1
志第二十八百官五
Monograph 28: The fifth installment on the bureaucracy of state.
2
州郡县乡亭里匈奴中郎将乌桓校尉护羌校尉王国宋卫国列侯关内侯四夷国百官奉
Provinces and commanderies, counties and rural townships, wards and hamlets, the Herald to the Xiongnu, the Protector of the Wuhuan, the Protector of the Qiang, princely kingdoms, the domains of Song and Wei, full marquisates and marquisates-within-the-passes, tributary states beyond the inner realm, and the stipends paid to officials.
3
外十二州,每州刺史一人,六百石。 本注曰:秦有监御史,监诸郡,汉兴省之,但遣丞相史分刺诸州,无常官。 孝武帝初置刺史十三人,秩六百石。 成帝更为牧,秩二千石。 建武十八年,复为刺史,十二人各主一州,其一州属司隶校尉。
Beyond the metropolitan region lay twelve provinces, each overseen by a single regional inspector at the six-hundred-picul grade. Commentary: Under the Qin, supervising clerks watched over the commanderies; the Han at first abolished the office and merely dispatched secretaries from the chancellor’s staff on rotating inspections of the provinces, with no standing appointment. Emperor Wu initially appointed thirteen regional inspectors, each at the six-hundred-picul salary level. Under Emperor Cheng the title was changed to regional shepherd, with pay raised to two thousand piculs. In Jianwu 18 the office reverted to inspector; twelve men each governed one province, while the remaining province fell under the Colonel Director of Retainers at the capital.
4
蔡質漢儀曰:「詔書舊典,刺史班宣,周行郡國,省察治政,黜陟能否,斷理冤獄,以六條問事,非條所問,卽不省。 一條,強宗豪右,田宅踰制,以強陵弱,以衆暴寡。 二條,二千石不奉詔書,遵承典制,倍公向私,旁詔守利,侵漁百姓,聚斂爲姦。 三條,二千石不卹疑獄,風厲殺人,怒則任刑,喜則任賞,煩擾苛暴,剝戮黎元,爲百姓所疾,山崩石裂,妖祥訛言。 四條,二千石選署不平,苟阿所愛,蔽賢寵頑。 五條,二千石子弟怙恃榮勢,請託所監。 六條,二千石違公下比,阿附豪強,通行貨賂,割損政令。 諸州刺史初除,比諸持板揖不拜。」 獻帝起居注曰:「建安十八年三月庚寅,省州幷郡,復禹貢之九州。 冀州得魏郡、安平、鉅鹿、河閒、淸河、博陵、常山、趙國、勃海、甘陵、平原、太原、上黨、西河、定襄、鴈門、雲中、五原、朔方、河東、河内、涿郡、漁陽、廣陽、右北平、上谷、代郡、遼東、遼東屬國、遼西、玄菟、樂浪,凡三十二郡。 省司隸校尉,以司隸部分屬豫州、冀州、雍州。 省涼州刺史,以幷雍州部,郡得弘農、京兆、左馮翊、右扶風、上郡、安定、隴西、漢陽、北地、武都、武威、金城、西平、西郡、張掖、張掖屬國、酒泉、敦煌、西海、漢興、永陽、東安南,凡二十二郡。 省交州,以其郡屬荊州。 荊州得交州之蒼梧、南海、九眞、交趾、日南,與其舊所部南陽、章陵、南郡、江夏、武陵、長沙、零陵、桂陽,凡十三〔郡〕。 益州本部郡有廣漢、漢中、巴郡、犍爲、蜀郡、牂牁、越巂、益州、永昌、犍爲屬國、蜀郡屬國、廣漢屬國,今幷得交州之鬱林、合浦,凡十四〔郡〕。 豫州部郡本有潁川、陳國、汝南、沛國、梁國、魯國,今幷得河南、滎陽都尉,凡八郡。 徐州部郡得下邳、廣陵、彭城、東海、琅邪、利城、城陽、東莞,凡八郡。 靑州得齊國、北海、東萊、濟南、樂安,凡五郡。」 獻帝春秋曰:「孫權以歩騭行交州刺史。」 東觀書曰:「交趾刺史,持節。」 諸州常以八月巡行所部郡國,胡廣注曰:「巡謂驛馬也。 縣次傳駕之,以走疾,猶古言附遂。」 録囚徒,胡廣曰:「縣邑囚徒,皆閲録視,參考辭狀,實其眞偽。 有侵冤者,卽時平理也。」 考殿最。 胡廣曰:「課第長吏不稱職者爲殿,舉免之。 其有治能者爲最。 察上尤異州,又狀州中吏民茂才異等,歳舉一人。」 初歳盡詣京都奏事,胡廣曰:「所察有條應繩異者,輒覆問之,不茹柔吐剛也。 歳盡,齎所狀納京師,名奏事,差其遠近,各有常會。」 中興但因計吏。 胡廣曰:「不復自詣京師,其所道皆如舊典。」 東觀書曰:「和帝初,張酺上言:『臣聞王者法天,熒惑奏事太微,故州牧刺史入奏事,所以通下問知外事也。 數十年以來,重其道歸煩撓,故時止勿奏事,今因以爲故事。 臣愚以爲刺史視事滿歳,可令奏事如舊典,問州中風俗,恐好惡過所道,事所聞見,考課衆職,下章所告,及所自舉有意者賞異之,其尤無狀,逆詔書,行罪法,冀敕戒其餘,令各敬愼所職,於以衰滅貪邪便佞。』」 韓詩外傳曰:「王者必立牧,方三人,所以使闚遠牧衆也。 遠方之民,有飢寒而不得衣食,獄訟而冤失,職賢而不舉者,入告天子。 天子於其君之朝也,揖而進之曰:『意朕之政教,有不得爾者邪? 如何乃有飢寒而不得衣食,獄訟而冤失,職賢而不舉?』 然後其君退而與其卿大夫謀之。 遠方之民聞,皆曰『誠天子也』。 夫我居之辟,見我之近也; 我居之幽,見我之明也。 可欺乎哉! 可欺乎哉! 故牧者所以開四目,通四聰。」
Cai Zhi's Han Observances records: "By ancient edict, inspectors proclaimed imperial orders, toured commanderies and kingdoms, inspected governance, promoted or dismissed officials, redressed wrongful imprisonment, and investigated affairs under six articles; matters outside those articles were not pursued. Article one: powerful clans whose estates exceeded regulations, bullying the weak and oppressing the few. Article two: grand administrators who defied edicts, pursued private gain, preyed on the people, and amassed wealth corruptly. Article three: grand administrators who ignored doubtful cases, killed recklessly, punished in anger and rewarded in joy, tormented the people, and were hated amid omens and false reports. Article four: grand administrators who appointed unfairly, favored cronies, hid the worthy, and indulged the obstinate. Article five: sons and younger brothers of grand administrators who abused their fathers' power to seek favors within the inspector's jurisdiction. Article six: grand administrators who curried favor with the powerful, accepted bribes, and undermined government orders. Newly appointed provincial inspectors bowed with tablet in hand without performing the full prostration." Emperor Xian's Daily Records note: "In the third month of Jian'an 18, on gengyin, provinces were merged and commanderies cut to restore the nine provinces of Yu's Tribute. Jizhou absorbed thirty-two commanderies including Wei, Anping, Julu, Hejian, Qinghe, Boling, Changshan, Zhao, Bohai, Ganling, Pingyuan, Taiyuan, Shangdang, Xihe, Dingxiang, Yanmen, Yunzhong, Wuyuan, Shuofang, Hedong, Henei, Zhuo, Yuyang, Guangyang, Right Beiping, Shanggu, Dai, Liaodong, Liaodong Dependent State, Liaoxi, Xuantu, and Lelang. The Colonel Director of Retainers was abolished and the metropolitan region was divided among Yuzhou, Jizhou, and Yongzhou. Liangzhou was abolished and merged into Yongzhou, comprising twenty-two commanderies from Hongnong and Jingzhao west through Dunhuang and the frontier districts. Jiaozhou was abolished and its commanderies transferred to Jingzhou. Jingzhou absorbed Cangwu, Nanhai, Jiuzhen, Jiaozhi, and Rinan from the old Jiaozhou together with Nanyang, Zhangling, Nan, Jiangxia, Wuling, Changsha, Lingling, and Guiyang—thirteen commanderies in all. Yizhou retained Guanghan, Hanzhong, Ba, Qianwei, Shu, Zangke, Yuexi, Yizhou, Yongchang, and the three dependent states, and also received Yulin and Hepu from Jiaozhou—fourteen commanderies in all. Yuzhou originally comprised Yingchuan, Chen, Runan, Pei, Liang, and Lu and now also received Henan and the Xingyang commandant—eight commanderies in all. Xuzhou comprised Xiapi, Guangling, Pengcheng, Donghai, Langye, Licheng, Chengyang, and Dongguan—eight commanderies in all. Qingzhou comprised Qi, Beihai, Donglai, Jinan, and Le'an—five commanderies in all." The Chronicle of Emperor Xian records: "Sun Quan had Bu Zhi serve as acting inspector of Jiaozhou." The Book of the Eastern Lodge notes: "The inspector of Jiaozhi bore the credential staff." Each province customarily made an autumn circuit of its commanderies and kingdoms. Hu Guang explains: "The tour used relay horses. At each county relay teams drove them at speed, as in the ancient term for attached relay transport." They reviewed prisoners. Hu Guang says: "County prisoners were examined, testimony checked, and truth verified. Cases of oppression or injustice were promptly redressed." They rated administrative performance. Hu Guang says: "Officials ranked lowest for incompetence were recommended for dismissal. Those with governing ability were rated best. Outstanding cases were reported upward, and one man of special talent among the province's officials and people was recommended each year." Earlier, inspectors journeyed to the capital at year's end to report. Hu Guang says: "Doubtful or unusual findings were reinvestigated; they did not favor the weak over the strong. At year's end they carried their reports to the capital—called reporting affairs—with fixed schedules according to distance." After the restoration this duty devolved on the accounting clerks who came up with the tribute tallies. Hu Guang adds: "Inspectors no longer went in person; their reports followed the old canon." The Book of the Eastern Lodge records: "Early in Emperor He's reign Zhang Ti memorialized: 'The king models Heaven; Mars reports in the Supreme Palace Enclosure, so regional shepherds and inspectors reported at court to learn of distant affairs. For decades the journey burdened the court, so reporting was suspended and that suspension became precedent. I propose that after a full year in office inspectors resume reporting as of old—inquiring into provincial customs, reviewing all offices, rewarding merit, and punishing those who defy edicts, so the rest may be admonished and greedy flatterers diminished.'" Han Ying's Outer Commentary on the Odes says: "Kings must appoint shepherds—three for each direction—to watch from afar and govern the people. If distant peoples suffered hunger, wrongful imprisonment, or failure to recommend the worthy, the shepherd reported to the Son of Heaven. At that lord's audience the Son of Heaven bowed him forward and asked: 'Do you think my government has failed you? How then are there hunger and cold, wrongful lawsuits, and failure to recommend the worthy?' The lord then withdrew to consult his ministers and grandees. Hearing this, distant peoples said, 'Truly a Son of Heaven.' Though I dwell afar, he sees me as near; though I dwell in obscurity, he sees me as bright. Can one be deceived! Can one be deceived! Therefore shepherds open the four eyes and connect the four ears of the ruler."
