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禮志下
Treatise on Rites, Part Three
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五禮之別,三曰賓,蓋朝宗、覲遇、會同之制是也。 自周以下,其禮彌繁。 自秦滅學之後,舊典殘缺。 漢興,始使叔孫通制禮,參用先代之儀,然亦往往改異焉。 漢儀有正會禮,正旦,夜漏未盡七刻,鐘鳴受賀,公侯以下執贄夾庭,二千石以上升殿稱萬歲,然後作樂宴饗。 魏武帝都鄴,正會文昌殿,用漢儀,又設百華燈。
The third of the five ritual categories is "guest," covering homage at court, formal audiences, and great assemblies where states meet together. After the Zhou period, ritual grew steadily more complex. Once the Qin campaign against scholarship had passed, the classical ritual corpus lay broken and incomplete. At the founding of the Han, Shusun Tong was commissioned to frame court ritual, borrowing forms from antiquity while revising them repeatedly. Han ceremony prescribed the formal New Year's audience: while night still had seven marks to run, bells rang to open the congratulations; nobles presented gifts along the court; officials at two thousand shi and above mounted the hall to hail the throne before music and feasting began. When Cao Cao ruled Wei from Ye, the New Year's audience took place in Wenchang Hall under Han precedents, illuminated by elaborate tiered lanterns.
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晉氏受命,武帝更定元會儀,《咸寧注》是也。 傅玄《元會賦》曰:「考夏後之遺訓,綜殷周之典藝,采秦漢之舊儀,定元正之嘉會。」 此則兼采眾代可知矣。
Under the new Jin dynasty, Emperor Wu promulgated a revised protocol for the New Year's audience, codified in the Xianning commentary. Fu Xuan wrote in his "Rhapsody on the New Year's Assembly": "Tracing the Xia legacy, weaving Yin–Zhou precedent with Qin–Han court forms, he instituted the splendid ceremony that marks the first day of the year." The liturgy thus consciously synthesized ritual from successive dynasties.
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《咸寧注》:「先正一日,有司各宿設。 夜漏未盡十刻,群臣集到,庭燎起火。 上賀,起,謁報,又賀皇后。 還,從雲龍東中華門入,詣東閣下,便坐。 漏未盡七刻,百官及受贄郎官以下至計吏皆入立其次,其陛衛者如臨軒儀。 漏未盡五刻,謁者、僕射、大鴻臚各各奏群臣就位定。 漏盡,侍中奏外辦。 皇帝出,鐘鼓作,百官皆拜伏。 太常導皇帝升御坐,鐘鼓止,百官起。 大鴻臚跪奏'請朝賀'。 掌禮郎贊'皇帝延王登'。 大鴻臚跪贊'籓王臣某等奉白璧各一,再拜賀'。 太常報'王悉登'。 謁者引上殿,當御坐。 皇帝興,王再拜。 皇帝坐,復再拜。 跪置璧御坐前,復再拜。 成禮訖,謁者引下殿,還故位。 掌禮郎贊'皇帝延太尉等'。 於是公、特進、匈奴南單于、金紫將軍當大鴻臚西,中二千石、二千石、千石、六百石當大行令西,皆北面伏。 鴻臚跪贊'太尉、中二千石等奉璧、皮、帛、羔、雁、雉,再拜賀'。 太常贊'皇帝延公等登'。 掌禮引公至金紫將軍上殿。 皇帝興,皆再拜。 皇帝坐,又再拜。 跪置璧皮帛御坐前,復再拜。 成禮訖,謁者引下殿,還故位。 公置璧成禮時,大行令並贊殿下,中二千石以下同。 成禮訖,以贄授贄郎,郎以璧帛付謁者,羔、雁、雉付太官。 太樂令跪請奏雅樂,樂以次作。 乘黃令乃出車,皇帝罷入,百官皆坐。 晝漏上水六刻,諸蠻夷胡客以次入,皆再拜訖,坐。 禦入後三刻又出,鐘鼓作。 謁者、僕射跪奏'請群臣上'。 謁者引王公二千石上殿,千石、六百石停本位。 謁者引王詣樽酌壽酒,跪授侍中,侍中跪置御坐前。 王還。 王自酌置位前。 謁者跪奏'籓王臣某等奉觴,再拜上千萬歲壽'。 四廂樂作,百官再拜。 已飲,又再拜。 謁者引王等還本位。 陛下者傳就席,群臣皆跪諾。 侍中、中書令、尚書令各于殿上上壽酒。 登歌樂升,太官又行禦酒。 禦酒升階,太官令跪授侍郎,侍郎跪進御坐前。 乃行百官酒。 太樂令跪奏'奏登歌',三終乃降。 太官令跪請具禦飯,到階,群臣皆起。 太官令持羹跪授司徒,持飯跪授大司農,尚食持案並授持節,持節跪進御坐前。 群臣就席。 太樂令跪奏'奏食舉樂'。 太官行百官飯案遍。 食畢,太樂令跪奏'請進樂'。 樂以次作。 鼓吹令又前跪奏'請以次進眾妓'。 乃召諸郡計吏前,受敕戒於階下。 宴樂畢,謁者一人跪奏'請罷退'。 鐘鼓作,群臣北面再拜,出。」 然則,夜漏未盡七刻謂之晨賀。 晝漏上三刻更出,百官奉壽酒,謂之晝會。 別置女樂三十人于黃帳外,奏房中之歌。
Per the Xianning commentary, officials bivouac in the palace the eve before to prepare. While ten night marks still remained, ministers gathered as courtyard beacon-fires were kindled. They offered New Year's felicitations to the emperor, who rose while petitions were announced, then felicitations were extended to the empress. They returned indoors through the eastern portal of the Yunlong Gate and waited informally beneath the eastern cloister. With seven marks left before dawn, every rank from tribute presenters down to county clerks took assigned places while stair guards mirrored the formation for a formal imperial appearance. At five marks the usher superintendents, masters of attendance, and chief herald successively announced that the assembly was set. At the moment the night measure emptied, an attendant declared the outer court ready. The emperor appeared to bells and drums as the throng dropped to full prostration. The Chamberlain for Ceremonial escorted him to the throne; music stopped and the assembly stood. The chief herald knelt to pray leave for the congratulatory presentation. Masters of ritual called for the imperial clansmen to approach the dais. The herald knelt to announce each enfeoffed prince presenting a white jade tally with double bows of homage. The Chamberlain for Ceremonial replied that every prince might mount the steps. Guided by ushers, they advanced to stations facing the throne. The sovereign stood while the princes performed the double obeisance. Once he was seated they repeated the double bow. Kneeling, they laid their discs before the throne and bowed twice more. At its conclusion escorts conducted them off the dais to their former ranks. The ritual usher next summoned the Grand Commandant and fellow dignitaries. Dukes, extraordinary appointees, the Southern Shanyu, and gold-purple generals arrayed west of the herald; ministers from two thousand shi down to six hundred shi faced north west of the Grand Processions director. The herald listed offerings—discs, pelts, silk, lamb, goose, and pheasant—from the Grand Commandant's party with double bows. The Chamberlain for Ceremonial bade the dukes and colleagues mount the