1
與敵國互市之所也。 皆設場官，嚴厲禁，廣屋宇以通二國之貨，歲之所獲亦大有助於經用焉。 熙宗皇統二年五月，許宋人之請，遂各置於兩界。 九月，命壽州、鄧州、鳳翔府等處皆置。 海陵正隆四年正月，罷鳳翔府、唐、鄧、潁、蔡、鞏、洮等州並膠西縣所置者，而專置於泗州。 尋伐宋，亦罷之。 五年八月，命榷場起赴南京。 國初于西北招討司之燕子城、北羊城之間嘗置之，以易北方牧畜。 世宗大定三年，市馬于夏國之榷場。 四年，以尚書省奏，複置泗、壽、蔡、唐、鄧、潁、密、鳳翔、秦、鞏、洮諸場。 七年，禁秦州場不得賣米麵、及羊豕之臘、並可作軍器之物入外界。 十七年二月，上謂宰臣曰：「宋人喜生事背盟，或與大石交通，恐枉害生靈，不可不備。 其陝西沿邊榷場可止留一處，餘悉罷之。 令所司嚴察奸細。」 前此，以防奸細，罷西界蘭州、保安、綏德三榷場。 二十一年正月，夏國王李仁孝上表乞複置，以保安、蘭州無所產，而且稅少，惟於綏德為要地，可複設互市，命省臣議之。 宰臣以陝西鄰西夏，邊民私越境盜竊，緣有榷場，故奸人得往來，擬東勝可依舊設，陝西者並罷之。 上曰：「東勝與陝西道路隔絕，貿易不通，其令環州置一場。」 尋於綏德州複置一場。
These were the designated sites for border trade with hostile states. Each market had its own superintendent, strict regulations, and ample warehouses to move goods between the two realms, and annual receipts substantially eased the state's budget. In the fifth month of Xizong's Huangtong 2 (1142), the court granted the Song petition and set up markets on both sides of the frontier. In the ninth month the court ordered markets established at Shouzhou, Dengzhou, Fengxiang Prefecture, and other points. In the first month of Hailing's Zhenglong 4 (1159), the court closed the markets at Fengxiang Prefecture and at Tang, Deng, Ying, Cai, Gong, Tao, and Jiaoxi County, concentrating border trade at Sizhou alone. When war against the Song broke out soon after, those markets were closed as well. In the eighth month of year 5 the court ordered the border markets relocated to the Southern Capital. Early in the dynasty a market had stood between Swallow City and North Sheep City under the Northwestern Pacification Commission, where Jin goods were traded for livestock from the northern steppe. In Shizong's Dading 3 (1163) the court bought horses at the Western Xia border market. In the fourth year, acting on a memorial from the Department of State Affairs, the court reopened markets at Si, Shou, Cai, Tang, Deng, Ying, Mi, Fengxiang, Qin, Gong, and Tao. In the seventh year the Qinzhou market was barred from exporting rice, flour, cured meats, or any material that could be turned into weapons. In the second month of year seventeen the emperor told his ministers, "The Song delight in provocation and treaty-breaking and may even deal with the Kara-Khitai. Innocent lives could be lost if we are caught unprepared. Along the Shaanxi frontier only one border market should remain; all others are to be closed. Responsible offices were ordered to tighten scrutiny of spies and infiltrators." Earlier, to block spies, the court had already closed the three western markets at Lanzhou, Bao'an, and Suide. In the first month of year twenty-one Western Xia's King Li Renxiao petitioned for restoration, noting that Bao'an and Lanzhou yielded little produce and scant revenue, whereas Suide was a strategic site where border trade should resume; the court referred the matter to provincial ministers. The chief ministers argued that with Western Xia on Shaanxi's border, frontier residents crossed illegally to steal, and open markets let agents move freely; they proposed keeping Dongsheng as before while closing every Shaanxi market. The emperor replied, "Dongsheng and Shaanxi are too far apart for trade to flow; establish a market at Huanzhou instead." A market at Suide Prefecture was reopened soon afterward.
2
十二月，禁壽州榷場受分例。 分例者，商人贄見場官之錢幣也。
In the twelfth month the court forbade the Shouzhou market from accepting kickback payments. Fenli were gratuities merchants paid market officials on presentation.