5
皆有从事史、假佐。 本注曰:员职略与司隶同,无都官从事,其功曹从事为治中从事。
Each staff included attendant secretaries and provisional aides. Commentary: The complement mirrored that of the Colonel Director of Retainers, except that there was no attendant for capital cases; the merit-clerk attendant was titled attendant for internal administration.
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豫州部郡国六,冀州部九,兗州部八,徐州部五,青州部六,荆州部七,扬州部六,益州部十二,凉州部十二,并州部九,幽州部十一,交州部七,凡九十八。 其二十七王国相,其七十一郡太守。 其属国都尉。 属国,分郡离远县置之,如郡差小,置本郡名。 世祖并省郡县四百余所,后世稍复增之。
Yuzhou oversaw six commanderies and kingdoms; Jizhou nine; Yanzhou eight; Xuzhou five; Qingzhou six; Jingzhou seven; Yangzhou six; Yizhou twelve; Liangzhou twelve; Bingzhou nine; Youzhou eleven; Jiaozhou seven—ninety-eight units in all. Twenty-seven were chancellors serving princely fiefs; seventy-one were grand administrators of ordinary commanderies. Dependent states were headed by chief commandants as well. A dependent state was carved from outlying counties of a commandery; it was somewhat smaller than a full commandery and usually retained the original commandery designation. The founding emperor merged away over four hundred commanderies and counties; succeeding reigns slowly added others back.
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臣昭曰:昔在先代,列爵殊等,九服不同,畿荒制異。 雖連帥相司,牧伯分長,而封疆置限,兼庸有數,如身之使臂,手之使指,故能髙卑相固,遠近維緝,群後克穆,共康兆庶。 爰及周衰,稍競呑廣,邦國侵爭,遞懷貪略,猶歴數百年,乃能成其幷一,豈非樹之有本,使其然乎? 秦兼天下,開設郡縣,孤立獨王,卽以顛亡。 漢祖因循,雖不頓革,分置子弟,終龕諸呂之難,漸剖列郡,以減大都之權。 後嚴安之徒,猶慷慨發憤,謂千里之威,卽古之強國,慮非安本無窮之計也。 孝武之末,始置刺史,監糾非法,不過六條,傳車周流,匪有定鎭,秩裁數百,威望輕寡,得有察舉之勤,未生陵犯之釁。 成帝改牧,其萌始大,旣非識治之主,故無取焉爾。 世祖中興,監乎政本,復約其職,還遵舊制,斷親奏事,省入惜煩,漸得自重之路。 因茲以降,彌於歳年,母后當朝,多以弱守,六合危動,四海潰弊,財盡力竭,綱維撓毀,而八方不能内侵,諸侯莫敢入伐,豈非幹強枝弱,控制素重之所致乎? 至孝靈在位,橫流旣及,劉焉徼偽,自爲身謀,非有憂國之心,專懷狼據之策,抗論昏世,薦議愚主,盛稱宜重牧伯,謂足鎭壓萬里,挾姦樹筭,苟罔一時,豈可永爲國本,長期勝術哉? 夫聖主御世,莫不大庇生民,承其休謀,傳其典制。 猶雲事久獘生,無或通貫,故變改正服,革異質文,分爵三五,參差不一。 況在豎騃之君,挾姦詐之臣,共所創置,焉可仍因? 大建尊州之規,竟無一日之治。 故焉牧益土,造帝服於岷、峨; 袁紹取冀,下制書於燕、朔; 劉表荊南,郊天祀地; 魏祖據兗,遂構皇業:漢之殄滅,禍源乎此。 及臻後代,任寄彌廣,委之邦宰之命,授之斧鉞之重,假之都督之威,開之征討之略。 晉太康之初,武帝亦疑其然,乃詔曰:「上古及中代,或置州牧,或置刺史,置監御史,皆總綱紀,而不賦政,治民之事,任之諸侯郡守。 昔漢末四海分崩,因以呉、蜀自擅,自是刺史内親民事,外領兵馬,此一時之宜爾。 今賴宗廟之靈,士大夫之力,江表平定,天下合之爲一,當韜戢干戈,與天下休息。 諸州無事者罷其兵,刺史分職,皆如漢氏故事,出頒詔條,入奏事京城。 二千石專治民之重,監司淸峻於上,此經久之體也。 其便省州牧。」 晉武帝又見其獘矣,雖有其言,不卒其事,後嗣纘繼,牧鎭愈重,據地分爭,竟覆天下。 昔王畿之大,不過千里,州之所司,廣袤兼遠。 爭強虎視之辰,遷鼎革終之日,未嘗不藉蕃兵之權,挾董司之力,逼迫伺隙,陵奪沖幼。 其甚者臣主揚兵,骨肉戰野,昆弟梟懸,伯叔屠裂。 末壯披心,尾大不掉,旣用此始,亦病以終。 傾輈愈襲,莫或途改,致雒京有銜璧之痛,秦臺有不守之酷。 胡、羌遞興,氐、鮮更起,摩滅群黎,流禍百世。 堅冰所漸,兼縁茲蠹。 嗚呼! 後之聖王,必不久滯斯跡,靈長之終,當有神筭。 不然,則雄捍反拒之事,懼甚於此心,憑強作害之謀,方盛於後意。
Chen Zhao writes: In antiquity noble ranks were graded, the nine service zones followed distinct rules, and metropolitan and frontier administrations differed in form. Though overlords and regional shepherds shared governance, borders were fixed and subordinate holdings numbered, like arm and finger—high and low reinforced one another, near and far were knit together, and the feudal lords jointly secured the people. As Zhou decayed, states swallowed one another in greedy wars; centuries passed before unity returned—did not deep roots make that possible? Qin conquered all under Heaven, imposed commanderies and counties, left the emperor isolated—and swiftly fell. Han Gaozu kept much of the old order yet enfeoffed kin; still the Lü crisis erupted, and the court slowly split great domains to curb metropolitan power. Later critics such as Yan An protested that a thousand-li jurisdiction equaled an ancient great power and warned that such scale could not secure the dynasty forever. Late in Emperor Wu's reign inspectors were introduced to police misconduct under six articles; they toured by relay carriage without fixed headquarters, held modest rank, and could investigate without yet threatening commandery power. Emperor Cheng elevated them to regional shepherds and the office swelled; he was no master of statecraft, so the change merits no praise. Emperor Guangwu, restoring the dynasty, trimmed the office back to the old inspector model, ended personal reporting at court, and thereby gave the post a path to renewed authority. Thereafter empress dowagers often reigned from weakness while the realm tottered; treasury and strength failed and institutions frayed—yet outsiders did not invade and princes dared not rebel. Was this not because the center stayed strong while branches were kept weak? Under Emperor Ling, Liu Yan schemed for himself, not the realm, urging heavier regional shepherds to control ten thousand li—a treacherous expedient, not a lasting foundation of state. Sage rulers shelter the people, inherit sound policy, and pass down established institutions. Even so, institutions age and decay; hence robes, rites, and noble ranks were repeatedly revised and never uniform. How much less should the creations of foolish rulers and scheming ministers be perpetuated unchanged? The grand project of exalted provinces produced not a single day of good government. Liu Yan as regional shepherd expanded his domain and donned imperial regalia in the Min-E region; Yuan Shao seized Ji and issued edicts across Yan and the northern frontier; Liu Biao in southern Jing performed suburban rites to Heaven and earth; Cao Cao held Yan and built an imperial enterprise—the extinction of Han began here. Later ages widened provincial commissions—territorial command, military authority, regional commissioners, and punitive campaigns. Early in Jin Taikang, Emperor Wu also doubted the trend and decreed: "In antiquity and the middle ages, regional shepherds, inspectors, or supervising clerks oversaw discipline but did not govern the people; that duty belonged to feudal lords and commandery governors. When Han fell, Wu and Shu seized power and inspectors took civil and military duties—a temporary expedient. Now, with the south pacified and the realm reunited, arms should be sheathed and the people allowed to rest. Peaceful provinces should disband troops; inspectors should resume Han practice—promulgating edicts abroad and reporting at the capital. Grand administrators should govern the people while inspectors remain stern overseers above—this is the lasting order. Regional shepherds should therefore be abolished." Emperor Wu of Jin saw the danger but did not finish the reform; successors made regional shepherds and garrisons heavier until partition overturned the realm. Once the royal domain spanned barely a thousand li, yet a province might govern vastly more. In ages of fierce rivalry and dynastic collapse, men always leaned on frontier armies and provincial commissioners to press weaknesses and seize the young. At worst, lord and minister took up arms, kin slaughtered kin, brothers were displayed on poles, and uncles were torn apart. The branch grew strong enough to split the trunk and the tail too heavy to wag—so the disease began and so it ended. Reversals piled on reversals until none changed course—Luoyang knew the agony of surrender and the Qin terrace fell undefended. Hu, Qiang, Di, and Xianbei rose in turn, grinding down the people and spreading calamity for generations. Hard ice forms by degrees—and this rot had long been gathering. Alas! Later sage kings will not long follow this path; enduring fortune should end in providential correction. Otherwise defiance born of strength will breed greater fear, and plots to harm by force will grow still worse.
