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卷九十 烏桓鮮卑列傳

Volume 90: Treatise on the Wuhuan, Xianbei

Chapter 101 of 後漢書 · Book of Later Han
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1
婿 便
The Wuhuan people were originally part of the Eastern Hu. Early in the Han dynasty, the Xiongnu ruler Modu wiped out their kingdom; those who survived sheltered on Mount Wuhuan and took that mountain's name as their own. They excelled at horsemanship and the bow, and made their living hunting birds and beasts. They moved their herds with grass and water and had no permanent homes. They lived in round felt tents with the entrance facing east toward the sunrise. Their diet was meat and fermented milk; they wore woolens and soft furs. [1] They esteemed youth and looked down on age; their temper ran fierce and stubborn. [2] They might kill a father or elder brother in anger, but never harmed the mother—she had her own kin who would answer for her, whereas no such obligation hung over patricide or fratricide. Men who were courageous, robust, and could settle quarrels and legal disputes became "great men"; the office did not pass down through families. Every camp had a minor leader, and hundreds or thousands of camps made up a single tribal division. A great man's summons was signaled by notched wood; without a written script, the people still never dared defy it. Surnames were not fixed; they often adopted the given names of renowned great men as clan names. Below the great men, everyone herded and earned his own keep, and none owed forced labor to another. Courtship began with carrying off the bride-to-be to cement affection; [3] only after months—or a hundred days—did the groom's side deliver cattle, horses, and sheep as betrothal gifts. The husband moved in with his wife's people; he bowed every morning to everyone in her household without regard to rank, yet did not bow to her parents specifically. He labored for his in-laws for a year or two; then they sent the couple off handsomely, outfitting them with a home and everything they needed. By custom a son could marry his stepmother and take a widowed 〈(Commentary variant on the preceding graph.)〉 Under levirate she joined that sister-in-law's place in the household; when she died she was buried again with her first husband. Women shaped strategy and counsel; men reserved decisions about combat for themselves. Men and women, young and old, squatted facing one another when they gathered. They shaved their heads for practicality. Women grew their hair only when they married, arranged it in buns, wore clasps called goujue, and set gold and bright stones in their hair—much like Chinese women's headframes and swaying buyao pins. [4] Women embroidered patterns into leather and wove coarse woolens. [5][6] Men fashioned bows, arrows, saddles, and bits, and hammered bronze and iron into arms. Their soil grew broomcorn millet and a grain called dongqiang. Dongqiang looked like wormwood, bore seeds like millet, and ripened in late autumn. They told the seasons by watching when animals bred and nursed their young.
2
[1] Zheng Xuan glosses the Zhouli: "the finest, softest animal hair is called cui."
3
[2] The Shuowen glosses han as "courageous." As for sai in the compound glossed above, it means blocked and impervious, shut off from persuasion.
4
[3] Du Yu on the Zuo: seizing a woman without proper rites is lue, "carrying off."
5
輿
[4] Gui (head-dress) is pronounced like "ji." Using the fanqie spelling with initial hui (ancient gloss form). The graph may also be written "guo"; it is women's head ornament. The Xu Han treatise on coaches and dress says: "The wives of dukes, ministers, and ranked marquises wear dark silk gui." The Shiming states: "The empress's head ornament bears pendant pearls that sway as she walks."
6
[5] The Guangya says: "Liuhe is ji, felted wool." The syllable liu is spelled li-yu in fanqie notation. He takes the hu-da fanqie reading.
7
[6] Here le denotes the metal bit in a horse's mouth.
8
使 西 西
They esteemed death in battle; kin laid out the body in a coffin and wept, then saw the dead away with song and dance. They fattened a dog on a ribbon leash, burned its master's horse and garments with it, and meant by this entrustment [1] for the dog to guide the soul to Red Mountain. Red Mountain stood thousands of li northwest of Liaodong—their counterpart to Mount Tai, where Chinese believed the dead returned. [2] They feared and honored spirits, offering to heaven and earth, the luminaries, mountains and rivers, and to mighty ancestors whose names lived on. Oxen and sheep fed the altars, then the offerings went up in flame. Their laws were blunt: defy a great man and you faced execution. Bloodletting between families was left to tribal vengeance first; if feuding continued, the great man stepped in and accepted livestock as weregild. Yet killing one's own father or brother carried no penalty. Deserters seized by a great man found no shelter in any camp and were herded into the wastes called Yongkuang. That desert swarmed with vipers, southwest of the Dingling and northeast of the Wusun. [3] (End of commentary note.)
