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卷二十一 志第十一 禮下

Volume 21 Treatises 11: Rites Part Three

Chapter 21 of 晉書 · Book of Jin
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Treatise on Rites, Part Three
2
使 殿 殿
The third of the five ritual categories is "guest," covering homage at court, formal audiences, and great assemblies where states meet together. After the Zhou period, ritual grew steadily more complex. Once the Qin campaign against scholarship had passed, the classical ritual corpus lay broken and incomplete. At the founding of the Han, Shusun Tong was commissioned to frame court ritual, borrowing forms from antiquity while revising them repeatedly. Han ceremony prescribed the formal New Year's audience: while night still had seven marks to run, bells rang to open the congratulations; nobles presented gifts along the court; officials at two thousand shi and above mounted the hall to hail the throne before music and feasting began. When Cao Cao ruled Wei from Ye, the New Year's audience took place in Wenchang Hall under Han precedents, illuminated by elaborate tiered lanterns.
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Under the new Jin dynasty, Emperor Wu promulgated a revised protocol for the New Year's audience, codified in the Xianning commentary. Fu Xuan's "Rhapsody on the New Year's Assembly" says: "He examined the teachings handed down from the Xia house, drew together the models of Yin and Zhou, took up the old observances of Qin and Han, and fixed the splendid gathering that opens the year." The liturgy thus consciously synthesized ritual from successive dynasties.
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宿 便 '' '' '' '' 殿 殿 '' 西西 '' '' 殿 殿 殿 '' 殿 '' 殿 '' '' '' '' '退'
The Xianning commentary states: "On the day before, each office lodges overnight to prepare. Before the clepsydra had ten marks left in the night watch, the assembled ministers arrived; torches were lit in the courtyard. They congratulated the Sovereign; he rose; they reported and withdrew; then they congratulated the empress. Returning, they entered through the middle gate of Yunlong on the east and proceeded to below the eastern arcade, where informal seats were taken. Before the clepsydra had seven marks left, all officials, together with tribute-bearing gentlemen and clerks down to the accounting officers, entered and stood in their stations; those guarding the stairways followed the protocol used when the emperor faced south from the hall. Before five marks remained, the usher directors, masters of attendance, and senior herald each reported that the ministers were in position. When the water ran out, the palace attendant reported that preparations outside were complete. The emperor emerged; bells and drums sounded; all officials bowed prone. The Chamberlain for Ceremonial guided the emperor to the imperial seat; bells and drums ceased and the officials rose. The senior herald knelt and announced: "We ask that congratulations be received." The ritual usher intoned: "The emperor invites the kings to ascend." The senior herald knelt and proclaimed: "The vassal kings, Your Majesty's servants So-and-so, present white jade discs, each one, and bow twice in congratulations." The Chamberlain for Ceremonial answered: "Let all kings ascend." Ushers led them onto the hall opposite the imperial seat. The emperor rose; the kings bowed twice. The emperor sat; they bowed twice again. They knelt and placed the jade before the imperial seat, then bowed twice again. When the ceremony finished, ushers led them down from the hall back to their original positions. The ritual usher intoned: "The emperor invites the grand commandant and the others to ascend." Thereupon dukes, specially promoted seniors, the Southern Xiongnu chanyu, and gold-purple generals stood west of the chief herald; ministerial officials at rank-two thousand, two thousand, one thousand, and six hundred shi lined west of the Director of Grand Processions—all faced north in prone posture. The herald knelt and announced: "The grand commandant and those at two thousand shi present jade, hides, silk, lamb, wild goose, and pheasant, and bow twice in congratulations." The Chamberlain for Ceremonial called: "The emperor invites the dukes and others to ascend." Ritual ushers guided the dukes up until they stood above the gold-purple generals. The emperor rose; all bowed twice. The emperor sat; again they bowed twice. They knelt and laid jade, hides, and silk before the imperial seat, then bowed twice again. When the rite ended, ushers led them down and returned them to their stations. While the dukes were placing their jade and completing the ceremony, the Director of Grand Processions simultaneously intoned from below the steps; those beneath chief ministers at two thousand shi followed the same cadence. When the ceremony concluded, the tribute was handed to tribute gentlemen; they passed discs and silk to ushers and delivered lamb, goose, and pheasant to the imperial kitchens. The Director of Music knelt and asked permission to perform the classical suites; music proceeded in proper sequence. The Director of the Yellow Carriages then brought out the chariots; the emperor withdrew and the officials all sat. Six marks after the day measure began, foreign envoys and tribal guests entered in turn; each finished the double bow and sat. Three marks after the imperial palanquin had entered, he emerged again to bells and drums. The usher directors and masters of attendance knelt and announced: "We ask that the ministers ascend." Ushers led royal dukes and those at two thousand shi onto the hall; those at one thousand and six hundred shi remained in place. An usher guided a royal prince to the goblet of longevity wine, knelt, and handed it to the palace attendant, who knelt and set it before the imperial seat. The prince returned. The prince poured for himself and set the cup before his own position. The usher knelt and announced: "The vassal kings, Your Majesty's servants So-and-so, raise this cup and bow twice, wishing Your Majesty ten thousand years of life." Music from the four sides began; all officials bowed twice. After drinking, they bowed twice again. Ushers led the kings back to their places. Those who conveyed court etiquette passed word for all to take seats; the assembled ministers knelt and assented. Palace attendants, secretariat directors, and secretariat chiefs each offered longevity wine from their positions on the hall. The ascending-hymn musicians rose while the imperial kitchens again circulated imperial wine. As imperial wine ascended the stairs, the Chief Steward for the Imperial Kitchen knelt and handed it to the gentleman attendant, who knelt and advanced it before the imperial seat. Then wine was offered to the hundred officials. The Director of Music knelt and announced: "We perform the ascending hymn," and after three stanzas they ceased. The Chief Steward knelt and asked that the imperial meal be served; when it reached the steps, all officials rose. The Chief Steward held the stew kneeling and handed it to the minister of education; he held the rice kneeling and handed it to the minister of agriculture; imperial servers carried trays together to the credential bearers, who knelt and advanced them before the imperial seat. The assembled ministers took their mats. The Director of Music knelt and announced: "We perform the banquet music." The imperial kitchens circulated meal trays to every official. When the meal ended, the Director of Music knelt and asked to proceed with further music. Music followed in sequence. The director of wind and percussion again knelt and announced: "We ask that the entertainers enter in turn." They then summoned the accounting officers of the commanderies forward to receive admonitions and instructions below the steps. When the banquet ended, a single usher knelt and announced: "We ask permission to dismiss." Bells and drums sounded; all ministers bowed twice toward the north and withdrew." Hence the "morning congratulations" were fixed while seven night marks yet remained. His second appearance three marks into daylight, when ministers offered longevity wine, was the midday audience. Thirty female musicians beyond the yellow awning sang inner-chamber airs.