hall. Attendants shepherded the dukes past the gold-purple generals toward the throne. The emperor rose again as everyone doubled their bows. When he resumed his seat they repeated the obeisance. Kneeling, they deposited discs, pelts, and fabrics before the throne and bowed twice more. Finished, they were conducted down as before. As dukes completed their presentations, the Grand Processions director coordinated responses from below the stairs for everyone under chief minister rank. Offerings went from presenters to tribute clerks, then discs and cloth to ushers while meats went to the palace stewards. The Director of Music sought leave to strike the canonical hymns in prescribed order. The chariot master rolled out state vehicles; the emperor retired and ministers took seats. Six marks into daylight, barbarian envoys entered by roster, bowed twice, and seated themselves. Three marks after the imperial litter withdrew indoors, he reappeared with bells and drums. Ushers knelt to request that civil officials approach. Only nobles and two-thousand-shi officers mounted the steps while lower ranks stayed below. A prince was led to the longevity cup, knelt, and passed it to an attendant who placed it before the throne. The prince withdrew to his station. He filled his own cup and set it before his mat. The herald announced the princes' toast with double bows wishing boundless longevity. Ensemble music struck up from every corner as the assembly bowed twice. They drank, then bowed twice once more. Escorts returned the princes to their ranks. Ceremonial heralds signaled everyone to sit; ministers knelt their acknowledgment. Palace attendants, Palace Secretariat directors, and chiefs of the Secretariat presented longevity cups from the hall floor. Hymn singers began as palace stewards poured another round of imperial wine. Kitchen stewards passed cups up the stairs to gentleman attendants who knelt them before the throne. The same courtesy extended down the ranks. The Director of Music requested the ascending hymn, performed through three movements before stopping. When stewards announced the imperial repast and trays reached the stairs, everyone stood. Stewards relayed broth to the Minister of Education and grain to the Minister of Agriculture while synchronized servers knelt dishes before the throne. Officials settled at their banquet places. Music masters requested the banquet suite. Palace kitchens served every rank in turn. After dining, musicians sought permission for the next entertainment. Performances continued in appointed order. The herald of drum-and-pipe bands asked leave to bring on troupes in rotation. County accountants were called forward for imperial injunctions at the foot of the stairs. As festivities closed, one usher knelt to seek leave to retire the court. Bells and drums marked their exit as the throng bowed north and departed. Hence the "morning congratulations" were fixed while seven night marks yet remained. His second appearance three marks into daylight, when ministers offered longevity wine, was the midday audience. Thirty female musicians beyond the yellow awning sang inner-chamber airs.
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江左多虞,不復晨賀。 夜漏未盡十刻,開宣陽門,至平旦始開殿門,晝漏上五刻,皇帝乃出受賀。 皇太子出會者,則在三恪下王公上。 正旦元會,設白獸樽於殿庭,樽蓋上施白獸,若有能獻直言者,則發此樽飲酒。 案禮,白獸樽乃杜舉之遺式也,為白獸蓋,是後代所為,示忌憚也。
The refugee court faced constant crisis and abandoned the predawn felicitation. They opened Xuanyang Gate while ten night marks remained, kept palace gates shut until dawn, and brought the emperor out five marks into daylight for felicitations. If the crown prince attended, he stood beneath the three hosts of honor but above enfeoffed princes. New Year's court placed a "white beast" wine vessel in the courtyard—lifting its beast-shaped lid allowed a speaker of blunt counsel to drink. Canon identifies the vessel with Du Ju's frank-speaking cup; the beast-embellished lid was a later symbolic warning.
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魏制,籓王不得朝覲。 魏明帝時,有朝者皆由特恩,不得以為常。 及泰始中,有司奏:「諸侯之國,其王公以下入朝者,四方各為二番,三歲而周,周則更始。 若臨時有故,卻在明年。 明年來朝之後,更滿三歲乃復朝,不得違本數。 朝禮皆親執璧,如舊朝之制。 不朝之歲,各遣卿奉聘。」 奏可。 江左王侯不之國,其有受任居外,則同方伯刺史二千石之禮,亦無朝聘之制,故此禮遂廢。
Wei law barred imperial princes from routine audiences. Under Ming only extraordinary favors brought princes to court—never as a standing rule. During Taishi officials submitted: "Feudatories should rotate two cohorts per quadrant, each prince attending once every three years before the cycle renews. Sudden obstacles postpone attendance until the next year. Once a prince has attended, another three-year interval must elapse before he returns—honor the statutory spacing. They must personally carry ritual jade as under earlier audience law. Off years send chief ministers bearing diplomatic missions." The throne endorsed the proposal. Eastern Jin princes seldom took up their domains; those serving as provincial governors observed regional commissioner etiquette instead, and formal homage rotations vanished.
