Volume 20 Treatises 10: Rites Part Two

五禮之別，二曰凶。自天子至於庶人，身體髮膚，受之父母，其理既均，其情亦等，生則養，死則哀，故曰三年之喪，天下之達禮者也。漢禮，天子崩，自不豫至於登遐及葬，喪紀之制，與夫三代變易。魏晉以來，大體同漢。然自漢文革喪禮之制，後代遵之，無復三年之禮。及魏武臨終，遺令「天下尚未安定，未得遵古。百官當臨中者，十五舉音，葬畢便除。其將兵屯戍者，不得離部。」魏武以正月庚子崩，辛丑即殯，是月丁卯葬，是為不逾月也。

Among the five canonical rituals, the second category is mourning for the dead. From the sovereign to the humblest subject, flesh and hair come from one's parents; the duty is the same and the grief no different—while they live we sustain them, when they die we mourn them. Hence the canon calls three years' mourning the rite that runs through all the world. Han court precedent for an emperor's death—from the first illness through the lying-in-state to interment—shifted its mourning code across the Xia, Shang, and Zhou models. From the Wei through the Jin, the dynasty largely kept Han practice. Yet once Emperor Wen of Han pared the mourning statutes, every succeeding age copied his shortcut, and the full three-year observance disappeared. As Cao Cao lay dying, his testament read, 'The realm is still unsettled; we cannot return to ancient lengths of mourning. Officials attending the catafalque in the capital were to intone the pulling-hymn fifteen times, then shed mourning the moment the tomb was closed. Commanders holding field garrisons were forbidden to quit their posts.' Cao Cao died on the gengzi day of the first month; by xinchou the bier stood ready; dingmao that same month saw the interment—mourning lifted inside a single month.

及宣帝、景帝之崩，並從權制。文帝之崩，國內服三日。武帝亦遵漢魏之典，既葬除喪，然猶深衣素冠，降席撤膳。太宰司馬孚、太傅鄭沖、太保王祥、太尉何曾、司徒領中領軍司馬望、司空荀顗、車騎將軍賈充、尚書令裴秀、尚書僕射武陔、都護大將軍郭建、侍中郭綏、中書監荀勖、中軍將軍羊祜等奏曰：「臣聞禮典軌度，豐殺隨時，虞夏商周，咸不相襲，蓋有由也。大晉紹承漢魏，有革有因，期於足以興化而已，故未得皆返太素，同規上古也。陛下既以俯遵漢魏降喪之典，以濟時務，而躬蹈大孝，情過乎哀，素冠深衣，降席撤膳，雖武丁行之于殷世，曾閔履之於布衣，未足以逾。方今荊蠻未夷，庶政未乂，萬機事殷，動勞神慮，豈遑全遂聖旨，以從至情。臣等以為陛下宜割情以康時濟俗，輒敕御府易服，內省改坐，太官復膳，諸所施行，皆如舊制。」詔曰：「每感念幽冥，而不得終苴絰於草土，以存此痛，況當食稻衣錦，誠詭然激切其心，非所以相解也。吾本諸生家，傳禮來久，何心一旦便易此情於所天！相從已多，可試省孔子答宰我之言，無事紛紜也。言及悲剝，柰何！柰何！」孚等重奏：「伏讀聖詔，感以悲懷，輒思仲尼所以抑宰我之問，聖思所以不能已已，甚深甚篤。然今者干戈未戢，武事未偃，萬機至重，天下至眾。陛下以萬乘之尊，履布衣之禮，服粗席稿，水飲疏食，殷憂內盈，毀悴外表。而躬勤萬機，坐而待旦，降心接下，仄不遑食，所以勞力者如斯之甚。是以臣等悚息不寧，誠懼神氣用損，以疚大事。輒敕有司，改坐復常，率由舊典。惟陛下察納愚款，以慰皇太后之心。」又詔曰：「重覽奏議，益以悲剝，不能自勝，柰何！柰何！三年之喪，自古達禮，誠聖人稱情立衷，明恕而行也。神靈日遠，無所訴告，雖薄於情，食旨服美，所不堪也。不宜反覆，重傷其心，言用斷絕，柰何！柰何！」帝遂以此禮終三年。後居太后之喪亦如之。

The deaths of Sima Yi and Sima Shi were handled under the same shortened schedule. When Sima Zhao died, the whole state wore mourning for three days and no more. Emperor Sima Yan kept the Han–Wei rule of ending court mourning at burial, but he still dressed in plain hemp deep robes, set aside brocade cushions, and ate only coarse fare. Sima Fu, Zheng Chong, Wang Xiang, He Ceng, Sima Wang, Xun Yi, Jia Chong, Pei Xiu, Wu Yan, Guo Jian, Guo Sui, Xun Xu, Yang Hu, and the rest jointly wrote: 'Canonical ritual scales with the age; the Five Emperors and Three Kings changed their music and ceremonies because circumstance, not caprice, demanded it. Our Jin dynasty picks up Han and Wei practice where it still serves and alters it where it does not, intent solely on renewing the people—it cannot snap every tie to recent precedent and pretend to be the Yellow Emperor's court. You have accepted the shortened mourning of Han and Wei for the sake of state, yet you still live like the most scrupulous mourner—undyed cap, hemp robes, mat on the ground, plain gruel—surpassing even King Wuding of Shang or Zeng and Min in their scholar's cottages. The southern rebels are still in the field, every office clamors for decisions, and the red basket never empties—your spirit cannot bear both the realm and unbroken vigil grief. We beg you to steady the times by checking private sorrow: let the wardrobe send court dress again, the inner chambers raise the cushions, the kitchens resume regular meals—everything as statute prescribes before the altars starve for attention.' The emperor answered: 'Each time I think of my father under the earth and know I cannot keep the rough cord on the fresh tumulus, the wound opens anew; to don silk and eat white rice would twist the knife—no salve for grief. I was raised a classicist family; ritual has shaped us for generations—how could I overnight blunt love for the man who gave me life? You have served at my side for years—reread the Master's rebuke of Zai Wo and spare me another round of pleas. Speech only tears the wound wider—what am I to do? Alas, what can I do?' Sima Fu's party wrote again: 'We lay your sacred words on our hearts and weep; we remember how Confucius trimmed Zai Wo's demand for a one-year mourning—a sage's grief will not obey a calendar, and yours runs deeper still. Yet spears are still crossed, campaigns unfinished, and the realm's business outweighs every private claim. You who command the empire sleep on straw, drink plain water, and waste visibly away while grief eats you from within. Yet you still hold dawn audience, humble yourself before ministers, and skip meals to finish memorials—no body could endure the strain. We tremble lest your spirit snap and the dynasty pay the price. Order the bureaus to restore your cushions, meals, and court dress under the standing code. Only accept our clumsy plea and give the empress dowager peace of mind.' Another rescript ran: 'Each rereading of your papers rips the wound—I cannot steady myself—what can I do? What can I do? Three years' mourning is the rite that runs through all ages: the sages framed it from genuine grief, set a middle path, and taught forbearance in its observance. The dead recede day by day with nowhere to pour complaint; even if court dress stayed thin, rich flavors and brocade would choke me. Do not harry me and tear the scab again—I end here—what can I do? What can I do?' With that he carried the full three-year vigil despite every plea. He repeated the same austerity when the empress dowager died.

八月，詔曰：「此上旬，先帝棄天下日也，便以周年。吾煢煢，當復何時一得敘人子之情邪！思慕煩毒，欲詔陵瞻侍，以盡哀憤。主者具行備。」太宰安平王孚、尚書令裴秀、尚書僕射武陔等奏：「陛下至孝蒸蒸，哀思罔極。衰麻雖除，哀毀疏食，有損神和。今雖秋節，尚有餘暑，謁見山陵，悲感摧傷，群下竊用竦息，以為宜降抑聖情，以慰萬國。」詔曰：「孤煢忽爾，日月已周，痛慕摧感，永無逮及。欲瞻奉山陵，以敘哀憤，體氣自佳耳。又已涼，便當行，不得如所奏也。主者便具行備。」又詔曰：「漢文不使天下盡哀，亦帝王至謙之志。當見山陵，何心而無服，其以衰絰行。」孚等重奏曰：「臣聞上古喪期無數，後世乃有年月之漸。漢文帝隨時之義，制為短喪，傳之於後。陛下以社稷宗廟之重，萬方億兆之故，既從權制，釋除衰麻，群臣百姓吉服，今者謁陵，以敘哀慕，若加衰絰，進退無當。不敢奉詔。」詔曰：「亦知不在此麻布耳。然人子情思，為欲令哀喪之物在身，蓋近情也。群臣自當案舊制。」孚等又奏曰：「臣聞聖人制作，必從時宜。故五帝殊樂，三王異禮，此古今所以不同，質文所以迭用也。陛下隨時之宜，既降心克己，俯就權制，既除衰麻，而行心喪之禮，今復制服，義無所依。若君服而臣不服，亦未之敢安也。參議宜如前奏。」詔曰：「患情不能跂及耳，衣服何在。諸君勤勤之至，豈苟相違。」

An eighth-month edict noted that the first third of the month marked a year since his father's death. I am left desolate—when may I ever discharge a son's debt of grief? Longing gnaws me; I mean to visit the tumulus and pour out this ache. Let the steward draw up the procession at once.' Sima Fu, Pei Xiu, Wu Yan, and their colleagues answered: 'Your filial steam rises to Heaven; grief has no boundary for you. Court hemp is gone, yet you still fast like a mourner and harm your inner balance. Autumn heat still lingers; a journey to the mausoleum would shatter your health—we beg you to bridle sacred sorrow for the realm's sake.' The throne replied: 'Orphaned in an instant, a year already gone—grief outruns every chance to atone. I need only to stand at the tomb and voice this ache—my body is still strong enough. The air has cooled; I am going—your plea cannot stand. Have the steward ready the train immediately.' A second edict added: 'Han Wendi spared the realm a full three years—that was imperial self-effacement, not indifference. Facing my father's mound without hemp would shame a son—I will travel in zhui mourning cords.' They shot back: 'Antiquity set no fixed mourning tally; only later did calendars of months appear. Han Wendi shortened mourning to suit his crisis, and every dynasty since copied him. You laid aside hemp for the altars' sake while the court already wears bright dress; to wind cord again for the ride to the tomb would leave neither mourning nor felicity coherent. We cannot obey that rescript.' The emperor answered: 'I know the issue is not the cloth itself. A child simply wants the outward signs of grief on his skin—that is what feels honest. Ministers will keep the standing dress code among themselves.' Sima Fu's bloc wrote again: 'The sages never framed ritual without watching the times. The Five Emperors changed their music, the Three Kings their ceremonies—substance and polish shift because history shifts. You already accepted the shortened code and mourned in heart while court dress brightened; to reclothe in hemp now would contradict the very expedient you approved. If the sovereign wore hemp while ministers wore silk, we could not call the court at ease either. Deliberation confirms our earlier plea.' He answered: 'My grief cannot stretch to every symbol—what are robes beside that? Your zeal is utter—how could I trifle with your loyalty?'

，皇太后崩。有司奏：「前代故事，倚廬中施白縑帳、蓐、素床，以布巾裹塊草，軺輦、版輿、細犢車皆施縑裏。」詔不聽，但令以布衣車而已，其餘居喪之制，不改禮文。有司又奏：「大行皇太后當以四月二十五日安厝。故事，虞著衰服，既虞而除。其內外官僚皆就朝晡臨位，御除服訖，各還所次除衰服。」詔曰：「夫三年之喪，天下之達禮也。受終身之愛，而無數年之報，柰何葬而便即吉，情所不忍也。」有司又奏：「世有險易，道有洿隆，所遇之時異，誠有由然，非忽禮也。方今戎馬未散，王事至殷，更須聽斷，以熙庶績。昔周康王始登翌室，猶戴冕臨朝。降于漢魏，既葬除釋，諒闇之禮，自遠代而廢矣。惟陛下割高宗之制，從當時之宜。」詔曰：「夫三年之喪，所以盡情致禮，葬已便除，所不堪也。當敘吾哀懷，言用斷絕，柰何！柰何！」有司又固請。詔曰：「不能篤孝，勿以毀傷為憂也。誠知衣服末事耳，然今思存草土，率當以吉物奪之，乃所以重傷至心，非見念也。每代禮典質文皆不同耳，何為限以近制，使達喪闕然乎！」群臣又固請，帝流涕久之乃許。文明皇后崩及武元楊后崩，天下將吏發哀三日止。

Next the empress dowager died. Authorities cited old practice: the mourning hut should have white gauze hangings, rush mat, plain couch, straw with cloth-wrapped clods, and silk-lined hearses and wagons.' He refused the silks but allowed plain carts only, leaving every other mourning rule as written in the canon. They proposed burying the late empress dowager on the twenty-fifth of the fourth month. Precedent required qi-cui hemp until the Yu rite, then doffing. All ranks were to wail morning and evening at court, then shed qi dress when the sovereign ended mourning.' The rescript read: 'Three years' mourning is the rite that runs through all the world. You receive a parent's love for life yet repay it in less than a handful of years—how could I snap to felicity the day the coffin drops? My heart will not bear it.' They pressed again: 'Times differ in danger and calm, the Way rises and falls—each age has its excuse without scorning the rites themselves. Armies still march, the vermilion basket overflows—you must judge suits to keep the realm lit. King Kang of Zhou took the mourning chamber yet still donned court regalia for audiences. By Han and Wei, mourning ended at burial and the "palled silence" of high antiquity was long gone.' We beg you to trim the Shang king's example and bend to today's need.' He answered: 'Three years exist to spend grief completely—doffing at the grave tears the heart. I meant to speak my sorrow but words fail—what can I do? What can I do?' The bureaus petitioned again, harder. He wrote: 'If I cannot be a perfect mourner, do not fret over my wasting away. I know silk is a small thing—but while I mean to stay on the burial mound you would strip me with bright gear; that gouges the heart, not heals it. Every dynasty's code mixes plain and polished—why nail me to recent statute and hollow the great mourning?' Ministers pressed until he wept long and yielded. When Empress Dowager Yuan died and when Empress Yang the consort of Wu died, officers empire-wide wailed three days only.