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殿 殿
The refugee court faced constant crisis and abandoned the predawn felicitation. They opened Xuanyang Gate while ten night marks remained, kept palace gates shut until dawn, and brought the emperor out five marks into daylight for felicitations. If the crown prince attended, he stood beneath the three hosts of honor but above enfeoffed princes. New Year's court placed a "white beast" wine vessel in the courtyard—lifting its beast-shaped lid allowed a speaker of blunt counsel to drink. Canon identifies the vessel with Du Ju's frank-speaking cup; the beast-embellished lid was a later symbolic warning.
6
滿
Wei law barred imperial princes from routine audiences. Under Ming only extraordinary favors brought princes to court—never as a standing rule. And in the Taishi era the relevant offices memorialized: "In the domains of the feudal lords, whenever kings and dukes below come to court, each quarter of the realm supplies two rotations that cycle once every three years, then begin anew. If temporary circumstances arise, defer to the following year. After coming to court the next year, three full years must pass again before another audience—do not violate the basic reckoning. Court ritual requires each to bear his own jade disc personally, following the old audience regulations. In years without court visits each domain dispatches a minister on diplomatic duty." The throne endorsed the proposal. Eastern Jin princes seldom took up their domains; those serving as provincial governors observed regional commissioner etiquette instead, and formal homage rotations vanished.
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殿 '' 殿 輿
Han reckoning treated the tenth month—when Gaozu pacified Qin—as New Year's start. Though Emperor Wu adopted the Xia calendar, monthly new-moon audiences persisted, and the tenth-month gathering remained a banquet fixture. Custom dictated felicitations and gift presentations while seven night marks still flowed. Rank determined tribute: discs for marquises, lambs for senior ministers, geese for middle ranks, pheasants for minor officials. The Three Dukes bore jade to the throne facing north. The Chamberlain intoned that the emperor rose on behalf of his ministers. The three dukes dropped into prostration. Once seated, he allowed them to bring the discs forward. Two-thousand-shi officers mounted to hail long life, toast, and share imperial food as education and agriculture ministers served broth and grain amid banquet music. Every rank received largesse and banqueted with full ensembles as on New Year's Day. Wei–Jin courts welcomed regional and bureaucratic homage on the winter solstice with a scaled-down feast. Its ritual stood a notch below the first dawn of the year. In antiquity, emperors and kings all made tours of inspection. Emperor Wen of Wei encountered a time when all under Heaven was divided in three and affairs in the regions were many; the imperial carriage moved repeatedly, and there were no peaceful years free of campaigns. This probably answered the business of the time and was not an old regulation. Emperor Ming made three eastern tours of inspection in all. Wherever he passed, he visited and inquired after the aged, showed compassion for the sick and suffering, and sometimes bestowed grain and silk; in this there was the style of ancient tours. In the first year of Zhengshi under the Prince of Qi, he inspected Luoyang County and bestowed gifts on the aged and diligent farmers in differing amounts.
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使使 ' ' 使
By Emperor Wu's fourth Taishi year an edict addressed inspectors and two-thousand-shi senior clerks: "Ancient kings toured the quarterlands by season; next came the two overseers reporting duty; failing that, envoys made orderly inspections. Thus even remote and humble regions felt no blockage between high and low; sentiment rose and commands penetrated; down to widowers and widows none lacked their proper place—such exemplary customs left their fragrance and their fair renown still survives. During the years I have occupied the throne it has been like standing beside a deep gorge; I rise early and retire anxious, wake before dawn and cannot sleep, sit awaiting daylight, and ponder flood, drought, and calamity in the four quarters until my heart aches. With diligent self-discipline and restraint I wish every affair to be rightly ordered. Yet I constantly fear that officials indulge private feeling, that sincere devotion does not show forth, that myriad affairs pile up disorderly, that care may prove incomplete, that governance and punishments may err, and that I cannot survey everything. If the common people err, the fault lies on me alone. Only because the year has been hard have I had no leisure for divining expeditions or touring inspections; with the lower realm still unrestful, how am I to bring them relief? Now I dispatch credential-bearing palace attendants and deputy supervisors of the Yellow Gates with commissions to the four quarters to circuit the realm, personally interview inspectors, two-thousand-shi officers, and senior clerks, explain my heart to them, inquire after what should be changed or improved, observe administration and instruction, and ask after human hardship. The Zhou canon states: 'They made one record of benefit and harm to the myriad clans; one of ritual, custom, governance, and whether punishments ran with or against order; one of violence, turmoil, treachery, and violations of command; one of epidemics, mourning, famine, hardship, and destitution; one of health, harmony, kinship, and peace; each state distinguished these differences and reported back to the king.' Ancient statutes and former instructions—now follow them in full. When you return, set everything forth in memorials so that I may clearly perceive what lies far away as though I had gone myself. Great officers and gentlemen: each pour out your hearts, reverently discharge your duties; welcome counsel and fair designs, heed bitter advice and stern warnings—lay everything before the envoys with nothing concealed. I shall await you with open mind; exert yourselves and encourage one another; satisfy my intent."
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''
Revised liturgy for imperial tours mandates ring-wall shrines, burnt offerings, and proclamations as classical precedent demands. Feudal lords arriving for audience observe gift protocol like inner courtiers yet leave command banners furled. Zhi Yu argued: 'Under audience ritual each feudal lord who visits the Son of Heaven erects his own banner. Banners and insignia distinguish invested rank and display hierarchical awe. The Classic of Poetry says, "When the nobleman arrived, one looked upon his banners." The new ritual ought to fix banner protocol like the old ritual." The emperor endorsed his memorial. Nevertheless Jin never actually performed it.
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Classical texts never discuss the paired Mount Tai liturgy later called feng and shan. Canon bids worshipping Heaven via celestial signs and Earth via terrestrial ones; announcing merit atop a sacred summit summons auspicious birds and dragons. It looks like the emperor's seasonal march to the directional peaks to burn offerings and report victory, but it is not identical. Apocryphal "weft" writings insist that kings who ascend Tai for feng and Liangfu for shan rename the ruling house. Qin and Han enacted them; earlier annals spell out the choreography.