9
[1] Shulei means handing something over in trust. Shu is read by the zhi-yu fanqie. Lei uses the li-rui fanqie.
10
[2] The Bowu zhi: "Mount Tai is the grandson of the Heaven Emperor; it presides at summoning men's souls. Because life springs from the east, the mountain knows each mortal's allotted years."
11
[3] The Former Han shu yinyi says: "The Dingling are a separate stock of the Xiongnu. The syllable ling rhymes with "zero" (ling)."
12
西 使
After Modu shattered them, the Wuhuan remained few and dependent, yearly paying the Xiongnu in livestock and hides; late tribute meant forfeiture of wives and children. Emperor Wu had Huo Qubing break the left wing of the Xiongnu, then resettled the Wuhuan outside five northern commanderies so they could watch the steppe for Han. [1] Tribal leaders presented yearly tribute at court, and Han created the Colonel Protecting the Wuhuan—a full two-thousand-shi post with imperial credentials—to keep them from dealing with the Xiongnu.
13
[1] Zhen means to reconnoiter; the gloss gives the chou-zheng fanqie pronunciation.
14
Under Emperor Zhao the Wuhuan grew bold enough to open Xiongnu royal tombs, striking back at Modu's ancient destruction of their kingdom. Enraged, the Xiongnu swept east and shattered the Wuhuan hosts. Huo Guang ordered Fan Mingyou and twenty thousand cavalry toward Liaodong to cut off the Xiongnu—who had already slipped away. Fan Mingyou turned on the beaten Wuhuan, claimed six thousand heads, and brought back three kings' skulls. The Wuhuan struck Youzhou again and again; Fan Mingyou drove them back each time. By Emperor Xuan's reign they had begun to settle along the frontier and accept Han overlordship.
15
使 便
Wang Mang mobilized twelve armies against the Xiongnu and put Yan You in charge of Wuhuan and Dingling auxiliaries in Dai, holding every man's family hostage in county towns. Unsuited to the climate and dreading endless service, they repeatedly petitioned to go home. Mang refused discharge, so they deserted and turned bandit; local officials slaughtered their hostages, and the tribes burned with hatred for Wang Mang. The Xiongnu won over Wuhuan headmen with offices and kept the rest on a loose leash.
16
Early in Emperor Guangwu's reign Wuhuan and Xiongnu horsemen struck together, worst of all east of Dai. Camped beside the frontier, they could leave their tents at dawn and raid Chinese towns by nightfall; five northern commanderies were ruined household by household until counties collapsed and people fled. The band beyond White Mountain outside Shanggu grew richest and fiercest.
17
In CE 45 Emperor Guangwu sent Ma Yuan with three thousand cavalry through Wuyuan Pass against them. [1] Forewarned, the Wuhuan slipped away in a body; Han pursuit bagged only a hundred heads. They harried his retreat until he raced night and day for the frontier, losing more than a thousand mounts.
18
[1] Wuyuan Pass stood in Dai commandery.
19
西
The next year civil war weakened the Xiongnu; the Wuhuan drove them northward and emptied the southern steppe, so Han bought Wuhuan loyalty with silk. In CE 49 nine hundred twenty-two Liaoxi notables led by Hao Dan came to court with tribute—slaves, livestock, bows, and fine furs.
20
宿
Frontier peoples were arriving in streams for audience; the emperor held a grand banquet and showered them with gifts. Those who volunteered for imperial guard duty earned titles for eighty-one chiefs; Han settled them inside the wall along the border, fed and clothed them, and used them as scouts against Xiongnu and Xianbei. Ban Biao warned the throne: "The Wuhuan are restless and predatory; leave them without a strong overseer and they will plunder Chinese settlers again—clerks who handle surrenders alone cannot hold them in check. This humble official urges restoring the Colonel Protecting the Wuhuan—it would win their loyalty and spare the frontier endless anxiety." The emperor agreed. Han reopened the colonel's headquarters at Ningcheng in Shanggu, [2] added Xianbei to his brief, paid stipends to noble hostages, and ran seasonal border markets.
