
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In Jianwu 21 Cheshi joined Shanshan and Yanqi in sending hostages; Guangwu returned them, and Cheshi submitted to the Xiongnu. When Han seized Yiwu in Yongping 16 and reopened the western roads, Cheshi renewed its ties to the interior. Xiongnu attacks forced them to yield again. After Dou Xian crushed the northern Xiongnu in Yongyuan 2, both Cheshi kings sent hostages and received seals and gifts. In the eighth year of the era Colonel Suo Xun tried to replace Rear King Zhuodi with Xizhi, Marquis Polu. Zhuodi, furious that the former king Weibeida had betrayed him, struck Front Cheshi, taking his family captive. The following year Wang Lin led twenty thousand troops from Liangzhou against Zhuodi and took more than a thousand prisoners. Zhuodi fled to the northern Xiongnu; Han troops ran him down and killed him, enthroning his brother Nongqi. In Yongning 1 Rear King Junjiu and his mother Shama rebelled, murdering the colonel of Rear Cheshi and the Dunhuang deputy. In Yanguang 4 of Emperor An, Ban Yong shattered Junjiu's army and executed him.
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In Yongjian 1 Ban Yong led Jiatenu, Bahua, and picked troops against the Xiongnu King Huyan and defeated him. Ban Yong then invested Jiatenu as rear king and Bahua as marquis of the Pro-Han rear division. That summer the Rear Cheshi major led fifteen hundred men under Jiatenu in a raid on Huyan's camp at Changwulu, wrecked the nomad settlements, killed hundreds, captured the Chanyu's mother and other women, drove off a hundred thousand head of stock and a thousand carts, and seized heaps of arms. The next spring Huyan struck Rear Cheshi; treating the six Cheshi states as Han's shield on the steppe, the court ordered Dunhuang to rally 6,300 cavalry from the oases, Yumen, and Yiwu for a spoiling attack at Mount Le—the Han force fared badly. That autumn Huyan returned with two thousand riders and crushed Rear Cheshi. In Yuanjia 1 of Emperor Huan, Huyan swept down on Yiwu with three thousand riders; Major Mao Kai lost five hundred men east of Barkol Lake—every man killed—and Huyan pressed the Han fort. That summer Sima Da led four thousand men from Dunhuang, Jiuquan, and Zhangye beyond the wall to Barkol Sea; Huyan withdrew and the Han column returned empty-handed.
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Commentary: Accounts of the Western Regions had no precedent in earlier ages. In Han, Zhang Qian conceived the outreach to the west and Ban Chao strove for noble honors; both earned merit on the frontier and brought distant realms to heel. Whether coerced by arms or coaxed with treasure, every oasis sent rarities and hostages, crawling eastward in submission to bow before the throne. Hence Han posted Gengji colonels to divide frontier duties; and installed Protectors-General to hold supreme western authority. Early allies received gold and tortoise seals; late rebels were bound for execution beneath the palace gate. Garrison farms covered the fertile valleys and courier relays guarded every choke point. Dispatch riders thundered along the posts without pause; while Sogdian traders crowded the frontier gates each day. Later Gan Ying traveled from Mesopotamia through Parthia to the Mediterranean rim—more than forty thousand li beyond the Jade and Yang Passes—and brought back nearly everything worth knowing. Customs and temperaments, exports and beasts, watersheds and climates, cliff roads and desert tracks, fevers and haunted wastes—the annals record each with care. Yet Buddhism, born in India, goes unmentioned in the Han regional histories. Zhang Qian spoke only of elephants and monsoon heat; Ban Yong noted stupas and ahimsa—but neither conveyed doctrine or translation. Later tradition paints India as prosperous as China itself—temperate and blessed. Spirits and sages walk there; marvels exceed mortal reason when visions prove true they seem to fall from beyond the sky. Why did Zhang Qian and Ban Chao miss it—because the teaching waited for a later age? Otherwise later lore wildly overstates the exotic. Prince Ying of Chu opened Han to Buddhist-style abstinence; Emperor Huan decked the palace for ritual. Perhaps because sutras had not yet been translated, converts worshipped only vague spirits? Its counsel on purity and release from karma belongs with Daoist discourse on emptying both extremes. Its mercy toward life won many thoughtful patrons. Yet its cosmic tales outrun even Zou Yan's cosmology or Zhuangzi's parables. Spirits wax and wane; karma follows deed after deed. Doctrine seems clear yet slips away—even scholars grew doubtful. Because customs vary, wise teachers meet each audience halfway—harmonize divergent glosses and the great truth opens.
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Encomium: Far dwell the western barbarians beyond Heaven's rim. Their lands yield splendid treasures; their temperaments run to extravagance and guile. They keep no Chinese rites nor classical canon. Without transcendent teaching to steady them, how could they be ruled or pitied?
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