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進士諸科
The Jinshi and Related Degrees
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自三代鄉舉裏選之法廢,秦、漢以來各因一代之宜,以盡一時之才,苟足於用即已,故法度之不一,其來遠矣! 在漢之世,雖有賢良方正諸科以取士,而推擇為吏,由是以致公卿,公卿子弟入備宿衛,因被寵遇,以位通顯。 魏、晉而下互有因革,至於唐、宋,進士盛焉。 當時士君子之進,不由是塗則自以為慊,此由時君之好尚,故人心之趣向然也。 遼起唐季,頗用唐進士法取人,然仕于其國者,考其致身之所自,進士才十之二三耳! 金承遼後,凡事欲軼遼世,故進士科目兼采唐、宋之法而增損之。 其及第出身,視前代特重,而法亦密焉。 若夫以策論進士取其國人,而用女直文字以為程文,斯蓋就其所長以收其用,又欲行其國字,使人通習而不廢耳。 終金之代,科目得人為盛。 諸宮護衛、及省台部譯史、令史、通事、仕進皆列于正班,斯則唐、宋以來之所無者,豈非因時制宜,而以漢法為依據者乎? 金治純駁,議者於是每有別焉。 宣宗南渡,吏習日盛,苛刻成風,殆亦多故之秋,急於事功,不免爾歟。 自時厥後,仕進之歧既廣,僥倖之俗益熾,軍伍勞效,雜置令祿,門廕右職,迭居朝著,科舉取士亦複氾濫,而金治衰矣! 原其立經陳紀之初,所為升轉之格,考察之方,井井然有條而不紊,百有餘年才具不乏,豈非其效乎? 奉詔作《金史》,志其《選舉》,因得而詳論之,司天、太醫、內侍等法歷代所有,附著於斯。 鬻爵、進納,金季之弊莫甚焉,蓋由財用之不足而然也,特載《食貨志》。
After the village-recommendation and district-selection system of the Three Dynasties fell away, Qin and Han and every dynasty since shaped recruitment to its own needs, drawing on whatever talent the age could supply. Standards have never been uniform, and that divergence reaches far back into antiquity. Under the Han, categories such as Worthy and Upright and Rectified did recruit men of learning, yet the usual path was selection as a clerk, then advancement to the highest offices. Sons of grandees entered the palace guard, won imperial favor, and rose to eminent posts. From Wei and Jin onward each dynasty revised the system in turn; by Tang and Song the jinshi track had become paramount. A gentleman who did not advance by that route felt himself at a disadvantage, for rulers set the fashion and scholars followed where favor pointed. The Liao rose in the late Tang and largely adopted Tang jinshi recruitment, yet among officials in that realm only two or three in ten had actually entered service through the jinshi examinations. The Jin succeeded the Liao and sought in every respect to outdo their predecessors, so the jinshi curriculum combined Tang and Song models with Jin adjustments. Graduation and initial appointment carried greater prestige than in earlier dynasties, and the rules governing them were tighter. The policy-essay jinshi track recruited Jurchen subjects in their own script both to employ native strengths and to keep the national writing in daily use so it would not die out. Through the whole Jin period the examination system supplied the state with talent in remarkable numbers. Palace guards, ministry translators, clerks, and interpreters who entered service were all placed in the regular civil ranks—something Tang and Song had never done. It was adaptation to circumstance, with Han institutions as the model. Jin administration was uneven in quality, and commentators have long debated the point. After Emperor Xuanzong moved the court south, bureaucratic routine thickened and harshness became habitual—perhaps inevitable in troubled times when quick results were demanded. Thereafter routes to office multiplied, opportunism flourished, military merit bought civil salaries, hereditary privilege crowded the court, and the examinations themselves were debased—after which Jin governance declined. At the founding, promotion rules and evaluation procedures were clear and coherent; for more than a century the state never lacked qualified men—surely that was the system's reward. Ordered to compile the History of Jin, we treat Selection and Appointment at length here, with astronomical, medical, and palace-service examinations—which every dynasty maintained—appended in the same chapter. Sale of offices and paid admission were the worst abuses of late Jin, born of fiscal shortfall; they are treated in the Treatise on Food and Goods.
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金設科皆因遼、宋制,有詞賦、經義、策試、律科、經童之制海陵天德三年,罷策試科。 世宗大定十一年,創設女直進士科,初但試策,後增試論,所謂策論進士也。 明昌初,又設制舉宏詞科,以待非常之士。 故金取士之目有七焉。 其試詞賦、經義、策論中選者,謂之進士。 律科、經童中選者,曰舉人。 凡養士之地曰國子監,始置於天德三年,後定制,詞賦、經義生百人,小學生百人,以宗室及外戚皇后大功以上親、諸功臣及三品以上官兄弟子孫,年十五以上者入學,不及十五者入小學。 大定六年始置太學,初養士百六十人,後定五品以上官兄弟子孫百五十人,曾得府薦及終場人二百五十人,凡四百人。 府學亦大定十六年置,凡十七處,共千人。 初以嘗與廷試及宗室皇家袒免以上親、並得解舉人為之。 後增州學,遂加以五品以上官、曾任隨朝六品官之兄弟子孫,余官之兄弟子孫經府薦者,同境內舉人試補三之一,闕里廟宅子孫年十三以上不限數,經府薦及終場免試者不得過二十人。 凡試補學生,太學則禮部主之,州府則以提舉學校學官主之,曾得府薦及終場舉人,皆免試。
Jin examination subjects followed Liao and Song precedent: rhapsody, classical exegesis, policy tests, legal studies, and child classics. In Hailing's Tiande 3 (1155) the policy-examination track was abolished. In Shizong's Dading 11 (1171) the court created the Jurchen jinshi degree, first testing policy questions alone and later adding essays—the policy-essay jinshi. Early in the Mingchang era (1190) the court added a special recruitment track in polished composition for exceptional talent. In all, the Jin recruited through seven examination categories. Candidates who passed the rhapsody, classical exegesis, or policy-essay examinations were called jinshi. Those who passed legal studies or the child-classics examination were called juren. Schools for training scholars were headed by the Directorate of Education, founded in Tiande 3. Under later rules it enrolled one hundred rhapsody and exegesis students and one hundred elementary pupils: imperial clansmen, consort kin within the great-merit mourning circle, and sons and grandsons of meritorious officials or officials of rank 3 and above entered at age fifteen; younger boys entered the elementary division. The Imperial University was founded in Dading 6 (1166), first with 160 students; later quotas fixed 150 places for sons and grandsons of officials of rank 5 and above and 250 for men with prefectural recommendations or who had completed a full examination cycle—400 in total. Prefectural schools were added in Dading 16 (1176): seventeen institutions with one thousand students altogether. Initially enrollment was limited to men who had sat the palace examination, imperial clansmen and royal kin within the upper-garment mourning circle, and juren who had passed the qualifying round. When prefectural schools were added, sons and grandsons of officials of rank 5 and above and of former sixth-rank court officials were admitted, along with other officials' kin on prefectural nomination; one-third of local juren could enter by examination; descendants of the Confucian temple estate aged thirteen or older were unlimited; and no more than twenty men with prefectural recommendation who had completed the full examination cycle could enter without testing. Trial admission to schools was run by the Ministry of Rites for the Imperial University and by school superintendents in prefectures and circuits; men with prefectural recommendations or who had completed the full examination cycle were exempt.
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凡經,《易》則用王弼、韓康伯注,《書》用孔安國注,《詩》用毛萇注、鄭玄箋,《春秋左氏傳》用杜預注,《禮記》用孔穎達疏,《周禮》用鄭玄注、賈公彥疏,《論語》用何晏集注。 邢昺疏,《孟子》用趙岐注,孫奭疏,《孝經》用唐玄宗注,《史記》用裴駰注,《前漢書》用顏師古注。 《後漢書》用李賢注,《三國志》用裴松之注,及唐太宗《晉書》、沈約《宋書》,蕭子顯《齊書》、姚思廉《梁書》《陳書》、魏收《後魏書》、李百藥《北齊書》、令狐德棻《周書》、魏征《隋書》、新舊《唐書》、新舊《五代史》,《老子》用唐玄宗注疏,《荀子》用楊倞注,《揚子》用李軌、宋鹹、柳宗元、吳秘注,皆自國子監印之,授諸學校。 凡學生會課,三日作策論一道,又三日作賦及詩各一篇,三月一私試,以季月初先試賦,間一日試策論,中選者以上五名申部。 遇旬休、節辰皆有假,病則給假,省親遠行則給程。 犯學規者罰,不率教者黜。 遭喪百日後求入學者,不得與釋奠禮。 凡國子學生三年不能充貢,欲就諸局承應者,學官試,能粗通大小各一經者聽。
The curriculum used standard commentaries: Wang Bi and Han Kangbo on the Changes, Kong Anguo on the Documents, Mao Chang and Zheng Xuan on the Odes, Du Yu on the Zuo Commentary, Kong Yingda on the Record of Rites, Zheng Xuan and Jia Gongyan on the Rites of Zhou, and He Yan's collected notes on the Analects. Xing Bing's subcommentary was used where applicable; Mencius followed Zhao Qi with Sun Shi's subcommentary; the Classic of Filial Piety used Tang Xuanzong's commentary; the Grand Historian Pei Yin; the Former Han Yan Shigu. Later Han used Li Xian; Three Kingdoms Pei Songzhi; standard dynastic histories from Jin through the Five Dynasties; Laozi Tang Xuanzong's commentary; Xunzi Yang Liang; Yangzi the notes of Li Gui, Song Xian, Liu Zongyuan, and Wu Bi—all printed by the Directorate and issued to every school. Students wrote one policy essay every three days and one rhapsody plus one poem in the next three-day cycle. Every quarter they took a private exam: rhapsody on the first day of the season, policy essay the day after; the top five passes were reported to the ministry. Decad holidays and festival days were days off; sick leave was granted; long journeys to visit family received official travel time. Violations of school rules brought punishment; persistent failure to follow instruction brought dismissal. Students who re-entered after the hundred-day mourning period could not participate in the libation ceremony. Directorate students who failed to qualify for the examinations within three years might, if they wished clerkships in government bureaus, sit a school examination; those with rough mastery of one major and one minor classic were allowed to proceed.