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'' 使 使便
During Wei Emperor Wen's Huangchu reign, Household Guards commander Jiang Ji memorialized: 'Among great imperial ceremonies touring inspection comes first; to glorify ancestors and extol fathers, feng and shan stand foremost. Hence since antiquity every revolution receiving the celestial tally has climbed Liangfu and ascended Tai, carving inexhaustible fame and recording the conjunction of Heaven and man. Therefore Sima Xiangru said that since writing appeared seventy-two rulers have done so—some continuing paths opened earlier, some reverently transmitting teaching to posterity. The Grand Historian remarked that when the sovereign possesses sagely brilliance yet fails to proclaim it, the blame lies with his ministers. Thus supreme merit and lofty virtue, unless inscribed on Liang Mountain stone, cannot display an emperor's achievement or show the myriad households an immortal spectacle. A saying runs: "For the ruler to sigh over Yao and Shun's glory is like a son praising another man's father before his own parent." Now Great Wei inherits the ruin left by a hundred kings, rescues those adrift in peril, takes up a thousand-year thread of decay, and continues enterprises abandoned through endless generations. Beginning with the martial and literary founders down to Your Sagely Person, you have joined Heaven and Earth in pattern and ordered the transformation of gods and men. Heaven answers with rewards; auspicious omens shine forth—set beside antiquity there is no adequate comparison. Yet down to the present generation the grand ceremony has still not been observed. Although our intent is to sweep away remnant brigands and cleanse lingering filth, there has been no leisure for this affair. Were it otherwise, because San Miao stubbornly resisted along the Yangzi regions, Da Shun ought to have abolished eastern tours; because the Xu barbarians leaped about along Huai and Si, King Cheng ought to have halted observances at sacred Dai. Moreover last year we shattered Wu's rebels along the Han rivers and this year butchered Shu bandits west of Long—young trembling collapse will not drag on and cannot obstruct feng-shan. This observance has long lapsed and cannot be fixed overnight. It should be referred to the dukes and ministers broadly to draft ritual, divine an auspicious year and moment, announce it to High Heaven, and answer all-under-heaven's expectation. Your servant, stationed among the armies, cannot contain his utmost desire and risks death to bring this forward." The edict replied: 'Hearing Jiang Ji's words makes sweat pour down my shanks. Since creation fewer than seventy rulers have performed feng-shan. Thus the Grand Historian said that although rulers receive the mandate, merit sometimes stays incomplete—so middle intervals stretch over a thousand years or several hundred while protocols vanish unrecorded. What virtue have I cultivated that I dare aspire to this! Does Ji imagine no Guan Zhong survives today and that I harbor Duke Huan's ambition to climb Tai! I would not deceive Heaven. What Ji says is fluent rhetoric, not counsel that helps me. Let the dukes, ministers, attendants, secretariat directors, and regular attendants review it among themselves—need offer no further debate, nor reply by edict." The throne refused Jiang Ji yet quietly had Gao Tang Long draft liturgy; reluctant while China stayed divided, it abandoned the plan when Long died.
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When Emperor Wu pacified Wu and unified the realm, on gengyin day in the ninth month of Taikang year one, Minister Director Wei Guan, Left Director Shan Tao, Right Director Wei Shu, Minister Liu Shi, Minister of Works Zhang Hua, and others memorialized: 'We have heard that ever since living beings arose there have been later sovereigns, yet years beyond counting cannot be tallied. Those who established virtue to aid the age and spread humane influence, ascending Tai to report completion, number seventy-four houses; only fourteen posthumous titles can still be known. Those sunk in oblivion without surviving fame were beyond numbering. Great Jin's virtue begins with Chong Li, who truly aided Zhuanxu; down through Xia and Yin they sequenced Heaven and Earth. Under the Zhou house they never lost that thread. When the golden virtue was about to arise, generation upon generation produced enlightened sages; they pacified Shu-Han abroad and won hearts within—the martial triumph truly stemmed from civil virtue. Coming to Your Majesty: receiving the mandate and ascending the throne, you enlarge the great enterprise as all living beings look upward. Only beyond the Yangzi along Yuan and Xiang, vicious brutes clung to strongholds and refused tribute through successive reigns. By singular stratagem you ordered generals forth; martial majesty struck briefly and within weeks they were swept away. You bound their chief rebels yet pardoned guilty remnants; favor fell like cloud-borne rain until eight directions converged and cultural influence reached the four limits. Though the Yellow Emperor marched far or Yu surveyed distant wastes or Zhou prospered through generations—what could surpass today! As for black stones bearing pale script, titles proclaimed in earlier records, figures shown by numerology, events foretold in words—even ancient signs of the Yellow River chart and Luo River writing do not surpass them. You ought to proclaim the great canon, sacrifice at central peak, feng Mount Tai, shan Mount Liangfu, issue virtue titles, clarify supremacy, enjoy Heaven's rest, enrich the black-haired people, carve a millennium's monument, broadcast fame to posterity, so that a hundred generations hence all take fire from your example. Such is an emperor's crowning achievement and Heaven-and-man's utmost hope." The edict answered: 'Though fleeing bandits are destroyed, outwardly the frontier alarms and inwardly the hundred clans lack tranquillity—such matters of supreme virtue are not yet for discussion.'
13
西
Wei Guan and colleagues memorialized again: 'Now influence reaches eastward to the sea, spreads west across drifting sands, north beyond the great desert, south to sun-facing doors—nothing lies outside allegiance; Yu's vast footprints are truly surpassed. Heaven-and-man's Way is complete; towering merit shines forth—you should cultivate ritual to Earth gods, ascend Tai in feng, show utmost sincerity to High Heaven, answering gods' and men's prayers. We beg permission as before." The edict replied: 'Yin and yang are not yet harmonious, punishments and governance not yet fitting, the hundred clans have not found their places—how could we carve merit and proclaim completion!' He denied them.
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Wei Guan and others memorialized again: 'We have heard that whoever occupies the imperial seat must meet the epoch's turning and Heaven's response; whoever delivers the myriad people must possess majestic virtue's bearing and the canon of declaring achievement. Nothing may be fabricated; possession cannot be declined—the Way has always been thus. Yet enlightened edicts stay modest, repeatedly declining this ritual; although supreme virtue abides, you push forward yet do not assume it. The three dukes administer Heaven and Earth and truly manage human affairs—great matters of state are deliberated there. Thus Han-dynasty feng-shan did not involve these offices—they did not handle the matter. Our earlier memorial outlined ancestral merit, Heaven's response, and Your Majesty's virtue harmonizing the four seas; scanning past and present you should restore this observance. As for fixing the calendar date, let the five ministries propose jointly, then memorialize." The edict replied: 'Though the Yangzi region is pacified, that is merely the labor of commanders on the scene—how does it suffice to declare completion? I look to the regional lords together to broaden transformation so the central realm may rest and the hundred clans gain peace—share repose with them. This is my nightly hope; refer it no further to the ministries."
15
使
Wei Guan and others memorialized: 'We have heard that sagely rulers from Tang, Yu, and the Three Ages who aided the age with vast merit invariably received Heaven's blessing, coordinated human aspiration, climbed lesser peaks, trod Liangfu—none declined, for refusal was impermissible. Now Your Majesty's merit towers over a hundred kings; virtue finds no second; glorious deeds and grand model—the lofty enterprise—is truly beyond our words. Yet sagely intent labors in humility, repeatedly restraining itself; the moment arrives yet goes unanswered, merit is deferred—the supreme observance of our august age gaps while numinous powers wait longing—how may Great Jin's charter rival the Three Augusts and Five Emperors? We truly dare not obey the edict; we beg to enact our earlier memorial." The edict replied: 'We shall jointly ponder enlarging the Way to secure myriad accomplishments—wait for another year; debate ends here.'