21
[1] Those clerks were only ad hoc officers. The same applied to the horse-and-arms clerks.
22
[2] Ningcheng was a county seat. "The Former Han shu writes Ning county with the peace-character graph for ning; the Records of the Historian also writes Ningcheng with that same graph—the two variant ning graphs interchange."
23
Under Emperors Ming, Zhang, and He the frontier stayed quiet. In the summer of CE 109 Yuyang Wuhuan joined more than a thousand Youbeiping tribesmen to raid Dai and Shanggu. That autumn the Yanmen Wuhuan king Wuhe (variant reading yun). Wuhe then allied with Qiulun's Xianbei and the Southern Xiongnu Gutu marquis—seven thousand horsemen struck Wuyuan. At Gaqu Valley near Jiuyuan they routed Han troops and killed the chief county officers. Court dispatched He Xi and Liang Jin; they crushed the coalition. Wuhe capitulated and the Xianbei fled beyond the frontier. The Wuhuan soon edged back toward friendship with Han, and the emperor named their chieftain Rong Zhuwei “Commander Close to Han.” [2] (End of note.)
24
[1] Jiuyuan county lay in Wuyuan commandery.
25
[2] Wei is pronounced per the hu-zui fanqie gloss.
26
退
That winter Wuhuan riders plundered Yunzhong and ambushed a long wagon train of traders; Geng Ye chased them with two thousand troops, missed his first chance, then fought south of Sha County and claimed five hundred kills. [1] They trapped Geng Ye in Lancheng until Han rushed archers, frontier troops, and Shang commandery reserves—the raiders then melted away. Yonghe 140: Wuhuan chiefs and Southern Xiongnu mutineers rose together; Zhang Dan broke them, beheaded the leaders, and accepted the survivors’ surrender. Mid-reign of Emperor Huan, Shuofang Wuhuan and Tuge auxiliaries mutinied; Zhang Huan flattened them. In the summer of Yanxi 166 (166 CE) the Wuhuan again allied with the Xianbei and the Southern Xiongnu (Some manuscripts repeat the name “Xianbei” here.) Together they struck nine border prefectures in revolt. Zhang Huan drove every band back across the frontier.
27
[1] Shanan County in Yunzhong held the fortress at Lancheng.
28
西
Under Emperor Ling, Nanlou of Shanggu ruled nine thousand camps and Qiuliju of Liaoxi five thousand; both called themselves kings. Supuyan in Liaodong led a thousand camps and styled himself the Precipice King; see commentary note one on the pronunciation. Youbeiping’s Wuyan led eight hundred camps as “Khan-Lu king.” All four were bold warlords and shrewd planners. Zhongping 187: ex-magistrate Zhang Chun defected to Qiuliju, crowned himself a messianic war-king, and led Wuhuan bands across four provinces. Liu Yu took Youzhou, put a price on Zhang Chun’s head, and peace returned to the northern commanderies.
29
[1] “Precipice” (qiao) uses the qi-xiao fanqie reading.
30
使
After Qiuliju died, young Louban yielded leadership to his cousin Tadun [1], who united three Wuhuan divisions under one voice. As Yuan Shao and Gongsun Zan exhausted each other, Tadun offered Yuan Shao an alliance and auxiliaries that tipped the war. Yuan Shao counterfeited an edict and handed out chanyu regalia to every major Wuhuan chief. The tribes later crowned Louban chanyu and named Tadun “king,” but strategy stayed Tadun’s. Yan Rou, raised on the steppe, murdered Colonel Xing Ju with Xianbei support and claimed his post. Yuan Shao pampered Yan Rou to keep the border calm. After Yuan Shang’s defeat he rode to Tadun’s camps. A hundred thousand Han households had fled north; Yuan Shang meant to lever their warriors for another grab at the heartland. Cao Cao’s victory drew Yan Rou in with Xianbei and Wuhuan auxiliaries, and Cao kept him as colonel. Jian’an 12: Cao Cao marched north, broke Tadun at Liucheng, took his head, and claimed two hundred thousand prisoners and casualties. Gongsun Kang killed Yuan Shang, Louban, Wuyan, and their escorts when they sought refuge in Liaodong. More than ten thousand camps were afterward moved into Han territory, tradition says.