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漢以高帝十月定秦,且為歲首。 至武帝,雖改用夏正,然每月朔朝,至於十月朔,猶常饗會。 其儀,夜漏未盡七刻,受賀及贄。 公侯璧,中二千石、二千石羔,千石、六百石雁,四百石以下雉。 三公奉璧上殿御坐前,北面。 太常贊曰'皇帝為君興'。 三公伏。 皇帝坐,乃前進璧。 百官皆賀,二千石以上上殿稱萬歲,舉觴,禦食,司徒奉羹,大司農奉飯,奏食舉之樂。 百官受賜,宴饗,大作樂,如元正之儀。 魏晉則冬至日受方國及百僚稱賀,因小會。 其儀亞於獻歲之旦。
Han reckoning treated the tenth month—when Gaozu pacified Qin—as New Year's start. Though Emperor Wu adopted the Xia calendar, monthly new-moon audiences persisted, and the tenth-month gathering remained a banquet fixture. Custom dictated felicitations and gift presentations while seven night marks still flowed. Rank determined tribute: discs for marquises, lambs for senior ministers, geese for middle ranks, pheasants for minor officials. The Three Dukes bore jade to the throne facing north. The Chamberlain intoned that the emperor rose on behalf of his ministers. The three dukes dropped into prostration. Once seated, he allowed them to bring the discs forward. Two-thousand-shi officers mounted to hail long life, toast, and share imperial food as education and agriculture ministers served broth and grain amid banquet music. Every rank received largesse and banqueted with full ensembles as on New Year's Day. Wei–Jin courts welcomed regional and bureaucratic homage on the winter solstice with a scaled-down feast. Its ritual stood a notch below the first dawn of the year.
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及武帝泰始四年,詔刺史二千石長吏曰:「古之王者,以歲時巡狩方嶽,其次則二伯述職,不然則行人順省。 故雖幽遐側微,心無壅隔,下情上通,上指遠諭,至於鰥寡,罔不得所,用垂風遺烈,休聲猶存。 朕在位累載,如臨深川,夙興夕惕,明發不寢,坐而待旦,思四方水旱災眚,為之怛然。 勤躬約己,欲令事事當宜。 常恐眾吏用情,誠心未著,萬機兼猥,慮有不周,政刑失謬,而弗獲備覽。 百姓有過,在予一人。 惟歲之不易,未遑卜征巡省之事,下之未乂,其何以恤之。 今使使持節侍中副給事黃門侍郎銜命四出,周行天下,親見刺史二千石長吏,申諭朕心,訪求得失損益諸宜,觀省政教,問人間患苦。 周典有之曰:'其萬姓之利害為一書,其禮俗政事刑禁之逆順為一書,其暴亂作慝犯令為一書,其劄喪凶荒厄貧為一書,其康樂和親安平為一書,每國辨異之,以返命于王。 '舊章前訓,今率由之。 還具條奏,俾朕昭然鑒於幽遠,若親行焉。 大夫君子,其各悉乃心,敬乃事,嘉言令圖,苦言至戒,與使者盡之,無所隱諱。 方將慮心以俟,其勉哉勖之,稱朕意焉。」
In the fourth year of Taishi Emperor Wu instructed provincial inspectors and county heads: "Antiquity's kings toured the four directions; failing that, twin overseers reported in person; otherwise messengers inspected in due course. Distance never cut off communication; policy reached from throne to hovel so even widowed commoners had relief—virtuous governance left echoes still heard. Since taking the throne I have lived as one beside a precipice—sleepless before dawn, brooding over drought and flood until grief grips me. I have tightened my own conduct, striving to set each matter right. Still I dread clerks acting from favor, honest intent unseen, business piling up faster than judgment, policy or penal justice slipping past review. Any fault among the people rests on my person alone. These troubled seasons leave no room for royal tours; while the realm stays unsettled, how may I comfort it? I therefore send high envoys to every circuit to meet governors and magistrates in person, convey my intentions, solicit advice on reform, watch how government and education fare, and hear popular grievance. The Rites of Zhou required separate registers—for popular welfare, for law and custom, for rebellion, for disaster, for prosperity—and each domain distinguished them before reporting to the throne. Those precedents are the model we must follow. Return with thorough memorials so distant conditions shine before me as if I had walked there. Ministers: speak plainly—praise sound plans, endure blunt rebuke—and hide nothing from these inspectors. I await your reports with an open heart—strive together until my purpose is met."
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新禮,巡狩方岳,柴望告設壝宮如禮。 諸侯之覲者,賓及執贄皆如朝儀,而不建旗。 摯虞以為:「覲禮,諸侯覲天子,各建其旗。 旗章所以殊爵命,示等威。 《詩》稱'君子至止,言觀其旗'。 宜定新禮,建旗如舊禮。」 詔可其議。 然終晉代,其禮不行。
Revised liturgy for imperial tours mandates ring-wall shrines, burnt offerings, and proclamations as classical precedent demands. Feudal lords arriving for audience observe gift protocol like inner courtiers yet leave command banners furled. Zhi Yu protested that canonical audience law required every lord to display his standard. Flags mark enfeoffed dignity and visible precedence. The Book of Songs reads: "The prince had come—note his fluttering flags." The revised code should restore flag display as antiquity prescribed. The emperor endorsed his memorial. Nevertheless Jin never actually performed it.
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封禪之說,經典無聞。 禮有因天事天,因地事地,因名山升中於天,而鳳皇降,龜龍格。 天子所以巡狩,至於方岳,燔柴祭天,以告其成功,事似而非也。 讖緯諸說皆云,王者封泰山,禪梁甫,易姓紀號。 秦漢行其典,前史各陳其制矣。
Classical texts never discuss the paired Mount Tai liturgy later called feng and shan. Canon bids worshipping Heaven via celestial signs and Earth via terrestrial ones; announcing merit atop a sacred summit summons auspicious birds and dragons. It looks like the emperor's seasonal march to the directional peaks to burn offerings and report victory, but it is not identical. Apocryphal "weft" writings insist that kings who ascend Tai for feng and Liangfu for shan rename the ruling house. Qin and Han enacted them; earlier annals spell out the choreography.