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西 便
Royal dukes and responsible offices memorialized: 'Since antiquity enlightened sages illumining the four seas and feng-shan on famous peaks appear in annals—seventy-four rulers have performed them. When Shun and Yu possessed All-under-heaven they toured the four peaks and personally enacted the Way. The Changes discusses observing customs and inspecting regions; the Rites speaks of ascending to report to Heaven; the Poetry hymns climbing lofty mountains—all stand inscribed on bamboo and silk. King Wen served Yin as western lord; Duke Dan's Lu enfeoffment ranked among feudatories—yet one sacrificed at Mount Qi, another performed business at Tai—purely through sagely virtue they could handle such affairs. Since then those whose merit was thin yet usurped the meaning have been beyond numbering. Titles and posthumous names were never erased down to today. Moreover Gaozu Xuan Emperor opened the royal enterprise and beyond the seas submitted; Shizong Jing Emperor aided it with great merit and settled the central realm; Taizu Wen Emperor received the mandate founding Jin and eradicated Shu-Han; Your Majesty answered the epoch's dragon ascent, unified the six directions, spread kindness over creation, and awed all beyond reach. Formerly Han lost unity while Wu and Shu stood tripod-wise; since armies marched nearly a hundred years have passed—terrain perilous, customs alien, popular hopes cut off. Now unrestrained foes fell within two reigns—unless intelligence and divine martial prowess matched Heaven beforehand, who could achieve such towering success! We have been fortunate through this millennium to meet the cosmic conjunction, personally submit to great transformation, witness universal peace—supreme impartiality and supreme beauty admit no yielding. You ought to take former courts as models, take statutes from antiquity, carve merit at sacred Dai, ascend Tai to declare completion, enlarge ritual and music's institutions, rectify the three Yong academy's canons, spread fame ten thousand generations, and manifest ancestors. Therefore, unable to contain our utmost desire, we dare risk death to bring this forward. We ask that the Chamberlain for Ceremonial be notified to prepare full protocols and memorialize again." The edict replied: 'What you discuss is truly a splendid affair of successive ages, yet presently we may not do thus.' With that the court closed discussion.
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'''' '' 使
Emperor Ai sought higher honors for Consort Zhang, his birth mother. Huan Wen preferred the style "Grand Lady." Vice Director of the Secretariat Jiang Bin argued: "Shun embodied humane filial nature and exhausted service to kin; though honored as heaven's king and wealthy within the four seas, Blind Gu had no ground for even a cone's point nor one rank's noble title. His mounting affection reached inexhaustibly toward azure Heaven—how could he endure a father's baseness and fail to display him with glorious titles? Was it not because the Way admits no son ennobling father—principle exhausted, duty twisted, nowhere to place affection? The Spring and Autumn Annals records "Lady Jiang of Ji returned to the capital"; the commentary says "Parents toward children—even when she becomes heaven's queen—still say 'my Jiang,' meaning a child's honor does not surpass parents." Some argue if child honor does not surpass parents, why did King Wu posthumously enthrone Taiwang, Wang Ji, and King Wen? Zhou's three kings matched Heaven and Earth in virtue; royal footprints arose from them. Therefore King Wu looked upward along prior threads, obeyed Heaven's mandate, posthumously honored ancestors, clarifying that child honor does not override parents. According to the Rites, "the young does not compose elegies for elders, the base does not elegize the noble"—if youth and low rank still may not glorify seniors and superiors, how dare we bestow glittering commissions! Han Founder heeded the household steward's advice and honored Grand Duke Gao; Xun Yue held that nothing surpasses honoring a stern father, yet applying child-noble rank to parents overshoots—the steward's counsel erred. Down to Zhangdi he did not elevate Lady Jia with exalted titles but enriched her gold, treasure, cloth, and silk—not that filial devotion fell short but sagely canon cannot be transgressed. During Spring and Autumn times when a bastard heir succeeded a state his mother could become principal lady. Is it unclear whether the legitimate son commanded the mother or whether one should report to the ancestral shrine and use the former lord's mandate to command her? Privately observing the edict, it will face south from the hall to invest the noble lady as imperial dowager. Now if we style it an imperial edict commanding the noble lady, that makes the son grant noble rank to the mother. The noble lady bows north receiving investiture—that makes the mother minister to the son. Heaven is honored, earth low—names and positions are fixed; mother noble, child base—human ethics are ordered. Although wishing to exalt the noble lady, in truth one debases her; although manifestly displaying state statutes, in truth one abolishes them. Moreover every ruler's act history must record. If this entered bamboo documents to show posterity, would it not violate proper order! I privately believe one should announce at Emperor Xianzong's shrine that the noble lady's humane virtue deserves extraordinary observance to repay nurture's kindness. Receiving the command of the ancestral spirit, the affair does not rest on oneself. Though imperial consorts serve as the ruler's counterpart in name, below empress come ladies and nine concubines—none titled simple "consort." Lord Huan said advancing her to Grand Lady was not unacceptable. If "lady" seems slight, one may say imperial Grand Lady. Imperial means sovereign; addressing Grand Lady under imperial fits name and ritual." The throne overrode debate with the title imperial dowager-consort. Third-month bingchen Wang Tian delivered seals and robes matching empress dowager standards. Another edict asked: "Do court ministers owe reverence to the imperial dowager-consort—does ritual require it?" Chamberlain Jiang Yi ruled: "Her station lacks supreme title—she should not receive full reverence."
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Emperor Xiaowu posthumously honored Kuaiji Lady Zheng as Empress Dowager Jianwen and issued an edict asking, "Should her tomb be opened?" Wang Xun answered: "Judging from the three ancestors' posthumous grants and Middle Ancestor's reverenced empress, none opened tomb sites—they only enlarged mound precinct regulations."
19
覿
Under Empress Chu regency ministers discussed how her father Chu Pou should attend. Cai Mo and Wang Biaozhi jointly argued: 'Even Shun and Han Gaozu still observed son's deportment—how much more later ages! For kings and lords the father performs no bow." The Eight Seats of the Secretariat ruled: 'Pure sonliness leaves kingship deficient; pure minister leaves filiality lacking. We say in public court behave as ministers; in private meeting honor the stern father—that is fitting."
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''
Han–Wei custom let the heir apparent call himself "minister." Revised codes banned the redundant "minister" style for an heir already defined as son. Zhi Yu argued: 'The Classic of Filial Piety says "take from serving father the manner of serving lord," combining minister and son—thus no shame in saying minister; new ritual should restore crown prince minister usage like old.' The throne agreed.