8
凡州所监都为京都,置尹一人,二千石,丞一人,每郡置太守一人,二千石,丞一人。 郡当边戍者,丞为长史。 王国之相亦如之。 每属国置都尉一人,比二千石,丞一人。 本注曰:凡郡國皆掌治民,進賢勸功,決訟檢奸。 常以春行所主縣,勸民農桑,振救乏絶。 秋冬遣無害吏案訊諸囚,平其罪法,論課殿最。 案律有無害都吏,如今言公平吏。 漢書音義曰:「文無所枉害。」 蕭何以文無害爲沛主吏掾。 岁尽遣吏上计。 并举孝廉,郡口二十万举一人。 尉一人,典兵禁,备盗贼,景帝更名都尉。 武帝又置三辅都尉各一人,讥出入。 边郡置农都尉,主屯田殖谷。 又置属国都尉,主蛮夷降者。 中兴建武六年,省诸郡都尉,并职太守,无都试之役。 省关都尉,唯边郡往往置都尉及属国都尉,稍有分县,治民比郡。 安帝以羌犯法,三辅有陵园之守,乃复置右扶风都尉,京兆虎牙都尉。 應劭漢官曰:「蓋天生五材,民並用之,廢一不可,誰能去兵? 兵之設尙矣。 易稱『絃木爲弧,剡木爲矢,弧矢之利,以威天下。』 春秋『三時務農,一時講武』。 詩美公劉『匪居匪康,入耕出戰,乃裹餱糧,干戈載 (錫) 〔揚〕,四方莫當』。 自郡國罷材官騎士之後,官無警備,實啓寇心。 一方有難,三面救之,發興雷震,煙蒸電激,一切取辨,黔首囂然。 不及講其射御,用其戒誓,一旦驅之以卽強敵,猶鳩鵲捕鷹鸇,豚羊弋豺虎,是以毎戰常負,王旅不振。 張角懷挾妖偽,遐邇搖蕩,八州幷發,煙炎絳天,牧守梟裂,流血成川。 爾乃遠徴三邊殊俗之兵,非我族類,忿鷙縱橫,多殭良善,以爲己功,財貨糞土。 哀夫民氓遷流之咎,見出在茲,不教而戰,是謂棄之,跡其禍敗,豈虚也哉! 春秋家不藏甲,所以一國威抑私力也。 今雖四海殘壤,王命未洽,可折衝壓難,若指於掌,故置右扶風。」 皆置诸曹掾史。 新論曰:「王莽時置西海郡,令其吏皆百石親事。」 一曰爲四百石,二歳而遷補。 本注曰:诸曹略如公府曹,无东西曹。 有功曹史,主选署功劳。 有五官掾,署功曹及诸曹事。 其监属县,有五部督邮,曹掾一人。 正门有亭长一人。 主记室史,主录记书,催期会。 无令史。 阁下及诸曹各有书佐,干主文书。
Where a province’s seat of supervision was the capital region, a single metropolitan intendant at two thousand piculs and one deputy were appointed; elsewhere each commandery had one grand administrator at two thousand piculs and one assistant. On border commanderies charged with defense, the assistant was redesignated chief clerk. Chancellors of princely kingdoms followed the same rule. Each dependent state placed one chief commandant at the “comparable to two thousand piculs” grade, plus a single assistant. Commentary: Commanderies and kingdoms were responsible for governing the populace, recommending talent, encouraging good service, adjudicating litigation, and suppressing crime. Each spring they made a circuit of subordinate counties to promote agriculture and silk production and to aid the destitute. In autumn and winter they dispatched incorruptible subordinates to review prisoners, align sentences with the code, and grade performance. The statutes mention incorrupt capital clerks—the same sort later called fair-minded officers. The Sounds and Meanings of the History of Han glosses the phrase as "in documents nothing was twisted or wronged." Xiao He won appointment as chief clerk of Pei on the strength of his incorrupt record-keeping. At the close of the year clerks carried the annual accounts to their superiors. They nominated candidates for the filial-and-incorrupt quota at the rate of one man per two hundred thousand registered persons. A commandant oversaw military readiness and police functions; Emperor Jing renamed the post commandant of the commandery. Emperor Wu further assigned one commandant to each of the three capital adjuncts to control traffic in and out of those regions. Frontier commanderies appointed agricultural commandants to manage military colonies and grain production. Chief commandants of dependent states were added to administer surrendered non-Chinese peoples. After the restoration, in Jianwu 6, commandery-level commandants were eliminated and their powers folded into the grand administrator’s office, ending the empire-wide autumn drills. Interior pass commandants were dropped; frontier areas often kept commandants and dependent-state commandants, sometimes with split counties whose magistrates ruled populations comparable to a full commandery. When the Qiang revolted and the three adjuncts had to secure the imperial mausolea, Emperor An restored the Right Fufeng commandant and the Jingzhao “tiger-teeth” commandant. Ying Shao's Han Offices argues: "Heaven gave the five materials for common use; none can be discarded—who can abolish the military? The institution of arms is very old. The Book of Changes says, "Bend wood into a bow and carve wood into arrows; bow and arrow awe the realm." The Spring and Autumn tradition holds, "Three seasons for agriculture, one for martial training." The Odes praise Duke Liu: "Not idle, not at ease—farming in peace and fighting in war, packing dry rations, bearing arms (Xi) [raised aloft], and none in the four quarters could stand against him." Once commanderies disbanded materiel officers and cavalry, local governments lost their guard and truly invited raiders. When trouble struck one sector, three others scrambled to help; mobilization crashed like thunder while everything was improvised on the spot and the common people fell into uproar. Without time to drill archery and chariotry or renew battle oaths, hurling raw levies against hardened foes was like sending doves after hawks or pigs against tigers—battle after battle was lost and imperial forces could not recover. Zhang Jiao spread demonic fraud; the realm shook; eight provinces rose together; smoke reddened the sky; governors were slaughtered and blood ran like rivers. Then distant frontier levies of alien custom—not our own people—were summoned; brutal and unchecked, they pressed good folk into service for private credit and treated wealth like refuse. Alas—the roots of mass displacement lie here; sending untrained men to battle is abandonment; trace the ruin and the lesson is no empty warning! The Spring and Autumn rule that households keep no armor unifies state authority and curbs private violence. Though the realm lies in ruins and royal authority is not yet secure, defense can still be managed at hand—hence the restoration of Right Fufeng commandant." Each administration staffed the usual bureaus with clerks and secretaries. The New Discourses says: "When Wang Mang created Xihai commandery, every clerk there served in person at the one-hundred-picul grade." Another account makes the grade four hundred piculs, with rotation and replacement every two years. Commentary: The bureau system paralleled the central ministries, minus the eastern and western personnel offices. A merit-clerk secretary handled selections and service records. A steward of the five bureaus oversaw the merit office and the remaining bureaus. Five route inspectors watched the dependent counties, each supported by a bureau clerk. The main gate was guarded by a single ward head. The master of records maintained correspondence and enforced meeting schedules. The post of order-clerk was omitted. Under the gate and in every bureau document assistants handled the written work.