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章宗大定二十九年,上封事者乞興學校,推行三舍法,及鄉以八行貢春官,以設制舉宏詞。 事下尚書省集百官議,戶部尚書鄧儼等謂:「三舍之法起于宋熙寧間,王安石罷詩賦,專尚經術。 太學生初補外舍,無定員。 由外升內舍,限二百人。 由內升上舍,限百人。 各治一經,每月考試,或特免解,或保舉補官。 其法雖行,而多席勢力、尚趨走之弊,故蘇軾有'三舍既興,貨賂公行'之語,是以元祐間罷之,後雖複,而宣和三年竟廢。 臣等謂立法貴乎可久,彼三舍之法委之學官選試,啟僥倖之門,不可為法。 唐文皇養士至八千人,亡宋兩學五千人,今策論、詞賦、經義三科取士,而太學所養止百六十人,外京府或至十人,天下僅及千人。 今若每州設學,專除教授,月加考試,每舉所取數多者賞其學官。 月試定為三等籍之,一歲中頻在上等者優複之,不率教、行惡者黜之,庶幾得人之道也。 又成周鄉舉裏選法卒不可複,設科取士各隨其時。 八行者乃亡宋取《周禮》之六行孝、友、睦、姻、任、恤,加之中、和為八也。 凡人之行莫大于孝廉,今已有舉孝廉之法,及民有才能德行者令縣官薦之。 今制,犯十惡奸盜者不得應試,亦六德六行之遺意也。 夫制舉宏詞,蓋天子待非常之士,若設此科,不限進士,並選人試之,中選擢之台閣,則人自勉矣。」 上從其議。 遂計州府戶口。 增養士之數,於大定舊制京府十七處千人之外,置節鎮、防禦州學六十處,增養千人。 各設教授一員,選五舉終場或進士年五十以上者為之。 府學二十有四,學生九百五人。 大興、開封、平陽、真定、東平府各六十人,太原、益都府各五十人,大定、河間、濟南、大名、京兆府各四十人,遼陽、彰德府各三十人,河中、慶陽、臨洮、河南府各二十五人,鳳翔、平涼、延安、咸平、廣寧、興中府各二十人。 節鎮學三十九,共六百一十五人。 絳、定、衛、懷、滄州各三十人,萊、密、潞、汾、冀、邢、兗州各二十五人,代、同、邠州各二十人,奉聖州十五人,餘二十三節鎮皆十人。 防禦州學二十一,共二百三十五人。 博、德、洺、棣、亳各十五人,餘十六州各十人。 凡千八百人。
In Zhangzong's Dading 29 (1189) memorialists urged wider schools, adoption of the Song three-dormitory system, district recommendation by the eight conduct virtues, and a special eloquence examination. The Secretariat convened officials for debate. Minister of Revenue Deng Yan and others argued: 'The three-dormitory system began in Song's Xining reforms, when Wang Anshi abolished poetry and rhapsody in favor of classical learning alone. Students first entered the outer dormitory without a fixed quota. Promotion from outer to inner dormitory was capped at two hundred. Promotion from inner to upper dormitory was capped at one hundred. Each student mastered one classic under monthly exams, with some winning exemption from the qualifying round or direct recommendation to office. Though implemented, the system favored influence and flattery; Su Shi remarked that once the three dormitories existed, bribery ran openly. Yuanyou abolished it; it was briefly restored but finally discarded in Xuanhe 3 (1121). We hold that laws should endure. Entrusting advancement to school officials, as the three-dormitory system did, invites opportunism and should not be adopted. Tang Taizong supported eight thousand students; the defunct Song's two capitals enrolled five thousand; yet Jin's three examination tracks feed an Imperial University of only 160, with some outer capitals enrolling as few as ten—barely a thousand students empire-wide. If every prefecture had its own school with dedicated instructors, monthly exams, and rewards for officials whose districts produced the most graduates each cycle, with monthly results recorded in three grades, frequent top performers rewarded, and the disobedient or vicious dismissed, the state might truly secure talent. The Zhou village-recommendation system cannot be revived; each age must shape recruitment to its own needs. The eight conduct virtues were a Song borrowing from the Zhou Rites—filial piety, friendship, harmony, marriage ties, responsibility, and compassion—plus centrality and harmony to make eight. No virtue exceeds filial integrity; Jin already recommends filial and upright men, and county officials are to nominate citizens of talent and good character. Present rules bar examinees guilty of the ten abominations or theft and treachery—a remnant of the Zhou six virtues and six conduct. Special eloquence examinations are how the throne seeks extraordinary talent. If opened to jinshi and selectees alike, with passes promoted to central office, men would strive on their own.' The emperor accepted their proposal. The court then tallied prefectural household registers. Enrollment was expanded: beyond the thousand students at seventeen capital prefectures under the old Dading quotas, sixty schools at military commissions and defense prefectures added another thousand. Each school received one instructor, chosen from men who had completed five examination cycles or jinshi aged fifty or older. Twenty-four prefectural schools enrolled 905 students. Daxing, Kaifeng, Pingyang, Zhending, and Dongping enrolled 60 each; Taiyuan and Yidu 50; Dading, Hejian, Jinan, Daming, and Jingzhao 40; Liaoyang and Zhangde 30; Hezhong, Qingyang, Lintao, and Henan 25; Fengxiang, Pingliang, Yan'an, Xianping, Guangning, and Xingzhong 20. Thirty-nine military-commission schools enrolled 615 students. Jiang, Ding, Wei, Huai, and Cang enrolled 30 each; Lai, Mi, Lu, Fen, Ji, Xing, and Yan 25; Dai, Tong, and Bin 20; Fengsheng 15; the other twenty-three commissions 10 each. Twenty-one defense-prefecture schools enrolled 235 students. Bo, De, Ming, Di, and Bo enrolled 15 each; the other sixteen defense prefectures 10 each. The total came to 1,800 students.
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女直學。 自大定四年,以女直大小字譯經書頒行之。 後擇猛安謀克內良家子弟為學生,諸路至三千人。 九年,取其尤俊秀者百人至京師,以編修官溫蒂罕締達教之。 十三年,以策、詩取士,始設女直國子學,諸路設女直府學,以新進士為教授。 國子學策論生百人,小學生百人。 府州學二十二,中都、上京、胡裏改、恤頻、合懶、蒲與、婆速、咸平、泰州、臨潢、北京、冀州、開州、豐州、西京、東京、蓋州、隆州、東平、益都、河南、陝西置之。 凡取國子學生、府學生之制,皆與詞賦、經義生同。 又定制,每謀克取二人,若宗室每二十戶內無願學者,則取有物力家子弟年十三以上、二十以下者充。 凡會課,三日作策論一道,季月私試如漢生制。 大定二十九年,敕凡京府鎮州諸學,各以女直、漢人進士長貳官提控其事,具入官銜。 河南、陝西女直學,承安二年罷之,餘如舊。
Jurchen Schools From Dading 4 (1164) the classics were translated into large and small Jurchen script and issued. Later sons of respectable families from the meng'an and mouke units were enrolled, reaching three thousand empire-wide. In the ninth year the hundred most promising students were brought to the capital and taught by compilation official Wendihan Dida. In the thirteenth year recruitment by policy essay and poetry began; the Jurchen Directorate and circuit prefectural schools were founded, staffed by newly minted jinshi. The Directorate enrolled one hundred policy-essay students and one hundred elementary pupils. Twenty-two prefectural schools were established at Zhongdu, Shangjing, Hurigai, Xupin, Helan, Puyu, Posu, Xianping, Taizhou, Linhuang, Beijing, Jizhou, Kaizhou, Fengzhou, Xijing, Dongjing, Gaizhou, Longzhou, Dongping, Yidu, Henan, and Shaanxi. Admission rules for Directorate and prefectural Jurchen students matched those for Han rhapsody and exegesis students. Regulations fixed two students per mouke; if no clansman within twenty households wished to study, sons of property-owning families aged thirteen to twenty filled the places. Lessons required one policy essay every three days; quarterly private exams followed the same schedule as for Han students. In Dading 29 (1189) the throne ordered capital and commission schools supervised by senior Jurchen and Han jinshi, with their titles formally recorded. Jurchen schools in Henan and Shaanxi were closed in Chengan 2 (1197); elsewhere the system continued unchanged.
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凡諸進士舉人,由鄉至府,由府至省,及殿廷,凡四試皆中選,則官之。 至廷試五被黜,則賜之第,謂之恩例。 又有特命及第者,謂之特恩。 恩例者但考文之高下為第,而不復黜落。 凡詞賦進士,試賦、詩、策論各一道。 經義進士,試所治一經義、策論各一道。 其設也,始于太宗天會元年十一月,時以急欲得漢士以撫輯新附,初無定數,亦無定期,故二年二月、八月凡再行焉。 五年,以河北、河東初降,職員多闕,以遼、宋之制不同,詔南北各因其素所習之業取士,號為南北選。 熙宗天眷元年五月,詔南北選各以經義、詞賦兩科取士。 海陵庶人天德二年,始增殿試之制,而更定試期。 三年,並南北選為一,罷經義、策試兩科,專以詞賦取士。 貞元元年,定貢舉程試條理格法。 正隆元年,命以《五經》、《三史》正文內出題,始定為三年一辟。
Jinshi and juren advanced through district, prefectural, provincial, and palace examinations; passing all four brought appointment. After five failures at the palace examination, candidates received a conferred degree—the grace precedent. Some passed by special imperial order—special grace. Under the grace precedent, candidates were ranked by writing quality alone, with no further elimination. Rhapsody jinshi candidates wrote one rhapsody, one poem, and one policy essay. Classical-exegesis jinshi wrote exegesis on their chosen classic and one policy essay. The system began in Taizong's Tianhui 1 (1123), month 11, when the court urgently sought Han scholars to govern newly submitted territories. With no fixed quotas or schedule, examinations were held again in months 2 and 8 of the following year. In the fifth year, with Hebei and Hedong newly subdued and offices vacant, and Liao and Song customs differing, the court ordered separate north and south recruitment by local specialty—the north-south selection. In the fifth month of Xizong's Tianjuan 1 (1138), north and south selections were each ordered to recruit through classical exegesis and rhapsody. In Hailing's Tiande 2 (1150) the palace examination was introduced and the examination calendar fixed. In the third year north and south selections were merged; classical exegesis and policy tests were abolished, and recruitment relied on rhapsody alone. Zhenyuan 1 (1153) codified the rules governing tribute recruitment and examinations. Zhenglong 1 (1156) required questions drawn from the Five Classics and Three Histories and fixed the examination cycle at once every three years.