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使 便 使
Taining 3/III/wuchen Mingdi named Yan heir. On guisi an edict stated: 'Ritual admits no innate nobility—therefore the emperor's eldest son matches a common knight. Yet since Han–Wei times they have revered the heir apparent, making his officials address him as minister while courtiers all bow—deeply pointless. Formerly when I dwelt in the Eastern Palace I lacked chance to reform it. Now Yan is still in tender years yet makes elders his ministers—daily habit will deem it natural—how can we instruct him thus! Those in charge shall order dukes and ministers inside and out to deliberate jointly until ritual surely hits the mean." Secretariat Director Bian Kun argued: 'The Rites of Zhou says queen and heir do not attend certain assemblies—clearly ritual ranks them with the ruler to emphasize the heir and distinguish legitimate succession. If they serve him like the ruler, bowing becomes unavoidable. Should the heir preserve modesty, returning bows is proper. Your servant holds that once the crown prince is established, suburban announcement reaches Heaven and Earth and he occupies the heir's palace—how can he match mere imperial sons exchanging bows? We say follow Han–Wei precedent: whole court bows together." His majesty agreed.
22
Taiyuan-era boards queried how nobles should dress and bow before the heir. Palace attendant and imperial academy supervisor Che Yin argued: 'Court ministers should wear red robes with wrapped turbans, bow reverently, and the heir return bow. Canon and commentary do not spell it out, yet Junior Tutor Yang Hu's congratulatory note to the heir read "knocking head, deserving death"—proof bowing obtained. Moreover Taining 3's edict debated the canon and Director Bian Kun said follow Han–Wei—whole court bows. Vermilion crowns and court robes belong only to celestial court audiences—here turbans suffice." Consensus matched.
23
退
Twelfth year of Taiyuan addressed precedence between Han–Wei ritual hosts and the heir. Doctor Yu Hongzhi and Secretariat deliberators jointly held: "Chenliu ranks as the state's guest of honor. Though the crown prince is dynastic heir, he remains in ministerial station; the Chenliu king's seat should lie above the heir's." King Li pleaded sickness and abdication; the throne sought scholarly opinion. Doctor Cao Dan said: 'Li serves as sacrifice lord yet lacks scheduled observances—his case matches Mu Zi and Meng Zhi.' Wang Biaozhi said: 'Scions of the two royal houses should not lightly face deposition. Annals record no reigning lord retiring for illness—antiquity knew no such ritual. Meng Zhi and Mu Zi were heirs presumptive—not comparable to Chenliu."
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使 宿殿 使 輿 ''使 使使 使 使 使
Xiankang 4 Chengdi formally commissioned the three excellencies from the throne. Liturgy manuals parked orchestral bells in the courtyard overnight. Chancellery noted music belonged only to sacrifice or feast. Chamberlain Cai Mo argued: 'Whenever reverence attaches, ritual follows complete; complete ritual implies regulated music. Music exists to honor affairs and clarify duty—not for ear and eye pleasure—therefore even capping ceremonies use it, not only feasts. Feasts include music likewise to honor guests. Thus when Xi Zhi visited Chu, its lord feasted him, and Xi declined, saying: "Mindful of the friendship of our former lords, you granted grand ritual and doubled it with full orchestra." Looking into these words, banquet music's intent can be known. Dukes and chief ministers are what rulers esteem—therefore facing their seats he rises, meeting their carts he descends, speech calls them uncle. The commentary says "state ministers are the ruler's deputies"; hence appointment day the imperial palanquin faces the hall while hundred officials flank—that shows reverence. Antiquity's heavenly king feasted envoys from lesser states and commissioned generals or dispatched agents—always with music. Therefore the Poetry preface says, 'Splendid indeed those blossoms means that the lord sends forth his envoy.' It also says, 'Pick knotweed sends him off, Chariots Roll Out welcomes his return, and Pear-Trunk urges his homeward toil.' All were composed with music and sung. Now commissioning great envoys to invest chief ministers compares to ministers of petty states—the weight differs vastly. Lightness indeed applies one way, heaviness should apply another. Therefore we hold that facing the hall to dispatch agents ought to include bell-stone music." Throne approved.
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Old custom: chief consorts ignored concubines' bows. New codes demanded reciprocation—noble wives bowed back. Zhi Yu argued: "Ritual has concubines serving the mistress like daughters-in-law serving mothers-in-law; concubines mourn the mistress for one year without reciprocation, so their reverence matches daughters-in-law and further adds inferiority. Names and stations differ—originally no answering courtesy. The principle that ritual admits no unanswered courtesy does not mean this case. Former sages emphasized distinction between legitimate and secondary to stop gradual encroachment. They steeply fortified the barrier yet transgression still occurred. The new ritual ought to follow old practice." The emperor endorsed Zhi Yu.
26
The fourth ritual category is "military": diplomacy abroad and stability at home, sustaining power and sealing victory. Because warfare is inauspicious, drill came wrapped in seasonal hunts.
27
輿鹿 使 <>輿 西 退 退
Han law tied autumn's start to suburban rites, then a martial parade, beast slaughter at the east gate, and offerings at imperial tombs. The emperor rode the martial carriage with white horses and red manes, shot the sacrificial deer himself. Butchery and usher officials carted the quarry to the ancestral park. Back at the palace couriers awarded silk to martial ranks. Soldiers rehearsed arrays and maneuvers. This ritual of cutting down sacrificial animals was named chuliu. Officers trained Sun and Wu's sixty-four tactical arrays. Nobles flanked Luoyang's south avenue; the emperor dismounted so ministers might glimpse him—the sole occasion for "alighting from the chariot." The proverb about leaving the chariot applies uniquely here. Han made it an annual fixture. By Emperor Xian's twenty-first Jian'an year Wei authorities memorialized: 'Antiquity drilled arms four seasons, always in agricultural slack. Han Western Capital continued Qin practice—three seasons without drill; only the tenth month held capital-wide exercise. Now metal and leather have not yet lain still yet troops are already practiced—we may omit four-season drilling. But on Beginning of Autumn choose an auspicious day for a great muster of chariots and horse—call it troop review—matching ritual nomenclature above and Han precedent below." Throne assented. Winter maneuvers saw Cao Cao beating golden drums for signals. Yanxi 1 had Cao Pi as Wei king. Sixth-month autumn review east of Ye featured royal canopy and Cao Pi's drum commands. Mingdi repeated the review in Tahe 1/X. In the ninth month of the fourth year of Taishi under Emperor Wu, in the first year of Xianning, and in winter of the fourth and sixth years of Taikang, he personally went to Xuanwu Tower and held great reviews of the assembled armies, but did not personally command their advances and retreats. After Emperor Hui, this ritual was then abandoned. In the fourth year of Taixing under Emperor Yuan, he ordered the Left and Right Guards and the various camps to train and practice, and to make the wild-goose-wing array according to the great training ritual. During Xianhe under Emperor Cheng, he ordered all armies inside and outside the capital to practice arms on the field at the southern suburb; therefore that place was accordingly named the Combat Field. After this, regional commanders such as the Huans and Yus often reviewed and drilled troops, but the court itself had no such affairs.