9
漢官曰:「河南尹員吏九百二十七人,十二人百石。 諸縣有秩三十五人,官屬掾史五人,四部督郵〔吏〕部掾二十六人,案獄仁恕三人,監津渠漕水掾二十五人,百石卒吏二百五十人,文學守助掾六十人,書佐五十人,〔脩〕行二百三十人,幹小史二百三十一人。」
Han Offices lists: "The Intendant of Henan with nine hundred twenty-seven clerks, twelve at one hundred piculs. Thirty-five county ranked officers; five bureau clerks; twenty-six route-inspector section clerks; three humane case reviewers; twenty-five canal clerks; two hundred fifty runner clerks; sixty literary aides; fifty document assistants; two hundred thirty runners; and two hundred thirty-one document runners."
10
属官,每县、邑、道,大者置令一人,千石:其次置长,四百石; 小者置长,三百石; 侯国之相,秩次亦如之。 應劭漢官曰:「前書百官表云,萬戸以上爲令,萬戸以下爲長。 三邊始孝武皇帝所開,縣戸數百而或爲令。 荊揚江南七郡,唯有臨湘、南昌、呉三令爾。 及南陽穰中,土沃民稠,四五萬戸而爲長。 桓帝時,以〔汝〕南陽安爲女公主邑,改號爲令,主薨復復其故。 若此爲繫其本。 俗説令長以水土爲之,及秩髙下,皆無明文。 班固通儒,述一代之書,斯近其眞。」 本注曰:皆掌治民,显善劝义,禁奸罚恶,理讼平贼,恤民时务,秋冬集课,上计于所属郡国。
Below them, each county, noble town, or barbarian circuit of the first rank had a magistrate at one thousand piculs; middle-sized units had a chief at four hundred piculs; chancellors of marquisates were paid on the same stepped scale. Ying Shao's Han Offices cites the Former Book: "Ten thousand households or more made a magistrate; fewer made a chief. On the three frontiers opened by Emperor Wu, counties of only a few hundred households might still rate a magistrate. Of the seven Jiangnan commanderies in Jing and Yang, only Linxiang, Nanchang, and Wu had magistrates. At Xiang in Nanyang, fertile and crowded with forty or fifty thousand households, the post remained only a chief. Under Emperor Huan, Nanyang An became a princess's fief and was promoted to magistrate; after her death the old title returned. Such cases follow the underlying rule. Folk explanation ties magistrate and chief grades to local conditions, with no fixed written rule for rank. Ban Gu, master of the tradition, described an entire dynasty—this is closest to the truth." Commentary: These officials governed the people, honored virtue, curbed vice, heard cases, kept the peace, timed corvée and taxes to the seasons, held autumn and winter reviews, and forwarded accounts to the parent commandery or kingdom.
11
胡廣曰:「秋冬歳盡,各計縣戸口墾田,錢穀入出,盜賊多少,上其集簿。 丞尉以下,歳詣郡,課校其功。 功多尤爲最者,於廷尉勞勉之,以勸其後。 負多尤爲殿者,於後曹別責,以糾怠慢也。 諸對辭窮尤困,收主者,掾史關白太守,使取法。 丞尉縛責,以明下轉相督敕,爲民除害也。 明帝詔書不得僇辱黃綬,以別小人吏也。」
Hu Guang explains: "At autumn and winter year's end each county reported households, reclaimed land, revenue, and banditry in summary registers. Assistants and commandants went up yearly for performance review. Top performers were commended by the minister of justice to encourage the rest. Worst performers were reprimanded in the rear bureau to correct slackness. When suspects were cornered in interrogation, responsible parties were seized and clerks reported to the grand administrator for legal action. Assistants and commandants bound and punished offenders, showing how each level supervised the next to protect the people. Emperor Ming forbade humiliating yellow-ribbon officers to separate petty clerks from higher ranks."
12
凡县主蛮夷曰道。 公主所食汤沐曰邑。 县万户以上为令,不满为长。 侯国为相。 皆秦制也。 丞各一人。 尉大县二人,小县一人。 本注曰:丞署文書。 典知倉獄。 尉主盗贼。 凡有賊發,主名不立,則推索行尋,案察奸宄,以起端緒。 應劭漢官曰:「大縣丞左右尉,所謂命卿三人。 小縣一尉一丞,命卿二人。」 各署诸曹掾史。 本注曰:诸曹略如郡员,五官为廷掾,监乡五部,春夏为劝农掾,秋冬为制度掾。
Counties whose population was chiefly non-Chinese were termed circuits. Revenue manors bestowed on princesses were called noble towns. Units with ten thousand households or more rated a magistrate; smaller ones had a chief. Marquisates were administered by chancellors. These arrangements descended from Qin practice. Each county-level unit had one assistant magistrate. Populous counties fielded two police commandants; smaller ones had one. Commentary: The assistant supervised paperwork. He oversaw granaries and jails. The commandant handled theft and robbery. When a crime lacked a named perpetrator, he followed clues, rooted out accomplices, and opened the investigation. Ying Shao's Han Offices says: "A large county had an assistant and left and right commandants—the three so-called life-peers. A small county had one commandant and one assistant—two life-peers." Each county likewise staffed bureau clerks and secretaries. Commentary: County bureaus echoed commandery models; the steward of the five bureaus doubled as court clerk over five rural circuits, shifting in warm months to agricultural promotion and in cold months to legal compliance.
13
漢官曰:「雒陽令秩千石,丞三人四百石,孝廉左尉四百石,孝廉右尉四百石。 員吏七百九十六人,十三人四百石。 鄕有秩、獄史五十六人,佐史、鄕佐七十七人,斗食、令史、嗇夫、假五十人,官掾史、幹小史二百五十人,書佐九十人,〔脩〕行二百六十人。」
Han Offices lists: "The Luoyang magistrate at one thousand piculs, three assistants at four hundred, and filial-and-incorrupt left and right commandants at four hundred each. The staff totaled seven hundred ninety-six clerks, thirteen at four hundred piculs. Fifty-six township ranked officers and prison clerks; seventy-seven assistant clerks and township aides; fifty dou-food, order-clerks, requisition officers, and acting clerks; two hundred fifty bureau clerks and document runners; ninety document assistants; and two hundred sixty runners."
14
乡置有秩、三老、游徼。
Each township appointed a salaried headman, three moral elders, and roving patrol officers.
15
本注曰:有秩,郡所署,秩百石,漢官曰:「鄕戸五千,則置有秩。」 掌一鄕人; 風俗通曰:「秩則田閒大夫,言其官裁有秩耳。」 其鄕小者,縣置嗇夫一人風俗通曰:「嗇者,省也。 夫,賦也。 言消息百姓,均其役賦。」
Commentary: The ranked officer was a commandery appointment at one hundred piculs. Han Offices adds: "Townships of five thousand households received a ranked officer." He governed the people of one township; The Comprehensive Meaning of Customs explains: "Ranked officer means a field-side grandee—an office of measured authority." Smaller townships got one county requisition officer. The Comprehensive Meaning of Customs says: "Se means to examine. Fu means levy. The title means to keep the people informed and balance corvée and levies."
16
皆主知民善恶,为役先后,知民贫富,为赋多少,平其差品。 三老掌教化。 凡有孝子顺孙,贞女义妇,让财救患,及学士为民法式者,皆扁表其门,以兴善行。 遊徼掌徼循,禁司奸盜。 又有鄕佐,屬鄕,主民收賦稅風俗通曰:「國家制度,大率十里一鄕。」
They were to know who was virtuous or vicious, who should serve corvée first or last, who was rich or poor, how much tax each owed, and to keep assessments fair. The three elders led moral education. Filial children, chaste widows, donors, rescuers, and scholars who set an example had commendatory plaques hung on their gates to inspire the community. Patrol officers patrolled the countryside and suppressed spies, thieves, and robbers. There were also township assistants under each township who collected taxes and levies. The Comprehensive Meaning of Customs says: "By state rule, roughly every ten li made one township."
17
亭有亭长,以禁盗贼。 本注曰:亭长,主求捕盗贼,承望都尉。
Every roadside ward had a ward head whose duty was to suppress banditry. Commentary: Ward heads tracked down thieves and reported to the county commandant.
18
里有里魁,民有什伍,善恶以告。 本注曰:里魁掌一里百家。 什主十家,伍主五家,以相检察。 民有善事恶事,以告监官。
Each hamlet had a chief; households were grouped in tens and fives so that conduct could be reported upward. Commentary: A hamlet chief oversaw roughly one hundred households. Leaders of ten and five households watched one another in a mutual-surveillance grid. Good or bad behavior was relayed to the supervising magistrate.