31
[1] “Ta” in Tadun follows the da-la fanqie gloss.
32
The Xianbei were Eastern Hu kin who named themselves after Mount Xianbei. Language and lifestyle mirrored the Wuhuan. They shaved before weddings and held a spring rendezvous on the Raole River [1]; after the banquet couples paired up. Steppe fauna included wild horses, stocky sheep, and horn-heavy cattle whose horns became the famed “horn-point” bows. [2] Sable, na, and hun hides—remarkably supple [3]—were counted the empire’s finest furs.
33
[1] The Raole River ran north of Tang-era Yingzhou.
34
西
[2] Guo Pu notes giant-horned “yuan sheep” from the western marches. Earlier scholars describe “horn-point” cattle whose horns serve as bow staves.
35
[3] Na uses the nü-hua fanqie. Hun takes the hu-kun fanqie reading. Sable and hun are classified with burrowing rodents. Na is grouped with monkey-like creatures.
36
使
Like the Wuhuan they fled Modu into the Liaodong wilds and seldom dealt with the interior court. Under Emperor Guangwu the Xiongnu marched Xianbei and Wuhuan allies against the north until no year stayed peaceful. Zhai Tong’s Liaodong defense in Jianwu 21 nearly annihilated a joint Xianbei-Xiongnu thrust and broke their nerve; see his biography. Southern submission drained the northern steppe; by Jianwu 49 Xianbei riders opened diplomatic traffic with Luoyang.
37
滿 滿
Pian He volunteered through Zhai Tong and hammered a northern wing band for two thousand kills. Year after year Pian He raided northward and cashed heads for Han silver at Liaodong. Jianwu 54: Yu Qiuben and Mantou brought their clans to Luoyang, eager to live under Han protection. The court made Yu Qiuben a king and Mantou a marquis. Yuyang’s Chishan Wuhuan, led by Xin Zhiben, kept hitting Shanggu. Yongping 58: Zhai Tong paid Pian He to decapitate Xin Zhiben. Xianbei chiefs flocked to allegiance, collected stipends in Liaodong, and two inner provinces sent two hundred seventy million coins yearly to fund them. Emperors Ming and Zhang saw no major alarms on the wall.
38
[1] Ancient Feiru stood where Pingzhou later stood.
39
Emperor An’s widow welcomed Yan Liyang with kingly regalia, parked him under Ningcheng beside the colonel’s seat, licensed barbarian trade, and erected paired hostage compounds. [1] All hundred-twenty Xianbei camps contributed noble sons as pledges. They swung between alliance and raid, trading blows with Han, Xiongnu, and Wuhuan by turns.
40
[1] The lodges housed surrendered barbarian pledges.
41
西 宿 穿 西
Yuanchu 115: Liaodong riders surrounded Wulu [1]; Han evacuated granaries and herds so the raiders starved. [2] They struck Fuli encampment and murdered command staff. [3] Yuanchu 117: Lianxiu’s Liaodong band fired frontier gates and looted farms. Yu Zhiju’s Wuhuan hated Lianxiu; allied county troops routed the raiders, claiming thirteen hundred skulls and heavy spoils. Year six autumn: ten thousand Dai riders burst inward, torched offices, slew magistrates, and vanished. Court summoned frontier levies and Liyang regulars to brace Shanggu. Winter raids hit Juyong; Han stacked twenty thousand mounted archers along the passes. In autumn of the sixth year, the Xianbei entered Macheng Fort and killed the senior officials. [4] Deng Zun, General Who Crosses the Liao, mobilized 3,000 accumulated archers, and Ma Xu, General of the Gentlemen, led the Southern Shanyu and joined with the troops and cavalry of Liaoxi and Youbeiping. They went out beyond the frontier, pursued and attacked the Xianbei, greatly defeated them, and captured many prisoners, cattle, sheep, and goods. Another three thousand bowmen and mounts reinforced the Liao command permanently.