28
Old custom vested battle tokens in the hall via the insignia officer. Revised code placed the emperor at the terrace while ministers handed tokens—echoing "pushing the axle" devotion.
29
The fifth category is "celebratory": feasts, archery, capping, and weddings. Zhou's fall left archery feasts rare while crowning and marriage norms drifted.
30
Zhouli lists regalia but not imperial crowning. Yili notes aristocratic capping as a decadent Xia innovation. Zheng and Wang read late Xia chaos producing lordly capping—proof no imperial ceremony existed. Ministers lack crowning because rank came after fifty. Zhou tested fifty-year prodigies as ministers while keeping lesser rites. Divination, eastern-step crowning, triple caps remain gentleman-grade liturgy.
31
輿
Han onward emperors and princes adapted that framework. First-month jiazi or bingzi suited the "first cap" per Yili. Shundi used Cao Biao's sequence—progressive caps ending at tongtian inside founder shrines. Lesser nobles stopped at the first cap. Black cloth first cap and shrine setting match classical intent.
32
Wei emperors took one cap only. The explanation runs: 'Knight ritual uses three additions because three marks completion. For Son of Heaven and feudatories texts lack addition counts because ascending the throne to face subjects means supremacy and virtue complete—how match common knights? Wei crowned heir apparent twice, imperial sons and royal heirs thrice. Sun Yu held both single and double additions wrong.
33
使
The Rites toasting prayer says: "On this auspicious day of this fine month—year's prime, month's command." Judging therefrom, Duke Xiang of Lu received cap in winter while Emperor Hui of Han took his in the third month—showing no fixed month. Yet Eastern Han onward every emperor's primary cap fell in first month. In second Xianning year an intercalary ninth autumn month envoys crowned Prince Dong of Runan—proving not only year's beginning.
34
Ritual crowns in temple; yet Emperors Wu and Hui crowned heirs who immediately visited shrine—imitating in-temple protocol. Emperors Mu and Xiaowu before crowning first announced with silk in temple, then again visited shrine afterward.
35
使祿
When Emperor Hui was heir awaiting crowning, Emperor Wu faced the hall, ordering concurrent Minister of Education Prince Gui of Gaoyang to place the cap and concurrent Minister of Works Hua Hao to assist.
36
宿 殿 退
South of the Yangzi, before each emperor's crowning, bronze and stone bands lodged overnight while hundred officials held stations. They spread a great couch in the hall beforehand; the imperial wardrobe director presented crown, turban, hairpin, guide, and robe to palace attendants; the grand mentor added turban, junior tutor added crown. About to add the crown the grand mentor knelt reading the prayer: "On this auspicious day we first add the cap. August and reverend, the emperor ponders enlarging his robe's duties. Revere so azure Heaven; the six directions take pattern from you. Following ancestors without end. May eyebrow-longevity bring blessing; great fortune attend." After crowning, attendants fastened black strings; attendants removed the emperor's crimson gauze robe and added robe and coronet. When finished the junior tutor led ministers raising longevity cups; royal dukes downward thrice shouted "long life" before withdrawing. According to ceremony notes only one turban-and-crown addition applied.
37
使 使
In tenth Taishi year Prince Cheng of Nangan turned fifteen and by precedent merited crowning. Responsible offices memorialize: 'Ritual makes fifteen the finished boy; domain lords sire heirs at fifteen—showing crowning fitness. Moreover Han–Wei envoys crowning princes stray from classical antiquity." Therefore regulation fixed princes crowning at fifteen without extra missions.
38
Wang Biaozhi notes both Rites and commentary crown inside temple. Judging from Emperor Cheng after adding cap his carriage exited to bow at Grand Temple—announcing completion. That likewise imitates being inside temple ritual.
39
Wei King of Qi, fourth Zhengshi year, enthroned Empress Zhen—protocol does not survive.
40
Emperor Wu in second Xianning year faced the hall dispatching Grand Commandant Jia Chong with patent to establish Empress Yang—posthumous "mourning empress." Thereupon great amnesty; gifts scaled from royal dukes down; hundred officials presented congratulations.
41
使
In eighth Taikang year offices memorialized: 'Wedding protocol's bride-price: great weddings use black-and-red silk bundles plus jade tally and eight horses. Royal dukes use black-red bundles plus disk and yoked horses. Great officers use black-red bundles plus sheep. Antiquity took hides and horses as courtyard gifts; Son of Heaven added grain-pattern jade, feudatories great half-disc—per Zhouli disks may become half-discs while sheep, goose, wine, rice, black-red silk remain as before. Feudal wedding procedures add betrothal gifts, date announcement, and groom's escort—each five bolts silk—and bride-price four horses—all supplied by groom's house. Only the half-disc the office provides." Secretariat Director Zhu Zheng argued: 'Judging Wei precedent for princes taking consorts or princesses marrying, Son of Heaven and feudatories used hides and horses in courtyard; Son of Heaven added grain jade, feudatories great half-disc. Empress Lü's Han regulations for imperial engagement set two hundred catties gold and twelve horses. Principal consorts fifty catties gold and four horses. Wei royal weddings and princess dowries used one hundred ninety bolts silk. Since Jin arose, precedent used three hundred bolts of silk." An edict replied: 'Princesses marry into husband houses—the court should not equip everything; grant cash sufficient. Only supply the half-disc; other items follow old story."
42
使 殿 使
Emperor Cheng second Xiankang year faced the hall dispatching commissioner concurrent Junior Tutor Guard-general Zhuge Hui and concurrent Grand Commandant Kong Yu with full six-rites gifts to invest Empress Du. Same day she entered palace; emperor sat Taiji Hall while assembled ministers congratulated. Congratulations violate ritual. Royal wedding lacks prescribed ceremony. Spring and Autumn records Duke Ji fetching the queen from Ji—Guliang and Zuozhuan diverge from Gongyang. Since Han–Wei surviving affairs were largely omitted. After Wu and Hui empress investitures south of the Yangzi ceremony notes vanished. Therefore before Chengdi took Empress Du, Chamberlain Hua Heng first harmonized protocol with doctors. According to Du Yu's Zuozhuan gloss the ruler merely supplies wedding gifts. Moreover, King Ling of Zhou sought marriage in Qi, and the Marquis of Qi asked Yan Huanzi. Huanzi answered: "Children born of husband and wife are called such-and-such, if like others; paternal aunts and sisters are called the late lord So-and-so's surviving daughters, if like others." Hence Son of Heaven's command reaches downward directly while ministers answer upward directly. Earlier scholars thought Zuo detailed this because it records royal wedding etiquette. Therefore Chengdi faced the hall dispatching envoys with edict to invest the empress—yet surviving ceremony notes remain incomplete.