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大定四年,敕宰臣:「進士文優則取,勿限人數。」 十八年,謂宰臣:「文士有偶中魁選,不問操履,而輒授翰苑之職。 如趙承元,朕聞其無士行,果敗露。 自今榜首,先訪察其鄉行,可取則授以應奉,否則從常調。」 十九年,謂宰臣曰:「自來禦試賦題,皆士人嘗擬作者。 前朕自選一題,出人所不料,故中選者多名士,而庸才不及焉。 是知題難則名儒亦擅場,題易則庸流易僥倖也。」 平章政事唐括安禮奏曰:「臣前日言,士人不以策論為意者,正為此爾。 宜各場通考,選文理俱優者。」 上曰:「並答時務策,觀其議論,材自可見,卿等其議之。」 二十年,謂宰臣曰:「朕嘗諭進士不當限數,則對以所取之外無合格文,故中選者少,豈非題難致然耶? 若果多合格,而有司妄黜之,甚非理也。」 又曰:「古者鄉舉有行者,授以官。 今其考滿,察鄉曲實行出倫者擢之。」 又曰:「舊不選策,今兼選矣。 然自今府會兩試不須試策,已中策後,則試以制策,試學士院官。」 二十二年,謂宰臣曰:「漢進士魁,例授應奉,若行不副名,不習制誥之文者,即與外除。」 二十三年,謂宰臣曰:「漢進士,皇統間人材殆不復見,今應奉以授狀元,蓋循資爾。 制誥文字,各以職事鋪敘,皆有定式,故易。 至撰赦詔,則鮮有能者。」 參知政事粘哥斡特剌對曰:「舊人已登第尚為學不輟,今人一及第輒廢而不學,故爾。」 上於聽政之隙,召參知政事張汝霖、翰林直學士李晏讀新進士所對策,至縣令闕員取之何道? 上曰:「朕夙夜思此,未知所出。」 晏對曰:「臣竊念久矣! 國朝設科,始分南北兩選,北選詞賦進士擢第一百五十人,經義五十人,南選百五十人,計三百五十人。 嗣場,北選詞賦進士七十人,經義三十人,南選百五十人,計二百五十人。 以入仕者多,故員不闕。 其後南北通選,止設詞賦科,不過取六七十人,以入仕者少,故縣令員闕也。」 上曰:「自今文理可采者取之,毋限以數。」 二十八年,複經義科。
In Dading 4 (1164) the emperor told his ministers: 'Recruit every jinshi candidate whose writing is excellent; impose no quota.' In the eighteenth year he told his ministers: 'Some scholars win the top place by chance and, without inquiry into character, are posted straight to the Hanlin Academy. Zhao Chengyuan was one: I had heard he lacked scholarly character, and he was indeed exposed. Henceforth top graduates must first be investigated for local reputation; the worthy receive attendant posts, the rest regular assignments.' In the nineteenth year he said: 'Palace examination rhapsody topics were always ones candidates had already practiced. Once I chose my own topic, unforeseen by the candidates; the passes were mostly eminent scholars, and mediocrities fell short. Hard topics let even great scholars shine; easy topics let mediocrities slip through by luck.' Grand Councilor Tangqut Anli replied: 'As I said recently, scholars neglect policy essays for exactly this reason. Every stage of the examination should test comprehensively and select candidates strong in both literary and expository skill.' The emperor said: 'Require current-affairs policy essays as well; talent will show in the argument. Ministers, deliberate and report.' In the twentieth year he said: 'When I ordered jinshi recruitment without quotas, ministers replied that few writings qualified—was that not because the topics were too hard? If many candidates truly qualified and officials rejected them anyway, that would be wholly unreasonable.' He added: 'In antiquity men recommended from the districts for their conduct received office at once. Now, when their evaluation term ends, promote those whose conduct at home truly stands out.' He also said: 'We once ignored policy essays; now we weigh them as well. Henceforth prefectural and metropolitan rounds need not include policy essays; after candidates pass them, test institutional policy essays for Hanlin posts.' In the twenty-second year he told his ministers: 'Han jinshi top graduates customarily received attendant posts; if character did not match reputation or they could not draft edicts, assign them outside the capital at once.' In the twenty-third year he said: 'Han jinshi talent like that of the Huangtong era is rarely seen; attendant posts for top graduates now merely follow seniority. Routine edicts follow fixed formulas keyed to each office and are easy to draft. Amnesty edicts, however, few can write well.' Vice Councilor Niege Wotela replied: 'Earlier generations kept studying after passing; today candidates stop the moment they graduate—that is why.' During a break in court business the emperor summoned Vice Councilor Zhang Rulin and Hanlin Academician Li Yan to read new jinshi policy essays, including one on how to fill vacant county magistrate posts. The emperor said: 'I think of this day and night and do not know the answer.' Yan replied: 'I have pondered this for a long time! When the dynasty first established examinations, north and south selections were separate: the north took 150 rhapsody jinshi and 50 exegesis graduates; the south 150—350 in all. In the supplementary round the north took 70 rhapsody jinshi and 30 exegesis graduates; the south 150—250 in all. Because many men entered service, posts were not left vacant. Later the selections were merged and only the rhapsody track remained, taking at most sixty or seventy men; too few entered service, and county magistrate posts went unfilled.' The emperor said: 'From now on recruit every candidate whose writing is acceptable; impose no quota.' In the twenty-eighth year the classical-exegesis subject was restored.
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章宗明昌元年正月,言事者謂:「舉人四試而鄉試似為虛設,固當罷去。 其府會試乞十人取一人,可以群經出題,而注示本傳。」 上是其言,詔免鄉試,府試以五人取一人,仍令有司議外路添考試院,及群經出題之制。 有司言:「會試所取之數,舊止五百人,比以世宗敕中格者取,乞依此制行之。 府試舊六處,中有地遠者,命特添三處,上京、咸平府路則試于遼陽,河東南北路則試于平陽,山東東路則試於益都。 以《六經》、《十七史》、《孝經》、《論語》、《孟子》、及《荀》、《揚》、《老子》內出題,皆命於題下注其本傳。」 又諭有司曰:「舉人程文所用故事,恐考試官或遽不能憶,誤失人材,可自注出處,注字之誤,不在塗注乙之數。」
In the first month of Zhangzong's Mingchang 1 (1190), memorialists argued that juren sat four examinations while the district round was redundant and should be abolished. Prefectural and metropolitan exams should take one in ten, with questions drawn from the classics and the source passage noted.' The emperor agreed: district examinations were abolished, prefectural exams took one in five, and officials were ordered to plan added examination halls on outer circuits and rules for classical questions. Officials replied: 'Metropolitan examinations were formerly capped at 500; since Shizong ordered taking all who met standard, we ask to follow that rule. Six prefectural examination sites existed; three more were added for distant regions: Shangjing and Xianping circuit candidates tested at Liaoyang, Hedong north and south at Pingyang, Shandong east at Yidu. Questions were drawn from the Six Classics, Seventeen Histories, Filial Piety, Analects, Mencius, Xunzi, Yangzi, and Laozi, with the source passage cited under each question.' He also told officials: 'Candidates may cite their own sources for historical allusions lest examiners forget references and reject good men; annotation errors do not count toward correction limits.'
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明昌二年,敕官或職至五品者,直赴禦試。 四年,平章政事守貞言:「國家官人之路,惟女直、漢人進士得人居多。 諸司局承應,舊無出身,自大定後始敘使,至今鮮有可用者。 近來放進士第數稍多,此舉更宜增取,若會試止以五百人為限,則廷試雖欲多取,不可得也。」 上乃詔有司,會試毋限人數,文合格則取。
In Mingchang 2 (1191) officials of rank 5 and above were allowed to proceed directly to the palace examination. In the fourth year Grand Councilor Shouzhen said: 'Of all routes to office, Jurchen and Han jinshi supply the most capable officials. Bureau clerks formerly had no formal standing; since Dading they have received appointments, yet few prove useful. Jinshi degrees have lately increased; metropolitan exams should take more candidates. If the metropolitan round stays capped at 500, the palace examination cannot expand even when talent warrants it.' The emperor ordered officials to impose no metropolitan quota—take every candidate whose writing qualified.
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六年,言事者謂:「學者率恃有司全注本傳以示之,故不勉讀書,乞減子史注本傳之制。 又經義中選之文多膚淺,乞擇學官,及本科人充試官。」 省臣謂:「若不與本傳,恐碩學者有偶忘之失,可令但知題意而已。」 遂命擇前經義進士為眾所推者、才識優長者為學官,遇差考試官之際,則驗所治經參用。 詞賦進士,題注本傳,不得過五十字。 經義進士,禦試第二場,試論日添試策一道。
In the sixth year memorialists complained that scholars relied on full source citations from officials and stopped studying; they asked to reduce citations for histories and masters. Classical-exegesis passes were often shallow; they asked to appoint school officials and specialists as examiners.' Provincial ministers replied: 'Without source passages, learned men might forget references and fail unfairly; requiring knowledge of the topic should suffice.' The court then appointed former exegesis jinshi whom peers respected and men of superior talent as school officials, and when assigning examiners matched them to the classics they had mastered. For rhapsody jinshi, source citations under questions could not exceed fifty characters. For exegesis jinshi, the palace examination's second round added one policy essay on the day of the composition test.