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魏文帝黃初中,護軍蔣濟奏曰:「夫帝王大禮,巡狩為先; 昭祖揚禰,封禪為首。 是以自古革命受符,未有不蹈梁父,登泰山,刊無竟之名,紀天人之際者也。 故司馬相如謂有文以來,七十二君,或順所繇於前,謹遺教於後。 太史公曰,主上有聖明而不宣佈,有司之過也。 然則元功懿德,不刊梁山之石,無以顯帝王之功,示兆庶不朽之觀也。 語曰,'當君而歎堯舜之美,譬猶人子對厥所生而譽他人之父'。 今大魏承百王之弊亂,拯流遁之艱厄,接千載之衰緒,繼百代之廢業。 始自武文,至於聖躬,所以參成天地之道,綱維人神之化。 上天報應,嘉瑞顯祥,以比往古,無所取喻。 至於曆世迄今,未廢大禮。 雖志在掃盡殘盜,蕩滌餘穢,未遑斯事。 若爾,三苗屈強于江海,大舜當廢東巡之儀; 徐夷跳梁於淮泗,周成當止岱嶽之禮。 且去歲破吳虜于江漢,今茲屠蜀賊於隴右,其震盪內潰,在不復淹,無累于封禪之事也。 此儀久廢,非倉卒所定。 宜下公卿,廣撰其禮,卜年考時,昭告上帝,以副天下之望。 臣待罪軍旅,不勝大願,冒死以聞。」 詔曰:「聞蔣濟斯言,使吾汗出流足。 自開闢以來,封禪者七十餘君耳。 故太史公曰,雖有受命之君,而功有不洽,是以中間曠遠者千有餘年,近者數百載,其儀闕不可得記。 吾何德之修,敢庶茲乎! 濟豈謂世無管仲,以吾有桓公登泰山之志乎! 吾不欺天也。 濟之所言,華則華矣,非助我者也。 公卿侍中尚書常侍省之而已,勿復有所議,亦不須答詔也。」 天子雖距濟議,而實使高堂隆草封禪之儀,以天下未一,不欲便行大禮,會隆卒,不復行之。
In Huangchu of Wei, Jiang Ji of the Guards wrote: "Of imperial observances, royal tours take pride of place; to honor forebears and elevate recent fathers, nothing surpasses feng-shan. Thus every founding sovereign who received the mandate has climbed Liangfu and Tai to cut everlasting titles into stone and seal Heaven's compact with earth. Sima Xiangru reckoned seventy-two such sovereigns since script began—some continuing roads their predecessors traced, some handing stern lessons to successors. Sima Qian added that keeping sage virtue silent is official negligence. Without engraving Liangshan, supreme deeds leave no monument for the people to remember. Proverb warns: praising Yao and Shun while serving one's lord compares to extolling a stranger's father in one's parent's presence. Wei arose amid the wreckage of centuries, saving fugitives, repairing a millennium of fracture, restoring abandoned royal work. From Wudi and Wendi to yourself you have harmonized cosmic pattern and directed spiritual transformation. Heaven replies with prodigies no past age can match. Still the supreme rite awaits performance. Campaigns against lingering rebels have left no interval. If turmoil forbade ritual, Shun should have canceled eastern progresses while San Miao defied the Yangzi; and King Cheng should have skipped Dai peak while Xu raiders thrashed the Huai. Last year's victory on the Yangzi and this year's slaughter west of Long mean enemy turmoil ends quickly—nothing blocks the Tai ceremony. Long neglect means instant revival is impossible. Commission the high ministers to compose liturgy, choose an auspicious season, proclaim intent to Heaven, and satisfy popular hope. I stand guilty amid the hosts yet dare speak though death threaten. The emperor answered: "Jiang Ji's speech leaves my legs streaming sweat. Fewer than seventy sovereigns since time began have mounted Tai. Sima Qian noted that unfinished virtue leaves centuries blank between performances whose forms are lost. What virtue could justify my aspiring to join them! Does he think no Guan Zhong restrains me while I secretly imitate Duke Huan's summit? I refuse to lie to Heaven. His prose dazzles but offers no aid. House it among ministers for reference—debate ends; no answering decree required." The throne refused Jiang Ji yet quietly had Gao Tang Long draft liturgy; reluctant while China stayed divided, it abandoned the plan when Long died.
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及武帝平吳,混一區宇,太康元年九月庚寅,尚書令衛瓘、尚書左僕射山濤、右僕射魏舒、尚書劉寔、司空張華等奏曰:「臣聞肇自生靈,則有後辟,年載之數,莫之能紀。 立德濟世,揮揚仁風,以登封泰山者七十有四家,其諡號可知者十有四焉。 沈淪寂寞,曾無遺聲者,不可勝記。 大晉之德,始自重黎,實佐顓頊,至於夏商,世序天地。 其在於周,不失其緒。 金德將升,世濟明聖,外平蜀漢,海內歸心,武功之盛,實由文德。 至於陛下,受命踐阼,弘建大業,群生仰流。 惟獨江湖沅湘之表,凶桀負固,歷代不賓。 神謀獨斷,命將出討,兵威暫加,數旬蕩定。 羈其鯨鯢,赦其罪逆,雲覆雨施,八方來同,聲教所被,達於四極。 雖黃軒遐征,大禹遠略,周之奕世,何以尚今! 若夫玄石素文,底號前載,象以數表,言以事告,雖古《河圖洛書》之徵,不是過也。 宜宣大典,禮中嶽,封泰山,禪梁父,發德號,明至尊,享天休,篤黎庶,勒千載之表,播流後之聲,俾百世之下,莫不興起。 斯帝王之盛業,天人之至望也。」 詔曰:「今逋寇雖殄,外則障塞有警,內則百姓未甯,此盛德之事,所未議也。」
After Wu fell, on Taikang 1/IX/gengyin Wei Guan, Shan Tao, Wei Shu, Liu Shi, Zhang Hua wrote: "Since humanity began rulers have succeeded beyond reckoning. Seventy-four dynasts reportedly mounted Tai with humane sway; fourteen names survive. Countless others sank mute into oblivion. Our mandate traces to Chong Li aiding Zhuanxu; Xia and Shang heirs ordered cosmos and soil. The Zhou continued that lineage unbroken. As Jin's golden virtue rose, sage kings multiplied; conquering Shu abroad while winning hearts at home proved arms rested on culture. You took the throne and expanded the enterprise while creation lifts its eyes. Only south of the great rivers did rebels cling to fastnesses age after age. Your decisive orders sent armies whose shock pacified them within tens of days. You shackled ringleaders yet forgave followers; grace spread like rain until every quarter submitted and civilization touched the rim. Yellow Emperor's distant march, Great Yu's far planning, Zhou's long prosperity—none outshine this. Dark stones with pale inscriptions, titled omens, numbered images, verbal prophecies—these eclipse even Hetu and Luoshu. Therefore enact the grand ceremony: worship the sacred median, feng Tai, shan Liangfu, proclaim virtue, manifest supremacy, receive Heaven's grace, enrich the people, and engrave fame for ages. This crowns imperial duty and fulfills cosmic expectation." He replied: "Remnant foes die yet borders bristle and folk remain restless—this supreme deed stays premature."