穆帝崩，哀帝立。帝于穆帝為從父昆弟，穆帝舅褚歆有表，中書答表朝廷無其儀，詔下議。尚書僕射江虨等四人並云，閔僖兄弟也，而為父子，則哀帝應為帝嗣。衛軍王述等二十五人云「成帝不私親愛，越授天倫，康帝受命顯宗。社稷之重，已移所授，纂承之序，宜繼康皇。」尚書謝奉等六人云：「繼體之正，宜本天屬，考之人情，宜繼顯宗也。」詔從述等議，上繼顯宗。

Emperor Ai succeeded when Emperor Mu passed. Ai was Mu's cousin; Mu's uncle Chu Xin asked how to mourn; the Secretariat said no rule existed and the throne sent the case to debate. Jiang Pin and four others cited Duke Min and Duke Xi of Lu—brothers treated as father and son—and argued Ai should continue Cheng's line. Wang Shu and twenty-five ministers said Cheng deliberately bypassed a natural heir and gave the throne to Kang, who derived his mandate from Yuan (Xianzong). The altars had already passed on that branch, so succession should stay with Kang's line.' Xie Feng and six others argued the true thread follows blood, so Ai should continue Yuan (Xianzong).' The edict sided with Wang Shu and made Ai heir to Emperor Yuan.

七月，簡文帝崩再周而遇閏。博士謝攸、孔粲議：「魯襄二十八年十二月乙未，楚子卒，實閏月而言十二月者，附正於前月也。喪事先遠，則應用博士吳商之言，以閏月祥。」尚書僕射謝安、中領軍王劭、散騎常侍鄭襲、右衛將軍殷康、驍騎將軍袁宏、散騎侍郎殷茂、中書郎車胤、左丞劉遵、吏部郎劉耽意皆同。康曰：「過七月而未及八月，豈可謂之逾期。必所不了，則當從其重者。」宏曰：「假值閏十二月而不取者，此則歲未終，固不可得矣。《漢書》以閏為後九月，明其同體也。」襲曰：「中宗、肅祖皆以閏月崩，祥除之變皆用閏之後月。先朝尚用閏之後月，今閏附七月，取之何疑，亦合遠日申情之言。又閏是後七而非八也，豈逾月之嫌乎！」尚書令王彪之、侍中王混、中丞譙王恬、右丞戴謐等議異，彪之曰：「吳商中才小官，非名賢碩儒、公輔重臣、為時所準則者。又取閏無證據，直攬遠日之義，越祥忌，限外取，不合卜遠之理。又丞相桓公嘗論云，《禮》二十五月大祥。何緣越期取閏，乃二十六月乎？」於是啟曰：「或以閏附七月，宜用閏月除者。或以閏名雖除七月，而實以三旬別為一月，故應以七月除者。臣等與中軍將軍沖參詳，一代大禮，宜準經典。三年之喪，十三月而練，二十五月而畢，《禮》之明文也。《陽秋》之義，閏在年內，則略而不數。明閏在年外，則不應取之以越期忌之重，禮制祥除必正期月故也。」己酉晦，帝除縞即吉。徐廣論曰：「凡辨義詳理，無顯據明文可以折中奪易，則非疑如何。禮疑從重，喪易甯戚，順情通物，固有成言矣。彪之不能徵援正義，有以相屈，但以名位格人，君子虛受，心無適莫，豈其然哉！執政從而行之，其殆過矣。」

In the seventh month, Emperor Jianwen died just as the second mourning round collided with an intercalary month. Doctors Xie You and Kong Can cited the Spring and Autumn: Chu ruler's death dated to the twelfth month's yiwei though the month was intercalary—scribes pinned it to the prior standard month. Because funeral timing favors the remote month, they urged adopting Wu Shang and holding the xiang in the leap month.' Xie An, Wang Shao, Zheng Xi, Yin Kang, Yuan Hong, Yin Mao, Che Yin, Liu Zun, and Liu Dan concurred. Yin Kang said passing the seventh without entering the eighth was not yet "past term. When doubt remains, choose the stricter reading.' Yuan Hong added that skipping an intercalary twelfth would leave the ritual year unfinished—so the stricter reckoning could not be met. The Han History classifies a leap month as a 'trailing ninth month,' showing it belongs to the same ritual body as the ninth.' Zheng Xi noted that both Zhongzong and Suzong died in leap months, and each time the court ended the xiang observance in the month following the leap. Earlier regimes still counted the month after the leap; now the leap rides on the seventh month—there is no real ambiguity in adopting it, and it honors the classic preference for a remote mourning day. A leap slot is still the seventh span, not an eighth, so it cannot count as 'over the month.'"' Wang Bianzhi, Wang Hun, Wang Tian, Dai Mi, and their party dissented: Wu Shang was a middling clerk, not a canonical authority the realm should treat as precedent. He cites no canonical warrant for the leap, twists the 'distant day' rule, and overruns the xiang boundary—nothing in divination theory supports that.' Grand Duke Huan Wen had already argued the canon fixes the great xiang at month twenty-five. Why leap the boundary to a twenty-sixth month at all?' The memorial went on: some said the leap belongs to the seventh month, so mourning should end in that leap. Others said the leap is only a third decad hung on the seventh, so the seventh month itself should still govern removal. We joined Sima Chong, commander of the central army, and agreed that state ritual must track the canon. The Mourning Garments canon is plain: the lian falls in month thirteen, the full rite closes in month twenty-five. Sun Sheng's Jin Yang-qiu says intercalary months inside the ritual year are skipped in the tally. When the leap sits outside the mourning year, using it would violate the gravest intercalary taboo, because xiang removal must anchor on the true month count.' On jiyou, month-end, the sovereign left white mourning and resumed felicity garb. Xu Guang later wrote that without explicit scripture you cannot overturn settled mourning math. When ritual is uncertain, choose the stricter reading; easing mourning should still privilege grief—antiquity already said as much. Wang Bianzhi never proved his case on the merits—he appealed to rank—and a gentleman does not settle scholarship by office. The court adopted his line anyway—likely a mistake.'"

魏武以正月崩，魏文以其年七月設妓樂百戲，是則魏不以喪廢樂也。武帝以來，國有大喪，輒廢樂終三年。惠帝太安元年，太子喪未除，及元會亦廢樂。穆帝永和中，為中原山陵未修復，頻年元會廢樂。是時太后臨朝，后父褚裒薨，元會又廢樂也。孝武，為皇后王氏喪，亦廢樂。孝武崩，太傅錄尚書會稽王道子議：「山陵之後，通婚嫁不得作樂，以一期為斷。」

Cao Cao died in the first month; Cao Pi still staged troupes and acrobats that seventh month—so Wei never treated mourning as a reason to silence the bands. Under Emperor Sima Yan, every dynastic bereavement silenced the orchestras for three years. In Emperor Hui's Taian era, while the heir still wore mourning, the Yuan-day levee went without music. Yonghe years saw the New Year court go silent while Luoyang's tombs lay in ruins. The regent's father Chu Pou died that same span, so the levee stayed mute again. When Empress Wang died, Xiaowu ordered the same musical abstention. Sima Daozi ruled that after the mausoleum sealed, commoners might marry but not hire musicians until a year had passed.'"

漢儀，太皇太后、皇太后崩，長樂太僕、少府大長秋典喪事，三公奉制度，他皆如禮。魏晉亦同天子之儀。

Han statute put the inner-palace stewards in charge of a dowager's obsequies while the Three Dukes supplied the legal template. Wei and Jin copied the same imperial funeral code.

，武元楊皇后崩，及將遷于峻陽陵，依舊制，既葬，帝及群臣除喪即吉。先是，尚書祠部奏從博士張靖議，皇太子亦從制俱釋服。博士陳逵議，以為「今制所依，蓋漢帝權制，興於有事，非禮之正。皇太子無有國事，自宜終服。」有詔更詳議。尚書杜預以為：「古者天子諸侯三年之喪始同齊斬，既葬除喪服，諒闇以居，心喪終制，不與士庶同禮。漢氏承秦，率天下為天子修服三年。漢文帝見其下不可久行，而不知古制，更以意制祥禫，除喪即吉。魏氏直以訖葬為節，嗣君皆不復諒闇終制。學者非之久矣，然竟不推究經傳，考其行事，專謂王者三年之喪，當以衰麻終二十五月。嗣君苟若此，則天子群臣皆不得除喪。雖志在居篤，更逼而不行。至今世主皆從漢文輕典，由處制者非制也。今皇太子與尊同體，宜復古典，卒哭除衰麻，以諒闇終制。于義既不應不除，又無取于漢文，乃所以篤喪禮也。」於是尚書僕射盧欽、尚書魏舒問杜預證據所依。預云：「傳稱三年之喪自天子達，此謂天子絕期，唯有三年喪也。非謂居喪衰服三年，與士庶同也。故后、世子之喪，而叔向稱有三年之喪二也。周公不言高宗服喪三年，而云諒闇三年，此釋服心喪之文也。叔向不譏景王除喪，而譏其燕樂已早，明既葬應除，而違諒闇之節也。《春秋》，晉侯享諸侯，子產相鄭伯，時簡公未葬，請免喪以聽命，君子謂之得禮。宰咺來歸惠公仲子之賵，傳曰『弔生不及哀』。此皆既葬除服諒闇之證，先儒舊說，往往亦見，學者來之思耳。《喪服》，諸侯為天子亦斬衰，豈可謂終服三年邪！上考七代，未知王者君臣上下衰麻三年者誰；下推將來，恐百世之主其理一也。非必不能，乃事勢不得，故知聖人不虛設不行之制。仲尼曰『禮所損益雖百世可知』，此之謂也。」於是飲、舒從之，遂命預造議，奏曰：

When Empress Yang was conveyed to the Junyang tomb, the standing rule had everyone shed mourning the moment the vault closed. The Ministry of Rites had already accepted Zhang Jing's view, so the heir was told to strip hemp with everyone else. Chen Kui argued the current rule was Han Wendi's wartime shortcut, not classical mourning. The heir had no throne duties; he should keep the full vigil.' The throne ordered another round of discussion. Du Yu said antiquity had sovereigns shed hemp at burial and finish mourning in seclusion, unlike commoners who wear weeds the whole term. The Han continued Qin's demand that the realm dress in mourning for the emperor three full years. Wendi knew the bureaucracy could not bear three years of hemp yet misunderstood antiquity, so he invented xiang and dan and jumped back to court dress. Wei sovereigns stopped mourning at interment and dropped the old liang'an vigil entirely. Critics have complained for generations yet never checked the texts: they insist the Son of Heaven must keep hemp twenty-five months. If every heir did that, neither throne nor bureaucracy could ever leave mourning. Rulers meant to mourn deeply but circumstance made it impossible. Every recent emperor still follows Wendi's thin code—because the framers never wrote real classical law. The heir is ritually one with the sovereign and should return to the old path: shed hemp at wailing's end and complete mourning in seclusion. He must not cling to weeds, yet he need not copy Wendi either—this is how true mourning deepens.' Lu Qin and Wei Shu then pressed Du Yu for his sources. Du Yu answered that 'three years from the Son of Heaven down' means the ruler ends graded mourning while still owing the full inner term. It does not mean twenty-five months in hemp like a common scholar. That is why Shu Xiang could speak of two simultaneous three-year obligations for empress and heir. The Documents never say Gaozong wore weeds three years—only that he kept three years of hushed seclusion, which is the proof of garment removal with inner mourning. Shu Xiang faulted King Jing not for ending hemp but for piping too soon—burial ends dress mourning, not the quiet vigil. When Duke Jian of Zheng still lay unburied, Zichan asked leave to attend Jin's feast in court dress, and the Zuo judges called it proper. The steward Xuan brought gifts for the living consorts while the lords were still unwailed, and the gloss says condolences to the living miss the funeral. Each case shows hemp ends at burial and silence follows—older scholars noted it, but later readers ignored them. The Mourning Garments canon still has lords wear zhan-cui for the king—nobody keeps it three full years. Scanning seven reigns backward, I find no sovereign and court who wore weeds the full span. Project forward a hundred rulers and the logic will be the same. They were not unwilling—circumstance forbade it—so the sages never wrote laws that no throne could live. Confucius said ritual's wax and wane stays legible across ages—he meant exactly this.' Lu Qin and Wei Shu concurred and told Du Yu to formalize the argument in a memorial.