3
章宗明昌二年七月，尚書省以泗州榷場自前關防不嚴，遂奏定從大定五年制，官為增修舍屋，倍設闌禁，委場官及提控所拘榷，以提刑司舉察。 惟東勝、淨、慶州，來遠軍者仍舊，余皆修完之。 泗州場，大定間，歲獲五萬三千四百六十七貫，承安元年，增為十萬七千八百九十三貫六百五十三文。 所須雜物，泗州場歲供進新茶千胯、荔支五百斤、圓眼五百斤、金橘六千斤、橄欖五百斤、芭蕉幹三百個、蘇木千斤、溫柑七千個、橘子八千個、沙糖三百斤、生薑六百斤、梔子九十稱、犀象丹砂之類不與焉。 宋亦歲得課四萬三千貫。 秦州西子城場，大定間，歲獲三萬三千六百五十六貫，承安元年，歲獲十二萬二千九十九貫。 承安二年，複置於保安、蘭州。 三年九月，行樞密院奏：「斜出等告開榷場，擬於轄裏尼要安置。」 許自今年十一月貿易。 尋定制，隨路榷場若以見錢入外界、與外人交易者，徒五年，三斤以上死。 宋界諸場，以伐宋皆罷。 泰和八年八月，以與宋和，宋人請如舊置之，遂複置於唐、鄧、壽、泗、息州及秦、鳳之地。
In the seventh month of Zhangzong's Mingchang 2 (1191) the Department of State Affairs noted lax controls at the Sizhou market and proposed adopting the Dading 5 rules: state-funded repairs, doubled checkpoints, supervision by market officials and control offices, and inspection by the surveillance commission. Only Dongsheng, Jing, Qingzhou, and Laiyuan Army were left unchanged; all other sites were refurbished. During the Dading era the Sizhou market yielded 53,467 strings annually; in Cheng'an 1 (1196) receipts rose to 107,893 strings and 653 cash. Each year the Sizhou market also forwarded tribute goods: 1,000 bundles of fresh tea, 500 jin of lychee, 500 jin of longan, 6,000 jin of kumquat, 500 jin of olives, 300 dried plantains, 1,000 jin of sappanwood, 7,000 Wenzhou oranges, 8,000 oranges, 300 jin of sugar, 600 jin of ginger, and 90 sheng of gardenia—excluding rhinoceros horn, ivory, cinnabar, and similar luxuries. The Song likewise collected 43,000 strings in annual duties. During Dading the Qinzhou Xizi City market yielded 33,656 strings a year; in Cheng'an 1 receipts reached 122,099 strings. In Cheng'an 2 (1197) markets at Bao'an and Lanzhou were reopened. In the ninth month of year three the Mobile Privy Council reported that Xiechu and others sought to open a border market and proposed siting it at a strategic point in Xialini. Trade was authorized beginning in the eleventh month of that year. Regulations soon fixed that taking cash across the border or trading it with foreigners at any circuit market drew five years' penal servitude, and three jin or more meant death. Every market on the Song frontier was closed when war against the Song resumed. In the eighth month of Taihe 8 (1208), after peace with the Song and a Song request to restore the old arrangement, markets reopened at Tang, Deng, Shou, Si, Xizhou, and in the Qin and Feng regions.
4
金銀之稅。 世宗大定五年，聽人射買寶山縣銀冶。 九年，御史台奏河南府以和買金銀，抑配百姓，且下其直。 上曰：「初，朕欲泉貨流通，故令行，豈可反害民乎？」 遂罷之。 十二年，詔金銀坑冶，恣民采，毋收稅。 二十七年，尚書省奏：「聽民于農隙采銀，承納官課。」 明昌二年，天下見在金千二百餘鋌，銀五十五萬二千餘鋌。 三年，以提刑司言，封諸處銀冶，禁民采煉。 五年，以御史台奏，請令民采煉隨處金銀銅冶，上命尚書省議之。 宰臣議謂：「國家承平日久，戶口增息，雖嘗禁之，而貧人苟求生計，聚眾私煉。 上有禁之之名。 而無杜絕之實，故官無利而民多犯法。 如令民射買，則貧民壯者為夫匠，老稚供雜役，各得均齊，而射買之家亦有餘利。 如此，則可以久行。 比之官役顧工，糜費百端者，有間矣。」 遂定制，有冶之地，委謀克縣令籍數，召募射買。 禁權要、官吏、弓兵、裏胥皆不得與。 如舊場之例，令州府長官一員提控，提刑司訪察而禁治之。 上曰：「此終非長策。」 參知政事胥持國曰：「今姑聽如此，後有利然後設官可也。 譬之酒酤，蓋先為坊場，從後官榷也。」 上亦以為然，遂從之。 墳山、西銀山之銀窟凡百一十有三。
Tax on Gold and Silver In Shizong's Dading 5 (1165) the court allowed competitive bidding for the Baoshan County silver works. In the ninth year the Censorate reported that Henan Prefecture had used state gold-and-silver purchases to coerce the populace and cut payment below fair value. The emperor said, "I ordered this to keep currency circulating. How can it end up harming the people instead?" The practice was abolished. In the twelfth year an edict allowed free private mining of gold and silver without tax. In year twenty-seven the Department of State Affairs proposed letting farmers mine silver in slack seasons while paying official dues. By Mingchang 2 (1191) circulating gold exceeded 1,200 ingots and silver more than 552,000 ingots empire-wide. In the third year, on the surveillance commission's advice, silver works were sealed nationwide and private mining forbidden. In the fifth year the Censorate asked to reopen local gold, silver, and copper works to private operators; the emperor referred the matter to the Department of State Affairs. The chief ministers argued that after long peace and rising population, bans had failed: the poor still banded together to smelt in secret. Prohibition existed in name only. Yet smuggling continued unchecked, so the state gained nothing while commoners broke the law in droves. Competitive bidding would let poor households deploy strong men as master smiths and elders and children as helpers, share work fairly, and still leave contractors a margin. Such a system could be sustained long term. It would be far cheaper than state-run operations that hired labor at ruinous cost. Regulations followed: wherever mines existed, mouke and county magistrates were to register sites and invite competitive bids. Powerful families, officials, bow soldiers, and village clerks were barred from taking contracts. As with the old market system, one prefectural chief supervised each site while the surveillance commission investigated abuses. The emperor said, "This is no lasting solution." Vice Director Xu Chiguo replied, "Let it stand for now; once revenues justify it, the state can appoint officials. It resembles the wine trade: private workshops come first, state monopoly later." The emperor agreed, and the proposal was adopted. Fen Mountain and West Silver Mountain together held 113 silver mines.