19
边县有障塞尉。 本注曰:掌禁备羌夷犯塞。 太公陰符曰:「武王問太公:『願聞治亂之要。』 太公曰:『其本在吏。』 武王曰:『吏者治也,所以爲治,其亂者何?』 太公曰:『故吏重罪有十。』 武王問『吏之重罪。』 太公曰; 『一、吏苛刻; 二、吏不平; 三、吏貪汚; 四、吏以威力迫脅於民; 五、吏與史合姦; 六、吏與人亡情; 七、吏作盜賊,使人爲耳目; 八、吏賤買賣貴於民; 九、吏增易於民; 十、吏振懼於民。 夫治者有三罪,則國亂而民愁; 盡有之,則民流亡而君失其國。』 武王曰:『民亦有罪乎?』 太公曰:『民有十大於此,除者則國治而民安。』 武王曰:『十大何如?』 太公曰:『民勝吏,厚大臣,一大也。 民宗強,侵陵群下,二大也。 民甚富,傾國家,三大也。 民尊親其君,天下歸慕,四大也。 衆暴寡,五大也。 民有百里之譽,千里之交,六大也。 民以吏威爲權,七大也。 恩行於吏,八大也。 民服信,以少爲多,奪人田宅,贅人妻於,九大也。 民之基業畜産爲人所苦,十大也。 所謂一家害一里,一里害諸侯,諸侯害天下。』 武王曰:『絶吏之罪,塞民之大,奈何?』 太公曰:『察民之暴吏,明其賞,審其誅,則吏不敢犯罪,民不敢大也。』 武王曰:『是民吏相伺,上下不和而結其讎。』 太公曰:『爲君守成,爲吏守職,爲民守事。 如此,各居其道則國治,國治則都治,都治則里治,里治則家治,家治則善惡分明,善惡分明則國無事,國無事則吏民外不懷怨,内不徼事。』」 其郡有盐官、铁官、工官、都水官者,随事广狭置令、长及丞,秩次皆如县、道,无分士,给均本吏。 本注曰:凡郡县出盐多者置盐官,主盐税。 出鐵多者置鐵官,主鼓鑄。 胡廣曰:「鹽官掊坑而得鹽,或有鑿井煮海水而以得之者。 鑄銅爲器械,當鑄冶之時,扇熾其火,謂之鼓鑄。」 有工多者置工官,主工税物。 有水池及鱼利多者置水官,主平水收渔税。 在所诸县均差吏更给之。 置吏随事,不具县员。
Frontier counties posted commandants for barriers and passes. Commentary: They guarded against Qiang and Yi incursions through the frontier defenses. Taigong's Secret Tallies records: "King Wu asked Taigong: 'I wish to hear the essentials of order and disorder.'" Taigong said: 'Its root lies in officials.' King Wu said: 'Official means governance; they bring order—what brings disorder?' Taigong said: 'Therefore officials have ten heavy crimes.' King Wu asked about 'the officials' heavy crimes.' Taigong said; 'First, officials are harsh and severe; second, officials are unfair; third, officials are greedy and corrupt; fourth, officials use power to coerce the people; fifth, officials conspire with clerks; sixth, officials are heartless toward people; seventh, officials act as bandits and use men as spies; eighth, officials buy cheap and sell dear to the people; ninth, officials falsify accounts against the people; tenth, officials terrify the people. When rulers commit three crimes, the state is disordered and the people grieved; when they have all of them, the people flee and the ruler loses his state.' King Wu said: 'Do the people also have crimes?' Taigong said: 'The people have ten greater than these; remove them and the state is governed and the people secure.' King Wu said: 'What are the ten great ones?' Taigong said: 'The people overcome officials and enrich great ministers—the first great crime. The people honor the strong and encroach upon subordinates—the second. The people grow very rich and overturn the state—the third. The people honor their lord and all under Heaven turns in admiration—the fourth. The many oppress the few—the fifth. The people win fame for a hundred li and alliances for a thousand li—the sixth. The people treat officials' authority as power—the seventh. Favor flows through officials—the eighth. The people are compliant, inflate numbers, seize fields and dwellings, and take others' wives—the ninth. The people's foundations, estates, and livestock are harmed by others—the tenth. This is what is called one household harming one ward, one ward harming feudal lords, feudal lords harming all under Heaven.' King Wu said: 'How can one cut off officials' crimes and block the people's great crimes?' Taigong said: 'Investigate violent officials, clarify rewards, examine punishments, and officials will not dare crime nor the people their great crimes.' King Wu said: 'Then people and officials spy on each other, above and below fall out, and grudges form.' Taigong said: 'Let the ruler guard accomplishment, officials guard their duties, and the people guard their tasks. Thus each keeps to his path: the state is governed, then the metropolis, ward, and household; good and evil are distinguished, the state has no affairs, and officials and people harbor no outward resentment or inward scheming.'" Commanderies rich in salt, iron, crafts, or waterworks set magistrates, chiefs, and assistants scaled to the workload, paid like county officials, without an independent territory, drawing clerks from the standard pool. Commentary: Salty regions established salt bureaus to levy salt duties. Iron-rich areas placed iron bureaus to oversee smelting and minting. Hu Guang says: "Salt offices dug pits for salt, or bored wells and boiled seawater to obtain it. Casting copper implements, they fanned and stoked the forge fire—called drum-casting." Industrial centers added craft bureaus to tax manufactures. Where ponds and fisheries flourished, water bureaus regulated irrigation works and fishing levies. Clerk labor was rotated among nearby counties to staff these offices. Such posts were ad hoc and did not count toward the county’s authorized headcount.
20
使匈奴中郎将一人,比二千石。 本注曰:主护南单于。 置从事二人,有事随事增之,掾随事为员。 护羌、乌桓校尉所置亦然。
A single Herald to the Xiongnu held rank comparable to two thousand piculs. Commentary: He guarded the interests of the Southern Shanyu’s court. Two staff attendants were standard; extra aides and clerks were added when duties required. The Protectors of the Qiang and Wuhuan were organized on the same pattern.
21
护乌桓校尉一人,比二千石。 本注曰:主乌桓胡。
One Protector of the Wuhuan held rank comparable to two thousand piculs. Commentary: He supervised the Wuhuan tribes on the northern frontier.
22
护羌校尉一人,比二千石。 本注曰:主西羌。
One Protector of the Qiang held rank comparable to two thousand piculs. Commentary: His brief covered the western Qiang peoples.
23
皇子封王,其郡为国,每置傅一人,相一人,皆二千石。 本注曰:傅主导王以善,礼如师,不臣也。 相如太守。 其长史,如郡丞。
Imperial princes received kingdoms built on commanderies, each staffed with a tutor and a chancellor at two thousand piculs. Commentary: The tutor instructed the prince in virtue with the deference due a teacher rather than a minister. The kingdom chancellor corresponded to a commandery grand administrator. The kingdom chief clerk matched a commandery assistant magistrate.
24
汉初立诸王,因项羽所立诸王之制,地既广大,且至千里。 又其官职,傅为太傅,相为丞相,又有御史大夫及诸卿,皆秩二千石,百官皆如朝廷。 国家唯为置丞相,其御史大夫以下皆自置之。 至景帝时,吴、楚七国恃其国大,遂以作乱,几危汉室。 及其诛灭,景帝惩之,遂令诸王不得治民,令内史主治民,改丞相曰相,省御史大夫、廷尉、少府、宗正、博士官。
Early Han princes inherited Xiang Yu’s sprawling kingdoms, some stretching a thousand li across. Their governments copied the capital: grand tutor, chancellor of state, censor-in-chief, and ministers at two thousand piculs—a full court in miniature. The central government named only the chancellor; princes chose their own censor-in-chief and subordinates. Under Emperor Jing the great kingdoms of Wu and Chu rose in revolt and nearly toppled the dynasty. After their defeat Emperor Jing stripped princes of civil authority, transferred rule to imperial clerks, downgraded the chief minister to “chancellor,” and eliminated replica ministries such as justice, finance, clan affairs, and the academy.