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承安四年,上諭宰臣曰:「一場放二狀元,非是。 後場廷試,令詞賦、經義通試時務策,止選一狀元,余雖有明經、法律等科,止同諸科而已。」 至宋王安石為相,作新經,始以經義取人。 且詞賦、經義、人素所習之本業,策論則兼習者也。 今舍本取兼習,恐不副陛下公選之意。」 遂定禦試同日各試本業,詞賦依舊,分立甲次,第一名為狀元,經義魁次之。 恩例與詞賦第二人同,餘分為兩甲中下人,並在詞賦之下。 五年,詔考試詞賦官各作程文一道,示為舉人之式,試後赴省藏之。 時宰臣奏:「自大定二十五年以前,詞賦進士不過五百人,二十八年以不限人數,取至五百八十六人。 先承聖訓合格則取,故承安二年取九百二十五人。 兼今有四舉終場恩例,若會試取人數過多,則涉氾濫。」 遂定策論、詞賦、經義人數,雖多不過六百人,少則聽其闕。 時太常丞郭人傑轉對言,詞賦舉人,不得作別名兼試經義,及入學生精加試選,無至濫補。 上敕宰臣曰:「近已奏定,後場詞賦經義同日試之。 若府會試更不令兼試,恐試經義者少,是虛設此科也。 別名之弊,則當禁之。 補試入學生員,已有舊條,恐行之滅裂爾,宜嚴防閑。」 張行簡轉對言:「擬作程文,本欲為考試之式,今會試考試官、禦試讀卷官皆居顯職,擢第後離筆硯久,不復常習,今臨試擬作之文,稍有不工,徒起謗議。」 詔罷之。
In Chengan 4 (1199) the emperor told his ministers: 'Naming two top graduates in one examination is wrong. In the palace round, rhapsody and exegesis candidates should sit a joint current-affairs policy test and yield only one top graduate; classics and law degrees rank with other subjects.' Under the Song, when Wang Anshi became chief minister and issued new classics, recruitment by exegesis began. Rhapsody and exegesis are candidates' primary training; policy essays are supplementary. Favoring the supplementary over the primary may not match Your Majesty's intent of impartial selection.' The court ruled that palace candidates test their own subject on the same day; rhapsody kept its former grading, with one top graduate and the exegesis leader second. Grace-precedent graduates ranked with the second rhapsody place; the rest formed two lower grades beneath rhapsody graduates. In the fifth year examiners were ordered to compose one model rhapsody paper each as a pattern for candidates, deposited with the province after the exam. Ministers reported: 'Before Dading 25, rhapsody jinshi never exceeded 500; in year 28, with no quota, 586 passed. Following the prior order to take all who qualified, Chengan 2 produced 925 graduates. With grace precedent for men who complete four examination cycles, too many metropolitan passes would dilute the degree.' Quotas were set for policy-essay, rhapsody, and exegesis graduates: at most 600 even in abundant years; shortfalls were permitted. Vice Director of Imperial Sacrifices Guo Renjie argued that rhapsody candidates must not sit exegesis under alternate names and that school admission should be strictly tested to prevent indiscriminate enrollment. The emperor told his ministers: 'We recently ordered rhapsody and exegesis tested on the same day in the later round. If prefectural and metropolitan exams forbid combined testing, few will take exegesis and the subject becomes meaningless. The abuse of alternate names must be banned. Trial school admission already has regulations, but they may be loosely enforced; supervision should be tightened.' Zhang Xingjian argued: 'Model papers were meant as examination patterns, but metropolitan examiners and palace readers hold high office and no longer write regularly; last-minute models invite criticism if imperfect.' An edict abolished the practice.
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泰和元年,平章政事徒單鎰病時文之弊,言:「諸生不窮經史,唯事末學,以致志行浮薄。 可令進士試策日,自時務策外,更以疑難經旨相參為問,使發聖賢之微旨、古今之事變。」 詔為永制。 先嘗敕樂人不得舉進士,而奴免不良者則許之。 尚書省奏:「舊稱工樂,謂配隸之色及倡優之家。 今少府監工匠,太常大樂署樂工,皆民也,而不得與試。 前代令諸選人身及祖、父曾經免為良者,雖在官不得居清貫及臨民,今反許試,誠玷清論。」 詔遂定制,放良人不得應諸科舉,其子孫則許之。 上又謂:「德行才能非進士科所能盡,可通行保舉之制。 省奏:「在《周禮》,'大司徒以鄉三物教萬民而賓興之。」 所謂萬民,農工商賈皆是也。 前代立賢無方,如版築之士、鼓刀之叟,垂光簡策者不可勝舉。 今草澤隱逸才行兼備者,令謀克及司縣舉,按察司具聞,以旌用之,既有已降令文矣。」 上命複宣旨以申之。
In Taihe 1 (1201) Grand Councilor Tushan Yi deplored contemporary literary fashion: 'Students neglect classics and histories for minor studies, and purpose and conduct grow shallow. On policy-essay day, besides current affairs, add difficult classical questions so candidates unfold sage subtleties and historical change.' An edict made this permanent. Musicians had been barred from jinshi examinations, yet freed slaves of bad character were allowed to test. The Secretariat replied: 'The old term artisan-musician meant tattooed bondsmen and actors' families. Today's Palace Storehouse artisans and Imperial Sacrifices musicians are commoners, yet cannot test. Earlier dynasties barred selectees whose ancestors had been freed slaves from pure ranks or governing the people; allowing them to test now stains the system's reputation.' An edict fixed the rule: freed slaves may not test, but their descendants may. The emperor also said: 'Virtue and talent exceed what the jinshi examinations can measure; broaden the recommendation system. The Secretariat replied: 'The Rites of Zhou says the Grand Minister of Education taught the people with the three village teachings and raised worthy men as guests.' The myriad people included farmers, artisans, merchants, and traders alike. Earlier dynasties recruited talent without fixed method; wall-builders and knife-grinders whose names shine in the records are beyond counting. Today recluses of talent and character should be recommended by mouke and county officials, reported by investigation commissions, and honored in office—decrees to this effect already exist.' The emperor ordered the decree proclaimed again.
14
宣宗貞祐二年,禦史台言:「明年省試以中都、遼東、西北京等路道阻,宜於中都、南京兩處試之。」 三年,諭宰臣曰:「國初設科,素號嚴密,今聞會試至於雜坐喧嘩,何以防弊?」 命治考官及監察罪。 興定二年,禦史中丞把胡魯言:「國家數路收人,惟進士之選最為崇重,不求備數,惟務得賢。 今場會試,策論進士不及二人取一人,詞賦、經義二人取一,前雖有聖訓,當依大定之制,中選即收,無問多寡,然大定間赴試者或至三千,取不過五百。 泰和中,策論進士三人取一,詞賦、經義四人取一,向者貞祐初,詔免府試,赴會試者幾九千人。 而取八百有奇,則是十之一而已。 時已有依大定之制,亦何嘗二人取一哉! 今考官氾濫如此,非所以為求賢也。 宜於會試之前,奏請所取之數,使恩出於上可也。」 詔集文資官議,卒從泰和之例。 又謂宰臣曰:「從來廷試進士,日晡後即遣出宮,恐文思遲者不得盡其才,令待至暮時。」 特賜經義進士王彪等十三人及第,上覽其程文,愛其辭藻,咨歎久之。 因怪學者益少,謂監試官左丞高汝礪曰:「養士學糧,歲稍豐熟即以本色給之,不然此科且廢矣!」 五年,省試經義進士,考官于常格外多取十餘人,上命以特恩賜第。 又命河北舉人今府試中選而為兵所阻者,免後舉府試。
In Xuanzong's Zhenyou 2 (1214) the Censorate urged holding the next provincial examination only at Zhongdu and Nanjing because routes to Liaodong and other circuits were blocked.' In the third year he told his ministers: 'Early examinations were famously strict; now metropolitan candidates sit mingled and noisy—how can fraud be prevented?' He ordered examiners and supervisors punished. In Xingding 2 (1218) Censor-in-Chief Ba Hulu said: 'The state recruits through many channels, but only jinshi selection is most honored; it seeks worthies, not quotas. Now policy-essay jinshi pass at less than one in two, rhapsody and exegesis at one in two. Though an earlier imperial order said to take all who qualified, Dading practice is the model: three thousand might present themselves, yet only five hundred passed. Under Taihe, policy-essay jinshi passed one in three, rhapsody and exegesis one in four. Early in Zhenyou prefectural exams were waived and nearly nine thousand came to the metropolitan round. Only a little over eight hundred passed—one in ten. Even then, following Dading practice, passes were never as loose as one in two! Examiners are now so lax—that is not how to seek talent. The quota should be memorialized before the metropolitan examination so the throne sets the number.' Civil officials were assembled for debate, and the Taihe precedent was adopted. He also told his ministers: 'Palace examinees were formerly dismissed after mid-afternoon; slow writers could not finish—let them remain until dusk.' Thirteen exegesis graduates including Wang Biao received special degrees; the emperor read their papers, admired their diction, and sighed at length. Noting that scholars were dwindling, he told Examination Supervisor Left Vice Minister Gao Ruli: 'Pay student grain rations in kind in good harvest years, or this degree track will die out!' In the fifth year exegesis examiners took more than ten beyond quota; the emperor granted them special-grace degrees. Hebei candidates who passed prefectural exams this year but were blocked by troops were exempted from the next prefectural round.