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熙宗皇統二年十月，燕、西、東京、河東、河北、山東，汴京等路秋熟，命有司增價和糴。 世宗大定二年，以正隆之後倉廩久匱，遣太子少師完顏守道等，山東東、西路收糴軍糧，除戶口歲食外，盡令納官，給其直。 三年，謂宰臣曰：「國家經費甚大，向令山東和糴，止得四十五萬余石，未足為備。 自古有水旱，所以無患者，由蓄積多也。 山東軍屯處須急為二年之儲，若遇水旱則用賑濟。 自餘宿兵之郡，亦須糴以足之。 京師之用甚大，所須之儲，其敕戶部宜急為計。」 五年，責宰臣曰：「朕謂積貯為國本，當修倉廩以廣和糴。 今聞外路官文具而已。 卿等不留心，甚不稱委任之意。」 六年八月，敕有司，秋成之後，可于諸路廣糴，以備水旱。 九年正月，諭宰臣曰：「朕觀宋人虛誕，恐不能久遵誓約。 其令將臣謹飭邊備，以戒不虞。 去歲河南豐，宜令所在廣糴，以實倉稟。 詔州縣和糴，毋得抑配百姓。」 十二年
In the tenth month of Xizong's Huangtong 2 (1142), after the harvest in Yan, Western, Eastern Capital, Hedong, Hebei, Shandong, and Bianjing circuits, officials were ordered to buy grain at premium prices. In Shizong's Dading 2 (1162), with granaries depleted since the Zhenglong era, Junior Tutor Wanyan Shoudao was sent to eastern and western Shandong to buy army grain, requiring households to sell all surplus beyond annual rations at fair price. In the third year he told his ministers, "State expenses are enormous. The last Shandong purchase brought only 450,000-odd shi—not enough for reserves. Floods and droughts are as old as history; states escaped harm only when granaries were full. Shandong garrison districts need two years' grain on hand at once for relief when disaster strikes. Other provinces hosting troops must buy grain until stores are full. The capital's needs are vast; the Revenue Ministry must plan reserves without delay." In the fifth year he rebuked his ministers: "Stored grain is the state's foundation. Repair granaries and expand government purchases. I hear outer-circuit officials treat this as paperwork only. Your inattention falls far short of what I entrusted to you." In the eighth month of year six an edict ordered broad post-harvest purchases on every circuit against flood and drought. In the first month of year nine he warned his ministers, "The Song are unreliable; they may not keep the treaty for long. Order frontier commanders to tighten defenses against surprise attack. Henan had a bumper harvest last year; every locality should buy grain widely and fill the granaries. An edict forbade counties and prefectures from coercing the populace during government grain purchases." In the twelfth year
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十二月，詔在都和糴以實倉廩，且使錢幣通流。 又詔凡秋熟之郡，廣糴以備水旱。 十六年五月，諭左丞相紇石烈良弼曰：「西邊自來不備儲蓄，其令所在和糴，以備緩急。」 十七年春，尚書省奏：「先奉詔賑濟東京等路饑民，三路粟數不能給。」 上曰：「朕嘗諭卿等，豐年廣糴以備凶歉。 卿等皆言天下倉廩盈溢，今欲賑濟，乃雲不給。 自古帝王皆以蓄積為國長計，朕之積粟豈欲獨用。 即今不給，可於鄰道取之。 自今多備，當以為常。」 四月，尚書省奏：「東京三路十二猛安尤闕食者，已賑之矣。 尚有未賑者。」 詔遣官詣複州、曷蘇館路，檢視富家，蓄積有餘增直以糴。 令近地居民就往受糧。 十八年四月，命泰州所管諸猛安、西北路招討司所管奚猛安，咸平府慶雲縣寔松河等處遇豐年，多和糴。
In the twelfth month an edict ordered capital grain purchases to fill granaries and keep currency circulating. Another edict required every district with a good harvest to buy grain broadly against disaster. In the fifth month of year sixteen he told Left Chancellor Heshenilie Liangbi, "The west has never stockpiled grain; order local purchases for emergencies." In the spring of year seventeen the Department reported that relief for famine victims in the Eastern Capital region had exhausted grain in three circuits. The emperor said, "I told you to buy grain generously in good years against famine. You all claimed granaries were overflowing; now you say there is nothing left for relief. Emperors since antiquity stored grain as a long-term policy. I did not stockpile it for myself alone. If supplies run short now, draw from neighboring circuits. Stockpile heavily from now on and make that the norm." In the fourth month the Department reported that the neediest of the twelve meng'an in the three Eastern Capital circuits had already been relieved. Others still awaited relief. Officials were sent to Fuzhou and the Hesuguan circuit to inspect wealthy households and buy surplus grain at premium prices. Nearby residents were to collect the grain on site. In the fourth month of year eighteen the court ordered meng'an under Taizhou and the Xi under the Northwestern Pacification Commission, and places such as Shisong River in Qingyun County, Xianping Prefecture, to buy grain heavily in good harvest years.