42
[1] Wulu sat inside Liaodong commandery.
43
[2] “Clearing fields” meant stripping the countryside bare ahead of the enemy.
44
[3] Fuli’s ruins stood southeast of Tang Yingzhou in the dependent Liaodong circuit.
45
[4] Macheng County lay in Dai commandery.
46
西
Yongning 120: Wulun and Qizhijian of Liaoxi presented Deng Zun their surrender and gifts. They received kingly and marquis titles “who commands the masses” plus graded silk allotments.
47
[1] The gloss refers to a Wuyuan county of the same name.
48
In autumn of the first year of Yongjian under Emperor Shun, the Xianbei leader Qizhijian raided Dai Commandery, and Li Chao, the administrator, died in battle. The following spring Zhang Guo crossed the frontier with ten thousand allied riders and took two thousand wagonloads of loot. Six thousand Liaodong riders hit Xuantu until Geng Ye’s frontier coalition butchered them and captured herds; thirty thousand Xianbei later sued for peace at Liaodong. Years three and four brought repeated strikes on Yuyang and Shuofang. Autumn counterstrike: Geng Ye’s major-led barbarian column smashed them outside the wall. Winter raids ended when Yuyang’s Wuhuan allies stacked eight hundred skulls and drove back herds. [1] Fushu Guan (“shu” read suo-jiu fan) spearheaded every fight against Xianbei until Han titled him “Prince who Commands the Masses.”
49
[1] Graph “shu” follows suo-jiu fanqie.
50
穿
Yangjia 132 winter: Rong Zhuwei’s raid yielded heavy trophies; emperor promoted Zhu Gui’s party with silk bales. Renewed Liaodong raids forced Geng Ye to relocate his garrison to frontier Wulu. Southern Gutu officer Fuchen won purple-seal honors after Zhao Chou’s spring expedition shattered another wave. They punched Macheng again that autumn; local Han troops failed to expel them. Once Qizhijian was gone the raids thinned out.
51
鹿 鹿 鹿 西 西西
Emperor Huan’s era produced Tanshi Huai; father Touluhou was abroad three campaigns while the baby arrived. Touluhou returned furious and reached for his sword. She pleaded a thunder-and-hail miracle pregnancy and begged him to spare this destined prodigy. He refused and cast the baby out. Kin hid the boy and named him Tanshi Huai. By mid-teens he was already fearless and cunning. A rival chief rustled his uncle’s herd; Huai charged solo, scattered them, won every beast back, and earned universal dread. He legislated disputes away until camps hailed him chieftain. His headquarters sat north of Gaoliu on Tanhan by Chuchou water [1]; hosts gathered until both wings obeyed. He burned the frontier belt, boxed Dingling, routed Fuyu, bruised Wusun, reclaimed Xiongnu pastures fourteen thousand li wide and seven thousand deep—salt flats and rivers included.
52
[1] “Chuo” takes chang-yue fanqie.
53
使 使 西西西
Yongshou 156 autumn: Huai struck Yunzhong with a few thousand riders. Yanxi 158 opened with Xianbei strikes along the northern frontier. Winter: Zhang Huan and the Southern Chanyu rode out and stacked two hundred Xianbei skulls. Year two they flooded Yanmen, massacred hundreds, and vanished with booty. Summer year six: a thousand riders hit the Liaodong frontier circuit. Yanxi 166 summer: wave riders tore through nine border prefectures until Zhang Huan chased them back across the frontier. Luoyang admitted helplessness and offered Huai a royal patent and peace ties. Huai spurned the title and doubled the violence. He then divided his territory into three sections. From Youbeiping east to Liaodong, adjoining Fuyu and Yemaek, more than twenty settlements formed the eastern section. From west of Youbeiping to Shanggu, more than ten settlements formed the central section. From west of Shanggu to Dunhuang and Wusun, more than twenty settlements formed the western section. Each had a great man appointed to govern it, and all belonged to Tanshihuai.