於是太子遂以厭降之議，從國制除衰麻，諒闇終制。

On that basis the heir shed hemp under the expedient code and finished mourning in seclusion.

于時外內卒聞預異議，多怪之。或者乃謂其違禮以合時。時預亦不自解說，退使博士段暢博采典籍，為之證據，令大義著明，足以垂示將來。暢承預旨，遂撰集書傳舊文，條諸實事成言，以為定證，以弘指趣。其傳記有與今議同者，亦具列之，博舉二隅，明其會歸，以證斯事。文多不載。

Court and camp alike thought Du Yu's view bizarre. Some accused him of bending the canon to please fashion. Du Yu said little himself but told Duan Chang to mine the classics for proofs that would settle the debate for later ages. Duan Chang collated precedents and tagged each with a gloss to anchor Du Yu's thesis. He cited parallels that matched the new rule and mapped how they converged on one conclusion. The compilation ran long and is omitted here.

武帝楊悼皇后既母養懷帝，后遇難時，懷帝尚幼，及即位，中詔述后恩愛。及后祖載，群官議帝應為追制服，或以庶母慈己，依禮制小功五月，或以謂慈母服如母服齊衰者，眾議不同。閭丘沖議云：「楊后母養聖上，蓋以曲情。今以恩禮追崇，不配世祖廟。王者無慈養之服，謂宜祖載之日，可三朝素服發哀而已。」於是從之。

Empress Yang had raised the future Emperor Huai; when she was killed he was still a child, and on enthronement he issued a palace rescript praising her care. At her cortège the ministries split: some wanted retroactive weeds, some cited a nurturing concubine's xiao gong, some equated her to a legal mother in qi-cui. Luqiu Chong argued that Empress Yang had raised the sovereign with extraordinary devotion beyond the usual duty. The court would exalt her by kindness yet not enshrine her beside Emperor Wu's tablet. Kings have no canonical grade for a nurse; plain dress for three audiences at the hearse should suffice.' The throne accepted his view.

康帝正月晦，成恭杜皇后周忌，有司奏，至尊期年應改服。詔曰：「君親，名教之重也，權制出於近代耳。」於是素服如舊，固非漢魏之典也。

Kang's calendar hit Empress Du's first anniversary; officials asked him to switch out of deepest mourning. He answered that ruler and father anchor ethics, while shortened mourning is a late invention.' He kept plain dress anyway—far from Han or Wei orthodoxy.

，哀帝章皇太妃薨，帝欲服重。江虨啟：「先王制禮，應在緦服。」詔欲降期，虨又啟：「厭屈私情，所以上嚴祖考。」於是制緦麻三月。

Emperor Ai's Honored Lady Zhang died, and he wanted the heaviest weeds. Jiang Pin said the classics fixed only si-grade mourning for her. When the emperor pressed for qi-grade mourning, Jiang argued that curbing private grief exalts the ancestral line.' The court settled on three months of si hemp.

孝武甯康中，崇德太后褚氏崩。后於帝為從嫂，或疑其服。博士徐藻議，以為：「資父事君而敬同。又，禮，其夫屬父道者，其妻皆母道也。則夫屬君道，妻亦后道矣。服后宜以資母之義。魯譏逆祀，以明尊尊。今上躬奉康、穆、哀皇及靖后之祀，致敬同於所天。豈可敬之以君道，而服廢於本親。謂應服齊衰期。」於是帝制期服。

During Ningkang, Empress Dowager Chongde of the Chu clan died. To the reigning emperor she was a sister-in-law, so ministers argued the garment. Xu Zao said serving a foster father matches serving a lord in gravity. The Rites add that wives track their husband's ritual 'way' toward parents. If the husband owes a lord's reverence, the wife owes an empress the same. Mourning her therefore follows the 'nurturing mother' rule. The Lu annals faulted misplaced sacrifice to keep rank clear. The emperor himself offers to Kang, Mu, Ai, and Empress Jing with awe equal to Heaven. He cannot treat her as a liege in cult yet deny her kinship in dress. Xu Zao prescribed qi-cui for one year.' The throne adopted qi-cui mourning.

，孝武太皇太后李氏崩，疑所服。尚書左僕射何澄、右僕射王雅、尚書車胤、孔安國、祠部郎徐廣議、太皇太后名位允正，體同皇極，理制備盡，情禮彌申。《陽秋》之義，母以子貴，既稱夫人，禮服從正。故成風顯夫人之號，文公服三年之喪。子于父之所生，體尊義重。且禮，祖不厭孫，固宜遂服無屈，而緣情立制。若嫌明文不存，則疑斯從重，謂應同于為祖母后齊衰期。永安皇后無服，但一舉哀，百官亦一期。」詔可。

When Grand Empress Dowager Li died, the court disputed the proper weeds. He Cheng, Wang Ya, Che Yin, Kong Anguo, and Xu Guang argued her title was orthodox, her station matched the pole, and both law and sentiment demanded full mourning. The Zuo principle 'mother honored by son' means a titled consort takes the full garment schedule. Hence Duke Wen wore three years for Lady Chengfeng once she was titled mother. A son owes the birth parent both dignity and deep obligation. Ancestors do not override grandsons, so nothing in the canon forces a reduction, though feeling may shape the grade. Where scripture is unclear, choose the heavier rule—here that means qi-cui for a grandmother-empress. Empress Yong'an had worn no formal grade—only a single wail—yet ministers still observed one cycle for her.' The rescript said yes.

孝武帝，淑媛陳氏卒，皇太子所生也。有司參詳母以子貴，贈淑媛為夫人，置家令典喪事。太子前衛率徐邈議：「《喪服傳》稱與尊者為體，則不服其私親。又，君父所不服，子亦不敢服。故王公妾子服其所生母練冠麻衣，既葬而除，非五服之常，則謂之無服。」從之。

When Honored Lady Chen—mother of the heir—died under Xiaowu, the ministries invoked 'mother honored by son,' raised her to Lady, and assigned a household steward for the funeral. Xu Miao, lately commander of the crown prince's guard, cited the Mourning Garments subcommentary: whoever is ritually one with a superior does not observe mourning for a private parent. Moreover, a son may not wear mourning that his sovereign father foregoes. Hence princes' sons by concubines wear only a plain lien cap and hemp until burial, then lay them aside—outside the five canonical grades—ritually counted as "no mourning." The court accepted his reading.

，孝武帝崩，孝武太后制三年之服。

When Emperor Xiaowu died, Empress Dowager Xiaowu ordered full three-year mourning.

惠帝三月，皇太孫尚薨。有司奏，御服齊衰期。詔下通議。散騎常侍謝衡以為：「諸侯之太子，誓與未誓，尊卑體殊。《喪服》云為嫡子長殤，謂未誓也，已誓則不殤也。」中書令卞粹曰：「太子始生，故已尊重，不待命誓。若衡議已誓不殤，則無服之子當斬衰三年；未誓而殤，則雖十九當大功九月。誓與未誓，其為升降也微；斬衰與大功，其為輕重也遠。而今注云『諸侯不降嫡殤重』。嫌于無服，以大功為重嫡之服，則雖誓，無復有三年之理明矣。男能衛社稷，女能奉婦道，以可成之年而有已成之事，故可無殤，非孩齔之謂也。為殤後者尊之如父，猶無所加而止殤服，況以天子之尊，而為無服之殤行成人之制邪！凡諸宜重之殤，皆士大夫不加服，而令至尊獨居其重，未之前聞也。」博士蔡克同粹。秘書監摯虞云：「太子初生，舉以成人之禮，則殤理除矣。太孫亦體君傳重，由位成而服，全非以年也。天子無服殤之義，絕期故也。」於是從之。

In the third month of Emperor Hui's reign, Sima Shang, heir as imperial grandson, died. The authorities asked that the emperor observe qi-cui mourning for the standard one-year term. The throne sent down an edict for the whole bureaucracy to debate the matter. Xie Heng, cavalier attendant-in-ordinary, argued that for a feudal heir's ritual standing, whether or not he had undergone the sworn presentation rite made a real difference in rank and ritual "one body. The Mourning Garments canon treats mourning for an eldest legitimate son who dies in the "long shang" bracket as applying only before the sworn presentation; after that rite he is no longer classed as a shang death." Bian Cui, minister of the Secretariat, answered that a crown prince is already supreme in rank from birth and does not wait upon any separate mandate or sworn presentation. If Xie's rule—sworn, therefore not shang—were accepted, any son outside the shang grades would require the mourner to wear zhan-cui for three full years; yet if he had not been sworn and still counted as shang, even at nineteen the prescribed grade would be only da gong for nine months. The ritual gap between sworn and unsworn is tiny; but the gulf between zhan-cui and da gong is enormous. The gloss nonetheless says feudal lords do not mitigate mourning for a legitimate son who dies young. To avoid calling it "no mourning," commentators assign da gong as the heavy mourning for the heir—so even after the sworn rite, three years of zhan-cui simply cannot apply. That much is plain. A lad old enough to defend the altars, or a girl able to discharge a wife's duties, has crossed out of the shang brackets once capable adulthood is acknowledged—not toddlers still at breast. An heir who continues a shang line honors the dead like a father yet still caps mourning at the shang grades—how then could the Son of Heaven impose full adult mourning where the canon prescribes none? Every other heavy shang case lets ministers stop short of extra mourning; to load that weight solely onto the sovereign would be without precedent. Court erudite Cai Ke sided with Bian Cui. Zhi Yu, director of the palace library, said the crown prince is invested from birth with ceremonies meant for adults, so the logic of "shang" mourning drops away entirely. The imperial grandson-heir likewise embodies the ruler and bears the ritual "weight"; mourning follows his station, not his calendar age. The Son of Heaven never wears shang-grade mourning for kin, precisely because those relationships are ritually severed at the one-year boundary. The court adopted this view.

魏氏故事，國有大喪，群臣凶服，以帛為綬囊，以布為劍衣。新禮，以《傳》稱「去喪無所不佩」，明在喪則無佩也，更制齊斬之喪不佩劍綬。摯虞以為「《周禮》武賁氏，士大夫之職也，皆以兵守王宮，國有喪故，則衰葛執戈楯守門，葬則從車而哭。又，成王崩，太保命諸大夫以干戈內外警設。明喪故之際，蓋重宿衛之防。去喪無所不佩，謂服飾之事，不謂防禦之用。宜定新禮布衣劍如舊，其餘如新制。」詔從之。

Under Wei dynasty usage, a dynastic funeral saw ministers in mourning garb with silk pouches for seal cords and cloth wrappers for swords. The Jin "New Rites" cited the gloss "after mourning ends, everything may hang from the belt" to infer that during mourning nothing should hang there, and barred sword and seal cord under qi-cui and zhan-cui. Zhi Yu countered that the Zhou Rites' royal guardsmen were officers under arms who defended the palace; on a national bereavement they wore mourning hemp with shield and polearm at the gates and followed the hearse wailing. When King Cheng died, the Grand Protect ordered ministers to stand watch inside and out with shields and halberds. That shows how gravely a reign treats palace security even amid mourning. "Nothing suspended after mourning" governs dress ornaments, not weapons of defense. The New Rites should keep cloth sword covers as before and leave the rest under the new rules. An edict accepted his recommendation.

漢魏故事，將葬，設吉凶鹵簿，皆以鼓吹。新禮以禮無吉駕導從之文，臣子不宜釋其衰麻以服玄黃，除吉駕鹵簿。又，凶事無樂，遏密八音，除凶服之鼓吹。摯虞以為：「葬有祥車曠左，則今之容車也。既葬，日中反虞，逆神而還。《春秋傳》，鄭大夫公孫蠆卒，天子追賜大路，使以行。《士喪禮》，葬有稿車乘車，以載生之服。此皆不唯載柩，兼有吉駕之明文也。既設吉駕，則宜有導從，以象平生之容，明不致死之義。臣子衰麻不得為身而釋，以為君父則無不可。《顧命》之篇足以明之。宜定新禮設吉服導從如舊，其凶服鼓吹宜除。」詔從之。

Han and Wei practice paired auspicious and funeral halberd escorts at burial, both complete with military music. The New Rites argued classical texts never sanctioned festive carriages and outriders for a burial, so ministers should not strip mourning hemp for court blacks—and struck the auspicious half of the halberd escort. Funerals should silence every instrument, they added, so drum-and-pipe bands had to go from the mourning procession as well. Zhi Yu replied that the classic "auspicious cart with the left seat left empty" is the ancestor of today's display carriage. After interment, the noon returning-yu rite escorts the spirit home again. The Zuo tradition records how, when Zheng minister Gongsun Chai died, the Zhou king sent a state chariot so the cortège could ride in due splendor. The "Gentleman's Mourning" specifies straw carts and riding carts bearing the clothes the dead wore in life. Those provisions plainly sanction festive vehicles alongside the bier, not coffins alone. Where such carriages appear, outriders belong too—the ritual echoes how the noble lived and insists he is not cast away like carrion. A minister may not shrug off mourning for private convenience, yet for his lord or father nothing in the canon forbids fitting splendor to the cortège. The "Charge at Gu" chapter of the Documents proves the point. Zhi Yu urged restoring festive outriders under the New Rites while still banning martial music on the mourning train. The throne agreed.