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章宗明昌四年七月，諭旨戶部官：「聞通州米粟甚賤，若以平價官糴之，何如？」 於是，有司奏：「中都路去歲不熟，今其價稍減者，以商旅運販繼至故也。 若即差官爭糴，切恐市價騰踴，貧民愈病，請俟秋收日，依常平倉條理收糴。」 詔從之。 明昌五年五月，上曰：「聞米價騰踴，今官運至者有餘，可減直以糶之。 其明告民，不須貴價私糴也。」 六年七月，敕宰臣曰：「詔制內饑謹之地令減價糶之，而貧民無錢者何以得食，其議賑濟。」 省臣以為：「闕食州縣，一年則當賑貸，二年然後賑濟，如其民實無恆產者，雖應賑貸，亦請賑濟。」 上遂命間隔饑荒之地，可以辨錢收糴者減價糶之，貧乏無依者賑濟。
In the seventh month of Zhangzong's Mingchang 4 (1193) the emperor asked Revenue officials whether the state should buy Tongzhou's cheap grain at fair price. Offices replied that although the Central Capital circuit had failed last year, prices had eased only because merchant caravans kept arriving. Immediate official buying would likely spike prices and hurt the poor; they asked to wait until harvest and buy under Ever-Normal Granary rules. The edict approved the delay. In the fifth month of Mingchang 5 (1194) the emperor said, "Rice prices are soaring, but state shipments have created a surplus—sell grain at reduced prices. Tell the people plainly they need not pay private merchants inflated prices." In the seventh month of year six he charged his ministers, "Statutes require discounted sales in famine districts, but how will the poor without cash eat? Propose relief measures." Provincial ministers held that famine counties should receive loans the first year and free grain the second, and that households without fixed property should receive grants even in the loan year. The emperor ordered discounted sales where buyers could pay, and free relief for the destitute without means.
8
宣宗貞祐三年十月，命高汝礪糴于河南諸郡，令民輸挽入京，複命在京諸倉糴民輸之餘粟。 侍御史黃摑奴申言：「汝礪所糴足給歲支，民既於租賦之外轉挽而來，亦已勞矣！ 止將其餘以為歸資，而又強取之，可乎？ 且糴此有日矣，而止得二百余石，此何濟也。」 詔罷之。 十二月，附近郡縣多糴於京師，穀價騰踴，遂禁其出境。 四年，河北行省侯摯言：「河北人相食，觀、滄等州斗米銀十餘兩。 伏見沿河諸津許販粟北渡，然每石官糴其八，商人無利，誰肯為之。 且河朔之民皆陛下赤子，既罹兵革，又坐視其死，臣恐弄兵之徒得以籍口而起也。 願止其糴，縱民輸販為便。」 詔從之。 又制凡軍民客旅粟不於官糴處糶，而私販渡河者，杖百。 沿河軍及譏察權豪家犯者，徒年、杖數並的決從重，以物沒官。 上以河北州府錢多，其散失民間頗廣，命尚書省措畫之。 省臣奏：「已命山東、河北榷酤及濱、滄鹽司，以分數帶納矣。 今河北艱食，販粟北渡者眾，宜權立法以遮糴之。 擬于諸渡口南岸，選通練財貨官，先以金銀絲絹等博易商販之糧，轉之北岸，以回易糴本，兼收見錢。 不惟杜奸弊，亦使錢入京師。」 從之。 又上封事者曰：「比年以來屢艱食，雖由調度征斂之繁，亦兼併之家有以奪之也。 收則乘賤多糴，困急則以貸人，私立券質，名為無利而實數倍。 饑民惟恐不得，莫敢較者，故場功甫畢，官租未了，而囤已空矣！ 此富者益富，而貧者益貧者也。 國朝立法，舉財物者月利不過三分，積久至倍則止，今或不期月而息三倍。 願明敕有司，舉行舊法，豐熟之日增價和糴，則在公有益，而私無損矣。」 詔宰臣行之。 是年，權河東南路宣撫副使烏古論慶壽言邀糴事。 見《鹽志》下。
In the tenth month of Xuanzong's Zhenyou 3 (1215) Gao Rulü was sent to buy grain in Henan and require transport to the capital; capital granaries were also to buy any surplus the people still held. Attending Censor Huang Zhinu protested that Gao Rulü's purchases already met annual needs, yet the people had hauled grain beyond rent and tax and were exhausted. They were entitled to keep the remainder as travel costs—how can the state seize it again? Purchases have run for days yet yielded only 200-odd shi—of what use is that? The edict halted the practice. In the twelfth month neighboring districts bought heavily in the capital, grain prices soared, and the court barred grain from leaving the region. In the fourth year Hebei Branch Secretariat Hou Zhi reported that people in Hebei were eating one another and that a dou of rice in Guan and Cang prefectures cost more than ten liang of silver. River crossings allow grain to be shipped north, yet the state buys eight-tenths of each shi, leaving merchants no profit—who would undertake the trade? The people north of the river are Your Majesty's children. They have already suffered war, yet we watch them starve. Rebels may seize on this as a pretext to rise. I ask that purchases cease and private transport be permitted. The edict approved the proposal. Regulations also imposed one hundred blows on soldiers, civilians, or travelers who sold grain privately across the river rather than at official purchase stations. River troops, inspection officers, and powerful families who violated faced on-the-spot sentencing with added severity, and their goods were confiscated. Because Hebei held much currency widely dispersed among the populace, the emperor ordered the Department of State Affairs to devise remedies. Provincial ministers reported that Shandong and Hebei wine monopolies and the Bin and Cang Salt Offices had already been ordered to accept fractional payment in kind. With Hebei in famine and many shipping grain north, they proposed provisional rules to block state purchases. They proposed posting skilled finance officials on the south bank of each crossing to trade gold, silver, silk, and satin for merchants' grain, move it north, fund purchases from the proceeds, and collect cash. This would curb abuse and draw currency into the capital. The proposal was approved. Another memorialist said that repeated food shortages stemmed not only from heavy requisitions but also from wealthy consolidators who seized grain from the poor. At harvest they bought cheaply in bulk; in distress they lent on private pledges advertised as interest-free but yielding several times the principal. Starving peasants dared not bargain, so threshing had barely ended and official rent was still unpaid when their bins stood empty. Thus the rich grew richer and the poor poorer. Dynasty law capped monthly interest at three percent and stopped accumulation at double the principal, yet lenders now sometimes triple interest within a month. He asked for an edict enforcing the old interest caps and premium government purchases in good harvest years, benefiting the state without harming private interests. The edict ordered chief ministers to implement the policy. That year Acting Vice Pacification Commissioner Wugulun Qingshou of the Hedong South Circuit addressed compulsory grain purchases. See the Salt Treatise, Part 2.