54
Emperor Ling inherited endless Xianbei devastation across Youzhou, Bingzhou, and Liangzhou. Xiping 174 winter: Xia Yu’s Tuge riders chased Xianbei out of Beidi commandery. The court moved Xia Yu into the Wuhuan colonel’s chair. Year five brought another Youzhou incursion. Summer six: simultaneous raids on three sectors of the wall. Autumn memorial: "Xia Yu counted thirty spring-to-date raids and demanded a winter-plus-two-spring eradication campaign from Youzhou." The throne withheld consent. Disgraced Colonel Tian Yan bought a generalship through Wang Fu and lobbied for a joint strike with Xia Yu. Emperor Ling named Tian Yan “Chief Commander against the Xianbei.” Dissent in council forced an open court debate. Cai Yong spoke for the conservatives:
55
Cai Yong piled precedent: the Shang shu and Zhou yi warn of frontier foes; Zhou battled Xianyun and southern tribes; Han echoed that reach from Tianyan to the northern sea. Punishing foreign foes, he argued, was an ancient constant. What worked once may fail now; strategy must follow the moment.
56
Note one: the Shun dian of the Shang shu says: “Barbarians make trouble in the Hua lands, raiders and traitors work mischief.” “Hua” in that line means to disorder. The Jiji hexagram, third line, reads: “Gaozong campaigned against Gui Fang; after three years he overcame it.” The Prince of Huainan in the Former Han shu said: “Gui Fang was a petty barbarian people.” The pronunciations gloss adds: “Gui Fang means a distant land.”
57
The Odes tie Fang Shu’s Xianyun war to aweing the south.
58
使 使
Emperor Wu’s Wei Qing reached Tianyan with ten thousand kills. Huo Qubing sealed Mount Langjuxu and gazed on the great northern sea.
59
西 使
Emperor Wu pursued glory on every frontier—south against the Yue, north against the Xiongnu, west against Dayuan, east against Korea. He spent down the Wen-Jing surplus until court and countryside were broke. Monopolies on salt, iron, and wine plus the suanmin surcharges note one drove commoners to revolt and cut the roads east of Hangu. Next came the embroidered-robes commissioners with axes note two. Only later did he demobilize and reward his chancellor as “rich marquis” to signal recovery note three. Note four hence Zhufu Yan said, “He who chases total victory in war and exhausts the military will always regret it.” Note five: even Emperor Wu’s elite armies and bursting granaries could not banish second thoughts. Today we are poorer and weaker than his age.
60
使
State monopolies note one riveted smugglers’ ankles. “Monopoly” (que) means exclusive sales. Imperial cellars held the retail license. The suanmin tax took one cut per two thousand cash of declared wealth. Denouncers split forfeitures with the treasury. Gloss: "min originally meant silk cord. Strings of coins were counted by those cords. Each assessment unit meant one hundred twenty copper coins.”
61
Bandits note two cut communications through Taishan in 99 BCE.
62
使使
Straight-arrow commissioners note three carried axe authority district by district.
63
Che Qianqiu’s “rich marquis” patent signaled retreat note four.
64
Zhufu Yan’s anti-Hun memorial note five closes the parallel.
65
西
Xiongnu collapse let the Xianbei fill the steppe with a hundred thousand alert riders. Lax border controls smuggled Han steel into nomad hands. Defecting Chinese advisers and better mounts outclassed the old Xiongnu threat. Even Duan Jiong needed a decade to tame Qiang rebels. Xia Yu and Tian Yan are hardly superior generals, while Xianbei strength matches earlier highs. Promising a two-year wipeout invites an endless quagmire. Further drafts would beggar north China to enrich the steppe. Border raids are irritants— but domestic collapse is a mortal abscess at the heart. Commentary note one: if the capital cannot stifle banditry in its own counties, how can it subjugate these steppe hosts?
66
Gloss: jie sounds like “jie.” “Scratch” (sao) uses xin-dao fanqie. The Picao says: “biao is read bi-shao fan.” Du Yu’s Zuo commentary gloss: “Ju is a malignant sore.”
67
Han founders swallowed worse humiliations than we face—why panic now? commentary one refers to the insulting Xiongnu letter to Lü Zhi.