漢魏故事，大喪及大臣之喪，執紼者輓歌。新禮以為輓歌出於漢武帝役人之勞歌，聲哀切，遂以為送終之禮。雖音曲摧愴，非經典所制，違禮設銜枚之義。方在號慕，不宜以歌為名。除，不輓歌。摯虞以為：「輓歌因倡和而為摧愴之聲，銜枚所以全哀，此亦以感眾。雖非經典所載，是歷代故事。《詩》稱『君子作歌，惟以告哀』，以歌為名，亦無所嫌。宜定新禮如舊。」詔從之。

Han and Wei custom had catafalque bearers chant pulling-dirges at imperial funerals and at those of great ministers. The New Rites traced those laments to corvée labor songs under Emperor Wu—voices sharp with grief—and showed how they had hardened into funeral practice. However wrenching the tunes, they are nowhere mandated in the classics and violate the spirit of biting wooden gag-bits to keep silence. Mid-wail for the dead, nothing should parade under the label of "song." The reform abolished pulling-dirges altogether. Zhi Yu argued that antiphonal dirges shape communal grief, much as gag-bits enforce solemn silence—they stir the throng rather than cheapen it. They never appear verbatim in the canon, yet dynasty after dynasty relied on them. The Odes themselves praise the gentleman who "raises a song only to voice sorrow," so the word "song" is hardly improper. He asked that the New Rites reinstate the older practice. The court accepted his opinion.

，安平穆王薨，無嗣，以母弟敦上繼獻王後，移太常問應何服。博士張靖答，宜依魯僖服閔三年例。尚書符詰靖：「穆王不臣敦，敦不繼穆，與閔僖不同。」孫毓、宋昌議，以穆王不之國，敦不仕諸侯，不應三年。以義處之，敦宜服本服，一期而除，主穆王喪祭三年畢，乃吉祭獻王。毓云：「《禮》，君之子孫所以臣諸兄者，以臨國故也。《禮》又與諸侯為兄弟服斬者，謂鄰國之臣於鄰國之君，有猶君之義故也。今穆王既不之國，不臣兄弟，敦不仕諸侯，無鄰臣之義，異于閔僖，如符旨也。但喪無主，敦既奉詔紹國，受重主喪，典其祭祀。『大功者主人之喪，有三年者則必為之再祭』。鄭氏《注》云，『謂死者之從父昆弟來為喪主也。」有三年者，謂妻若子幼少也』。『再祭，謂大小祥也』。穆妃及國臣於禮皆當三年，此為有三年者，敦當為之主大小兩祥祭也。且哀樂不相雜，吉凶不相干。凶服在宮，哭泣未絕。敦遽主穆王之喪，而國制未除，則不得以己本親服除而吉祭獻王也。」

When Prince Mu of Anping died without issue, his full brother Sima Dun was promoted to continue Prince Xian's line; the matter went to the Chamberlain for Ceremonials to settle the proper mourning grades. Erudite Zhang Jing answered that the parallel was Duke Xi of Lu wearing three years' mourning for Duke Min. The Secretariat shot back: Prince Mu never treated Dun as his subject, and Dun was not succeeding Prince Mu himself—nothing like the Duke Min and Duke Xi case. Sun Yu and Song Chang countered that because Prince Mu never took up his fief and Dun had never served as a feudal officer, full three-year mourning was out of the question. On principle, Dun should wear only his own proper grade—doffing it after the one-year term—yet still oversee Prince Mu's mortuary rites through three years before he may offer auspicious sacrifices to Prince Xian. Sun Yu cited the canon: princes' sons honor elder brothers as lords only when they actually rule a state. Zhan-cui for a brother who is another state's ruler applies only where ministers owe their neighbor's prince something like fealty. Here Prince Mu never took his throne in the fief, never treated brothers as vassals, and Dun was no feudal minister—so none of the "neighbor's minister" logic applies, exactly as the Secretariat argued. Yet the bereavement had no ritual head; Dun, ordered to continue the line, carries the "weight" of heirship, directs the funeral, and manages the offerings. "When the chief mourner wears da gong but someone else in the household still owes three full years, he must conduct both intermediate auspicious rites for them." Zheng Xuan glosses this as paternal cousins who arrive to act as funeral master. Zheng finishes the gloss: the survivors who still owe three years are the widow or very young children. "The two offerings are the great and small xiang rites." Prince Mu's consort and his household ministers each owe three years of mourning; they are the "three-year" parties for whom Dun must preside over both xiang ceremonies. Moreover grief must not mingle with celebration, nor mourning with felicity. Funeral weeds still fill the palace and wails have not fallen silent. While Dun is abruptly directing Prince Mu's obsequies and the prescribed mourning is unfinished, he cannot shed mourning for his natural kin and turn to auspicious rites for Prince Xian."

，陳留國上，燕公是王之父，王出奉明帝祀，今于王為從父，有司奏應服期，不以親疏尊卑為降。詔曰：「王奉魏氏，所承者重，不得服其私親。」穆帝時，東海國言，哀王薨逾年，嗣王乃來繼，不復追服，群臣皆已反吉，國妃亦宜同除。詔曰：「朝廷所以從權制者，以王事奪之，非為變禮也。婦人傳重義大，若從權制，義將安托！」於是國妃終三年之禮。孫盛以為：「廢三年之禮，開偷薄之源，漢魏失之大者也。今若以大夫宜奪以王事。婦人可終本服，是吉凶之儀雜陳于宮寢，彩素之制乖異於內外，無乃情禮俱違，哀樂失所乎！」

Chenliu memorialized that the Duke of Yan was the king's natural father; once the king had been given to continue Emperor Ming's line, the duke counted only as a congfu relative. Officials proposed qi-grade mourning with no reduction for intimacy or rank. An edict refused: "The king upholds Wei ancestry under grave obligation; he cannot observe mourning for a private parent." Later, under Emperor Mu, Donghai argued that King Ai had been dead more than a year before the heir arrived, so no retroactive mourning was worn; ministers had all returned to felicity garb, and the princess-consort should shed weeds as well. The edict answered: "We shortened mourning only because state business overrode private duty—not to rewrite the canon. Women who bear the ritual "weight" of heirship hold immense obligation—if we subject them to the same expedient, where does principle find footing?" The princess-consort therefore observed the full three-year mourning. Sun Sheng thought waiving three-year mourning opened the floodgates to meanness—that was Han and Wei's gravest ritual lapse. If we allow that grandees may be yanked from mourning by state business, yet women finish full mourning for kin, would we not parade mourning and felicity through the same inner chambers, clash bright dress with hemp inside and out, and undo both feeling and ritual until grief and joy lose their proper seats?"

，太常車胤上言：「謹案《喪服禮經》，庶子為母緦麻三月。《傳》曰：『何以緦麻？以尊者為體，不敢服其私親也。』此《經》《傳》之明文，聖賢之格言。而自頃開國公侯，至於卿士，庶子為後，各肆私情，服其庶母，同之於嫡。此末俗之弊，溺情傷教，縱而不革，則流遁忘返矣。且夫尊尊親親，雖禮之大本，然厭親于尊，由來尚矣。《禮記》曰，『為父後，出母無服也者，不祭故也』。又，禮，天子父母之喪，未葬，越紼而祭天地社稷。斯皆崇嚴至敬，不敢以私廢尊也。今身承祖宗之重，而以庶母之私，廢烝嘗之事。五廟闕祀，由一妾之終，求之情禮，失莫大焉。舉世皆然，莫之裁貶。就心不同，而事不敢異。故正禮遂穨，而習非成俗。此《國風》所以思古，《小雅》所以悲歎。當今九服漸甯，王化惟新，誠宜崇明禮訓，以一風俗。請臺省考修經典，式明王度。」不答。

Che Yin, chamberlain for ceremonials, cited the Mourning Garments classic: a concubine's son owes his mother only three months in si-grade hemp. The subcommentary asks why si applies. Because the heir is ritually one with his exalted father, he cannot wear heavy mourning for a private parent. That pairing of text and gloss is explicit scripture—language the sages meant as normative. Yet lately every enfeoffed noble down to senior ministers, once a concubine's son succeeded, indulged private affection and mourned a concubine-mother like a legal parent. That late-born abuse drowns sentiment and wounds instruction; left unchecked, custom slides past recall. Honoring superiors and cherishing kin are the roots of ritual, yet subordinating private kin to public rank has been honored since high antiquity. The Record of Rites says an heir to his father wears nothing for a divorced mother because he no longer sacrifices to her. Again, the Son of Heaven may vault the burial cord before interment and still offer to Heaven, Earth, and the altars of soil and grain. Such acts exalt awe before public cult—never letting private grief scrap obligations to the supreme powers. Today heirs shoulder ancestral temples yet scrap winter and autumn offerings for a concubine mother's sake. Five shrines miss sacrifice because one concubine died—by any measure of feeling or ritual, the harm could hardly be worse. Everyone does it; nobody reins it in. Men may dissent inwardly yet dare not break step in public. Thus orthodox ritual collapses while repeated error hardens into custom. This is why the Airs of the States sigh for ancient ways and the Lesser Odes pour out their grief. With the nine circuits calming and royal influence renewing, it is time to lift bright ritual teaching and knit the realm into one custom. He asked the central departments to collate the classics and codify them so the kingly norm shines clear. The throne let the matter drop without answering.

十八年，胤又上言：「去年上，自頃開國公侯，至於卿士，庶子為後者，服其庶母，同之於嫡，違禮犯制，宜加裁抑。事上經年，未被告報，未審朝議以何為疑。若以所陳或謬，則經有文；若以古今不同，則晉有成典。升平四年，故太宰武陵王所生母喪，表求齊衰三年，詔聽依昔樂安王故事，制大功九月。，故梁王㻱又所生母喪，亦求三年。《庚子詔書》依太宰故事，同服大功。若謹案周禮，則緦麻三月；若奉晉制，則大功九月。古禮今制，並無居廬三年之文，而頃年已來，各申私情，更相擬襲，漸以成俗。縱而不禁，則聖典滅矣。夫尊尊親親，立人之本，王化所由，二端而已。故先王設教，務弘其極，尊郊社之敬，制越紼之禮，嚴宗廟之祀，厭庶子之服，所以經緯人文，化成天下。夫屈家事于王道，厭私恩於祖宗，豈非上行乎下，父行乎子！若尊尊之心有時而替，宜厭之情觸事而申，祖宗之敬微，而君臣之禮虧矣。嚴恪微於祖宗，致敬虧於事上，而欲俗安化隆，不亦難乎！區區所惜，實在於斯。職之所司，不敢不言。請臺參詳。」尚書奏：「案如辭輒下主者詳尋。依禮，庶子與尊者為體，不敢服其私親，此尊祖敬宗之義。自頃陵遲，斯禮遂廢。封國之君廢五廟之重，士庶匹夫闕烝嘗之禮，習成穨俗，宜被革正。輒內外參詳，謂宜聽胤所上，可依樂安王大功為正。請為告書如左，班下內外，以定永制，普令依承，事可奉行。」詔可。

Che Yin renewed his plea: every new noble house, high or low, was mourning concubine-mothers like legal mothers, and the practice had to be checked. A year had passed with no answer, and he asked what in the court's mind still hesitated. If his facts were wrong, the canon still spoke plainly. If times had changed, Jin's own precedents settled the point. When Sima Xi lost his natural mother in 360, he begged three years' mourning; the court granted the old Le'an prince compromise of nine months in da gong. Prince Zhen of Liang later asked for the same three-year favor for his concubine-born mother. The Gengzi palace rescript copied the grand preceptor's da gong rule. The Zhou canon prescribes only three months in fine si hemp. Jin's code points to nine months of da gong. No classical text allows three years in weeds for this case, yet families keep imitating one another. Leave it unchecked and the canonical mourning system collapses. Revering rank and loving kin are what make a person human, and royal instruction rides on both. The ancients balanced heaven worship, tomb ritual, temple cult, and concubine sons so public duty could shape private life. State law was meant to pull kin feeling into line with the altars. Once rank yields to whim, ancestral awe and fealty both erode. You cannot starve the temples and court of respect yet expect the age to improve. That is the heart of Che Yin's worry. His portfolio obliged him to speak. He begged the ministries to settle the rule in writing.'" The Ministry of Works returned the file for a full staff review. The canon bars an heir from heavy weeds for a concubine-mother when he embodies the succession—that is how ancestors stay supreme. Lately men simply ignored it. Princes neglect five-temple sacrifice, commoners skip seasonal offerings—custom needs a hard reset. After joint review they endorsed Che Yin and made Le'an's da gong the binding precedent. They asked for an edict in fixed wording, promulgated empire-wide, to end the quarrel.'" The throne agreed.

《禮》，王為三公六卿錫衰，為大夫士疑衰，首服弁絰。天子諸侯皆為貴臣貴妾服三月。漢為大臣制服無聞焉。漢明帝時，東海恭王薨，帝出幸津門亭發哀。

Sovereigns don xi-cui for top ministers, yi-cui for lower ranks, capped with mourning ties. Rulers mourn favorite ministers and concubines three months by the same rule. Han sources never spell out court weeds for ministers. Han Mingdi rode to Jinmen kiosk to wail for his brother.