9
興定元年，上頗聞百姓以和糴太重，棄業者多，命宰臣加意焉。 八月，以戶部郎中楊貞權陝西行六部尚書，收給潼、陝軍馬之用，奏糴販糧濟河者之半，以寬民。 從之。
In Xingding 1 (1217) the emperor heard that heavy government grain purchases drove many to abandon their trades and ordered chief ministers to address the problem. In the eighth month Revenue Director Yang Zhen was named acting Shaanxi Six Ministries Chancellor to fund Tong and Shaan cavalry and proposed buying only half the grain merchants sold across the river to ease the burden on the people. The proposal was approved.
10
六月，立和糴賞格。
In the sixth month the court established reward standards for government grain purchases.
11
常平倉
Ever-Normal Granaries
12
世宗大定十四年，嘗定制，詔中外行之，其法尋廢。 章宗明昌元年八月，御史請複設，敕省臣詳議以聞。 省臣言：「大定舊制，豐年則增市價十之二以糴，儉歲則減市價十之一以出，平歲則已。 夫所以豐則增價以收者，恐物賤傷農。 儉則減價以出者，恐物貴傷民。 增之損之以平粟價，故謂常平，非謂使天下之民專仰給於此也。 今天下生齒至眾，如欲計口使餘一年之儲，則不惟數多難辦，又慮出不以時而致腐敗也。 況複有司抑配之弊，殊非經久之計。 如計諸郡縣驗戶口例以月支三鬥為率，每口但儲三月，已及千萬數，亦足以平物價救荒凶矣。 若令諸處，自官兵三年食外，可充三月之食者免糴，其不及者俟豐年糴之，庶可久行也。 然立法之始貴在必行，其令提刑司各路計司兼領之，郡縣吏沮格者糾，能推行者加擢用。 若中都路年穀不熟之所，則依常平法，減其價三之一以糴。」 詔從之。
In Shizong's Dading 14 (1174) regulations were enacted empire-wide, but the system was soon abandoned. In the eighth month of Zhangzong's Mingchang 1 (1190) censors asked to restore the system; the court ordered provincial ministers to deliberate and report. Provincial ministers cited the old Dading rule: in good years buy at two-tenths above market price, in lean years sell at one-tenth below, and in normal years take no action. Prices were raised in good years lest cheap grain harm farmers. Prices were lowered in scarcity lest dear grain harm the people. Raising and lowering prices stabilized grain markets—hence the name ever-normal—not a plan to make the entire populace depend on these granaries alone. With the empire's vast population, storing a full year's grain per capita would be unmanageable and risk spoilage if not released in time. Forced apportionment by local officials made the scheme unsustainable. If each county stored three months' grain per capita at the standard three-dou monthly ration, totals would reach tens of millions of shi—enough to stabilize prices and relieve famine. Districts with three months' surplus beyond troop rations should be exempt from purchase; deficient districts should buy in good years—then the system could endure. Effective enforcement was essential: the surveillance commission and circuit accounting offices should jointly oversee the system, obstructing clerks impeached and successful implementers promoted. Where the Central Capital circuit had a poor harvest, grain should be bought at one-third below market under ever-normal rules. The edict approved the plan.
13
三年八月，敕：「常平倉豐糴儉糶，有司奉行勤惰褒罰之制，其遍諭諸路，其奉行滅裂者，提刑司糾察以聞。」 又謂宰臣曰：「隨處常平倉，往往有名無實。 況遠縣人戶豈肯跋涉，直就州府糶糴。 可各縣置倉，命州府縣官兼提控管勾。」 遂定制，縣距州六十裏內就州倉，六十裏外則特置。 舊擬備戶口三月之糧，恐數多致損，改令戶二萬以上備三萬石，一萬以上備二萬石，一萬以下、五千以上備萬五千石，五千戶以下備五千石。 河南、陝西屯軍貯糧之縣，不在是數。 州縣有倉仍舊，否則創置。 郡縣吏受代，所糴粟無壞，一月內交割給由。 如無同管勾，亦准上交割。 違限，委州府並提刑司差官催督監交。 本處歲豐，而收糴不及一分者，本等內降，提刑司體察，直申尚書省，至日斟酌黜陟。
In the eighth month of year three an edict required ever-normal granaries to buy in good years and sell in lean years, with rewards and punishments for diligent or lax enforcement announced on every circuit; the surveillance commission was to report lax officials. He also told his ministers that ever-normal granaries everywhere often existed in name only. Remote county households would not travel to prefectural seats to buy or sell grain. Each county should have its own granary supervised by prefectural and county officials. Counties within sixty li of the prefectural seat used the prefectural granary; those beyond sixty li had their own. The original three-month-per-capita target risked spoilage and was replaced by tiered quotas: 30,000 shi for counties above 20,000 households, 20,000 for above 10,000, 15,000 for 5,000–10,000, and 5,000 for below 5,000. Counties in Henan and Shaanxi that already stored garrison grain were exempt. Existing county granaries were retained; others were newly built. Outgoing county officials had one month to certify and hand over purchased grain in good condition. Where no co-supervisor existed, the same handover rules applied. Missed deadlines were referred to prefectures and the surveillance commission to dispatch overseers for supervised handover. Officials who bought less than one-tenth of quota in a good year were demoted within grade; the surveillance commission investigated and reported to the Department for evaluation.