68
Gou means shame; pronunciation xu-dou fanqie.
69
Natural barriers plus Qin and Han walls marked civilization from steppe. Solve civil breakdown [1] and we might breathe—why keep— Editors mark an alternate reading between the preceding characters. Why squander wit trading blows with gnats? Commentators emend one graph to read “crafty.” Occasional victories cannot exterminate them—and some editions read “now” where others read… …“would,” following an editorial substitution for the next clause. …make this court dine after midnight from sheer dread? Commentary note two ends here.
70
西
The phrase “crippled polity” is glossed in the Xiyu zhuan.
71
Gan means eating late into the night. Wu Zixu’s lament about Chu rulers eating dinner at midnight.
72
使輿
Forced victories fail as often as hesitant gambits; wise rulers ignore panicky councils. Prince Liu An once urged against attacking Yue: “The Son of Heaven’s arms campaign without needing pitched battle. That is, none dare exchange blows. Commentary one two: Risking common soldiers against desperate southerners—even victory humiliates the throne." Sacrificing settlers to punish nomads dishonors the dynasty regardless of outcome. Emperor Yuan’s Zhuya debate mirrored today—fight or cut loose. He burned with shame yet hungered to punish— but pity for starving subjects outweighed pride. Mass starvation trumped punishing remote rebels. Temple rites shrink in bad harvests; swallowing pointless insults is worse. Shandong starves; fresh armies would break more than peasant backs. He dissolved Zhuya instead." That edict defined Emperor Yuan’s mercy. Han surrendered counties to feed people—why obsess over uninhabited desert? Li Mu’s frontier playbook commentary three and Yan You’s garrison theory commentary four remain legible—honor them and rest easy.
73
Here xiao means to resist.
74
輿
Commentary mark two Former Han pronunciation gloss: "si means petty; Here yu glosses as “multitude.”
75
便巿
Li Mu held Zhao’s north commentary three. He fed troops with border tolls, tightened signals, and kept losses near zero.
76
Wang Mang’s ten-route debacle commentary four proves the cost of blind offensives. Yan You told Mang no sage dynasty truly “finished” the nomads. Zhou Qin and Han all fought—and none found the magic formula. King Xuan’s generals pushed the Xianyun back to the frontier and stopped—the classic “middle” option. Emperor Wu’s thirty-year deep offensive was the “low” road—endless war. The First Emperor’s wall-building panic destroyed his dynasty—strategy zero. Ban Gu said: “As for the merit of campaigns and Qin-Han practice, Yan You’s discussion hits the mark.”
77
The gloss cites Wei Qiqiang’s reassurance to Chu about Jin’s loyalty.
78
Cong uses the zi-yong fanqie spelling.
79
Huai died in Guanghe at forty-five; Helian inherited the confederation. Weaker than his father, Helian pillaged anyway until corruption split the tribes. Beidi crossbowmen from Lian note one dropped Helian with a bolt. Minor Qianman yielded rule to uncle Kuitou. Adult Qianman’s civil war shattered unity. Kuitou’s death brought Budugen to power. Huai’s successors turned “great man” into a family title.
80
Lian County sat in Beidi.
81
西 西
The treatise opens: each frontier people surged in its season. Xiongnu peaked in Western Han glory days; Qiang shook the Guangwu revival. Late Han saw both steppe powers peak: Huai swallowed Xiongnu ranges; Tadun gripped Liaoxi. Their raids scourged the interior generation after generation. No reign mastered the high policy of restraint; Zhou and Han settled for middling or poor frontier doctrine. Fan Ye wonders whether fate doomed the north.
82
Final stanza: twin barbarian powers choked the northern march. Prosperity bought peace; decline opened rebellion.
83
Editorial collation section heading.
84
Collation: Wei chronicles prefer the spelling “Wuwán.”
85
Variant in Wei documents swaps the second compound graph for “owl-like ferocity.”
86
Page 2979 line 12 “gui buyao.” Note: Three Kingdoms commentary cites Wei shu as “crowned buyao.”
87
Page 2980 line 1 “grain like broomcorn millet.” Note: Three Kingdoms commentary cites Wei shu writing “sunflower” instead of millet.