25
武帝改漢内史、中尉、郎中令之名,前書曰:「改漢内史爲京兆尹,中尉爲執金吾,郎中令爲光祿勳。」 而王國如故,員職皆朝廷爲署,不得自置。 至成帝省内史治民,更令相治民,漢舊儀曰:「大司空何武奏罷内史,相如太守,中尉如都尉,參職。 是後中尉爭權,與王相奏,常不和也。」 太傅但曰傅。 臣昭曰:觀夫髙祖之創業也,豈直鴻勳碩德,大庇群生,蕩其毒虐,厝之和泰而已哉! 至於謀深慮久,封建子弟,蕃維盤固,規謀弘遠。 及於三趙不終,燕靈夭絶,齊、代、淮、楚皆爲外重,故宋昌曰「外畏齊、楚、淮南」,斯非效與? 事過則獘,孰或通之? 全國之難,誠固財物之富,作衞之益,亦旣得之於前矣,故賜以幾杖,用息姦謀。 嗣隕局下,怨生有以,逮連師構亂,兵交梁闕,禦侮摧寇,肇自密戚。 景帝遂削蕃國之權,刻骨肉之援,封爲君而不聽治其民,置爲主而稍賤其臣,矯枉過甚,遂臻於此。 呂、霍之危朝,后族愈貴於來寵,呉、楚之叛奔,侯王恆藉以受誚,故賈誼欲衆建以少其力,列虚以侯其生,此乃達觀深識,監於親陪之要者也。 冢嗣必傳萬裏之地,分支欲使動搖不得,於經維遠筭,且已礙矣。 復哀平之際,劉氏遍於四海,宗正著録,遂以萬數。 及乎後漢,彌循前跡,光武十子,並列畿外近郡,孝明八國,不能開庇遠民。 國近則不可以大,不大則不足爲強,此所以本枝之援,終以少固。 若使漢分兩越置二三親國,剖呉、楚樹數四列蕃,割遼海而分皇枝,開隴蜀而王子弟,使主尊顯,依漢初之貴,民無定限,許滋養之富; 若有昏虐之嗣,可得廢而不得削,必傳劉氏。 民信所奉,發其侵伐兼幷之釁,峻其他族篡殺之科,制其入貢輕重之法,疎其來朝往復之數。 君君臣臣,永許百世之期,一國之民,長無遷動之志,四方得志,聽離官列封,懷賢抱智,隨所適樂土。 強弱相侔,遠近相摧,舉其大歸,略其小滯,與其畫一,班之海内。 天子之朝,自非異姓僭奪,不得興勤王之師。 諸蕃國,自非雜互篡主,不降討伐之詔。 犬牙相經,共爲嚴國,雖王莽善盜,將何因而敢竊,曹操雄勇,亦安能以得士。 斯無俟極聖然克行,明賢粗識亦足立。 故父子首足也,昆弟四支也,當使筋骨髓血,動靜足以相勝,長短大小,幹用足以相衞。 豈有割脛致腹,取骨肉以增頭,剗背露骨,剝膏腴以裨頷,而謂顱顙魁岸,可得比壽松、晉,喉咽擁腫,必能長生久視哉? 漢氏得之微,猶能四百載,魏人失之甚,不滿數十年。 爰自晉世,矯枉太過,入列皇朝,非簡賢之授,唯親是貴,無愚智之辨。 不能勝衣冠,早據公相之尊,童蒙幼子,遄登槐嶽之位。 職應論道,而未離保母之養,續侯賦政,而服二三尺衣。 英賢大度,稟彼昏稚,髙才碩儒,恭承藐識。 公餗覆而不憂,美錦碎而愈截。 兼授若流,迴遷競路,才駑任重,功尠釁多。 曉比名於公旦,夕同罪於盜跖,褒稱無位,可以充德,貶退刑轘,不足以塞咎。 〔威〕力強濟,聲實隆重,嫌猜畏逼,身受其獘。 覆滅分體,若梟仇寇,〔齏〕粉同氣,有過他逆。 忠貞之士,橫羅其凶,志節之人,狼狽其禍。 閼伯、實沈,繼踵史筆,顯思顯甫,比有國書。 趙倫以〔憃〕愚排天,齊攸以賢明謝世,枉鬱殄夷,冤孫就盡,不可勝載矣。 豈周、漢之君多孝悌之性,晉、宋之主稟豺狼之情,蓋事勢使之然也。 朝行斯術,夕窮崩亂,未能革悛,來事愈甚。 蒼生爲此將盡矣,四海爲此構蹙矣! 聖帝英君,欲反斯敗,必當更開同姓之國,置不增之約,罷皇胤入宮之禍,守盟牲礪河之篤,乃可還嶮墜之路,反乎全安之轍也。
Emperor Wu renamed the kingdom interior clerk, capital commandant, and chamberlain for the guard. The Former Book records: "The Han interior clerk became metropolitan intendant of Jingzhao, the capital commandant became commander of the metropolitan guard, and the chamberlain for the palace guard became superintendent of the imperial clan." Yet kingdom appointments for every office now came from the center, not the prince. Emperor Cheng abolished the kingdom interior clerk and transferred civil government to the chancellor. Han Old Observances records: "Grand Minister of Works He Wu memorialized to abolish the interior clerk; the chancellor was like a grand administrator and the capital commandant like a commandery commandant, sharing duties. Thereafter the capital commandant and the king's chancellor struggled for power and constantly accused one another." The grand tutor was shortened to "tutor." Chen Zhao writes: Was Gaozu's founding only a matter of great merit, sheltering the people, and restoring peace? His deep planning enfeoffed sons and younger brothers to make the defensive screen firm—a design vast and far-reaching. When the three Zhao lines failed, Yan and Ling died young, and Qi, Dai, Huai, and Chu became powerful external domains, Song Chang said "outwardly fearing Qi, Chu, and Huainan"—was that not proof? When affairs pass their limit, decay follows—who does not see it? Preserving a whole state required wealth and guards; hence canes and staffs were granted to quiet treacherous designs. When heirs fell and resentment grew, allied armies clashed at the palace gates—defense and rebellion alike began among close kin. Emperor Jing then stripped frontier kingdoms of power, cut flesh-and-blood support, made princes lords without civil rule and masters with debased ministers—overcorrecting until this result. The Lü and Huo crises, favored empress clans, and Wu-Chu rebellion brought constant reproach on princes; Jia Yi therefore wished to multiply fiefs to diminish their strength—a penetrating insight into kin politics. The heir must inherit vast lands while collateral lines were kept from stirring—already an obstacle to long-range planning. By the Ai and Ping reigns the Liu clan spread across the realm and the imperial clan register counted them by the tens of thousands. Later Han followed the same path: Guangwu's ten sons held near domains outside the capital, and Ming's eight kingdoms could not shelter distant peoples. Near domains could not be large, and without size they could not be strong—so root-and-branch support remained slight. If Han had divided the two Yue regions into close kin kingdoms, carved Wu and Chu into several frontier screens, split Liaohai and Long-Shu among royal branches, and allowed lords the early Han honor and unlimited people to nourish wealth; if brutal heirs appeared they could be deposed but not reduced, and the Liu line would endure; the people would trust their lords; signs of aggression would be exposed; usurpation by other clans would be severely punished; tribute and court visits would be regulated; lord and minister would covenant for a hundred generations; a state's people would not migrate; the talented would go where they pleased; strong and weak would balance, far and near would check one another; taking the great principle and distributing it within the seas; the court would raise no rescue army unless another surname usurped the throne; frontier kingdoms would receive no punitive decree unless lords usurped one another; interlocking like dogs' teeth into a stern realm—even Wang Mang could not steal the throne, nor Cao Cao win men by force. This need not wait for the utmost sage; a clear worthy with rough understanding could establish it. Father and son are head and foot; brothers are the four limbs; sinew, bone, marrow, and blood should balance movement and stillness and guard one another. Who cuts the shank to enlarge the belly, strips the back to pad the jaw, and then claims a lofty brow like the pine of longevity or a swollen throat that assures long life? Han gained it slightly and endured four hundred years; Wei lost it greatly and did not last decades. From Jin onward overcorrection made imperial rank honor kin alone, with no distinction between foolish and wise. Unable to surpass ordinary officials, infant children swiftly occupied excellencies and chancellorships. They should discourse on the Way yet had not left the nurse's care; they governed yet still wore child's clothing. Heroic worthies received instruction from the childish; great scholars respectfully served slight understanding. The public cauldron was overturned without worry; fine brocade was shattered and cut still more. Concurrent appointments flowed endlessly; talent was dull yet burdens heavy; achievement slight yet faults many. Praised in the morning as the Duke of Zhou and condemned by evening as Robber Zhi; praise without rank could not fill virtue, nor execution cover fault. Power was forcibly propped up; reputation was weighty; suspicion pressed hard; they personally suffered ruin. Overthrow split the body like displaying a foe; pulverizing kin exceeded other rebellions. Loyal men were swept into calamity; men of resolve were battered by disaster. Quebo and Shichen followed in the historians' brush; Xian Si and Xian Fu appeared in state documents. Zhao Lun with foolish stupidity overturned Heaven; Qi You with worthy clarity departed the world; wrongful oppression destroyed innocent descendants beyond counting. Were Zhou and Han rulers more filial while Jin and Song lords were wolfish? Circumstance made it so. Practicing this in the morning, by evening came collapse; unable to reform, later affairs grew worse. The living masses will nearly be exhausted; the four seas are wrung with distress! Sage rulers wishing to reverse this failure must reopen same-surname kingdoms, covenant not to enlarge them, end the disaster of imperial descendants in the palace, and keep solemn covenants—only then can they return to complete security.