14
九月，敕置常平倉之地，令州府官提舉之，縣官兼董其事，以所糴多寡約量升降，為永制。 又諭尚書省曰：「上京路諸縣未有常平倉，如亦可置，定其當備粟數以聞。」 四年十月，尚書省奏：「今上京、蒲與、速頻、曷懶、胡裏改等路，猛安謀克民戶計一十七萬六千有餘，每歲收稅粟二十萬五千余石，所支者六萬六千余石，總其見數二百四十七萬六千余石。 臣等以為此地收多支少，遇災足以賑濟，似不必置。」 遂止。
In the ninth month an edict made prefectural officials responsible for ever-normal granaries with county officials assisting, tying promotion to purchase volume as permanent policy. He also instructed the Department that if Upper Capital counties could host ever-normal granaries, they should fix required reserves and report. In the tenth month of year four the Department reported that Upper Capital, Puyu, Supin, Yilao, and Hurigai circuits held over 176,000 meng'an and mouke households, collected 205,000 shi in tax grain annually, disbursed 66,000 shi, and held 2,476,000 shi in reserve. They argued that with high receipts and low disbursements, existing reserves sufficed for disaster relief and granaries were unnecessary. The plan was dropped.
15
五年九月，尚書省奏：「明昌三年始設常平倉，定其永制。 天下常平倉總五百一十九處，見積粟三千七百八十六萬三千余石，可備官兵五年之食，米八百一十余萬石，可備四年之用，而見在錢總三千三百四十萬貫有奇，僅支二年以上，見錢既少，且比年稍豐而米價猶貴，若複預糴，恐價騰踴，於民未便。」 遂詔權罷中外常平倉和糴，俟官錢羨餘日舉行。
In the ninth month of year five the Department reported that ever-normal granaries had been established in Mingchang 3 with permanent rules fixed. The empire had 519 ever-normal granaries holding 37.86 million shi of grain—five years' rations for troops and officials—and 8.1 million shi of rice for four years, but only 33.4 million strings in cash, barely two years' expenses. With cash scarce and rice still dear despite recent fair harvests, further purchases would likely spike prices and harm the people. An edict provisionally suspended ever-normal purchases empire-wide until official funds were in surplus.
16
明昌五年閏十月，言事者謂郡縣有河者可開渠，引以溉田，詔下州郡。 既而八路提刑司雖有河者皆言不可溉，惟中都言安肅、定興二縣可引河溉田四千餘畝，詔命行之。 六年十月，定制，縣官任內有能興水利田及百頃以上者，升本等首注除。 謀克所管屯田。 能創增三十頃以上，賞銀絹二十兩匹，其租稅止從陸田。 承安二年，敕放白蓮潭東閘水與百姓溉田。 三年，又命勿毀高梁河閘，從民灌溉。 泰和八年七月，詔諸路按察司規畫水田，部官謂：「水田之利甚大，沿河通作渠，如平陽掘井種田俱可灌溉。 比年邳、沂近河布種豆麥，無水則鑿井灌之，計六百餘頃，比之陸田所收數倍。 以此較之，它境無不可行者。」 遂令轉運司因出計點，就令審察，若諸路按察司因勸農，可按問開河或掘井如何為便，規畫具申，以俟興作。
In the intercalary tenth month of Mingchang 5 a memorialist proposed opening canals where rivers existed; the edict was sent to all prefectures. Soon all eight surveillance commissions reported irrigation impossible despite rivers, except the Central Capital, which identified 4,000 mu in Ansu and Dingxing counties; an edict ordered work to proceed. In the tenth month of year six regulations promised first-rank promotion to county officials who opened 100 qing or more of irrigated land within their term. Colony Fields under Mouke Supervision Those who opened 30 qing or more received twenty liang of silver and bolts of silk, with rent and tax assessed at dry-field rates. In Cheng'an 2 an edict released water from the eastern sluice of White Lotus Pool for irrigation. In the third year the court again forbade destroying the Gaoliang River sluice and allowed public irrigation. In the seventh month of Taihe 8 the court ordered every surveillance commission to plan paddy development; a ministry official noted that canals along rivers and wells as at Pingyang could irrigate dry fields. Recently at Pi and Yi near the river, farmers sowed beans and wheat and dug wells when water failed, irrigating over 600 qing at several times dry-field yields. By that measure, the method could work elsewhere as well. The Transport Commission was to inspect during accounting tours; surveillance commissions promoting agriculture should report whether canals or wells were feasible, pending construction.
17
貞祐四年八月，言事者程淵言：「碭山諸縣陂湖，水至則畦為稻田，水退種麥，所收倍於陸地。 宜募人佃之，官取三之一，歲可得十萬石。」 詔從之。 興定五年五月，南陽令李國瑞創開水田四百餘頃，詔升職二等，仍錄其最狀遍諭諸道。
In the eighth month of Zhenyou 4 memorialist Cheng Yuan said that Dangshan counties' lakes could grow rice when flooded and wheat when drained, yielding double dry-field harvests. Tenants should be recruited with the state taking one-third, yielding 100,000 shi annually. The edict approved the plan. In the fifth month of Xingding 5 Nanyang Magistrate Li Guorui opened over 400 qing of paddy and was promoted two grades; his record was circulated to all circuits.