88
Sound gloss header for gui. (Alternate phonetic marker ji.) Editors flag an impossible fanqie pairing between ji and gui. "According to Guangyun gu-dui cut and Jiyun gu-huo cut, suspect this ji graph should also be gu." Text amended per above.
89
殿
Manuscripts wrongly said “all deserted”; authoritative prints read “themselves.” Tong zhi agrees with “self.”
90
Wei shu counts nine thousand courtiers and eighty kings, not Fan Ye’s figures. “Hao Dan” versus “Hao Ju”—graphs resemble; unclear which is correct.
91
Collation anchor on the Wuhe line. (Spurious “yun” gloss deleted.) Removed following textual criticism. Note: collation supplement says Tong zhi also lacks “yun.”
92
Page 2983 line 5 “invested great man Rong Zhuwei.” Hui Dong cites Xu Han shu and Wei shu writing “mo” instead of “zhu.” Tong zhi sides with “mo.”
93
Page 2983, line 12: "The Wuhuan of Shuofang and the Xiuzhu Tuge each rebelled." Note: in Emperor Ling's Annals, "Xiuzhu Tuge" is written "Xiutu Ge," and in the Treatise on the Southern Xiongnu it is written "Xiuzhu Ge." As for this "Xiuzhu Tuge," Qian Daxin says that a reader of Fan's History pronounced zhu as tu, and it was later mixed into the main text. Cross-reference the southern nomad chapter.
94
Collation pinpoints the triple alliance sentence. (Duplicate “Xianbei” bracket suspected.) Editors suspect dittography of “Xianbei.” The imperial diary lists all three peoples without repetition. Excised as redundant.
95
Wei shu misdates Cao’s expedition one year early. Checked against Wei Annals—twelfth summer is correct; Wei Wuhuan biography’s “eleventh” is wrong.
96
殿
Page 2985 line 2 “yuan sheep.” Note: palace collation says He Zhuo’s manuscript changes yuan to ram-graph.
97
使
Should read “interpreter envoys,” not “post horses.”
98
Page 2985 line 11 “Northern Xiongnu left Wing Yuyuzi tribe.” Note: Hui Dong cites Zhai Tong biography writing “the cited text.”
99
Page 2985 line 12 “thirtieth year.” Note: Hui Dong cites Yuan ji as thirty-first.
100
殿
Wei text prefers Qin over Xin for the chief’s name.
101
Should specify Emperor Shang’s Yanping reign.
102
殿
Direction particle “south” restored from better editions.
103
殿
Palace edition swaps similar graphs—likely “decapitate.” Cross-reference southern nomad collation.
104
Probably “two thousand carts,” not “kinds.”
105
殿
Page 2988 line 8 “cattle horse miscellany.” Note: Palace reads “sheep cattle wealth.”
106
Page 2988 line 13 “Geng Ye sent Colonel-close-to-Han Rong Zhuwei leading prince-dukes Zhu Gui…” Note: Kanwu says Wei zhi writes “general” for “masses,” meaning he led barbarian kings before they earned “prince of masses” titles.
107
使
Page 2988 line 15 “Chief Commander of Xiongnu Zhao Chou.” Shen Jiaben says annals write Wang Chou. Restored missing shi “dispatch.”
108
Page 2989 line 7 “Mount Tanhan.” Note: Hui Dong cites Zizhi tongjian writing “Tanwu.”
109
殿
Missing “enfeoff” restored from reliable prints.
110
Tang excerpt preserves “Emperor Wu”; “Shizong” may be a misguided restoration. Yet Cai Yong’s own corpus keeps Shizong.
111
殿
Variant graph “marshal” versus “minister.”
112
殿
Page 2991 line 6 “fetters on left foot.” Note: original wrote obscure compound graph “metal dog.” 〈(variant character cluster)〉” Corrected to standard di graph.
113
Tong zhi reads “desert” instead of mountains and rivers.
114
Collation addresses gnats-and-ants passage—likely typo in pagination (1992 vs 2992). (Editorial siglum between graphs.) Copyists misread “crafty” as “school.” Cai Yong’s literary collection confirms “crafty.” Text updated to crafty reading.
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