13
瓘等又奏曰:「今東漸於海,西被流沙,大漠之陰,日南北戶,莫不通屬,芒芒禹跡,今實過之。 天人之道已周,巍巍之功已著,宜修禮地祗,登封泰山,致誠上帝,以答人神之願也。 乞如前奏。」 詔曰:「今陰陽未和,刑政未當,百姓未得其所,豈可以勒功告成邪!」 詔不許。
They pressed on: "Our sway washes to the eastern sea, spans western sands, crosses the desert's northern rim and southern tropics—Yu the Great's realm is smaller. Heaven's circuit closes; glory towers—worship terrestrial spirits, scale Tai, declare sincerity to Heaven. We renew our plea." He answered: "Omens stay discordant, law imperfect, people unsettled—how dare we boast completion! He denied them.
14
瓘等又奏曰:「臣聞處帝王之位者,必有曆運之期,天命之應; 濟兆庶之功者,必有盛德之容,告成之典。 無不可誣,有不敢讓,自古道也。 而明詔謙沖,屢辭其禮,雖盛德攸在,推而未居。 夫三公職典天地,實掌人物,國之大事,取議於此。 故漢氏封禪,非是官也,不在其事。 臣等前奏,蓋陳祖考之功,天命又應,陛下之德,合同四海,跡古考今,宜修此禮。 至於克定歲月,須五府上議,然後奏聞。」 詔曰:「雖蕩清江表,皆臨事者之勞,何足以告成。 方望群後思隆大化,以甯區夏,百姓獲乂,與之休息。 斯朕日夜之望,無所復下諸府矣。」
They wrote again: "Throne holders face ordained seasons and celestial confirmation; deliverers of the masses display august deportment and victory liturgy. Truth cannot be feigned; possession cannot be refused—such is antiquity. Yet humble decrees refuse the rite though virtue warrants it. The Three Dukes harmonize cosmos and humanity—state crises land on their benches. Han conducted feng-shan without them—they lacked jurisdiction. We cited ancestors, omens, and your virtue binding the seas—history demands renewal. Choose the season after joint deliberation among the five boards. He answered: "Southern pacification credits field officers alone. I await governors to spread transformation until the heartland calms and people recover. Send nothing more to the boards."
15
瓘等又奏:「臣聞唐虞三代濟世弘功之君,莫不仰承天休,俯協人志,登介丘,履梁父,未有辭焉者,蓋不可讓也。 今陛下勳高百王,德無與二,茂績宏規,巍巍之業,固非臣等所能究論。 而聖旨勞謙,屢自抑損,時至弗應,推美不居,闕皇代之上儀,塞靈祗之款望,何以使大晉之典謨,同風於三五? 臣等誠不敢奉詔,請如前奏施行。」 詔曰:「方當共思弘道,以康庶績,且俟他年,無所復紛紜也。」
They argued: "Tang-Yu exemplars who saved the world accepted Heaven's gift, climbed sacred heights—decline was forbidden. Your feats overshadow every ruler; virtue stands peerless beyond our praise. Yet modest edicts stall heaven-sent timing and frustrate spirits—how can Jin match the legendary Five? We cannot obey silence—grant the earlier plan. He replied: "Let us broaden the Mandate first—defer another year; no more memorials."
16
王公有司又奏:「自古聖明,光宅四海,封禪名山,著于史籍,作者七十四君矣。 舜禹之有天下也,巡狩四嶽,躬行其道。 《易》著觀俗省方,《禮》有升中於天,《詩》頌陟其高山,皆載在方策。 文王為西伯以服事殷,周公以魯籓列于諸侯,或享於岐山,或有事泰山,徒以聖德,猶得為其事。 自是以來,功薄而僭其義者,不可勝數。 號諡不泯,以至於今。 況高祖宣皇帝肇開王業,海外有截; 世宗景皇帝濟以大功,輯甯區夏; 太祖文皇帝受命造晉,蕩定蜀漢; 陛下應期龍興,混一六合,澤被群生,威震無外。 昔漢氏失統,吳蜀鼎峙,兵興以來,近將百年,地險俗殊,人望絕塞。 今不羈之寇,二代而平,非聰明神武,先天弗違,孰能巍巍其有成功若茲者歟! 臣等幸以千載得遭運會,親服大化,目睹太平,至公至美,誰與為讓。 宜祖述先朝,憲章古昔,勒功岱岳,登封告成,弘禮樂之制,正三雍之典,揚名萬世,以顯祖宗。 是以不勝大願,敢昧死以聞。 請告太常,具禮儀復上。」 詔曰:「所議誠列代之盛事也,然方今未可以爾。」 便報絕之。
The nobility wrote: "Seventy-four luminous sovereigns lit the realm and carved Tai—history records each. Shun and Yu toured the directional peaks enacting the Dao. Zhouyi praises inspection tours; Rites mandates summit reports; Songs celebrate mountain ascent—all canonical. King Wen served Shang yet sacrificed at Qi; Duke of Zhou's Lu still offered at Tai—sage virtue alone justified it. Petty usurpers who mimicked the rite swarm beyond reckoning. Their boasts survive in epithets. Our dynastic grandfather Xuan opened kingship and coastal realms bent; Jing Emperor restored peace to the heartland; Wen Emperor founded Jin and crushed Shu; You rose with the hour, reunified the realm, showered grace, and terrified none left outside. Han collapse split Wu and Shu; a century of war estranged peoples across brutal terrain. Yet incorrigible enemies vanished within two reigns—without Heaven-guided genius who could succeed so grandly! We live once in an age of universal peace—such completeness leaves no room for modest refusal. Follow founding precedents and classical models: report victory at Tai, institute ritual music, fix the Three Yong curriculum, and glorify the ancestral shrine for ages. We speak though death threaten, so urgent is our hope. Charge the Chamberlain for Ceremonial to draft liturgy and resubmit. The throne answered: "Your topic marks every dynasty's summit—but not yet our season." With that the court closed discussion.