26
中尉一人,比二千石。 本注曰:职如郡都尉,主盗贼。 東觀書曰:「其紹封削絀者,中尉、内史官屬亦以率減。」 郎中令一人,僕一人,皆千石。 本注曰:郎中令掌王大夫、郎中宿衞,官如光祿勛。 自省少府,职皆并焉。 仆主车及驭,如太仆。 本曰太仆,比二千石,武帝改,但曰仆,又皆减其秩。 治书,比六百石。 本注曰:治书本尚书更名。 大夫,比六百石。 本注曰:无员。 掌奉王使至京都,奉璧贺正月,及使诸国。 本皆持节,后去节。 谒者,比四百石。 本注曰:掌冠长冠。 本員十六人,後減。 礼乐长。 本注曰:主乐人。 卫士长。 本注曰:主卫士。 医工长。 本注曰:主医药。 永巷长。 本注曰:宦者,主宫中婢使。 祠祀长。 本注曰:主祠祀。 皆比四百石。 自禮樂長至此,皆四百石。 郎中,二百石。 本注曰:无员。
Each kingdom appointed one capital commandant at rank comparable to two thousand piculs. Commentary: His portfolio matched a commandery commandant’s, with chief responsibility for theft and robbery. The Eastern Lodge Documents note: "When a continued enfeoffment was cut back, the commandant and inner secretary staffs were reduced in proportion." One director of attendants and one steward, each at the one-thousand-picul grade. Commentary: The director of attendants supervised the king's grandees and palace guards on night duty, ranking like the court's director of the retinue. From the privy treasurer on down, those duties were folded into his office. The steward managed carriages and teams, paralleling the grand coachman at court. The post had been the grand coachman at “comparable to two thousand piculs”; Emperor Wu shortened the title to steward and cut the salary grades across the board. Kingdom document clerks held rank comparable to six hundred piculs. Commentary: They were the old “masters of writing” staff of the imperial secretary, retitled for service in a princely household. Household grandees ranked at six hundred piculs. Commentary: There was no statutory headcount. They carried the prince’s embassies to the capital, presented the congratulatory jade token at New Year audiences, and traveled on mission to other kingdoms. At first they carried credentialed staffs; later that emblem was dropped. Ushers were graded at four hundred piculs. Commentary: They guarded the ritual regalia—the capping cap and the long court headdress—used when the king received investiture or held court. The corps once numbered sixteen; later it was trimmed. A director of ritual and music headed the princely orchestra and ceremonies. Commentary: He supervised the household musicians. A captain of the guardsmen commanded the standing watch. Commentary: He led the palace guard contingent. A chief physician oversaw the medical staff. Commentary: He managed drugs and treatment for the household. A warden of the “everlasting lane” policed the inner quarters’ corridors. Commentary: The post was held by a eunuch who directed maidservants in the harem wing. A director of sacrifices arranged the princely ancestral rites. Commentary: He handled offerings at the princely shrines. These specialist heads all drew pay comparable to four hundred piculs. From the Director of Rites and Music to this office, all were at four hundred shi. Gentlemen of the household guard stood at two hundred piculs. Commentary: There was no statutory headcount.
27
卫公、宋公。 本注曰:建武二年,封周后姬常为周承休公; 五年,封殷后孔安为殷绍嘉公。 十三年,改常为卫公,安为宋公,以为汉宾,在三公上。
The chapter next treats the Dukes of Wei and Song, fiefs honoring the ancient dynastic lines. Commentary: In Jianwu 2 the emperor enfeoffed Ji Chang, heir of the Zhou royal house, as duke charged with continuing Zhou’s blessing; in Jianwu 5 he enfeoffed Kong An, scion of the Yin (Shang) line, as duke tasked with linking Yin’s residual glory to the Han. In Jianwu 13 Ji Chang became Duke of Wei and Kong An Duke of Song, honored as ritual “guests” of the Han and seated above the three excellencies.
28
五經通義:「二王之後不考功,有誅無絶。」 鄭玄曰:「王者存二代而封及五,郊天用天子禮以祭其始祖,行其正朔,此謂通三統也。 三恪者,敬其先聖,封其後而已,無殊異者也。」
The Comprehensive Meaning of the Five Classics holds: "Descendants of the two former dynasties are not graded for merit—they may be punished but never cut off." Zheng Xuan explains: "The king preserves two former dynasties and enfeoffs as many as five; he sacrifices to Heaven with royal rites for their founding ancestors and keeps their calendars—this is penetrating the three successions. The three reverent lines simply honor former sages and enfeoff their heirs—nothing more distinctive than that."
29
列侯,所食县为侯国。 本注曰:承秦爵二十等,为彻侯,金印紫绶,以赏有功。 功大者食县,小者食乡、亭,得臣其所食吏民。 后避武帝讳,为列侯。 武帝元朔二年,令诸王得推恩分众子土,国家为封,亦为列侯。 旧列侯奉朝请在长安者,位次三公。 中興以來,唯以功德賜位特進者,次車騎將軍; 胡廣漢制度曰:「功德優盛,朝廷所敬異者,賜特進,在三公下,不在車騎下。」 赐位朝侯,次五校尉; 赐位侍祠侯,次大夫。 其餘以[BD4A]附及公主子孫奉墳墓於京都者,亦隨時見會,位在博士、議郎下。
A full marquis took his stipendiary county as his marquisate. Commentary: The rank continued the Qin twentieth grade—the complete marquis—with gold seal and purple cord, as the highest reward for service. The greatest meritorious lords drew an entire county; lesser ones drew only a township or a ward, and might treat the households within that endowment as personal dependents. Later the title was softened to “full marquis” to avoid the taboo on Emperor Wu’s personal name (from “complete” marquis). In the second year of Yuanshuo, Emperor Wu allowed kings to "extend favor" by subdividing domains for younger sons; the court packaged those parcels as full marquisates. Earlier, full marquises who maintained residences in Chang’an and answered periodic court summons stood immediately beneath the three excellencies in order of precedence. Hu Guang's Han Institutions explains: "Peers of exceptional merit whom the court singles out receive specially advanced rank—below the three excellencies but not beneath the general of chariots and cavalry." Hu Guang's Han Institutions explains: "Peers of exceptional merit whom the court singles out receive specially advanced rank—below the three excellencies but not beneath the general of chariots and cavalry." those given the courtesy rank of “court marquis” followed the five colonels of the guard; and holders of the “attendant-sacrifice marquis” designation stood just after ordinary grandees. Hu Guang's Institutions calls them "inferior feudal lords."
30
胡廣制度曰:「是爲猥諸侯。」
Hu Guang's Institutions calls them "inferior feudal lords."
31
诸王封者受茅土,归以立社稷,礼也。 胡廣曰:「諸王受封,皆受茅土,歸立社稷。 本朝爲宮室,自有制度。 至於列侯歸國者,不受茅土,不立宮室,各隨貧富,裁制黎庶,以守其寵。」 列土、特進、朝侯賀正月執璧雲。
Enfeoffed kings carried the clod of sacred soil with its tuft of ritual grass back to their capitals to found the altars of soil and grain, as canonical rite prescribed. Hu Guang notes: "Enfeoffed princes all receive the sacred clod and return to found the altars of soil and grain. The present court builds palaces under its own rules. Full marquises returning home receive no clod, build no palace, and govern commoners according to their means to keep imperial favor." Full marquises, specially advanced peers, and court marquises presented jade tokens at the New Year audience in the same fashion.
32
每国置相一人,其秩各如本县。 本注曰:主治民,如令、长,不臣也。 但纳租于侯,以户数为限。 其家臣,置家丞、庶子各一人。 本注曰:主侍侯,使理家事。 列侯旧有行人、洗马、门大夫,凡五官。 中兴以来,食邑千户已上置家丞、庶子各一人,不满千户不置家丞,又悉省行人、洗马、门大夫。
Every marquisate had a single chancellor whose pay scale matched the underlying county’s rank. Commentary: He ruled commoners exactly as a county magistrate would, yet he was not the marquis’s vassal minister—he answered to the throne. Tenant households forwarded only the contracted rent to the marquis, capped by registered household counts. Domestic administration relied on one household aide and one junior steward of the house. Commentary: These officers served the marquis personally and ran his private establishment. Under the old system a full marquis kept heralds, outriders who washed the horses at halts, and gate grandees—five household ministries altogether. After the restoration, marquises with at least one thousand feoffed households retained an aide and a junior steward; smaller feoffs lost the household aide, and heralds, washers, and gate grandees were cut altogether.
33
關内侯,如淳曰:「列侯出關就國,侯但爵身,其有家累者與之關内之邑,食其租稅也。」 古今注曰:「建武六年,初令關内侯食邑者俸月二十五斛。」
Marquis-within-the-passes: Ru Chun explains: "When full marquises left the passes for their states, the title alone went with the holder; dependents were given towns within the passes to draw rent and tax." Notes Ancient and Modern record: "In Jianwu 6 marquises-within-the-passes with food feoffs were first granted twenty-five hu monthly."
34
关内侯,承秦赐爵十九等,为关内侯,无土,寄食在所县,民租多少,各有户数为限。
Marquises-within-the-passes inherited the Qin nineteenth-grade title: they held no land but drew a cash-and-grain allowance charged against a host county, with yields prorated to the number of registered households.