15
策論進士,選女直人之科也。 始大定四年,世宗命頒行女直大小字所譯經書。 每謀克選二人習之。 尋欲興女直字學校,猛安謀克內多擇良家子為生,諸路至三千人。 九年,選異等者百人,薦于京師,廩給之。 命溫蒂罕締達教以古書,作詩、策,後復試,得徒單鎰以下三十餘人。 十一年,始議行策選之制,至十三年始定每場策一道,以五百字以上成,免鄉試府試,止赴會試禦試。 且詔京師女直國子學,諸路設女直府學,擬以新進士充教授,以教士民子弟之願學者。 俟行之久學者眾,則同漢進士三年一試之制。 乃就憫忠寺試徒單鎰等,其策曰:「賢生於世,世資於賢,世未嘗不生賢,賢未嘗不輔世。 蓋世非無賢,惟用與否。 若伊尹之佐成湯,傅說之輔高宗,呂望之遇文王,皆起耕築漁釣之間,而其功業卓然,後世不能企及者,蓋殷、周之君能用其人,盡其才也。 本朝以神武定天下,聖上以文德綏海內,文武並用,言小善而必從,事小便而不棄,蓋取人之道盡矣! 而尚憂賢能遺於草澤者,今欲盡得天下之賢用之,又俾賢者各盡其能,以何道而臻此乎?」 憫忠寺舊有雙塔,進士入院之夜半,聞東塔上有聲如音樂,西入宮。 考試官侍御史完顏蒲涅等曰:「文路始開而有此,得賢之祥也。」 中選者得徒單鎰以下二十七人。 十六年,命皇家兩從以上親及宰相子,直赴禦試。 皇家袒免以上親及執政官之子,直赴會試。 至二十年,以徒單鎰等教授中外,其學大振。 遂定制,今後以策、詩試三場,策用女直大字,詩用小字,程試之期皆依漢進士例。 省臣奏:「漢人進士來年三月二十日鄉試,八月二十日府試,次年正月二十日會試,三月十二日禦試。」 敕以來年八月二十五日於中都、上京、咸平、東平府等路四處府試,餘從前例。 上曰:「契丹文字年遠,觀其所撰詩,義理深微,當時何不立契丹進士科舉,今雖立女直字科,慮女直字創制日近,義理未如漢字深奧,恐為後人議論。」 丞相守道曰:「漢文字恐初亦未必能如此。 由歷代聖賢漸加修舉也。 聖主天姿明哲,令譯經教天下,行之久亦可同漢人文章矣!」 上曰:「其同漢人進士例。 譯作程文,俾漢官覽之。」 二十二年三月,策試女直進士。 至四月癸丑,上謂宰臣曰:「女直進士試已久矣,何尚未考定?」 參知政事斡特剌對曰:「以其譯付看故也。」 上令速之。 二十三年,上曰:「女直進士設科未久,若令積習精通,則能否自見矣。」 二十八年,諭宰臣曰:「女直進士惟試以策,行之既久,人能預備,今若試以經義可乎?」 宰臣對曰:「《五經》中《書》、《易》、《春秋》已譯之矣,俟譯《詩》、《禮》畢,試之可也。」 上曰:「大經義理深奧,不加歲月不能貫通。 今宜於經內姑試以論題,後當徐試經義也。」
Policy-essay jinshi were the examination track for Jurchen recruitment. It began in Dading 4 (1164), when Shizong ordered issuance of classics in large and small Jurchen script. Each mouke chose two men to study them. Schools in Jurchen script followed; meng'an and mouke units enrolled many sons of respectable families, reaching three thousand empire-wide. In the ninth year the hundred most outstanding students were sent to the capital with state rations. Wendihan Dida taught them classical texts; after further testing more than thirty passed, including Tushan Yi. In year 11 the court debated policy selection; by year 13 each round required one policy essay of at least 500 characters, with district and prefectural rounds waived—only metropolitan and palace exams remained. The court also founded a Jurchen Directorate in the capital and Jurchen prefectural schools, staffed by new jinshi to teach willing sons of officials and commoners. Once the system matured and enrollment grew, it would follow the Han jinshi cycle of examinations every three years. At Bao'en Temple Tushan Yi and others were tested. His policy essay began: 'The worthy are born into the world, and the world depends on them; the world never lacks worthies, and worthies never fail to serve the world. The world is never without worthies—only whether rulers employ them. Yi Yin served Cheng Tang, Fu Yue Gaozong, and Lü Wang King Wen—all rose from farming, building, fishing, and angling to achievements later ages cannot match, because Yin and Zhou rulers employed their talents fully. Our dynasty conquered by martial prowess; the sage emperor governs by civil virtue; civil and martial talents are both used; the throne heeds even small good counsel and does not dismiss small tasks—the method of recruiting men is complete! Yet the court still fears talent abandoned in obscurity. How may every worthy in the realm be found, employed, and enabled to give his full ability? Bao'en Temple had long had twin pagodas. At midnight on the night the jinshi entered the hall, music-like sounds were heard from the eastern pagoda and drifted westward into the palace. The chief examiners, led by Censor Wanyan Pu'nie, declared: 'The civil service route has only just opened, and this is an auspicious sign that worthy men will be found.' Twenty-seven candidates passed, headed by Tushan Yi. In year 16 the court ordered imperial kinsmen within the second degree of mourning and sons of chancellors to skip preliminary rounds and go straight to the palace examination. Sons of imperial kinsmen within the fifth degree of mourning and sons of chief ministers were allowed to proceed directly to the metropolitan examination. By year 20, with Tushan Yi and others teaching throughout the realm, Jurchen learning flourished. Regulations were then set: three rounds of policy essays and poetry; policy essays in large Jurchen script, poetry in small script; and the examination calendar would follow the Han jinshi model. Provincial officials reported that Han jinshi examinations the following year would run district on the 20th of the third month, prefectural on the 20th of the eighth month, metropolitan on the 20th of the first month of the year after, and palace on the 12th of the third month. An edict set the prefectural examination for the 25th of the eighth month of the coming year at four sites—Central Capital, Upper Capital, Xianping, and Dongping—while other dates followed earlier practice. The emperor said: 'Khitan writing is ancient; poems in it show subtle meaning. Why was no Khitan jinshi degree established then? We now have a Jurchen-script track, but Jurchen script is newly invented and may not match the depth of Chinese—I fear later critics.' Chancellor Shoudao replied: 'Chinese writing probably could not have reached such depth at first either. Successive sages refined it over generations. Our sage emperor is naturally wise; he has ordered the classics translated for the realm—with time Jurchen writing can equal Han literature!' The emperor said: 'Let it follow Han jinshi precedent. Exam papers shall be translated for Han officials to review.' In year 22, third month, the Jurchen jinshi policy examination was held. On guichou day in the fourth month the emperor asked his ministers: 'The Jurchen jinshi exam ended ages ago—why are results still unsettled?' Vice Director Wateci answered: 'Because the papers are still being translated for review.' The emperor ordered them to hurry. In year 23 the emperor said: 'The Jurchen jinshi track is still new; once candidates have trained long enough, talent will reveal itself.' In year 28 he told his ministers: 'Jurchen jinshi have been tested only on policy essays; after so long, candidates can prepare. Should we add classics-meaning?' The ministers answered: 'Documents, Changes, and Spring and Autumn are already translated; once Poetry and Rites are done, classics-meaning testing would be feasible.' The emperor said: 'The great classics are profound; mastery requires years of study. For now let us test discourse topics drawn from the classics; classics-meaning can come later.'
16
章宗大定二十九年,詔許諸人試策論進士舉。 七月,省奏:「如詩、策、論俱作一日程試,恐力有不逮。 詩、策作一日,論作一日,以詩、策合格為中選,而以論定其名次。 上曰:「論乃新添,至第三舉時當通定去留。」 明昌元年,猛安謀克願試進士者擬依餘人例,不可令直赴禦試。」 上曰:「是止許女直進士,毋令試漢進士也。」 又定制,餘官第五品散階,令直赴會試,官職俱至五品,令直赴禦試。 承安二年,敕策論進士限丁習學。 遂定制,內外官員、諸局分承應人、武衛軍、若猛安謀克女直及諸色人,戶止一丁者不許應試,兩丁者許一人,四丁二人,六丁以上止許三人。 三次終場,不在驗丁之限。 三年,定制,女直人以年四十五以下,試進士舉,于府試十日前,委佐貳官善射者試射。 其制,以六十步立垛,去射者十五步對立兩竿,相去二十步,去地二丈,以繩橫約之。 弓不限強弱,不計中否,以張弓巧便、發箭迅正者為熟閑。 射十箭中兩箭,出繩下至垛者為中選。 余路委提刑司,在都委監察體究。 如當赴會試禦試者,大興府佐貳官試驗,三舉終場者免之。 四年,禮部尚書賈鉉言:「策論進士程試弓箭,其兩舉終場及年十六以下未成丁者,若以弓箭退落,有失賢路。 乞於及第後試之,中者別加任使,或升遷,否者降之。」 省臣謂:「舊制三舉終場免試,今兩舉亦免之,未可。 若以未成丁免試,必有妄匿年者,如果幼,使徐習未晚也。 至於及第後試驗升降,則已有定格矣。」 詔從舊制。 在泰和格,複有以時務策參以故事,及疑難經旨為問之制。
In Dading 29, Emperor Zhangzong opened the policy-and-discourse jinshi examination to all subjects. In the seventh month provincial officials reported: 'Scheduling poetry, policy, and discourse all in one day may exceed candidates' stamina. Poetry and policy would be tested on one day, discourse on another; passing poetry and policy would qualify a candidate, with discourse determining rank. The emperor said: 'Discourse is new; by the third examination cycle it should fully determine who passes and fails.' In Mingchang 1, mian'an and mukun candidates wishing to take the jinshi exam were to follow ordinary rules and could not skip straight to the palace examination.' The emperor clarified: 'This applies only to the Jurchen jinshi track—they must not take Han jinshi examinations.' New rules also allowed other officials of fifth-rank dispersal status to go directly to the metropolitan exam, and those whose posts all ranked fifth rank or above to go directly to the palace exam. In Cheng'an 2 an edict imposed household quotas on who could study for the policy-and-discourse jinshi degree. Rules were set for officials, bureau clerks, palace guards, mian'an-mukun Jurchen, and all other groups: one adult male per household barred from the exam; two males allowed one candidate; four allowed two; six or more capped at three. Candidates who had completed three full examination cycles were exempt from household-quota checks. In year 3 rules were set: Jurchen candidates under forty-five taking the jinshi exam would be archery-tested ten days before the prefectural round by deputy officials skilled in shooting. The setup placed a target mound at sixty paces; fifteen paces from the archer stood two poles twenty paces apart and two zhang high, spanned by a horizontal rope. Bow strength did not matter and hits were not scored; proficiency was judged by smooth drawing and a swift, straight release. Of ten shots, two arrows passing below the rope and reaching the mound qualified a candidate. Other circuits delegated oversight to judicial commissioners; in the capital censors conducted investigations. Candidates bound for metropolitan and palace exams were tested by Daxing prefectural deputies; those who had completed three full cycles were exempt. In year 4 Minister of Rites Jia Xuan argued: 'Requiring archery in the policy-and-discourse jinshi schedule may eliminate worthy men who have completed two full cycles or youths under sixteen not yet counted as adult males. He asked that archery be tested after degree conferral, with successful shooters given special appointments or promotion and failures demoted.' Provincial officials replied: 'The old rule exempted those who completed three full cycles; exempting after only two would be too lenient. Exempting non-adults would invite false age claims; truly young candidates could train and try again later. As for post-degree archery testing with promotion or demotion, fixed rules already existed.' An edict upheld the old regulations. The Taihe code also provided for policy questions on current affairs mixed with precedents and difficult passages from the classics.