17
哀帝即位,欲尊崇章皇太妃。 桓溫議宜稱太夫人。 尚書僕射江虨議曰:「虞舜體仁孝之性,盡事親之禮,貴為天王,富有四海,而瞽叟無立錐之地,一級之爵。 蒸蒸之心,昊天罔極,甯當忍父卑賤,不以徽號顯之,豈不以子無爵父之道,理窮義屈,靡所厝情者哉! 《春秋經》曰'紀季姜歸於京師',《傳》曰'父母之于子,雖為天王後,猶曰吾季薑',言子尊不加父母也。 或以為子尊不加父母,則武王何以追王太王、王季、文王乎? 周之三王,德配天地,王跡之興,自此始也。 是以武王仰尋前緒,遂奉天命,追崇祖考,明不以子尊加父母也。 案《禮》'幼不誄長,賤不誄貴',幼賤猶不得表彰長貴,況敢錫之以榮命邪! 漢祖感家令之言而尊太公,荀悅以為孝莫大于嚴父,而以子貴加之父母,家令之言過矣。 爰逮孝章,不上賈貴人以尊號,而厚其金寶幣帛,非子道之不至也,蓋聖典不可逾也。 當春秋時,庶子承國,其母得為夫人。 不審直子命母邪,故當告于宗祧以先君之命命之邪? 竊見詔書,當臨軒拜授貴人為皇太妃。 今稱皇帝策命命貴人,斯則子爵母也。 貴人北面拜受,斯則母臣子也。 天尊地卑,名位定矣,母貴子賤,人倫序矣。 雖欲加崇貴人,而實卑之; 雖顯明國典,而實廢之。 且人主舉動,史必書之。 如當載之方策,以示後世,無乃不順乎! 竊謂應告顯宗之廟,稱貴人仁淑之至,宜加殊禮,以酬鞠育之惠。 奉先靈之命,事不在己。 妃後雖是配君之名,然自後以下有夫人九嬪,無稱妃焉。 桓公謂宜進號太夫人,非不允也。 如以夫人為少,可言皇太夫人。 皇,君也,君太夫人于名禮順矣。」 帝特下詔拜皇太妃。 三月丙辰,使兼太保王恬授璽綬儀服,一如太后。 又詔曰:「朝臣不為太妃敬,為合禮不?」 太常江逌議:「位號不極,不應盡敬。」
Emperor Ai sought higher honors for Consort Zhang, his birth mother. Huan Wen preferred the style "Grand Lady." Jiang Bin cited Shun: enthroned over all yet his blind father lacked land or rank. Could Shun leave his father titleless? Canon forbids sons raising parents—duty stalls, feeling has no outlet. The Annals line "Lady Jiang of Ji returned" shows parents still say "my little Jiang" though she wed the Son of Heaven—child rank never outranks parents. Critics ask how King Wu could king his forebears if sons cannot elevate parents. Those three Zhou founders embodied cosmic virtue—the lineage began there. King Wu therefore pursued Heaven's charge through honoring ancestors—proving elevation served mandate, not filial inflation. The Rites forbid youths elegizing elders or commoners nobles—much less granting patent splendor upward. Gaozu elevated his father at a retainer's word; Xun Yue called revering fathers supreme yet warned against grafting son's dignity onto parents. Later Han's Zhangdi withheld lofty titles from Lady Jia while enriching her—scripture, not coldness, barred inflation. When secondary sons inherited states, their mothers sometimes became chief consorts. Did the heir appoint her, or did ancestral decree through the shrine? The decree schedules a formal hall audience investing her as imperial mother. Calling it an imperial mandate makes the son the mother's ennobler. She would kneel north—mother serving son. Heaven stands high, earth low—stations settle ethics; reversing mother and son inverts the moral ladder. Grand titles would actually diminish her. Displaying law would nullify it. Historians inscribe each sovereign gesture. Future readers would see a constitutional absurdity. Better report at Mingdi's temple her nurturing virtue merits special—but indirect—honors. Attributes honor to the departed emperor's will, not the sitting throne. After empress rank follow ladies-in-waiting—no bare "fei" title. Huan Wen's "Grand Lady" was not unreasonable. If "lady" feels thin, add the imperial prefix. "Imperial Grand Lady" pairs supremacy with canonical mother styles. The throne overrode debate with the title imperial dowager-consort. Third-month bingchen Wang Tian delivered seals and robes matching empress dowager standards. A follow-up asked whether ministers must bow to her. Jiang Yi replied that without paramount rank full court bows were improper.
18
孝武追崇會稽鄭太妃為簡文太后,詔問「當開墓不」。 王珣答:「據三祖追贈及中宗敬後,並不開墓位,更為塋域制度耳。」
Xiaowu elevated Consort Zheng of Kuaiji as Jianwen's empress dowager and queried reopening her grave. Wang Xun cited earlier Jin burials: honorifics added tombs but never reopened chambers.
19
褚太后臨朝時,議褚裒進見之典。 蔡謨、王彪之並以:「虞舜、漢高祖猶執子道,況後乎! 王者父無拜禮。」 尚書八座議以為:「純子則王道缺,純臣則孝道虧。 謂公庭如臣,私覿則嚴父為允。」
Under Empress Chu regency ministers discussed how her father Chu Pou should attend. Cai Mo and Wang Biaozhi noted Shun and Gaozu kept filial posture toward elders. Sovereigns do not bow to fathers. Secretariat heads answered: "Pure family feeling weakens kingship; pure court hierarchy starves piety. Public halls demand ministerial bows; private chambers allow parental reverence.
20
漢魏故事,皇太子稱臣。 新禮以太子既以子為名,而又稱臣,臣子兼稱,於義不通,除太子稱臣之制。 摯虞以為:「《孝經》'資于事父以事君',義兼臣子,則不嫌稱臣,宜定新禮皇太子稱臣如舊。」 詔從之。
Han–Wei custom let the heir apparent call himself "minister." Revised codes banned the redundant "minister" style for an heir already defined as son. Zhi Yu cited the Filial Piety Classic merging filial and loyal roles—minister language fit and should return. The throne agreed.