18
十一月，議興水田。 省奏：「漢召信臣於南陽灌溉三萬頃。 魏賈逵堰汝水為新陂，通運二百餘裏，人謂之賈侯渠。 鄧艾修淮陽、百尺二渠，通淮、潁、大治諸陂于潁之南，穿渠三百餘裏，溉田二萬頃。 今河南郡縣多古所開水田之地，收穫多於陸地數倍。」 敕令分治戶部按行州郡，有可開者誘民赴功，其租止依陸田，不復添征，仍以官賞激之。 陝西除三白渠設官外，亦宜視例施行。 元光元年正月，遣戶部郎中楊大有等詣京東、西、南三路開水田。
In the eleventh month the court discussed expanding paddy cultivation. The Department cited Han precedent: Shao Xinchen was summoned to Nanyang and irrigated 30,000 qing. Under Wei, Jia Kui dammed the Ru River into a new reservoir linking transport for over 200 li, known as Marquis Jia's Canal. Deng Ai repaired the Huaiyang and Baichi canals, linking the Huai and Ying and major reservoirs south of the Ying with canals over 300 li long, irrigating 20,000 qing. Henan prefectures and counties still hold many ancient paddy sites yielding several times dry-field harvests. The Revenue Ministry was to tour prefectures, encourage reclamation where feasible, assess rent at dry-field rates without surcharges, and offer official rewards. Shaanxi, apart from the Sanbai Canal's established officials, should follow the same precedent. In the first month of Yuanguang 1 Revenue Director Yang Dayou and others were sent to the eastern, western, and southern capital circuits to open paddy.
19
區田之法
Method of Plot Farming
20
見嵇康《養生論》，自是歷代未有天下通用如趙過一畝三甽之法者。 章宗明昌三年三月，宰執嘗論其法於上前，上曰：「卿等所言甚嘉，但恐農民不達此法。 如其可行，當遍諭之。」 四年夏四月，上與宰執複言其法，久之，參知政事胥持國曰：「今日方之大定間，戶口既多，費用亦厚。 若區種之法行，良多利益。」 上曰：「此法自古有之，若其可行，則何為不行也？」 持國曰：「所以不行者，蓋民未見其利。 今已令試種于城南之地，乃委官往監督之。 若使民見收成之利，當不率行者自效矣。」 參知政事夾穀衡以為：「若有其利，古已行矣。 且用功多而所種少，複恐廢壟畝之田功也。」 上曰：「姑試行之。」 六月，上問參知政事胥持國曰：「區種事如何？」 對曰：「六七月之交，方可見矣。」 「河東及代州田種今歲佳否？」 曰：「比常年頗登。」 是日，命近侍二人馳驛巡視京畿禾稼。 五年正月，敕諭農民使區種，先是，陳言人武陟高翌上區種法，且請驗人丁地土多少，定數令種。 上令尚書省議既定，遂敕令農田百畝以上，如瀕河易得水之地，須區種三十餘畝，多種者聽。 無水之地則從民便。 仍委各千戶謀克縣官依法勸率。
See Ji Kang's Treatise on Nourishing Life; no method since has been applied empire-wide like Zhao Guo's three-furrow-per-mu system. In the third month of Zhangzong's Mingchang 3 chief ministers discussed plot farming before the throne; the emperor said their proposal was excellent but feared farmers would not understand it. If feasible, it should be announced throughout the realm. In the fourth month of summer, year four, the emperor raised plot farming again; Vice Director Xu Chiguo said population and expenses now far exceeded the Dading era. Adopting plot farming would bring great benefit. The emperor said, "This method is ancient; if it works, why has it not been adopted?" Chiguo replied that farmers had not yet seen its benefits. Trial plots south of the city were already under official supervision. Once farmers saw the harvest gains, others would follow without prompting. Vice Director Jiagu Heng objected that if the method were profitable, antiquity would already have used it. It required heavy labor for little planting and might waste ordinary field work. The emperor said, "Try it for now." In the sixth month the emperor asked Vice Director Xu Chiguo about the plot-farming trials. He replied that results would be visible only around the sixth and seventh months. He also asked, "How are the crops this year in Hedong and Daizhou?" The reply was that harvests were better than usual. That day two attendants were sent by post horse to inspect the capital region's crops. In the first month of year five an edict ordered plot farming; memorialist Wu Zhi Gao Yi had earlier submitted the method and asked to set planting quotas based on household registers and land holdings. After the Department finalized rules, farms of 100 mu or more near rivers had to plant at least 30 mu by the plot method, with more permitted. Waterless land was left to farmers' discretion. Thousand-household mouke and county officials were to encourage compliance.
21
承安元年四月，初行區種法，男年十五以上、六十以下有土田者丁種一畝，丁多者五畝止。 二年二月，九路提刑馬百祿奏：「聖訓農民有地一頃者區種一畝，五畝即止。 臣以為地肥瘠不同，乞不限畝數。」 制可。
In the fourth month of Cheng'an 1 plot farming took effect: males fifteen to sixty with land planted one mu per ding, capped at five mu per household. In the second month of year two nine-circuit surveillance commissioner Ma Bailu cited the imperial rule of one mu plot farming per qing, capped at five mu. He argued that soil fertility varied and asked that mu quotas not be fixed. The regulation was approved.
22
泰和四年九月，尚書省奏：「近奉旨講議區田，臣等謂此法本欲利民，或以天旱乃始用之，倉卒施功未必有益也。 且五方地肥瘠不同，使皆可以區種，農民見有利自當勉效之。 不然，督責雖嚴，亦徒勞耳。」 敕遂令所在長官及按察司隨宜勸諭，亦竟不能行。
In the ninth month of Taihe 4 the Department argued that plot farming was meant to help the people, but starting only in drought would make hasty implementation useless. Soils differ across the five regions; where plot farming works, farmers seeing profit would adopt it willingly. Otherwise strict enforcement would achieve nothing. An edict ordered local chiefs and surveillance commissions to encourage adoption, but the method never took hold.