17
宣宗南遷,興定元年,制中都、西京等路,策論進士及武舉人權于南京、東平、婆速、上京四處府試。 五年,上賜進士斡勒業德等二十八人及第。 上覽程文,怪其數少,以問宰臣,對曰:「大定制隨處設學,諸謀克貢三人或二人為生員,贍以錢米。 至泰和中,人例授地六十畝。 所給既優,故學者多。 今京師雖存府學,而月給通寶五十貫而已。 若于諸路總管府、及有軍戶處置學養之,庶可加益。 京師府學已設六十人,乞更增四十人。 中京、亳州、京兆府並置學官於總府,以謀克內不隸軍籍者為學生,人畀地四十畝。 漢學生在京者亦乞同此,餘州府仍舊制。」 上從之。
After Emperor Xuanzong moved south, in Xingding 1 candidates from the Central Capital, Xijing, and related circuits for policy-and-discourse jinshi and military exams were temporarily assigned to prefectural sites at Nanjing, Dongping, Basui, and Upper Capital. In year 5 the emperor conferred degrees on twenty-eight jinshi, including Wolie Yede. Reviewing the papers, the emperor was struck by how few candidates had passed and asked his ministers. They explained: 'Under Great Dading, schools were set up everywhere; each mukun sent two or three students supported with money and grain. By the Taihe era each student was routinely granted sixty mu of land. Support was generous, so enrollment was large. Today the capital prefectural school survives, but monthly support is only fifty strings of currency. Establishing supported schools at circuit headquarters and where military households are stationed might increase enrollment. The capital prefectural school already enrolled sixty; he asked for forty more places. Zhongjing, Bozhou, and Jingzhao would each place school officials at headquarters, enrolling mukun members not on military rolls as students with forty mu of land apiece. Han students in the capital asked for the same benefits; other prefectures would keep the old system.' The emperor approved.
18
凡會試之數,大定二十五年,詞賦進士不得過五百人。 二十八年,以不限人數,遂至五百八十六人。 章宗令合格則取,故承安二年至九百二十五人。 時以複加四舉終場者,數太濫,遂命取不得過六百人。 泰和二年,上命定會試諸科取人之數,司空襄言:「試詞賦、經義者多,可五取一。 策論絕少,可四取一。 恩榜本以優老於場屋者。 四舉受恩則太優,限以年則礙異材。 可五舉則授恩。」 平章徒單鎰等言:「大定二十五年至明昌初,率三四人取一。」 平章張汝霖亦言:「五人取一,府試百人中才得五耳。」 遂定制,策論三人取一,詞賦、經義五人取一,五舉終場年四十五以上、四舉終場年五十以上者受恩。
Metropolitan examination quotas: in Dading 25 rhymed-prose jinshi were capped at five hundred. In year 28, with no cap, the number rose to five hundred eighty-six. Emperor Zhangzong ordered that all who passed be accepted, so in Cheng'an 2 the total reached nine hundred twenty-five. Re-admitting four-time completers made the pool too large, so a cap of six hundred was imposed. In Taihe 2 the emperor ordered fixed metropolitan quotas by subject. Sikong Xiang proposed: 'Rhymed-prose and classics-meaning have many candidates—take one in five. Policy-and-discourse candidates are scarce—take one in four. The grace list was originally meant to favor candidates long tested in the halls. Grace after four attempts is too generous, but age limits would block late-blooming talent. Grace should require five completed attempts.' Grand Councilor Tushan Yi and others noted: 'From Dading 25 to early Mingchang the rate was roughly one in three or four.' Grand Councilor Zhang Rulin added: 'One in five means only five out of a hundred at prefectural level would pass.' Rules were set: policy-and-discourse one in three, rhymed-prose and classics-meaning one in five; grace went to those who completed five full cycles at age forty-five or above, or four at fifty or above.
19
凡考試官,大定間,府試六處,各差詞賦試官三員,策論試官二員。 明昌初,增為九處,路各差九員,大興府則十一員。 承安四年,又增太原為十處。 有司請省之,遂定策論進士女直經童千人以上差四員,五百人以上三員,不及五百二員。 各以職官高者一人為考試官,餘為同考試官。 詞賦進士與律科舉人共及三千以上五員,二千四員,不及二千三員。 經義進士及經童舉人千人四員,五百以上三員,百人以上二員,不及百人以詞賦考官兼之。 後又定制,策論試官,上京、咸平、東平各三員,北京、西京、益都各二員。 律科,監試官一員,試律官二員,隸詞賦考試院。 經童,試官一員,隸經義考試院,與會試同。 其彌封並謄錄官、檢搜懷挾官、自余修治試院、監押門官,並如會試之制。 大定二十年,上以往歲多以遠地官考試不便,遂命差近者。
Examination officials: during Dading, six prefectural sites each received three rhymed-prose examiners and two policy-and-discourse examiners. Early Mingchang expanded to nine sites, nine examiners per circuit, eleven for Daxing. In Cheng'an 4 Taiyuan was added, making ten sites. Authorities asked to cut staff; quotas were set for policy-and-discourse jinshi and Jurchen child-exams—four examiners for one thousand or more candidates, three for five hundred or more, two for fewer than five hundred. The senior official served as chief examiner; the others were associate examiners. For rhymed-prose jinshi and legal candidates combined: five examiners for three thousand or more, four for two thousand or more, three for fewer than two thousand. For classics-meaning jinshi and child-exams: four examiners for one thousand candidates, three for five hundred or more, two for one hundred or more; under one hundred, rhymed-prose examiners would serve double duty. Later rules fixed policy-and-discourse examiners at three each for Upper Capital, Xianping, and Dongping, and two each for Beijing, Xijing, and Yidu. Legal examinations had one supervising examiner and two legal examiners under the rhymed-prose examination hall. Child-exams had one examiner under the classics-meaning hall, matching metropolitan practice. Sealing clerks, copyists, search officials, hall maintenance staff, and gate guards all followed metropolitan rules. In Dading 20 the emperor noted that appointing distant officials as examiners had caused hardship and ordered nearer officials chosen instead.
20
凡會試,知貢舉官、同知貢舉官,詞賦則舊十員,承安五年為七員。 經義則六員,承安五年省為四員。 詮讀官二員。 泰和三年,上以彌封官渫語于舉人,敕自今女直司則用右選漢人封,漢人司則以女直司封。 宣宗貞祐三年,以會試賦題已曾出,而有犯格中選者,複以考官多取所親,不怒其不公,命究治之。
At metropolitan exams, chief and associate chief examiners for rhymed-prose had been ten, reduced to seven in Cheng'an 5. Classics-meaning had six, cut to four in Cheng'an 5. Two interpreting examiners were appointed. In Taihe 3, after sealing officials leaked information to candidates, an edict required the Jurchen bureau to use Han right-selection seals and the Han bureau to use Jurchen seals. In Zhenyou 3 of Xuanzong's reign, a metropolitan rhyme topic had been reused yet rule-breaking candidates passed, and examiners had favored relatives; the emperor, angered by the unfairness, ordered an investigation.
21
凡禦試,讀卷官,策論、詞賦進士各七員,經義五員,餘職事官各二員。 制舉宏詞共三員。 泰和七年,禮部尚書張行簡言:「舊例,讀卷官不避親,至有親人,或有不敢定其去留,或力加營護,而為同列所疑。 若讀卷官不用與進士有親者,則讀卷之際得平心商確。」 上遂命臨期多擬,其有親者汰之。
At palace exams, paper readers numbered seven each for policy-and-discourse and rhymed-prose jinshi, five for classics-meaning, and two for each other functional category. Decree examination and grand eloquence together had three readers. In Taihe 7 Minister of Rites Zhang Xingjian reported: 'By old rule readers need not avoid kin; when relatives appeared, some dared not judge them fairly, or protected them too openly, inviting colleagues' suspicion. If readers related to candidates were excluded, grading could proceed in impartial consultation.' The emperor ordered extra nominees prepared in advance and those with kin among candidates removed.
22
凡府試策論進士,大定二十年定以中都、上京、咸平、東平四處。 至明昌元年,添北京、西京、益都為七處,兼試女直經童。 凡上京、合懶、速頻、胡裏改、蒲與、東北招討司等路者,則赴會寧府試。 咸平、隆州、婆速、東京、蓋州、懿州者,則赴咸平府試。 中都、河北東西路者,則赴大興府試。 西京並西南、西北二招討司者,則赴大同府試。 北京、臨潢、宗州、興州、全州者,則赴大定府試。 山東西、大名、南京者,則赴東平府試。 山東東路則試於益都。 凡詞賦、經義進士及律科、經童府試之處,大定間,大興、大定、大同、開封、東平、京兆凡六處。 明昌初,增遼陽,平陽,益都為九處。 承安四年複增太原為十。 中都、河北則試於大興府,上京、東京、咸平府等路則試于遼陽府,余各試於其境。
Prefectural policy-and-discourse jinshi exams were fixed in Dading 20 at four sites: Central Capital, Upper Capital, Xianping, and Dongping. By Mingchang 1 Beijing, Xijing, and Yidu were added for seven sites, which also hosted Jurchen child-exams. Candidates from Upper Capital, Helan, Supin, Huligai, Puyu, the Northeast Pacification Commissioner, and related circuits took the Huining prefectural exam. Candidates from Xianping, Longzhou, Basui, Dongjing, Gaizhou, and Yizhou took the Xianping prefectural exam. Candidates from the Central Capital and Hebei East and West circuits took the Daxing prefectural exam. Candidates from Xijing and the Southwest and Northwest Pacification Commissioners took the Datong prefectural exam. Candidates from Beijing, Linhuang, Zongzhou, Xingzhou, and Quanzhou took the Dading prefectural exam. Candidates from Shandong East and West, Daming, and Nanjing took the Dongping prefectural exam. Candidates from Shandong East circuit tested at Yidu. During Dading, prefectural exams for rhapsody and exegesis jinshi, legal studies, and child classics were held at six sites: Daxing, Dading, Datong, Kaifeng, Dongping, and Jingzhao. Early in Mingchang, Liaoyang, Pingyang, and Yidu were added, bringing the total to nine sites. In Cheng'an 4 (1199) Taiyuan was added again, for ten sites in all. Central Capital and Hebei candidates tested at Daxing; Upper Capital, Eastern Capital, Xianping, and related circuits at Liaoyang; all other regions tested within their own jurisdictions.