43
殿殿 使{} {}
Emperor Kang first Jianyuan year took Empress Chu while ceremony notes omitted halberd-feather guards on the stairs. Palace censors reported: 'Now welcoming the empress follows Honored Empress Cheng's palace inventory yet notes have the sovereign in coronation robe ascend without maotou—seek adjustment. Moreover formerly welcoming Honored Empress only raised azure-dragon banner—other items match ordinary imperial gear. Now facing the hall to dispatch envoys raises five-ox banners; maotou plumes and feather screens deploy immediately, hence today's omission." The edict replied: 'We don full regalia and mount Taiji to honor the beginning—therefore ritual stands complete. How now omit what matters and strip statutory gear! Moreover when Honored Empress Gong's spirit tablet entered the shrine the late emperor's edict lowered her observances—she ought not raise five-ox banners—yet now they persist! If five-ox banners are omitted, then maotou plumes and feather screens become easy to supply." A further edict said: 'Old regulations are hard to match; assembling everything today likewise misbehoves. Treasury stores ought only fund army and state expense. Statutory robes and ritual ornaments should roughly suffice; other duplicated sundries cease."
44
' 使使 使使 使 祿 使使 使 姿 使使 使使 使 使使 使
In first Shenping year of Emperor Mu they were about to take Empress He. Chamberlain Wang Biaozhi cited canon, commentary, and precedents to settle ritual, deeply rejecting Gongyang's doctrine that weddings omit naming the host. He also said that the king, toward all within the four seas, has none who are not subjects and consorts; even fathers, elder brothers, teachers, and worthy friends are all pure ministers. To elevate the three bonds' beginning and fix qian and kun's model—how can heaven-father's majesty use a subject's command to take a spouse? How can a base subject invoke heaven-father's name to enact grand ritual? Searching far in ancient ritual finds no king's precedent; searching near in historical records finds no king's parallel. In sentiment it unsettles; in principle it fails. Judging from second Xianning year installing mourning Empress Dowager Yang governed yet texts ordered no agnate minister acting marriage host for Martial Emperor's fathers or brothers. Examining what Great Jin practiced—Xianning story omitted fathers, brothers, teachers—so Xiankang Hua Heng's submitted ritual matched old usage. Your servant humbly believes that the present protocol for receiving the empress ought wholly to follow Xiankang precedent." Court agreed. Biaozhi followed Hua Heng's Han-Jin hybrid. Canon bans wedding music three days—Xiankang's applause erred. They adopted Xianning gifts without cheers. Wang Biaozhi authored every placard. The betrothal placard seal-script reads: 'The emperor inquires of former grand commandant army aide He Qi. Primordial chaos grants beginnings, initiating human relations down to husband and wife thereby serving heaven, earth, shrines, and altars. Deliberating with dukes and ministers, all hold we should follow old canons. Now we dispatch credential-bearing chamberlain Biaozhi and director of imperial clan Zong to perform betrothal gifts with ritual." The host replies: 'The emperor's gracious command seeks marriage in this mean clan, providing full selection. The late second cousin, former cavalry gentleman Zhun, left a daughter unversed in training, dressed like an ordinary person. Reverently receiving old chapters, solemnly upholding the code. Former army aide, capital district marquis, mire-subject He Qi kowtows and bumps head, twice bows accepting edict." Next the name-inquiry placard: 'The emperor says: to official So-and-so of clan So-and-so. Two modalities mate, inheriting heaven's ordering—all within must await noble lineage to reaffirm ancient statutes. Now credential-bearing chamberlain X and clan director Y ritually inquire the name." The host says: 'Gracious command arrived when envoy X reiterated palace edict asking my clan's pedigree. The clan daughter was born to parents—the late gentleman-grandfather Guanglu marquis Zhen's surviving great-great-granddaughter, late Yuzhou inspector Guannei marquis Yun's great-granddaughter, late Anfeng governor Guannei marquis Rui's granddaughter, late cavalry gentleman Zhun's surviving daughter. Maternally she descends from late secretariat left aide Kong Zhou's great-great-granddaughter, late palace attendant Guannei marquis Yi's granddaughter—seventeen years old. Reverently receiving old chapters, solemnly upholding the code." Next propitious omen placard: 'The emperor says: to official X of clan Y. Human counsel and tortoise agree; all call it chaste and lucky—reverently following ceremony. Now envoys X and Y perform propitious gift rite." Host: 'Gracious command—envoy X repeated edict: grand divination supremely lucky. My mean clan is base; worry and fear cannot bear it. Reverently receiving old chapters, solemnly upholding the code." Next bride-wealth placard: 'The emperor says: the daughter of official X has mother-model virtue, graceful bearing, stately as mountain and river—fit to serve shrines and inherit heaven's blessing. With black-red silk, hides, horses, sheep, cash, and jade disk we display canonical offering. Now assistant-credential minister of education X and chamberlain Y perform bride-wealth rite." Host: 'Gracious command lowers marriage to our meanness, exalting with high duke, favoring with full ceremony and complete patent. Reverently receiving old chapters, solemnly upholding the code." Next date-request placard: 'The emperor says: to official X of clan Y. Deliberating with ministers, great milfoil and tortoise show no ill—alike follow ceremony. Now envoys X and Y request the date with ritual." Host: 'Gracious command—envoy X repeated edict: auspicious day is such-and-such for escort. Your subject reverently receives old chapters, solemnly upholds the code." Next groom-escort placard: 'The emperor says: to official X of clan Y. Auspicious year, propitious month, lucky day is such—follow ritual to welcome. Now junior tutor X and grand commandant Y escort with ritual." Host: 'Gracious command—envoy X announced edict: on this fine month and hour full ritual welcomes her. High dukes and ministry chiefs attend together, deputy envoys and close attendants a hundred carriages. My ant-clan meanly receives this great rite, trembling in fear. Reverently receiving old chapters, solemnly upholding the code." All answers mirror opening form.
45
Xiaowu married Wang the same way. Each minor rite used paired livestock and grain. Bride price specified rich inventory. Zheng Xuan's five-goose six-rite reading. Tallies diverged from Taikang quotas.
46
Ancient weddings included zhuan texts preserved by Zheng.
47
In the eighth year of Shengping, the secretariat asked, "When welcoming the empress in the imperial procession, should drum-and-pipe bands be used?" Doctor Hu Na argued: 'Hall-facing ceremony notes omit where to place bands and lack banner or bell clauses.' Chamberlain Wang Biaozhi held: 'Wedding forbids music. Drum-and-pipe is music's general name. Why notes omit it follows wedding prohibition. Now prepare ensembles but do not play them." Court agreed.