35
荀綽晉百官表注曰:「時六國未平,將帥皆家關中,故以爲號。」 劉劭爵制曰:「春秋傳有庶長鮑。 商君爲政,備其法品爲十八級,合關内侯、列侯凡二十等,其制因古義。 古者天子寄軍政於六卿,居則以田,警則以戰,所謂入使治之,出使長之,素信者與衆相得也。 故啓伐有扈,乃召六卿,大夫之在軍爲將者也。 及周之六卿,亦以居軍,在國也則以比長、閭胥、族師、黨正、州長、卿大夫爲稱,其在軍也則以卒伍、司馬、將軍爲號,所以異在國之名也。 秦依古制,其在軍賜爵爲等級,其帥人皆更卒也,有功賜爵,則在軍吏之例。 自一爵以上至不更四等,皆士也。 大夫以上至五大夫五等,比大夫也。 九等,依九命之義也。 自左庶長以上至大庶長,九卿之義也。 關内侯者,依古圻内子男之義也。 秦都山西,以關内爲王畿,故曰關内侯也。 列侯者,依古列國諸侯之義也。 然則卿大夫士下之品,皆放古,比朝之制而異其名,亦所以殊軍國也。 古者以車戰,兵車一乘,歩卒七十二人,分翼左右。 車,大夫在左,御者處中,勇士居右,凡七十五人。 一爵曰公士者,歩卒之有爵爲公士者。 二爵曰上造。 造,成也。 古者成士昇於司徒曰造士,雖依此名,皆歩卒也。 三爵曰簪褭,御駟馬者。 要褭,古之名馬也。 駕駟馬者其形似簪,故曰簪褭也。 四爵曰不更。 不更者,爲車右,不復與凡更卒同也。 五爵曰大夫。 大夫者,在車左者也。 六爵爲官大夫,七爵爲公大夫,八爵爲公乘,九爵爲五大夫,皆軍吏也。 吏民爵不得過公乘者,得貰與子若同産。 然則公乘者,軍吏之爵髙者也。 雖非臨戰,得公卒車,故曰公乘也。 十爵爲左庶長,十一爵爲右庶長,十二爵爲左更,十三爵爲中更,十四爵爲右更,十五爵爲少上造,十六爵爲大上造,十七爵爲駟車庶長,十八爵爲大庶長,十九爵爲關内侯,二十爵爲列侯。 自左庶長已上至大庶長,皆卿大夫,皆軍將也。 所將皆庶人、更卒也,故以庶更爲名。 大庶長卽大將軍也,左右庶長卽左右偏裨將軍也。」 古今注曰:「成帝鴻嘉三年,令吏民得買爵,級千錢。」
Xun Chuo's Annotated Jin Table of Officials notes: "While the six states were still unconquered, commanders were domiciled in Guanzhong, hence the title." Liu Shao's Treatise on Ranks begins: "The Spring and Autumn Annals mention Chief-of-the-Line Bao. The Lord of Shang established eighteen grades; with marquis-within-the-passes and full marquis there were twenty ranks in all, following ancient principle. In antiquity the Son of Heaven entrusted military affairs to the six ministers: in peace they farmed, in alarm they fought—trusted men leading the multitude. When Qi attacked Youhu he summoned the six ministers; grandees in the army served as generals. Zhou's six ministers likewise served in camp; in the state they bore civil titles, in the army military titles—hence the names differed. Qin followed antiquity: army ranks were granted in grades; leaders were corvée soldiers; merit ennoblement made them army officers. From the first rank through the fourth, Not Replaced, all were common soldiers. From grandee through the five ranks to Grand Grandee, they were comparable to grandees. The nine ranks followed the meaning of the nine commands. From Left Chief-of-the-Line to Great Chief-of-the-Line followed the meaning of the nine ministers. Marquis-within-the-passes followed the ancient meaning of viscounts and barons within the royal domain. Qin's capital lay west of the mountains with Guanzhong as the royal domain; hence the title marquis-within-the-passes. Full marquises followed the ancient meaning of feudal lords of ranked states. Thus the lower grades imitated antiquity, matching court institutions under different names to distinguish army and state. In antiquity one war chariot carried seventy-two foot soldiers flanking left and right. On the chariot the grandee stood left, the driver center, the warrior right—seventy-five men in all. The first rank, Public Warrior, was a ranked foot soldier. The second rank was Upper Accomplished. Accomplished means completed. In antiquity accomplished shi presented to the minister of education were called Accomplished Shi; though the name was borrowed, all were foot soldiers. The third rank, Hairpin Steed, drove the four-horse team. Yaoniao was an ancient famous horse. The four-horse driver resembled a hairpin; hence Hairpin Steed. The fourth rank was Not Replaced. Not Replaced meant chariot right, no longer sharing duties with ordinary corvée soldiers. The fifth rank was grandee. Grandee meant the one on the left of the chariot. The sixth through ninth ranks—Officer Grandee, Public Grandee, Public Chariot, and Grand Grandee—were all army officers. Commoners capped at Public Chariot could transfer rank to a son or same-birth kin. Thus Public Chariot was a high rank among army officers. Though not in battle one could obtain a public soldier's chariot; hence Public Chariot. Ranks ten through twenty ran from Left Chief-of-the-Line through Right Renewer, Lesser and Greater Upper Accomplished, Four-Chariot and Great Chief-of-the-Line, marquis-within-the-passes, and full marquis. From Left Chief-of-the-Line to Great Chief-of-the-Line all were ministers and grandees, all army generals. Those they led were commoners and corvée soldiers; hence the names commoner and renewer. Great Chief-of-the-Line was the grand general; Left and Right Chiefs-of-the-Line were left and right assistant generals." Notes Ancient and Modern record: "In Hongjia 3 of Emperor Cheng, officials and commoners were allowed to buy ranks at one thousand cash per grade."
36
四夷国王,率众王,归义侯,邑君,邑长,皆有丞,比郡、县。
Tributary kings, tribal “chiefs who lead hosts,” marquises of submission, town lords, and town chiefs each received deputy officers modeled on commandery and county assistants.
37
百官受奉例:大将军、三公奉,月三百五十斛。 中二千石奉,月百八十斛。 二千石奉,月百二十斛。 比二千石奉,月百斛。 千石奉,月八十斛。 六百石奉,月七十斛。 比六百石奉,月五十斛。 四百石奉,月四十五斛。 比四百石奉,月四十斛。 三百石奉,月四十斛。 比三百石奉,月三十七斛。 二百石奉,月三十斛。 比二百石奉,月二十七斛。 一百石奉,月十六斛。 斗食奉,月十一斛。 佐史奉,月八斛。 凡诸受奉,皆半钱半谷。
Stipends were reckoned in grain: the grand general and the three excellencies drew three hundred fifty hu a month. Officials at the “full two thousand picul” grade received one hundred eighty hu monthly. A straight two-thousand-picul salary meant one hundred twenty hu each month. The “comparable to two thousand piculs” band paid one hundred hu. One-thousand-picul posts drew eighty hu. Six-hundred-picul officials took seventy hu. The “comparable to six hundred” grade received fifty hu. Four-hundred-picul salaries came to forty-five hu. Comparable to four hundred meant forty hu. Three-hundred-picul posts oddly matched forty hu as well. Comparable to three hundred paid thirty-seven hu. Two-hundred-picul clerks drew thirty hu. Comparable to two hundred meant twenty-seven hu. One-hundred-picul minor officials received sixteen hu. Dou-food subclerks—paid by the peck—took eleven hu monthly. Assistant clerks at the bottom of the scale drew eight hu. Every grade on the schedule was normally split half in coin and half in unhusked grain.
38
荀綽《晉百官表注》曰:「漢延平中,中二千石奉錢九千,米七十二斛。 眞二千石月錢六千五百,米三十六斛。 比二千石月錢五千,米三十四斛。 一千石月錢四千,米三十斛。 六百石月錢三千五百,米二十一斛。 四百石月錢二千五百,米十五斛。 三百石月錢二千,米十二斛。 二百石月錢一千,米九斛。 百石月錢八百,米四斛八斗。」 獻帝起居注曰:「帝在長安,詔書以三輔地不滿千里,而軍師用度非一,公卿已下不得奏除。 其若公田,以秩石爲率,賦 (輿) 〔與〕令各自收其租稅。」 赞曰:帝道渊默,冢帅修德。 寡以御众,分职乃克。 不置不监,无骄无忒。 程是师徒,宁民康国。
Xun Chuo's Annotated Table of Jin Offices records: "Under the Han in Yanping, middle two-thousand-picul officials drew nine thousand cash and seventy-two hu of grain. True two-thousand-picul officers took six thousand five hundred cash monthly and thirty-six hu of grain. Comparable two-thousand-picul officers drew five thousand cash monthly and thirty-four hu of grain. One-thousand-picul officers took four thousand cash monthly and thirty hu of grain. Six-hundred-picul officers drew three thousand five hundred cash monthly and twenty-one hu of grain. Four-hundred-picul officers took two thousand five hundred cash monthly and fifteen hu of grain. Three-hundred-picul officers drew two thousand cash monthly and twelve hu of grain. Two-hundred-picul officers took one thousand cash monthly and nine hu of grain. One-hundred-picul officers drew eight hundred cash monthly and four hu eight dou of grain." The Daily Records of Emperor Xian note: "At Chang'an the emperor ruled that because the three adjuncts spanned less than a thousand li yet military costs were heavy, no official below the excellencies might propose appointments or dismissals. For public fields, graded by salary rank, revenue was (Yu) [allotted] and each magistrate collected the rents and taxes himself." The summation reads: The royal path runs silent and deep; the chief ministers who stand at the high altar polish their virtue. The ruler guides the multitude through restraint; order comes only when every office keeps its brief. Leave unneeded posts unfilled and they need no overseers—then there is neither swagger among officials nor dereliction of duty. Hold this cadre of teachers and followers to the standard, and the common people find rest while the realm flourishes in peace.