23
凡鄉試之期,以三月二十日。 府試之期,若策論進士則以八月二十日試策,間三日試詩。 詞賦進士則以二十五日試賦及詩,又間三日試策論。 經義進士又間詞賦後三日試經義,又三日試策。 次律科,次經童,每場皆間三日試之。 會試,則策論進士以正月二十日試策,皆以次間三日,同前。 禦試,則以三月二十日策論進士試策,二十三日試詩論,二十五日詞賦進士試賦詩論,而經義進士亦以是日試經義,二十七日乃試策論。 若試日遇雨雪,則候晴日。 禦試唱名後,試策則稟奏,宏詞則作二日程試。 舊制,試女直進士在再試漢進士後。 大定二十九年以複設經義科,更定是制。
District examinations were scheduled for the twentieth day of the third month. Prefectural exams opened with policy essays for policy-and-discourse jinshi on the twentieth of the eighth month, followed three days later by poetry. Rhapsody jinshi tested rhapsody and poetry on the twenty-fifth, then policy essays three days later. Exegesis jinshi sat the exegesis exam three days after the rhapsody jinshi, with policy essays following three days later. Legal studies followed, then child classics; each round was held three days apart. Metropolitan exams opened with policy essays for policy-and-discourse jinshi on the twentieth of the first month, with the same three-day intervals as at the prefectural level. Palace exams ran policy essays for policy-and-discourse jinshi on the twentieth of the third month, poetry and discourse on the twenty-third, rhapsody/poetry/discourse for rhapsody jinshi and exegesis for exegesis jinshi on the twenty-fifth, and policy essays on the twenty-seventh. Examination days postponed for rain or snow until the skies cleared. After the palace roll call, policy-essay candidates submitted memorial reports, while eloquence candidates received a two-day examination schedule. Formerly Jurchen jinshi were tested only after Han jinshi completed their second round. When the exegesis subject was restored in Dading 29 (1189), this arrangement was revised.
24
恩例。 明昌元年,定制,省元直就禦試,不中者許綴榜未。 解元但免府試,四舉終場依五舉恩例,所試文卷惟犯禦名廟諱、不成文理者則黜之,余並以文之優劣為次。 仍一日試三題,其五舉者止試賦詩,女直進士亦同此例。 承安五年,敕進士四舉該恩,詞賦、經義當以各科為場數,不得通數。 又恩榜人應授官者,監試官于試時具數以奏,特恩者授之。 泰和三年,以經義會元與策論詞賦進士不同,若禦試被黜則附榜末,為太優,若同恩例,又與四舉者不同。 遂定制,依曾經府試解元免府試之例。 會試下第,再舉直赴禦試。
Grace Precedents. Mingchang 1 (1190) rules allowed metropolitan winners straight into the palace exam, with failures appended to the bottom of the rolls. Prefectural winners skipped only the prefectural round; four-time completers received five-time grace benefits; papers were failed only for taboo violations or incoherence, with all others ranked by quality. Candidates still answered three questions in one day; five-time completers tested only rhapsody and poetry, as did Jurchen jinshi. Cheng'an 5 (1200) decreed that four completed attempts earned grace; rhapsody and exegesis session counts had to be tracked separately by subject, not combined. Supervising examiners reported grace-list appointees during testing, and special-grace candidates received their posts. In Taihe 3 (1203), exegesis metropolitan winners differed from policy-and-discourse and rhapsody jinshi; appending palace failures to the roll's end was unduly generous, yet grace rules also differed from the four-time standard. New rules followed the established precedent exempting former prefectural winners from repeating the prefectural round. Metropolitan failures on their next attempt went straight to the palace exam.
25
律科進士,又稱為諸科,其法以律令內出題,府試十五題,每五人取一人。 大定二十二年定制,會試每場十五題,三場共通三十六條以上,文理優、擬斷當、用字切者,為中選。 臨時約取之,初無定數。 其制始見於海陵庶人正隆元年,至章宗大定二十九年,有司言:「律科止知讀律,不知教化之源,可使通治《論語》、《孟子》,以涵養其氣度。」 遂令自今舉後,複於《論語》、《孟子》內試小義一道,府會試別作一日引試,命經義試官出題,與本科通考定之。
Legal-studies jinshi—also called the miscellaneous subjects—drew questions from law codes; prefectural exams had fifteen questions with one pass per five candidates. Dading 22 (1182) rules set fifteen questions per metropolitan session across three sessions; candidates passing at least thirty-six items with strong prose, sound judgments, and precise language were selected. Quotas were set flexibly at the time; no fixed number existed initially. The system first appears in Hailing's Zhenglong 1 (1156); in Dading 29 (1189) under Emperor Zhangzong officials reported: 'Legal-studies candidates know statutes but not the moral foundations of governance—they should study the Analects and Mencius to cultivate their character.' From the next round onward, one short exegesis question from the Analects and Mencius was added on a separate day at prefectural and metropolitan exams, set by exegesis examiners and graded together with the legal-studies papers.
26
經童科
The Child Classics Subject
27
經童之制,凡士庶子年十三以下,能誦二大經、三小經,又誦《論語》諸子及五千字以上,府試十五題通十三以上,會試每場十五題,三場共通四十一以上,為中選。 所貴在幼而誦多者,若年同,則以誦大經多者為最。 初,天會八年時,太宗以東平童子劉天驥,七歲能誦《詩》、《書》、《易》、《禮》、《春秋左氏傳》及《論語》、《孟子》,上命教養之,然未有選舉之制也。 熙宗即位之二年,詔辟貢舉,始備其列,取至百二十二人。 天德間,廢之。 章宗大定二十九年,上謂宰臣曰:「經童豈遽無人,其議複置。」 明昌元年,益都府申:「童子劉住兒年十一歲,能詩賦,誦大小六經,所書行草頗有法,孝行夙成,乞依宋童子李淑賜出身,且加以恩詔。」 召至內殿,試《鳳凰來儀》賦、《魚在藻》詩,又令賦《旱》詩,上嘉之,賜本科出身,給錢粟官舍,令肄業太學。 明昌三年,平章政事完顏守貞言:「經童之科非古也,自唐諸道表薦,或取五人至十人。 近代宋仁宗以為無補,罷之。 本朝皇統間取五十人,因以為常,天德時複廢。 聖主複置,取以百數,恐久積多,不勝銓擬,乞諭旨約省取之。」 上曰:「若所誦皆及格,何如?」 守貞曰:「視最幼而誦不訛者精選之,則人數亦不至多也。」 複問參知政事胥持國,對曰:「所誦通否易見,豈容有濫。」 上曰:「限以三十或四十人,若百人皆通,亦可複取其精者。」 持國曰:「是科蓋資教之術耳。 夫幼習其文,長玩其義,使之蒞政,人格出焉。 如中選者,加之修習進士舉業,則所記皆得為用。 臣謂可勿令遽登仕途,必習舉業,而後官使之可也。 若能擢進士第,自同進士任用。 如中府薦或會試,視其次數,優其等級。 幾舉不得薦者,從本出身,似可以激勸而得人矣!」 詔議行之。
Under the child-classics system, boys aged thirteen or under who could recite two major and three minor classics, the Analects, selected masters, and over five thousand characters passed the prefectural round by answering at least thirteen of fifteen questions, and the metropolitan round by scoring at least forty-one across three sessions of fifteen questions each. Youth and breadth of recitation were prized; when ages matched, the candidate who had recited more major classics ranked first. Early on, in Tianhui 8 (1130), Emperor Taizong learned that Liu Tianji, a seven-year-old boy from Dongping, could recite the Odes, Documents, Changes, Rites, Zuo Commentary, Analects, and Mencius, and ordered him placed under tutelage—but no examination system yet existed. In the second year of Emperor Xizong's reign (1147), an edict opened recruitment examinations; the child-classics track was formally established, selecting up to 122 candidates. It was abolished during the Tiande era (1149–1153). In Dading 29 (1189) Emperor Zhangzong told his chief ministers: 'Surely child-classics candidates cannot have vanished entirely—discuss restoring the subject.' In Mingchang 1 (1190) Yidu prefecture reported: 'Liu Zhu'er, aged eleven, can compose poetry and rhapsody, recite all six classics, writes running and cursive script with real skill, and has shown filial conduct from early youth—we ask that he receive office as did the Song prodigy Li Shu, together with an imperial grace edict.' Summoned to the inner hall, he was tested on the rhapsody 'The Phoenix Comes with Auspicious Bearing' and the poem 'Fish amid the Waterweeds,' then asked to compose a poem on drought. The emperor praised him, granted child-classics graduation, supplied money, grain, and official quarters, and enrolled him at the Imperial University. In Mingchang 3 (1192) Grand Councilor Wanyan Shouzhen said: 'The child-classics subject is not ancient; from Tang onward circuits submitted recommendations, selecting anywhere from five to ten candidates. In recent times Emperor Renzong of Song judged it useless and abolished it. Under our dynasty fifty were selected during Huangtong (1141–1149), making that the norm, until Tiande abolished the subject again. Your Majesty restored the subject and now selects by the hundreds; over time the numbers may overwhelm appointment review—we beg an edict to limit selections.' The emperor asked: 'What if every candidate who recites meets the standard?' Shouzhen replied: 'Choose carefully the youngest candidates who recite flawlessly, and the numbers need not grow excessive.' He then asked Vice Grand Councilor Xu Chiguo, who answered: 'Whether a candidate's recitation is complete is easy to verify—abuse is hardly possible.' The emperor said: 'Cap it at thirty or forty; if all one hundred pass, we can still choose the finest among them.' Chiguo said: 'This subject is essentially a tool for cultivating learning. Study the texts in youth, dwell on their meaning in maturity, and when such men enter office their character shows itself. If selected candidates also trained in jinshi examination work, everything they had memorized would become useful. I hold that they should not enter office too hastily; they must complete examination training before appointment. Those who win jinshi rank should be employed on the same terms as other jinshi. Those who passed prefectural recommendation or the metropolitan exam should receive preferential rank according to their number of attempts. Those who failed to gain recommendation after several attempts would retain their original child-classics status—this should spur effort and draw out real talent!' An edict ordered the proposal discussed and put into effect.