及武帝十一月，詔「諸王公大臣薨，應三朝發哀者，逾月不舉樂，其一朝發哀者，三日不舉樂也」。

Sima Yan's edict tied the length of musical silence to whether the court held one or three mourning audiences.

元帝姨廣昌鄉君喪，未葬，中丞熊遠表云：「案《禮》『君于卿大夫，比葬不食肉，比卒哭不舉樂』，惻隱之心未忍行吉事故也。被尚書符，冬至後二日小會。臣以為廣昌鄉君喪殯日，聖恩垂悼。禮，大夫死，廢一時之祭。祭猶可廢，而況餘事。冬至唯可群下奉賀而已，未便小會。」詔以遠表示賀循，又曰：「武皇帝故事云『王公大臣薨，三朝發哀，逾月不舉樂，其一朝發哀，三日不舉樂』，此舊事明文。」賀循答曰：「案《禮·雜記》，『君于卿大夫之喪，比葬不食肉，比卒哭不舉樂』。古者君臣義重，雖以至尊之義，降而無服，三月之內，猶錫衰以居，不接吉事。故春秋晉大夫智悼子未葬，平公作樂，為屠蒯所譏。如遠所答，合于古義。咸寧詔書雖不會經典，然隨時立宜，以為定制，誠非群下所得稱論。」，帝姑廬陵公主未葬，符問太常，冬至小會應作樂不。博士胡訥議云：「君于卿大夫，比卒哭不舉樂。公主有骨肉之親，宜闕樂。」太常王彪之云：「案武帝詔，三朝舉哀，三旬乃舉樂；其一朝舉哀者，三日則舉樂。春，長樂長公主薨，秋，扶風王駿薨，武帝並舉哀三日而已。中興已後，更參論不改此制。今小會宜作樂。」二議竟不知所取。

Xiong Yuan cited the canon to block court music while Yuan's aunt still lay unburied. The Secretariat still called a minor levee right after solstice. He asked the court to honor the burial with silence instead. The Mourning Garments rule pauses one seasonal offering when a senior minister dies. If even the altars may pause, lesser gatherings can wait. The solstice levee should be congratulations only, not a banquet.'" The emperor bounced the memo to He Xun and quoted Sima Yan's older edict verbatim.'" He Xun answered with the Zuo-era Miscellaneous Rites passage on abstaining from meat and music. Even when the crown wore only light weeds, the court still shunned feasts for three months. The Zuo narrative faulted Duke Ping of Jin for piping while Zhi Ying's bier was still above ground. Xiong Yuan had classical precedent on his side. He Xun admitted the Xianning rescript was pragmatic, not scholastic, and should stand.'" While Princess Luling still awaited burial, the ministry asked if the solstice dinner might have an orchestra. Hu Na said music must wait until wailing finished. A princess deserved the same musical silence.'" Wang Bianzhi countered with Sima Yan's timetable: three audiences meant thirty days mute. A single audience shortened the silence to three days. Sima Yan himself had stopped music after three days for two royal deaths in one year. Jin restored that rule after the flight south and never changed it. Wang concluded the solstice banquet could have music.'" The ministries left the contradiction unresolved.

《喪服記》，公為所寓，齊衰三月。新禮以今無此事，除此一章。摯虞以為：「《周禮》作于刑厝之時，而著荒政十二。禮備制待物，不以時衰而除盛典，世隆而闕衰教也。曩者王司徒失守播越，自稱寄公。是時天下又多此比，皆禮之所及。宜定新禮自如舊經。」詔從之。

Classical text still gives three months of qi-cui for a refugee lord and his patron. Jin's New Rites dropped the chapter as obsolete. Zhi Yu said the Zhou compilers kept famine law even in peaceful times. Canon is written for hard cases, not shelved when peace returns. When Wang Dao fled south and styled himself a dependent lord. Half the court lived as exiled clients, exactly the case the classic addressed. Zhi Yu asked to reinstate the old lodging-mourning article.'" The throne agreed.

漢魏故事無五等諸侯之制，公卿朝士服喪，親疏各如其親。新禮王公五等諸侯成國置卿者，及朝廷公孤之爵，皆傍親絕期，而旁親為之服斬衰，卿校位從大夫者皆絕緦。摯虞以為：「古者諸侯君臨其國，臣諸父兄，今之諸侯未同于古。未同于古，則其尊未全，不宜便從絕期之制，而令傍親服斬衰之重也。諸侯既然，則公孤之爵亦宜如舊。昔魏武帝建安中已曾表上，漢朝依古為制，事與古異，皆不施行，施行者著在魏科。大晉采以著令，宜定新禮皆如舊。」詔從之。

Han and Wei let mourning follow blood, not rank. Jin's code tried to sever collateral ties for great nobles while still demanding zhan-cui from cousins—a tangle Han never used. Zhi Yu said Eastern Jin princes were not classical feudatories. Weaker fiefs should not trigger the heaviest collateral weeds. The same logic applied to titular dukes and tutors. Cao Cao's memorials show even Wei could not force archaic mourning on current facts. Jin had codified Wei's workable clauses and should keep them.'" The rescript accepted Zhi Yu.

《喪服》無弟子為師服之制，新禮弟子為師齊衰三月。摯虞以為：「自古無師服之制，故仲尼之喪，門人疑于所服。子貢曰：『昔夫子之喪顏回，若喪子而無服，請喪夫子若喪父而無服。』遂心喪三年。此則懷三年之哀，而無齊衰之制也。群居，入則絰，出則否，所謂弔服加麻也。先聖為禮，必易從而可傳。師徒義誠重，而服制不著，歷代相襲，不以為缺。且尋師者以彌高為得，故屢遷而不嫌；修業者以日新為益，故舍舊而不疑。仲尼稱『三人行，必有我師焉』。子貢云，『夫何常師之有』。淺學之師，暫學之師，不可皆為之服。義有輕重，服有廢興，則臧否由之而起，是非因之而爭，愛惡相攻，悔吝生焉。宜定新禮無服如舊。」詔從之。

The revision added three months of qi-cui for masters. Zhi Yu noted Confucius's own funeral left disciples guessing. Zigong recalled Confucius mourning Yan Hui like a son yet without hemp.'" They settled on three years of inner grief without graded dress. Deep sorrow without a hemp schedule. In company they added hemp bands only inside the gate. The sages built rites people could actually keep. No dynasty had spelled out teacher weeds, yet nobody called the silence a gap. Students chase better teachers and swap mentors freely. Scholarship thrives by moving on, not by lifelong mourning for every tutor. Confucius said any trio could include a teacher.'" Zigong denied a single fixed master.'" Not every instructor deserves a funeral grade. Codifying teacher mourning would only spark quarrels over rank and favor. Zhi Yu asked to strike the new article and follow the silent precedent.'" The court agreed.

古者天子諸侯葬禮粗備，漢世又多變革，魏晉以下世有改變，大體同漢之制。而魏武以禮送終之制，襲稱之數，繁而無益，俗又過之，豫自制送終衣服四篋，題識其上，春秋冬夏，日有不諱，隨時以斂。金珥珠玉銅鐵之物，一不得送。文帝遵奉，無所增加。及受禪，刻金璽，追加尊號，不敢開埏，乃為石室，藏璽埏首，以示陵中無金銀諸物也。漢禮明器甚多，自是皆省之矣。魏文帝，又自作終制曰：「禮，國君即位為椑，存不忘亡也。壽陵因山為體，無封樹，無立寢殿，造園邑，通神道。夫葬者藏也，欲人之不得見也。禮不墓祭，欲存亡不黷也。皇后及貴人以下不隨王之國者，有終沒，皆葬澗西，前又已表其處矣。」此詔藏之宗廟，副在尚書、秘書、三府。明帝亦遵奉之。明帝性雖崇奢，然未遽營陵墓之制也。

Imperial tombs grew more elaborate through Han and Jin. Cao Cao loathed wasteful obsequies and packed four seasonal shrouds against an unlucky day. He banned metal and gems from the pit. Cao Pi kept his father's frugal will. Cao Pi sealed a gold seal in a stone niche to prove the mound stayed bare of treasure. Opulent Han figurines gave way to leaner Wei practice. Cao Pi wrote his own will about prefabricated coffins and remembering mortality. He wanted a lean tumulus cut into Shou hill without surface works. A tomb should hide the dead from view. Classical law barred tomb-side offerings to keep worlds apart. Secondary consorts who stayed in the capital were to share a simple plot west of the stream.'" Copies of the will rested in the temple and chief ministries. Cao Rui obeyed the same will. Even the lavish Cao Rui held back on tomb scale.

宣帝豫自于首陽山為土藏，不填不樹，作《顧命終制》，斂以時服，不設明器。景、文皆謹奉成命，無所加焉。景帝崩，喪事制度又依宣帝故事。武帝，文明王皇后崩，將合葬，開崇陽陵，使太尉司馬望奉祭，進皇帝密璽綬于便房神坐。魏氏金璽，此又儉矣。江左初，元、明崇儉，且百度草創，山陵奉終，省約備矣。成帝咸康七年，皇后杜氏崩。詔外官五日一入臨，內官旦一入而已，過葬虞祭禮畢止。有司奏，大行皇后陵所作凶門柏歷門，號顯陽端門。詔曰：「門如所處。凶門柏歷，大為煩費，停之。」案蔡謨說，以二瓦器盛始死之祭，繫於木，裹以葦席，置庭中，近南，名為重，今之凶門是其象也。禮，既虞而作主，今未葬，未有主，故以重當之。禮稱為主道，此其義也。范堅又曰：「凶門非禮，禮有懸重，形似凶門。後人出之門外以表喪，俗遂行之。薄帳，即古弔幕之類也。」是時，又詔曰：「重壤之下，豈宜崇飾無用，陵中唯潔掃而已。」有司又奏，依舊選公卿以下六品子弟六十人為挽郎，詔又停之。孝武帝九月，皇后王氏崩。詔曰：「終事唯從儉速。」又詔：「遠近不得遣山陵使。」有司奏選挽郎二十四人，詔停之。

Sima Yi dug a plain shaft on Shouyang, left the hill unmarked, and left written orders for everyday clothes and no grave goods. Sima Shi and Sima Zhao kept Cao Pi's austere burial instructions to the letter. Sima Shi's obsequies copied Sima Yi's lean model. For Wang Yuanji's co-burial with Sima Yan the court reopened Chongyang and placed the imperial seal in the niche facing her tablet. Even the golden seal bespoke restraint. When the court fled across the Yangzi, Sima Rui and Sima Shao kept burials modest while institutions were new. Empress Du of Cheng passed in 341. Courtiers could wail only on that thin schedule until the post-burial service closed mourning. The ministry wanted a formal death-gate and cypress lintel named like a palace portal. The emperor approved the gate's placement. He vetoed the costly timber gateway.'" Cai Mo traced the "death gate" to the temporary chong bundle hung south of the yard. Until the tablet existed, the chong served as the spirit's lodging. Classical glosses treat the chong as the spirit's interim path. Fan Jian insisted the gate was folk imitation, not classical mourning gear. Vulgar practice dragged the chong out to the street as a billboard of grief. The plain hangings echoed old "condolence screens." A follow-up rescript barred finery inside the shaft—clean earth only.'" Officials wanted sixty noble sons as rope-pullers; the throne again said no. When Empress Wang died under Xiaowu, he ordered the funeral kept fast and plain.'" No courier was to be sent to the mausoleum on pretense of state business.'" Even twenty-four rope-boys were denied.

古無墓祭之禮。漢承秦，皆有園寢。正月上丁，祠南郊禮畢，次北郊、明堂、高廟、世祖廟，謂之五供。

The classics never sanctioned grave-side worship. Han kept Qin's tomb parks and resting halls. The capital's spring round moved from the southern altar through the northern rites in fixed order.

魏武葬高陵，有司依漢立陵上祭殿。至文帝，乃詔曰：「先帝躬履節儉，遺詔省約。子以述父為孝，臣以繫事為忠。古不墓祭，皆設於廟。高陵上殿皆毀壞，車馬還廄，衣服藏府，以從先帝儉德之志。」文帝自作終制，又曰「壽陵無立寢殿，造園邑」，自後園邑寢殿遂絕。齊王在位九年，始一謁高平陵而曹爽誅，其後遂廢，終於魏世。

Wei still raised a tomb-shrine over Gaoling, aping Han. Cao Pi cited Cao Cao's will to tear down the mound-top hall. He framed obedience as filial duty and bureaucratic fealty. Canon placed all cult at the temple, not the pit. Cao Pi ordered Gaoling's shrine dismantled and the regalia locked away.'" His Shou-ling instructions ended Wei tomb parks for good.'" Cao Fang's single visit to Gaoling ended with Cao Shuang's purge, and Wei rulers stopped touring tombs.

及宣帝，遺詔「子弟群官皆不得謁陵」。於是景、文遵旨。至武帝，猶再謁崇陽陵，一謁峻平陵，然遂不敢謁高原陵，至惠帝復止也。

Sima Yi forbade kinsmen and ministers from grave pilgrimage.'" Sima Shi and Sima Zhao complied. Sima Yan alone made limited visits, never to Cao Cao's mound, and Hui abandoned the habit entirely.