48
' '' ' 便
Yonghe 2 asked whether to cheer. Wang Shu said: "Marriage is auspicious ritual. Spring and Autumn Commentary says "Taking a wife is greatly auspicious—not ordinary auspice." Commentary also records Zi Han of Zheng visiting Jin to congratulate a consort. Neighboring states still congratulate—how much more ministers! Thus congratulations fit—only not inside three days. Now congratulating after the shrine audience completes the ritual also forms one ceremonial segment." Wang Biaozhi argued: "That wedding ritual has no music and no congratulations is the clear text of the Rites. Commentary mentions Zi Han congratulating Jin consort—no classic text supports it and commentary never calls it ritual. Rites say bride-taking household forbids music three days—meaning after three days music naturally resumes. As for no congratulations, no three-day limit appears; I fear that after the three days there still is no ritual of congratulations." He also said: "The reason the Book of Rites speaks of congratulating wife-taking is that there were congratulatory words at the wine-and-food gathering. In my foolish view, there is no form of direct mutual congratulation, but there is the meaning of ritual gifts and shared celebration, which is the common practice of the present age." Court skipped applause.
49
便
September deemed inauspicious. Fan Wang asked Wang Biaozhi, who answered: "Ritual knows no taboo month; I dare not, because I have not seen one, then say that none exists." Scholars found no prohibition. Wang Qia said: "If taboo months exist, then taboo years must exist too."
50
In the twelfth year of Taiyuan, the secretariat asked, "After the crown prince has bowed in the ancestral temple, when court ministers offer congratulations, should they present gifts or not?" Che Yin said: 'Hundred peers attended grand ritual bowing prone—need no further upper tribute. Only regional shepherds missed great ceremony—unless wine, livestock, or delicacies prove sincerity—they should offer upper tribute. Like New Year's great celebration regional lords all send upper tribute while courtiers merely present jade." Imperial academy doctor Yu Hongzhi argued: 'Judging Xianning 3 when Shiping and Puyang princes were newly invested, offices memorialized following story allowing capital ministers, princes, and princesses who ought court congratulations also to present upper tribute. Now crown prince is dynastic heir already exalted—universal rejoicing. We say upper tribute congratulations should apply." Xu Miao concurred. Moreover citing "having an excellent primer"—celebration rests herein. Investitures of princes and upper tribute at the new palace already occurred earlier—all have looked up in reverence—and presenting longevity cups should likewise raise no doubt.
51
Since crossing south of the Yangzi crown-prince weddings used one jade disk and two pelts for bride-wealth—the precedent remains obscure. Perhaps hides imply fierce striped majesty while jade images virtue's warmth. Moreover half-discs are also finest jade; leopard fur's glowing stripes mirror gentlemen. Wang Su's bride-wealth prayer reads: "Black-red bundled silk, paired hides, goose and sheep." Former Han empress betrothal used two hundred catties gold and twelve horses—likewise no mandate for sheep. Zheng Xuan's Wedding Goods Praise says "sheep means auspice"—thus wedding sheep began only late Han. Royal six-rites had not yet employed them. Therefore Taikang offices memorialized: "Crown prince wedding bride-wealth uses black-red bundles plus sheep and eight horses."
52
使使
In tenth Taishi year Emperor Wu was about to invest three ladies of senior rank and nine concubines. Offices memorialized: 'Ritual invests empress with grain-pattern jade—no canonical tribute system exists for concubines.' An edict replied: 'Investitures may follow Wei precedent.' Thereupon facing the hall they dispatched credential-bearing concurrent chamberlain to invest three madames and concurrent imperial censor-in-chief to invest nine ladies.
53
Han–Wei ritual says princesses dwell in mansions—those marrying princesses conclude weddings at her estate. Minister of Works Wang Lang deemed it unacceptable—later they reformed. During Taiyuan princess bride-wealth used leopard pelts—perhaps because wedding ritual blurred noble precedence and fierce pelts magnified the affair!
54
The Rites records three kings nurturing elders in schools with archery-feast drinking observances—late Zhou decayed them. In third month Yongping 2 of Han Mingdi the emperor first led ministers personally nurturing three elders and five seniors at Biyong, performing great archery. Commanderies, kingdoms, counties, and circuits held village drinking in schools, all sacrificing to former sages, former teachers, Duke of Zhou, and Confucius—using grand livestock offerings. Midwinter likewise. By second Ganlu year of Wei Emperor Gaoguixiang the Son of Heaven personally led ministers performing elder-nurturing ritual. Thereupon Wang Xiang served as chief elder and Zheng Xiaotong as associate elder. Though ceremony notes do not survive, Han ritual remains documented.
55
使
In twelfth month sixth Taishi year the emperor visited Biyong performing village drinking. An edict said: 'Observances long lay ruined—now we again rehearse old canons.' He gifted chamberlain one hundred bolts silk, assistants, doctors, and students oxen and wine. Third Xianning year and ninth Yuankang year of Emperor Hui repeated the observance. During Zhengshi under Wei, whenever the Prince of Qi completed a round of lectures on the classics, he would have the Chamberlain for Ceremonials perform the release-offering to the former sages and former teachers at the Biyong, but he did not personally attend. When Emperors Hui and Ming were crown princes, and when Crown Prince Minhuai finished lectures on the classics, they all personally performed the release-offering at the Imperial Academy; the crown prince advanced the cup to the former teachers, and the palace cadet advanced the cup to Yan Hui. Emperors Cheng, Mu, and Xiaowu also all personally performed the release-offering. In Xiaowu's time, because the Imperial Academy was south of the river and distant, the responsible offices proposed following the first year of Shengping and provisionally establishing and using an Imperial Academy in the Central Hall. At that time there were no longer any students of the National University, and the responsible offices memorialized, "The two bodies of students should be restored, totaling one hundred and twenty men. For Imperial Academy students, select sixty from those presently available; for National University students, provisionally select sixty sons and grandsons of great ministers. When the matter is finished, dismiss them." The memorial was approved. After the release-offering ritual was completed, the hundred officials of the sixth rank and above were assembled.
56
宿 西 西
Han protocol: late spring shangsi day officials and commoners alike purified beside eastern flowing water, washing away accumulated grime. Yet since Wei they used only the third day—not tied to shangsi. Under Jin's central court dukes downward to commoners purified along River Luo. When Prince Zhao Lun usurped, on the third day they gathered at Tianquan Pool and executed Zhang Lin. Emperor Huai likewise convened at Tianquan Pool composing verse. Lu Ji notes: 'South of Tianquan Pool stone channels draw imperial ditch water; west of the pool piled stones form the purification hall.' Originally floating cups along running water served drinking games—it never mentions winding streams. Emperor Yuan further issued an edict abolishing third-day festival toys. Emperor Hai Xi established floating cups on winding water at Mount Zhong, extending invitations to hundred officials—same affair. Ninth day ninth month—mounted archery. Some explain: "Autumn belongs to metal's phase; drilling martial archery imitates Beginning-of-Autumn observances."
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