23
入粟鬻度牒
Submitting Grain and Selling Ordination Certificates
24
熙宗皇統三年三月，陝西旱饑，詔許富民入粟補官。 世宗大定元年，以兵興歲歉，下令聽民進納補官。 又募能濟饑民者，視其人數為補官格。 五年，上謂宰臣曰：「頃以邊事未定，財用闕乏，自東、南兩京外，命民進納補官，及賣僧、道、尼、女冠度牒，紫、褐衣師號，寺觀名額。 今邊鄙已寧，其悉罷之。 慶壽寺、天長觀歲給度牒，每道折錢二十萬以賜之。」 明昌二年，敕山東、河北闕食之地，納粟補官有差。 承安二年，賣度牒、師號、寺觀額，複令人入粟補官。 三年，西京饑，詔賣度牒以濟之。
In the third month of Xizong's Huangtong 3 (1143) drought and famine struck Shaanxi; wealthy households were allowed to buy offices with grain. In Shizong's Dading 1 (1161) war and crop failure led the court to allow grain payments for offices. Those who relieved famine victims were also recruited, with office grades set by the number saved. In the fifth year the emperor told his ministers that with the frontier unsettled and funds short, the court outside the two capitals had sold offices, ordination certificates for clergy, master titles, and temple name quotas. With the frontier now calm, all these measures were abolished. Qingshou Temple and Tianchang Abbey received annual certificate allotments worth 200,000 cash each. In Mingchang 2 graded rates for grain office purchases applied in famine-stricken parts of Shandong and Hebei. In Cheng'an 2 the court again sold certificates, master titles, and temple quotas and allowed grain office purchases. In the third year famine in the Western Capital led the court to sell ordination certificates for relief.
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宣宗貞祐二年，從知大興府事胥鼎所請，定權宜鬻恩例格，進宮升職、丁憂人許應舉求仕、監戶從良之類，入粟草各有數。 三年，制無問官民，有能勸率諸人納物入官者，米百五十石遷官一階，正班任使。 七百石兩階，除諸司。 千石三階，除丞簿。 過此數則請於朝廷議賞。 推司縣官有能勸二千石遷一階，三千石兩階，以濟軍儲。 又定制，司縣官能勸率進糧至五千石以上者減一資考，萬石以上遷一官，減二等考，二萬石以上遷一官、升一等，皆注見闕。 四年，河東行省胥鼎言：「河東兵多民少，倉空歲饑。 竊見潞州元帥府雖設鬻爵恩例，然條目至少，未盡勸率之術。 今擬凡補買正班，依格止廕一名。 若願輸許增廕一名。 僧道已具師號者，許補買本司官。 職官願納粟或不願給俸及券糧者，宜量數遷加。 三舉終場人年五十以上，四舉年四十五以上，並許入粟，該恩大小官及承應人。 令譯史吏員，雖未系班，亦許進納遷官。 其有品官應注諸司者，聽獻物借注丞簿。 丞簿注縣令，差使免一差。 掌軍官能自備芻糧者，依職官例遷官如舊。」 四年，耀州僧廣惠言：「軍儲不足，凡京府節鎮以上僧道官，乞令納粟百石。 防刺郡副綱、威儀等，七十石者乃充，三十月滿替。 諸監寺十石，周年一代，願複買者聽。」 詔從之。
In Xuanzong's Zhenyou 2, on Daxing Prefecture Administrator Xu Ding's request, provisional favor-sale rates were fixed for rank advancement, mourning candidates seeking office, manumission of registered households, and similar benefits, each with set grain or fodder payments. In year three anyone, official or commoner, who induced others to submit goods received one promotion rank and regular appointment for 150 shi of rice. 700 shi brought two ranks and appointment in various offices. 1,000 shi brought three ranks and appointment as aide or registrar. Larger contributions required court deliberation on rewards. Investigation and county officials who induced 2,000 shi received one rank and 3,000 shi two ranks, to fill army stores. Officials who induced 5,000 shi or more had one review grade reduced; 10,000 shi brought one promotion and two grades reduced; 20,000 shi one promotion and one grade raised—all to current vacancies. In year four Hedong Branch Secretariat Xu Ding reported that Hedong had many troops, few people, empty granaries, and famine. Although Luzhou Marshal's headquarters had favor-sale rules, the articles were too few to encourage full participation. Purchased regular-rank posts would grant only one yin privilege by regulation. Additional payment could buy one more yin privilege. Monks and Daoists with master titles could purchase posts in their own bureaus. Officials who submitted grain or waived salary and ration certificates should receive measured promotions. Exam candidates aged fifty or above after three rounds, or forty-five after four, could buy minor offices or attendant posts with grain. Clerks, translators, and scribes not yet on the roster could also buy promotion. Ranked officials awaiting assignment could submit goods for provisional aide or registrar posts. Aides and registrars could advance to county magistrate; one dispatch tour was waived. Commanders who supplied their own fodder received promotions under the usual official rules. In year four Yaozhou monk Guanghui proposed that monastic officials at capital, prefectural, and military commission level submit 100 shi each because army stores were insufficient. Deputy abbots and masters of ceremony in defense prefectures required 70 shi and served thirty-month terms. Supervisory temples required 10 shi yearly, with renewal permitted. The edict approved the proposal.