逮于江左，元帝崩後，諸公始有謁陵辭告之事。蓋由眷同友執，率情而舉，非洛京之舊也。成帝時，中宮亦年年拜陵，議者以為非禮，於是遂止，以為永制。至穆帝時，褚太后臨朝，又拜陵，帝幼故也。至孝武崩，驃騎將軍司馬道子曰：「今雖權制釋服，至於朔望諸節，自應展情陵所，以一周為斷。」於是至陵，變服單衣，煩黷無準，非禮意也。及安帝，尚書左僕射桓謙奏：「百僚拜陵，起于中興，非晉舊典，積習生常，遂為近法。尋武皇帝詔，乃不使人主諸王拜陵，豈唯百僚！謂宜遵奉。」於是施行。及義熙初，又復江左之舊。

Eastern Jin nobles only began tomb pilgrimages after Sima Rui's death. The practice sprang from camaraderie's impulse, not old capital law. Cheng's harem stopped annual tomb trips once ritualists objected. Mu's regent mother revived the visits while the sovereign was a child. Sima Daozi wanted monthly pilgrimages during shortened mourning.'" The result was slovenly dress and chaotic etiquette at every visit. Huan Qian traced the fad to the refugee court, not Western Jin statute. Sima Yan had barred the throne itself from the mounds. Huan asked the court to revert to Sima Yan's ban.'" The ban took effect. Yixi reopened tomb pilgrimages for a time.

，大鴻臚鄭默母喪，既葬，當依舊攝職，固陳不起，於是始制大臣得終喪三年。然元康中，陳準、傅咸之徒，猶以權奪，不得終禮，自茲已往，以為成比也。

Zheng Mo's refusal to leave mourning forced Jin to grant grandees full three-year leave. Even after the rule, Yuankang ministers were "urged" back early, and the exception became norm.

，東平王楙上言，相王昌父毖，本居長沙，有妻息，漢末使入中國，值吳叛，仕魏為黃門郎，與前妻息死生隔絕，更娶昌母。今江表一統，昌聞前母久喪，言疾求平議。

Sima Mao introduced Wang Bi: a Changsha household cut off by war who remarried in Wei and fathered Wang Chang. With the south pacified, Wang Chang asked how to mourn a first wife presumed dead for decades.

守博士謝衡議曰：「雖有二妻，蓋有故而然，不為害於道，議宜更相為服。」守博士許猛以為「地絕，又無前母之制，正以在前非沒則絕故也。前母雖在，猶不應服。」段暢、秦秀、騶沖從猛。散騎常侍劉智安議：「禮為常事制，不為非常設也。亡父母不知其死生者，不著於禮。平生不相見，去其加隆，以期為斷。」都令史虞溥議曰：「臣以為禮不二嫡，所以重正，非徒如前議者防妒忌而已。故曰『一與之齊，終身不改』，未有遭變而二嫡。苟不二，則昌父更娶之辰，是前妻義絕之日也。使昌父尚存，二妻俱在，必不使二嫡專堂，兩婦執祭，同為之齊也。」秦秀議：「二妾之子，父命令相慈養，而便有三年之恩，便同所生。昌父何義不命二嫡依此禮乎！父之執友有如子之禮，況事兄之母乎！」許猛又議：「夫少婦稚，則不可許以改娶更適矣。今妻在許以更聘，夫存而妻得改醮者，非絕而何。」侍中領博士張惲議：「昔舜不告而娶，婚禮蓋闕，故《堯典》以釐降二女為文，不殊嫡媵。傳記以妃夫人稱之，明不立正后也。夫以聖人之弘，帝者嫡子，猶權事而變，以定典禮。黃昌之告新妻使避正室，時論許之。推姬氏之讓，執黃卿之決，宜使各自服其母。」黃門侍郎崔諒、荀悝、中書監荀勖、領中書令和嶠、侍郎夏侯湛皆如溥議。侍郎山雄、兼侍郎著作陳壽以為：「溥駁一與之齊，非大夫也，禮無二嫡，不可以並耳。若昌父及二母於今各存者，則前母不廢，已有明徵也。設令昌父將前母之子來入中國尚在者，當從出母之服。苟昌父無棄前妻之命，昌兄有服母之理，則昌無疑於不服。」賊曹屬卞粹議：「昌父當莫審之時而娶後妻，則前妻同之于死而義不絕。若生相及而後妻不去，則妾列於前志矣。死而會乎，則同祔於葬，無並嫡之實。必欲使子孫於沒世之後，追計二母隔絕之時，以為並嫡，則背違死父，追出亡母。議者以為禮無前母之服者，可謂以文害意。愚以為母之不親而服三年，非一無異於前母也。倉曹屬衛恆議：「或云，嫡不可二，前妻宜絕。此為奪舊與新，違母從子，禮律所不許，人情所未安也。或云，絕與死同，無嫌二嫡，據其相及，欲令有服。此為論嫡則死，議服則生，還自相伐，理又不通。愚以為地絕死絕，誠無異也，宜一如前母，不復追服。」主簿劉卞議：「毖在南為邦族，於北為羈旅，以此名分言之，前妻為元妃，後婦為繼室。何至王路既通，更當逐其今妻，廢其嫡子！不書姜氏，絕不為親，以其犯至惡也。趙姬雖貴，必推叔隗；原同雖寵，必嫡宣孟。若違禮苟讓，何則《春秋》所當善也！論者謂地絕，其情終已不得往來。今地既通，何為故當追而絕之邪！黃昌見美，斯又近世之明比。」

Xie Heng said both marriages were honest and each side deserved weeds.'" Xu Meng denied any mourning for the abandoned first wife. He barred mourning even were she alive.'" A bloc followed Xu Meng. Liu Zhi'an said classical mourning never covered unknown survival. He noted the canon never prescribes garments when one cannot know whether parents live or die. He capped grief at qi when kin never shared a roof.'" Yu Pu framed the issue as bigamy, not jealousy. The wedding vow assumes one legal spouse. Remarriage itself dissolved the first match. Classical law could not seat two duchesses as co-equals.'" Qin Xiu mocked extending concubine foster rules to rival principal wives. He asked why Wang Bi could not decree dual duchesses if foster logic applied. He invoked the courtesy owed a father's bosom friend.'" Xu Meng warned against abandoning toddlers to remarry. A new betrothal with the first wife alive is divorce in fact.'" Zhang Yun likened the case to Shun's dual match without naming an empress. Commentary styles them consorts, not a single queen. Sages bent the letter when human facts demanded it. Han clerk Huang Chang's solution drew contemporary approval. Zhang Yun concluded each brother owed weeds only to his own mother.'" A majority backed Yu Pu's bigamy reading. They distinguished simultaneous wives from remarriage after loss. They argued alive co-wives would change the calculus. A living first mother would trigger the divorced-mother grade. They separated the elder brother's duty from Chang's.'" Bian Cui said wartime ignorance kept the first marriage alive in principle. Survival would demote the newcomer to concubine. Co-burial annexes a concubine, not elevates her. Retroactive bigamy slandered both parents. Bian rejected literalism that erased real kinship. Wei Heng entered the fray on gradations of grief. Wei Heng summarized rival extremes. He called that reading cruel and illegal. He exposed self-contradiction in another school. Wei Heng highlighted the internal contradiction in that line of argument. Wei Heng would grant no retroactive weeds after decades apart.'" Liu Bian ranked the Changsha wife as primary by migration law. He asked why reunification should annul the Wei marriage. He cited the disowned Jiang clan as analogy. He invoked Zhao Dun's mother yielding to Shu Sui's precedent. He appealed to the Annals' moral judgments. He answered the geography argument. Reunion removed the excuse for bigamy. He ended with the Eastern Han exemplar Huang Chang. Sima You opened with the "late-born child" passage: a son born abroad need not match a father's retroactive mourning.'"

司空齊王攸議：「《禮記》『生不及祖父母、諸父昆弟，而父稅喪，己則否』，諸儒皆以為父以他故子生異域，不及此親存時歸見之，父雖追服，子不從稅，不責非時之恩也。但不相見，尚不服其先終，而況前母非親所生，義不逾祖，莫往莫來，恩絕殊隔，而令追服，殆非稱情立文之謂也。以為昌不宜追服。」司徒李胤議：「毖為黃門侍郎，江南已叛。石厚與焉，大義滅親，況於毖之義，可得以為妻乎！」大司馬騫不議，太尉充、撫軍大將軍汝南王亮皆從主者。溥又駁粹曰：「喪從甯戚，謂喪事尚哀耳，不使服非其親也。夫死者終也，終事已故無絕道。分居兩存，則離否由人。夫婦以判合為義，今土隔人殊，則配合理絕。彼已更娶代己，安得自同於死婦哉！伯夷讓孤竹，不可以為後王法也。且既已為嫡後服，復云為妾，生則或貶或離，死則同祔于葬，妻專一以事夫，夫懷貳以接己，開偽薄之風，傷貞信之教，於以純化篤俗，不亦難乎！今昌二母雖土地殊隔，據同時並存，何得為前母后母乎！設使昌母先亡，以嫡合葬，而前母不絕，遠聞喪問，當復相為制何服邪！夫制不應禮，動而愈失。夫孝子不納親於不義，貞婦不昧進而苟容。今同前嫡於死婦，使後妻居正而或廢，於二子之心，曾無恧乎！而云誣父棄母，恐此文致之言，難以定臧否也。禮，違諸侯適天子，不服舊君，然則昌父絕前君矣，更納後室，廢舊妻矣，又何取於宜誅宜撫乎！且婦人之有惡疾，乃慈夫之所愍也，而在七出，誠以在人理應絕故也。今夫婦殊域，與無妻同，方之惡疾，理無以異。據己更娶，有絕前之證。而云應服，于義何居！」尚書八座以為「設令有人于此，父為敦煌太守，而子後任于洛，若父娶妻，非徒不見，乃可不知，及其死亡，不得不服。但鞠養已者情哀，而不相見名制，雖戚念之心殊，而為之服一也。又，兩后匹嫡，自謂違禮，不謂非常之事而以常禮處之也。昔子思哭出母於廟，其門人曰：『庶氏之女死，何為哭于孔氏之廟！』子思懼，改哭於他室。若昌不制服，不得不告其父祖，掘其前母之尸，徙之他地。若其不徙，昌為罪人。何則？異族之女不得祔于先姑，藏其墓次故也。且夫婦人牽夫，猶有所尊，趙姬之舉，禮得權通，故先史詳之，不譏其事耳。今昌之二母，各已終亡，尚無並主輕重之事也。昌之前母，宜依叔隗為比。若亡在昌未生之前者，則昌不應復服。生及母存，自應如禮以名服三年。輒正定為文，章下太常報楙奉行。」

Never having shared a roof weighs more heavily than a distant cousin; a stepmother-by-war cannot demand the same thread as a birth mother. Sima You ruled Chang should wear no added mourning for the first wife. Li Yin's memorial began: Wang Bi held a Wei post while Wu still held the south.'" Li Yin cited the Spring and Autumn principle that kin who abet rebellion are struck down, asking how Wang Bi's first marriage could survive that standard. Li Yin finished: Shi Hou aided treason, and the canon approves destroying kin for righteousness—Wang Bi's first match cannot still count as wife.' Sima Qian stayed silent while Jia Chong and Sima Liang backed the drafters.'" Yu Pu said 'mourning follows grief' bars garments for people who are no longer kin. Death closes the ritual account; nothing mandates an endless bond. While both sides live, staying together or parting is a human decision. Physical separation severs the ritual marriage. A new wife has replaced her; she cannot act the buried corpse. Boyi's abdication is no model for modern marriage law. He warned that demoting a living principal to concubine while the husband keeps two hearts corrupts chastity teaching. Both women were alive together, so 'first' and 'second' mislabels them. He posed the impossible case of two tombs and conflicting mourning signals. Rules that fight the canon only deepen error. Sons and wives cannot be enlisted in unjust schemes. He asked whether sons could stomach demoting a living mother. He dismissed inflammatory charges of disowning parents. He compared Bi's remarriage to the rule that lords cease mourning for old rulers when serving the Zhou king. Even pitiable illness can justify divorce under the seven grounds. Permanent separation matches the seven-expulsion logic. Bi's new marriage itself proves the first bond ended. He asked how mourning could still be owed.'" The Eight Seats imagined a son ignorant of a father's new wife yet still owing her weeds. They argued grief differs but the mourning grade stays unified. They rejected applying ordinary two-wife logic to the two-empress anomaly. They cited Zisi moving his mother's lament out of the Confucian shrine.'" Zisi moved the rite to a side room. They threatened that refusing mourning forces removal of the first burial. Leaving the body in place would make Chang lawbreaker. They asked the rhetorical why. Alien kin cannot share a mother-in-law's niche in the lineage grave. They cited Lady Zhao's precedence as a controlled exception. Death removed the dual-spouse problem. They analogized her to Shu Ji. No mourning if she predeceased the son. Living overlap triggers full three-year weeds. They finalized wording for the ritual office.'"