21
太寧三年三月戊辰,明帝立皇子衍為皇太子。 癸巳,詔曰:「禮無生而貴者,故帝元子方之於士。 而漢魏以來,尊崇儲貳,使官屬稱臣,朝臣咸拜,此甚無謂。 吾昔在東宮,未及啟革。 今衍幼沖之年,便臣先達,將令日習所見,謂之自然,此豈可以教之邪! 主者其下公卿內外通議,使必允禮中。」 尚書令卞壼議以為:「《周禮》王后太子不會,明禮同於君,皆所以重儲貳,異正嫡。 苟奉之如君,不得不拜矣。 太子若存謙沖,故宜答拜。 臣以為皇太子之立,郊告天地,正位儲宮,豈得同之皇子揖讓而已。 謂宜稽則漢魏,闔朝同拜。」 從之。
Taining 3/III/wuchen Mingdi named Yan heir. That month's guisi decree quoted canon: the emperor's firstborn ranks like an ordinary gentleman. Han–Wei fashion overrated the heir: household styled him lord while everyone bowed—senseless. I lived there too briefly to fix it. Young Yan would train seasoned men to kneel—daily sight would mistake subservience for nature. Order thorough debate until observance reaches the golden mean. Bian Kun cited Zhouli exempting queen and heir from some gatherings—they stood parallel to the sovereign. Equal dignity compels others to bow. He may modestly bow back. After suburban proclamation and investiture he outranks ordinary princes' mutual bows. Restore Han–Wei: universal obeisance. His majesty agreed.
22
太元中,尚書符問王公已下見皇太子儀及所衣服。 侍中領國子博士車胤議:「朝臣宜硃衣褠幘,拜敬,太子答拜。 案經傳不見其文,故太傅羊祜箋慶太子,稱叩頭死罪,此則拜之證也。 又太寧三年詔議其典,尚書卞壼謂宜稽則漢魏,闔朝同拜。 其硃衣冠冕,惟施之天朝,宜褠幘而已。」 朝議多同。
Taiyuan-era boards queried how nobles should dress and bow before the heir. Che Yin prescribed scarlet jackets and turbans with mutual bows. Texts stay silent, yet Yang Hu's memorial used criminal submission language—evidence of bowing. Taining deliberation already chose universal bows per Bian Kun. Full court crowns suit imperial audiences alone; heir meetings need simpler caps. Consensus matched.
23
太元十二年,議二王后與太子先後。 博士庾弘之及尚書參議,並以為:「陳留,國之上賓。 皇太子雖國之儲貳,猶在臣位,陳留王坐應在太子上。」 陳留王勱表稱疾病積年,求放罷,詔禮官博士議之。 博士曹耽云:「勱為祭主而無執祭之期,宜與穆子、孟摯事同。」 王彪之云:「二王之後,不宜輕致廢立。 記傳未見有已為君而疾病退罷者,當知古無此禮。 孟縶、穆子是方應為君,非陳留之比。」
Twelfth year of Taiyuan addressed precedence between Han–Wei ritual hosts and the heir. Yu Hongzhi rated the Chenliu king supreme guest. The heir stays "minister" to the symbolic Han line—Chenliu sits higher. King Li pleaded sickness and abdication; the throne sought scholarly opinion. Cao Dan compared him to Mu Zi/Meng Zhi—titular priests without rites. Wang Biaozhi warned against casually removing charter kings. Histories show no sick abdication precedent. Those Zuozhuan figures awaited succession unlike an enthroned charter king.
24
咸康四年,成帝臨軒,遣使拜太傅、太尉、司空。 《儀注》,太樂宿懸於殿庭。 門下奏,非祭祀宴饗,則無設樂之制。 太常蔡謨議曰:「凡敬其事則備其禮,禮備則制有樂。 樂者,所以敬事而明義,非為耳目之娛,故冠亦用之,不惟宴饗。 宴饗之有樂,亦所以敬賓也。 故郤至使楚,楚子饗之,郤至辭曰:'不忘先君之好,貺之以大禮,重之以備樂。 '尋斯辭也,則宴樂之意可知矣。 公侯大臣,人君所重,故御坐為起,在輿為下,言稱伯舅。 《傳》曰'國卿,君之貳也',是以命使之日,禦親臨軒,百僚陪列,此即敬事之意也。 古者,天王饗下國之使,及命將帥,遣使臣,皆有樂。 故《詩序》曰:'皇皇者華,君遣使臣也。 '又曰:'《采薇》以遣之,《出車》以勞還,《杕杜》以勤歸。 '皆作樂而歌之。 今命大使,拜輔相,比于下國之臣,輕重殊矣。 輕誠有之,重亦宜然。 故謂臨軒遣使,宜有金石之樂。」 議奏從焉。
Xiankang 4 Chengdi formally commissioned the three excellencies from the throne. Liturgy manuals parked orchestral bells in the courtyard overnight. Chancellery noted music belonged only to sacrifice or feast. Cai Mo held solemn commissions deserve full ceremonial sound. Music clarifies moral weight, not mere pleasure—hence cappings too employ it. Banquet music likewise honors guests. Xi Zhi's Chu banquet refusal praised lavish music as intentional honor. His apology proves feast ensembles convey respect. Sovereigns rise for great ministers and term them kin. Zuozhuan calls ministers the sovereign's second selves—investiture audiences mirror that awe. Ancient kings used music for foreign envoys and outbound agents. Mao preface praises "Splendid blossoms" as king dispatching envoys. Prefaces tie "Caiwei," "Chuche," and "Ditu" to embarkation and homecoming songs. Each ode received musical setting. Investing a chancellor outranks greeting a vassal envoy. If petty missions deserve sound, weightier ones doubly so. Thus palace-front commissions warrant bronze and stone. Throne approved.
25
漢魏故事,王公群妾見於夫人,夫人不答拜。 新禮以為禮無不答,更制妃公侯夫人答妾拜。 摯虞以為:「禮,妾事女君如婦之事姑,妾服女君期,女君不報,則敬與婦同而又加賤也。 名位不同,本無酬報。 禮無不答,義不謂此。 先聖殊嫡庶之別,以絕陵替之漸。 峻明其防,猶有僭違。 宜定新禮,自如其舊。」 詔可其議。
Old custom: chief consorts ignored concubines' bows. New codes demanded reciprocation—noble wives bowed back. Zhi Yu noted concubines mourn principal wives without return—like daughters-in-law—emphasizing inferiority. Unequal rank never implied mutual bows. The general rule does not cover hierarchy. Sages separated primary from secondary to prevent usurpation. Even strict fences saw violations. Retain silence toward concubine bows. The emperor endorsed Zhi Yu.
26
五禮之別,其四曰軍,所以和外寧內,保大定功者也。 但兵者凶事,故因搜狩而習之。
The fourth ritual category is "military": diplomacy abroad and stability at home, sustaining power and sealing victory. Because warfare is inauspicious, drill came wrapped in seasonal hunts.