28
制舉有賢良方正、能直言極諫、博學宏材、達于從政等科,試無常期。 上意欲行,即告天下。 聽內外文武六品以下職官無公私過者,從內外五品以上官薦於所屬,詔試之。 若草澤士,德行為鄉里所服者,則從府州薦之。 凡試,則先投所業策論三十道於學士院,視其詞理優者,委官以群經子史內出題,一日試論三道,如可,則庭試策一道,不拘常務,取其無不通貫者,優等遷擢之。 宏詞科試詔、誥、章、表、露布、檄書,則皆用四六; 誡、諭、頌、箴、銘、序、記,則或依古今體,或參用四六。 于每舉賜第後進士及在官六品以下無公私罪者,在外官薦之,令試策官出題就考,通試四題,分二等遷擢之。 二科皆章宗明昌元年所創者也。
Special recruitment included Worthy and Upright, Straightforward Remonstrance, Broad Learning and Grand Talent, and Mastery of Governance; these exams had no fixed schedule. When the emperor wished to hold an exam, notice was issued throughout the realm. Civil and military officials of rank six and below without public or private offenses could be recommended by rank-five officials and above to their jurisdictions for imperial testing. Common scholars whose conduct commanded local respect were recommended through prefectures and districts. Candidates first submitted thirty prepared policy essays to the Hanlin Academy; those judged strongest in language and reasoning were tested with three essay questions drawn from the classics, masters, and histories in one day; qualified candidates then faced one hall policy essay on non-routine matters, and those showing comprehensive mastery received superior promotion. The eloquence subject tested edicts, commissions, memorials, tables, battle bulletins, and proclamations—all in parallel prose; Admonitions, instructions, eulogies, admonitory inscriptions, commemorative inscriptions, prefaces, and records could follow ancient or modern forms, or mix in parallel prose. At each round, newly graduated jinshi and serving officials of rank six and below without public or private crimes could be recommended by local officials; policy examiners set questions on the spot for four questions total, with promotion divided into two grades. Both subjects were established in Mingchang 1 (1190) under Emperor Zhangzong.
29
武舉,嘗設于皇統時,其制則見於《泰和式》,有上中下三等。 能挽一石力弓,以重七錢竹箭,百五十步立貼,十箭內,府試欲中一箭,省試中二箭,程試中三箭。 又遠射二百二十步垛,三箭內一箭至者。 又百五十步內,每五十步設高五寸、長八寸臥鹿二,能以七斗弓、二大鑿頭鐵箭馳射,府試則許射四反,省試三反,程試二反,皆能中二箭者。 又百五十步內,每三十步,左右錯置高三尺木偶人戴五寸方板者四,以槍馳刺,府試則許馳三反,省試二反,程試三反,左右各刺落一板者。 又依廕例問律一條,又問《孫》、《吳》書十條,能說五者,為上等。 凡程試,若一有不中者,皆黜之。 若射貼弓八斗,遠射二百一十步,射鹿弓六斗,《孫》、《吳》書十條通四,為中等。 射貼弓七斗,遠射二百五步,射鹿弓五斗,《孫》、《吳》書十條通三,為下等。 解律、刺板,皆欲同前。 凡不知書者,雖上等為中,中則為下。 凡試中中下,願再試者聽。 舊制,就試上等不中,不許再試中下等。 泰和元年,定制,不分舊等,但從所願,試中則以三等為次。 二年,省奏:「武舉程式當與進士同時,今年八月府試,欲隨路設考試所,臨期差官,恐以創立未見應試人數,遂權令各處就考之。」 宣宗貞祐三年,同進士例,賜敕命章服。 時以隨處武舉入試者,自非見居職任及已用於軍前者,令郡縣盡遣詣京師,別為一軍,以備緩急。 其被薦而未授官者,亦量材任之。 元光二年,東京總帥紇石烈牙吾塔言:「武舉入仕,皆授巡尉軍轄,此曹雖善騎射,不曆行陣,不知軍旅,一旦臨敵,恐致敗事。 乞盡括付軍前為長校,俟有功則升之。」 宰臣奏:「國家設此科與進士等,而欲盡置軍中,非獎進人材之道。」 遂籍丁憂、待闕、去職者付之。
Military examinations were established during Huangtong; the rules appear in the Taihe Regulations, with upper, middle, and lower grades. Candidates had to draw a one-stone bow and shoot seven-qian bamboo arrows at a standing target 150 paces away; within ten shots, the prefectural round required one hit, the provincial round two, and the final round three. They also had to hit a mound target at 220 paces, landing at least one of three arrows. Within 150 paces, prone deer targets five inches high and eight inches long were placed every 50 paces; mounted candidates shot with a seven-dou bow and two large chisel-headed iron arrows—the prefectural round allowed four passes, the provincial three, and the final round two, each requiring two hits. Within 150 paces, wooden dummy men three feet high with five-inch square boards were placed alternately left and right every 30 paces; mounted spear charges required knocking off one board on each side—the prefectural round allowed three passes, the provincial two, and the final round three. Following hereditary-privilege precedent, candidates also answered one legal question and ten questions on the Sun and Wu military texts; answering five qualified for the upper grade. In the final round, failure in any single event meant rejection. The middle grade required an eight-dou standing-target bow, 210-pace long-range shooting, a six-dou deer-shooting bow, and four correct answers on the Sun and Wu texts. The lower grade required a seven-dou standing-target bow, 205-pace long-range shooting, a five-dou deer-shooting bow, and three correct answers on the Sun and Wu texts. Legal interpretation and board-striking requirements matched the upper-grade standards. Candidates who failed the literary portion were demoted one grade—upper to middle, middle to lower. Candidates who passed at middle or lower grade were permitted to retest if they wished. Formerly, candidates who failed while attempting the upper grade could not retest at middle or lower grade. Taihe 1 (1201) rules allowed candidates to test at whichever grade they chose; passes were ranked within the three grades accordingly. In the second year provincial officials reported: 'Military exams should run concurrently with jinshi; for this August prefectural round we planned circuit examination sites with officials assigned at the deadline, but fearing uncertain turnout for a newly established system, we temporarily allowed each locality to test on the spot.' In Zhenyuo 3 (1215) under Emperor Xuanzong, military graduates received edict commissions and insignia robes on the same terms as jinshi. At the time, military examination candidates from across the realm—unless already in office or deployed at the front—were sent to the capital by prefectures and districts and formed into a separate army for emergencies. Recommended candidates not yet appointed were also assigned duties according to their ability. In Yuanguang 2 (1223) Eastern Capital commander He Shilie Yawuta said: 'Military graduates are all posted as patrol officers and garrison commanders; though skilled at riding and archery, they lack battlefield experience and know nothing of command—once they face the enemy, defeat seems likely. I ask that they all be assigned to the front as senior officers and promoted only after earning merit.' Chief ministers replied: 'The state established this subject on equal footing with jinshi; placing all graduates in the army is not the way to reward talent.' Instead, candidates in mourning, awaiting appointment, or between posts were assigned.
30
試學士院官
Examination of Hanlin Academy Officials
31
試學士院官。 大定二十八年,敕設科取士為學士院官。 禮部下太常,按唐典,初入學士院例先試,今若于進士已仕者,以隨朝六品,外路五品職事官薦,試製詔誥等文字三道,取文理優者充應奉。 由是翰苑之選為精。 明昌五年,以學士院撰文字人少,命尚書省訪有文采者勾取權試之。
Examination of Hanlin Academy officials. In Dading 28 (1188) an edict established an examination track to recruit Hanlin Academy officials. The Ministry of Rites consulted the Court of Imperial Sacrifices; by Tang precedent, Hanlin entry required prior examination. Serving jinshi recommended by rank-six court officials or rank-five circuit officials were tested on three documents such as edicts and commissions; those strongest in language and reasoning were appointed as academy attendants. Hanlin recruitment thereby became more selective. In Mingchang 5 (1194), with too few Hanlin drafters available, the Ministry of Revenue was ordered to seek men of literary talent, summon them, and test them provisionally.
32
司天、醫學試科
Astronomy Bureau and Medical Examination Subjects
33
凡司天臺學生,女直二十六人,漢人五十人,聽官民家年十五以上,三十以下試補。 又三年一次,選草澤人試補。 其試之制,以《宣明曆》試推步,及《婚書》、《地理新書》試合婚、安葬,並《易》筮法,六壬課、三命五星之術。 凡醫學十科,大興府學生三十人,餘京府二十人,散府節鎮十六人,防禦州十人,每月試疑難,以所對優劣加懲勸,三年一次試諸太醫,雖不系學生,亦聽試補。
The Astronomy Bureau enrolled twenty-six Jurchen and fifty Han students; men aged fifteen to thirty from official and common households could test for admission. Every three years, common scholars were also selected to test for admission. Examinations tested calendrical calculation through the Xuanming Calendar, marriage compatibility and burial placement through the Marriage Book and New Book of Geography, together with Changes divination, liuren divination, and the arts of the three fates and five stars. Medicine was divided into ten specialties: Daxing prefecture enrolled thirty students, other capital prefectures twenty, regular prefectures and military commissions sixteen, and defensive prefectures ten. Each month difficult cases were tested, with rewards or punishments according to performance; every three years all court physicians were examined—even non-students could test for admission.