制曰：「凡事有非常，當依準舊典，為之立斷。今議此事，稱引趙姬、叔隗者粗是也。然後狄與晉和，故姬氏得迎叔隗而下之。吳寇隔塞，毖與前妻，終始永絕。必義無兩嫡，則趙衰可以專制隗氏。昌為人子，豈得擅替其母。且毖二妻並以絕亡，其子猶後母之子耳，昌故不應制服也。」

The throne demanded precedent for irregular cases. The edict conceded the Zhao–Shu parallel was apt in outline. Peace allowed the two Di wives to order themselves ritually. Warfare unlike the Di case made the first marriage a dead letter. The edict noted Zhao Dun could not have kept two principals under law. A son cannot unilaterally demote a parent. The rescript denied Chang any mourning for the first wife.'"

太興初，著作郎干寶論之曰：「禮有經有變有權，王毖之事，有為為之也。有不可責以始終之義，不可求以循常之文，何群議之紛錯！同產者無嫡側之別，而先生為兄；諸侯同爵無等級之差，而先封為長。今二妻之入，無貴賤之禮，則宜以先後為秩，順序義也。今生而同室者寡，死而同廟者眾，及其神位，固有上下也。故《春秋》賢趙姬遭禮之變而得禮情也。且夫吉凶哀樂，動乎情者也，五禮之制，所以敘情而即事也。今二母者，本他人也，以名來親，而恩否于時，敬不及生，愛不及喪，夫何追服之道哉！張惲、劉卞，得其先後之節，齊王、衛恆，通於服絕之制，可以斷矣。朝廷於此，宜導之以趙姬，齊之以詔命，使先妻恢含容之德，後妻崇卑讓之道，室人達長少之序，百姓見變禮之中。若此，可以居生，又況於死乎！古之王者，有以師友之禮待其臣，而臣不敢自尊。今令先妻以一體接後，而後妻不敢抗，及其子孫交相為服，禮之善物也。然則王昌兄弟相得之日，蓋宜祫祭二母，等其禮饋，序其先後，配以左右，兄弟肅雍，交酬奏獻，上以恕先父之志，中以高二母之德，下以齊兄弟之好，使義風弘于王教，慈讓洽乎急難，不亦得禮之本乎！」

Gan Bao called the case a deliberate expedient, not a textbook precedent. He marveled at the swarm of contrary memorials. He began with siblings of one womb: the elder is simply 'brother. He added the parallel of coequal lords: first enfeoffment marks seniority. He proposed resolving co-wives by order of arrival. Shrines already rank tablets high and low. He praised Zhao Ji for navigating ritual change humanely. He tied the five rites to emotional ordering. He denied retroactive weeds for women who never formed a true bond. Gan Bao endorsed Zhang, Liu, Sima You, and Wei Heng. He urged the state to model tolerance and yielding. What works for the living surely governs the dead. He cited kings' modesty toward ministers. He imagined mutual recognition between lines. Gan Bao's peroration envisioned joint sacrifice and brotherly harmony.'"

是時，沛國劉仲武先娶毌丘氏，生子正舒、正則二人。毌丘儉反敗，仲武出其妻，娶王氏，生陶，仲武為毌丘氏別舍而不告絕。及毌丘氏卒，正舒求祔葬焉，而陶不許。舒不釋服，訟於上下，泣血露骨，縗裳綴絡，數十年弗得從，以至死亡。

He introduced Liu Zhongwu's first marriage to Guqiu.'" He told how Zhongwu hid a continuing tie to the first wife.'" The half-brothers quarreled over co-burial.'" Zhengshu's lifelong lawsuit failed.'"

時吳國朱某娶妻陳氏，生子東伯。入晉，晉賜妻某氏，生子綏伯。太康之中，某已亡，綏伯將母以歸邦族，兄弟交愛敬之道，二母篤先後之序，雍雍人無間焉。及其終也，二子交相為服，君子以為賢。

He cited Wu precedents.'" A Jin-bestowed second wife followed.'" He praised a harmonious two-mother household.'" Cross-mourning earned praise.'"

安豐太守程諒先已有妻，後又娶，遂立二嫡。前妻亡，後妻子勳疑所服。中書令張華造甲乙之問曰：「甲娶乙為妻，後又娶丙，匿不說有乙，居家如二嫡，無有貴賤之差。乙亡，丙之子當何服？本實並列，嫡庶不殊，雖二嫡非正，此失在先人，人子何得專制析其親也。若為庶母服，又不成為庶。進退不知所從。」太傅鄭沖議曰：「甲失禮於家，二嫡並在，誠非人子所得正。則乙丙之子並當三年，禮疑從重。」車騎賈充、侍中少傅任愷議略與鄭同。太尉荀顗議曰：「《春秋》並后匹嫡，古之明典也。今不可以犯禮並立二妻，不別尊卑而遂其失也。故當斷之以禮，先至為嫡，後至為庶。丙子宜以嫡母服乙，乙子宜以庶母事丙。昔屈建去芰，古人以為違禮而得禮。丙子非為抑其親，斯自奉禮先後貴賤順敘之義也。」中書監荀勖議曰：「昔鄉里鄭子群娶陳司空從妹，後隔呂布之亂，不復相知存亡，更娶鄉里蔡氏女。徐州平定，陳氏得還，遂二妃並存。蔡氏之子字元釁，為陳氏服嫡母之服，事陳公以從舅之禮。族兄宗伯曾責元釁，謂抑其親，鄉里先達以元釁為合宜。不審此事粗相似否。」

Cheng Liang's double-primary case opened a new query.'" Xun asked about mourning grades.'" Zhang Hua's hypothetical posed hidden bigamy. The question targeted the hidden first wife's death. Zhang Hua blamed fathers, not sons. The grades contradict if he takes concubine mourning. The heir is caught between grades.'" Zheng Chong said sons cannot fix parental bigamy. He chose three years for both lines.'" Jia Chong and Ren Kai concurred.'" Xun Yi cited the two-empress precedent as warning. He forbade prolonging the error. He ordered first wife principal, second secondary. He split mourning directions by generation. He cited Qu Jian's symbolic act. He defended the secondary line.'" Xun Xu cited Zheng Ziqun's two-wife survival case. Peace reunited both wives. Yuanxin honored the returned first wife. Village elders backed Yuanxin's choice. Xun Xu invited comparison to Wang Chang.'"

，以溫嶠為散騎侍郎，嶠以母亡值寇，不臨殯葬，欲營改葬，固讓不拜。元帝詔曰：「溫嶠不拜，以未得改卜葬送，朝議又頗有異同。為審由此邪？天下有闕塞，行禮制物者當使理可經通。古人之制三年，非情之所盡，蓋存亡有斷，不以死傷生耳。要絰而服金革之役者，豈營官邪？隨王事之緩急也。今桀逆未梟，平陽道斷，奉迎諸軍猶未得徑進，嶠特一身，于何濟其私艱，而以理閡自疑，不服王命邪！其令三司八座、門下三省、外內群臣，詳共通議如嶠比，吾將親裁其中。」於是太宰、西陽王羕，司徒臨潁公組，驃騎將軍、即丘子導，侍中紀瞻，尚書周顗，散騎常侍荀邃等議，以「昔伍員挾弓去楚，為吳行人以謀楚，誠志在報仇，不苟滅身也。溫嶠遭難，昔在河朔，日尋干戈，志刷讎惡，萬里投身，歸赴朝廷，將欲因時竭力，憑賴王威，以展其情，此乃嶠之志也。無緣道路未通，師旅未進，而更中辭王事，留志家巷也。以為誠宜如明詔。」於是有司奏曰：「案如眾議，去九月下辛未令書，依禮文，父喪未葬，唯喪主不除。以他故未葬，人子之情，不可居殯而除，故期於畢葬，無遠近之斷也。若亡遇賊難，喪靈無處，求索理絕，固應三年而除，不得故從未葬之例也。若骨肉殲於寇害，死亡漫于中原，而繼以遺賊未滅，亡者無收殯之實，存者又闕於奔赴之禮，而人子之情，哀痛無斷，輒依未葬之義，久而不除，若遂其情，則人居無限之喪，非有禮無時不得之義也。諸如此，皆依東關故事，限行三年之禮畢而除也。唯二親生離，吉凶未分，服喪則凶事未據，從吉則疑於不存，心憂居素，出自人情，有如此者，非官制之所裁。今嶠以未得改卜奔赴，累設疾辭。案辛未之制，已有成斷，皆不得復遂其私情，不服王命，以虧法憲。參議可如前詔嶠受拜，重告以中丞司徒，諸如嶠比者，依東關故事辛未令書之制。」嶠不得已，乃拜。

The court named Wen Jiao cavalier attendant-in-ordinary.'" He pleaded to move her grave and refused the post until burial was settled. The emperor noted divided opinion on Wen Jiao. He asked the motive behind the refusal. He demanded flexible ritual in wartime. He explained the three-year limit. He compared wartime service to hemp-clad soldiers. He pressed Wen Jiao to serve despite burial delay. He convened a plenary session on such cases.'" High ministers cited Wu Zixu's loyal vendetta. They likened Wen Jiao's flight to Wu Zixu's loyalty. They denied he was merely dodging duty. They urged accepting the imperial order.'" The bureaucracy memorialized to rescind the earlier edict and keep the chief mourner in weeds until burial. Because he has not been buried, the love for the mourning son cannot be extinguished during the funeral; Therefore, there is no separation between the distance and the near after the funeral;. If the dead is in trouble due to thieves, and the dead has nowhere to go, and seeks explanation, he should be exterminated within three years, and there is no reason why he should never be buried;. If the flesh and bones are annihilated by the bandits, death spreads over the Central Plains, and the remaining thieves are still alive, the dead will not be able to be buried, and the survivors will not be able to rush to the ceremony; However, the love for the son of man will never be cut off, and the grief will not be cut off, and he will always rely on the meaning of not being buried for a long time;. All these are based on the story of Dongguan, and the rituals are limited to three years before being eliminated;. Only when two relatives are separated, the good and bad are not divided; When mourning, the bad things are not confirmed; When the good is good, there is doubt about the absence; The heart is worried and it is out of human feelings; Such people are not ruled by the official system;. Today, Qiao has not been able to change the divination and rushed to it, leaving many excuses;. The system of the case Xinwei has been concluded, and no one can resume his personal relationship, disobey the king's order, and violate the law and the constitution;. The counselor can be worshiped like the previous imperial edict to Qiao, and then report to the Zhongcheng Situ again, such as Qiao Bi, according to the Dongguan Story Xinwei Order;." Qiao had no choice but to worship;.

是時中原喪亂，室家離析，朝廷議二親陷沒寇難，應制服不。太常賀循曰：二親生離，吉凶未分，服喪則凶事未據，從吉則疑於不存，心憂居素，允當人情。」元帝令以循議為然。，司徒荀組云：「二親陷沒寇難，萬無一冀者，宜使依王法，隨例行喪。」庾蔚之云：「二親為戎狄所破，存亡未可知者，宜盡尋求之理。尋求之理絕，三年之外，便宜婚宦，胤嗣不可絕，王政不可廢故也。猶宜以哀素自居，不豫吉慶之事，待中壽而服之也。若境內賊亂清平，肆眚之後，尋覺無蹤跡者，便宜制服。」

At that time, the Central Plains was in chaos and the family was separated; The court discussed whether the two relatives should be subdued if they were trapped by the bandits;. Taichang congratulated Xun and said: Two relatives are separated at birth, and the good and bad are not divided; If you are in mourning, the bad things will not be confirmed; If you follow the good luck, you will doubt that it will not exist; If you are worried, you should accept it as a favor;.” Emperor Yuan’s order was based on the discussion;. , Situ Xun said: "If the two relatives are trapped and there is no danger of the invaders, and there is no hope, it is better for the envoy to follow the king's law and conduct a funeral ceremony;"." Yu Wei said: "The two relatives were destroyed by the Rong and Di, and their survival is unknown; It is best to seek the truth;. The truth to be sought is that within three years, a cheap marriage can be arranged, the heir cannot be cut off, and the king's government cannot be abolished;. It is better to regard oneself as mourning, not to hesitate about auspicious things, but to wait for a long life and obey them;. If there is chaos in the territory and there is no trace of the thieves, they can be subdued easily; ".

，零陵李繁姊先適南平郡陳詵為妻，產四子而遭賊。姊投身于賊，請活姑命，賊略將姊去。詵更娶嚴氏，生三子。繁後得姊消息，往迎還詵，詵籍注領二妻。及李亡，詵疑制服，以事言征西大將軍庾亮府平議，時議亦往往異同。司馬王愆期議曰：「案禮不二嫡，故惠西元妃孟子，孟子卒，繼室以聲子。諸侯猶爾，況庶人乎！《士喪禮》曰，繼母本實繼室，故稱繼母，事之如嫡，故曰如母也。詵不能遠慮避難，以亡其妻，非犯七出見絕於詵。始不見絕，終又見迎，養姑于堂，子為首嫡，列名黃籍，則詵之妻也。為詵也妻，則為暉也母，暉之制服無所疑矣。禮為繼母服而不為前母服者，如李比類，曠世所希。前母既終，乃有繼母，後子不及前母，故無制服之文。然礿祠蒸嘗，未有不以前母為母者，亡猶母之，況其存乎！詵有老母，不可以莫之養，妻無歸期，納妾可也。李雖沒賊，尚有生冀，詵尋求之理不盡，而便娶妻，誠詵之短也。然隴畝之夫，不達禮義，考之傳記不勝。有施孝叔之妻失身于郤犨而不棄者，以非其罪也。詵有兩妻，非故犯法。李鄙野人，而能臨危請活姑命，險不忘順，可謂孝婦矣。議者欲令在沒略之中，必全苦操，有隕無二，是望凡人皆為宋伯姬也。詵雖不應娶妻，要以嚴為妻，妻則繼室，本非嫡也。雖云非嫡，義在始終，寧可以詵不應二妻而己涉二庭乎！若能下之，則趙姬之義。若云不能，官當有制。先嫡後繼，有自來矣。眾議貶譏太峻，故略序異懷。」亮從愆期議定。

In the same year, sister Li Fan of Lingling first married Chen Shen of Nanping County; She gave birth to four sons and was robbed by thieves;. My sister has thrown herself into the hands of thieves, please let me live, and the thieves will take my sister away;. Shengen married the Yan family and had three sons;. After Fan got news about her sister, she went to welcome Shen back, and Shen's family was registered to take over his second wife;. After Li's death, he suppressed his suspicions and conquered the West General Yu Liang's mansion with his deeds; The discussions at that time were often similar and different;. King Sima Suiqi said: "The etiquette of the case is not the same as the direct descendants, so Mencius, the concubine of the Yuan Dynasty in Huixi, died, and her successor was Shengzi;. The princes are like you, how about the common people!. Shi's Funeral Ceremony says that the stepmother is actually the stepmother, so she is called stepmother; She acts like a direct descendant, so she is called Rumu;. Shen could not think too long and take refuge in order to kill his wife, unless he committed the crime of seven outings and saw that Shen would be killed;. At first, she didn't see Jue, but finally she met again; She raised a aunt in the hall, and her son was the first direct descendant; She was listed as Huang Ji, so she was Shen's wife;. If she is Shen's wife, then she is Hui's mother; There is no doubt about Hui's uniform;. Those who follow the etiquette for their stepmother but not for their former mother, such as Li Bi, are the only ones in the world;. After the death of the first mother, there is a stepmother; The second son is not as good as the first mother, so there is no uniform document;. However, when the temple is steamed and tasted, there is no one who is not the mother of the previous mother; She died like her mother, how much less does she exist!. Shen has an old mother who cannot be taken care of; There is no date of return for his wife, so he can take concubines;. Although Li had no thieves, he still had hopes for life, and Shen's pursuit of truth was incomplete, so he married a wife, which was a shortcoming of his sincerity;. However, the husband of Longmu was not upholding etiquette and righteousness, and his biography was inconclusive;. If Uncle Shi Xiao's wife loses her virginity to Queji and never abandons her, it is not a crime;. Shen had two wives and broke the law without any reason;. Li Bi is a wild man, but she can ask for her life in the face of danger and never forget to obey; She can be called a filial woman;. Those who want to make an order without any strategy must work hard, and there will be no difference; I hope that everyone will be Song Boji;. Although Shen should not marry a wife, he should be strict with his wife; The wife will be the successor to the wife, and she is not the direct descendant;. Even though they are not direct relatives, righteousness is always there; I would rather blame the second wife and get involved in the second court!. If you can do it, it will be Zhao Ji's duty;. If it is not possible, the officials should have some control over it;. First the direct descendants and then the successors have their own way;. Many people think that it is too harsh to be ridiculed, so the preface is slightly different;." Liang agreed from the period of guilt;.

《五經通義》以為有德則諡善，無德則諡惡，故雖君臣可同。魏朝初諡''『宣帝為文侯，景王為武侯』''，文王表不宜與二祖同，於是改諡宣文、忠武。至文王受晉王之號，魏帝又追命宣文為宣王，忠武為景王。十月，太常上諡故太常平陵男郭奕為景侯。有司奏云：「晉受命以來，祖宗號諡群下未有同者，故郭奕為景，與景皇同，不可聽，宜諡曰穆。」王濟、羊璞等並云：「夫無窮之祚，名諡不一，若皆相避，于制難全。如悉不避，復非推崇事尊之禮。宜依諱名之義，但及七廟祖宗而已，不及遷毀之廟。」成粲、武茂、劉訥並云：「同諡非嫌。號諡者，國之大典，所以厲時作教，經天人之遠旨也。固雖君父，義有所不隆，及在臣子，或以行顯。故能使上下邁德，罔有怠荒。臣願聖世同符堯舜，行周同諡之禮，舍漢魏近制相避之議。」又引周公父子同諡曰文。武帝詔曰：「非言君臣不可同，正以奕諡景不相當耳，宜諡曰簡。」及，侍中王欣之表君臣之嫌同諡，尚書奏以欣之言為然。詔可。

"Tongyi of the Five Classics" holds that if one is virtuous, the posthumous title will be good, and if there is no virtue, the posthumous title will be evil, so although the emperor and his ministers can be the same;. At the beginning of the Wei Dynasty, the posthumous titles were ""Emperor Xuan was Marquis Wen, and King Jing was Marquis Wu"; It was inappropriate for King Wen to have the same title as his second ancestor, so the posthumous titles were changed to Xuanwen and Zhongwu;. When King Wen received the title of King of Jin, Emperor Wei also appointed Xuanwen as King Xuan and Zhongwu as King Jing;. In October, Taichang was given the posthumous title, so Guo Yi, the man from Pingling, Taichang, was given the title of Marquis of Jing;. An official report said: "Since the Jin Dynasty, there has been no one with the same posthumous title for his ancestors; Therefore, Guo Yi is the king of Jing, and he is the same as Emperor Jing; It is not acceptable to listen to him, so it is appropriate to give him the posthumous title Mu;"." Wang Ji, Yang Pu and others also said: "There are infinite Zuo with different names and posthumous names; If they all avoid each other, it will be difficult to control them all;. If you don't avoid it, you are no longer respecting the etiquette of respecting others;. It is appropriate to follow the meaning of the taboo name, but it is only related to the ancestors of the seven temples, not as good as the demolished temple;. Cheng Can, Wu Mao and Liu Na all said, "It is not inappropriate to have the same posthumous title;". The person with the posthumous title is the grand ceremony of the country, so he teaches in a timely manner and obeys the distant decrees of heaven and man;. Even though you are a king and father, your righteousness is not upheld, and it may be shown by your actions to your ministers;. Therefore, it can bring great virtue to both the superiors and subordinates, without any laziness or neglect;. I hope that the Holy World will be the same as Yao and Shun, and that the posthumous rites of Zhou Dynasty will be the same, and that the modern system of Han and Wei will be avoided;.” He also cited Zhou Gong and his son as having the same posthumous title;. Emperor Wu issued an edict: "It is not necessary to say that the emperor and his ministers cannot be the same; Since the posthumous title of Yi is not commensurate with the scenery, it is appropriate to give him the posthumous title of Jian;"." And, Wang Xin, one of the servants, expressed disapproval of the emperor and his ministers for sharing the same posthumous title, and the minister said that it was Xin's words;. The edict can be issued;.

驃騎將軍溫嶠前妻李氏，在嶠微時便卒。又娶王氏、何氏，並在嶠前死。及嶠薨，朝廷以問陳舒：「三人並得為夫人不？」舒云：「《禮記》『其妻為夫人而卒，而後其夫不為大夫，而祔于其妻，則不易牲。妻卒。而後夫為大夫，而祔于其妻，則以大夫牲』。然則夫榮于朝，妻貴于室，雖先夫沒，榮辱常隨於夫也。《禮記》曰『妻祔于祖姑，祖姑有三人，則祔其親者』。如禮，則三人皆為夫人也。自秦漢已來，廢一娶九女之制，近世無復繼室之禮，先妻卒則更娶。苟生加禮，則亡不應貶。」庾蔚之云：「賤時之妻不得並為夫人，若有追贈之命則不論耳。」《嶠傳》，贈王、何二人夫人印綬，不及李氏。

General Wen Qiao's ex-wife, Mrs; Li, died when Qiao was in decline;. He also married the Wang family and the He family, and died in Qiaoqian;. When Qiao died, the court asked Chen Shu: "Can the three of them be wives together?". Shu Yun: "Book of Rites" "If his wife dies as his wife, and then her husband is not a high official, but his nephew is his wife, it is not easy to sacrifice him;". His wife died;. If the later husband is a senior official and his wife is a nephew, then she will be sacrificed as a senior official;". However, the husband is honored in the court, and the wife is valued in the family; Even though the husband has passed away, the honor and disgrace will always follow the husband;. The Mourning Garments gloss explains that a wife joins the ancestress line in cult; if three ancestresses stand in the sequence, she attaches to the nearest by kin degree. On that reading, each of the three women may bear the title of lady in the ancestral cult. Since the Qin and Han Dynasties, the system of marrying nine daughters to one woman has been abolished; In modern times, there is no such thing as the ritual of succession, and the first wife who dies will marry more;. If you add rituals in life, you should not be demoted in death;." Yu Wei said: "Wives who were humble when they were young are not allowed to be wives; If there is a posthumous order, they will ignore it;." "Qiao Zhuan", the seals and ribbons presented to Wang and He's wives are not as good as those of Li;.

，彭城國為李太妃求諡。博士曹耽之議：「夫婦行不必同，不得以夫諡諡婦。《春秋》婦人有諡甚多，經無譏文，知禮得諡也。」胡訥云：「禮，婦人生以夫爵，死以夫諡。《春秋》夫人有諡，不復依禮耳。安平獻王李妃、琅邪武王諸葛妃，太傅東海王裴妃並無諡，今宜率舊典。」王彪之云：「婦人有諡，禮壞故耳。聲子為諡，服虔諸儒以為非。杜預亦云『禮，婦人無諡』。《春秋》無譏之文，所謂不待貶絕自明者也。近世惟后乃有諡耳。」

, Pengchengguo asked for the posthumous title of Concubine Li;. Dr; Cao Dan suggested: "Husbands and wives do not have to behave in the same way, and they cannot use the husband's posthumous title to his wife's posthumous title;. In the Spring and Autumn Annals, there are many posthumous titles for women, but there are no sarcastic texts in the scriptures, so they only get posthumous titles if they know the etiquette;. Hu Nayun said: "Etiquette, when a woman is born, she is given the title of her husband, and when she dies, she is given the posthumous title of her husband;". Spring and Autumn says the lady has a posthumous title and no longer follows the etiquette;. Concubine Li, the king of Anping Xian, Concubine Zhuge, the king of Langye Wu, and Concubine Pei, the king of Donghai, the Taifu, have no posthumous titles; It is appropriate to follow the old canon today;." Wang Biao said: "A woman has a posthumous title, but her etiquette is bad;. Shengzi was given a posthumous title, and the pious Confucians thought it was wrong;. Du Yu also said, "With etiquette, a woman has no posthumous title;". There are no sarcastic articles in the Spring and Autumn Annals, as the so-called self-explanation does not require derogation;. In modern times, there are posthumous titles only; ".

太尉荀顗上諡法云：「若賜諡而道遠不及葬者，皆封策下屬，遣所承長吏奉策即塚祭賜諡。」

Taiwei Xunyi's posthumous law says: "If a posthumous title is given but the road is far from being able to bury the person, all the officials will be appointed as subordinates, and the senior officials will be sent to carry out the posthumous ceremony at the tomb to offer the posthumous title;".

，召孔安國為侍中。安國表以黃門郎王愉名犯私諱，不得連署，求解。有司議云：「名終諱之，有心所同，聞名心瞿，亦明前誥。而《禮》復云『君所無私諱，大夫之所有公諱』，無私諱。又云『詩書不諱，臨文不諱』。豈非公義奪私情，王制屈家禮哉！尚書安眾男臣先表中兵曹郎王祐名犯父諱，求解職，明詔爰發，聽許換曹，蓋是恩出制外耳。而頃者互相瞻式，源流既啟，莫知其極。夫皇朝禮大，百僚備職，編官列署，動相經涉。若以私諱，人遂其心，則移官易職，遷流莫已，既違典法，有虧政體。請一斷之。」從之。

, summoned Kong Anguo as his servant;. An Guobiao used the name of Huangmenlang Wang Yu to violate his privacy and was not allowed to sign the petition for explanation;. Some officials said: "The name is taboo, and it has the same mind; It is famous for its heart Qu, and it is also clear from the previous imperial edict;". And the "Li" further says, "What the ruler has no selfish taboos for, all the officials have public taboos for;" It is selfless taboos;. It is also said that "the poems and books do not conceal anything, and the texts do not conceal anything";. Isn't it true that justice takes over personal love, and the king controls family etiquette?. Shangshu An and all the male ministers first asked for the dismissal of Cao Lang and Wang You, who had violated his father's name; He issued an imperial edict and promised to change Cao; It was a kindness to control the outer ear;. But for a moment, they looked at each other, and the source and flow had begun, but they didn't know the end;. The husband's imperial court was full of ceremony, hundreds of officials were prepared for their posts, officials were listed in the department, and everything was done;. If people use personal taboos to follow their own will, they will be moved to different positions or moved to other places, which is against the law and is detrimental to the political system;. Please cut it off;.” Follow it;.

Cite this Chapter