27
漢儀,立秋之日,自郊禮畢,始揚威武,斬牲於東門,以薦陵廟。 其儀,乘輿禦戎路,白馬硃鬣,躬執弩射牲,牲以鹿麛。 太宰令謁者各一人載以獲車,馳送陵廟。 還宮,遣使者齎束帛以賜武官。 武官肄兵,習戰陣之儀。 斬牲之禮,名曰<豸區>劉。 兵官皆肄孫吳兵法六十四陣。 既還,公卿已下陳<名隹>陽前街,乘輿到,公卿已下拜,天子下車,公卿親識顏色,然後還宮。 古語曰在車下車,則惟此時施行。 漢世率以為常。 至獻帝建安二十一年,魏國有司奏:「古四時講武,皆于農隙。 漢西京承秦制,三時不講,惟十月都講。 今金革未偃,士眾素習,可無四時講武。 但以立秋擇吉日大朝車騎,號曰閱兵,上合禮名,下承漢制。」 奏可。 是冬,閱兵,魏王親執金鼓以令進退。 延康元年,魏文帝為魏王。 是年六月立秋,閱兵於東郊,公卿相儀,王禦華蓋,親令金鼓之節。 魏明帝太和元年十月,又閱兵。
Han law tied autumn's start to suburban rites, then a martial parade, beast slaughter at the east gate, and offerings at imperial tombs. The emperor rode the martial carriage with white horses and red manes, shot the sacrificial deer himself. Butchery and usher officials carted the quarry to the ancestral park. Back at the palace couriers awarded silk to martial ranks. Soldiers rehearsed arrays and maneuvers. This autumn killing drill bore the traditional name chū-liù. Officers trained Sun and Wu's sixty-four tactical arrays. Nobles flanked Luoyang's south avenue; the emperor dismounted so ministers might glimpse him—the sole occasion for "alighting from the chariot." The proverb about leaving the chariot applies uniquely here. Han made it an annual fixture. Jian'an 21 Wei offices noted classical quarterly maneuvers during farm lulls. Western Han skipped three seasons like Qin, drilling only in the tenth month. With war ongoing yet veterans seasoned, quarterly drill seemed redundant. Instead hold an autumn review named "inspecting troops," honoring both canon and Han usage. Throne assented. Winter maneuvers saw Cao Cao beating golden drums for signals. Yanxi 1 had Cao Pi as Wei king. Sixth-month autumn review east of Ye featured royal canopy and Cao Pi's drum commands. Mingdi repeated the review in Tahe 1/X.
28
漢魏故事,遣將出征,符節郎授節鉞於朝堂。 其後荀顗等所定新禮,遣將,禦臨軒,尚書受節鉞,依古兵書跪而推轂之義也。
Old custom vested battle tokens in the hall via the insignia officer. Revised code placed the emperor at the terrace while ministers handed tokens—echoing "pushing the axle" devotion.
29
五禮之別,其五曰嘉,宴饗冠婚之道於是乎備。 周末崩離,賓射宴饗之則罕復能行,冠婚飲食之法又多遷變。
The fifth category is "celebratory": feasts, archery, capping, and weddings. Zhou's fall left archery feasts rare while crowning and marriage norms drifted.
30
《周禮》雖有服冕之數,而無天子冠文。 又《儀禮》雲,公侯之有冠禮,夏之末造也。 王、鄭皆以為夏末上下相亂,篡弑由生,故作公侯冠禮,則明無天子冠禮之審也。 大夫又無冠禮,古者五十而後爵,何大夫冠禮之有。 周人年五十而有賢才,則試以大夫之事,猶行士禮也。 故筮日筮賓,冠於阼以著代,醮於客位,三加彌尊,皆士禮耳。
Zhouli lists regalia but not imperial crowning. Yili notes aristocratic capping as a decadent Xia innovation. Zheng and Wang read late Xia chaos producing lordly capping—proof no imperial ceremony existed. Ministers lack crowning because rank came after fifty. Zhou tested fifty-year prodigies as ministers while keeping lesser rites. Divination, eastern-step crowning, triple caps remain gentleman-grade liturgy.
31
然漢代以來,天子諸侯頗采其儀。 正月甲子若丙子為吉日,可加元服,儀從冠禮是也。 漢順帝冠,又兼用曹褒新禮,乘輿初加緇布進賢,次爵弁、武弁,次通天,皆于高廟,以禮謁見世祖廟。 王公已下,初加進賢而已。 案此文,始冠緇布,從古制也,冠於宗廟是也。
Han onward emperors and princes adapted that framework. First-month jiazi or bingzi suited the "first cap" per Yili. Shundi used Cao Biao's sequence—progressive caps ending at tongtian inside founder shrines. Lesser nobles stopped at the first cap. Black cloth first cap and shrine setting match classical intent.
32
魏天子冠一加。 其說曰:「士禮三加,加有成也。 至於天子諸侯無加數之文者,將以踐阼臨下,尊極德備,豈得與士同也。 魏氏太子再加,皇子王公世子乃三加。 孫毓以為一加再加,皆非也。
Wei emperors took one cap only. Commentary: triple crowning completes a gentleman. Thrones need no triple repetition—sovereignty already "complete." Wei gave two stages to heirs, three to princes. Sun Yu rejected Wei shortcuts.
33
《禮》醮辭曰:「令月吉曰,以歲之正,以月之令。」 案魯襄公冠以冬,漢惠帝冠以三月,明無定月。 而後漢以來,帝加元服咸以正月。 及咸寧二年秋閏九月,遣使冠汝南王柬,此則非必歲首。
Canon toast begins "propitious month and day." Lu crowning in winter and Han in third month prove flexible timing. Later Han standardized New Year's month. Xianning 2's leap-month crowning broke the January rule.
34
禮冠於廟,然武、惠冠太子,太子皆即廟見,斯亦擬在廟之儀也。 穆帝、孝武將冠,皆先以幣告廟,訖又廟見也。
Though canon demands shrines, Jin heirs "visited" temples right after hall crowning. Mu and Xiaowu offered silk notice before caps, then shrine audiences.
35
惠帝之為太子,將冠,武帝臨軒,使兼司徒高陽王珪加冠,兼光祿大夫屯騎校尉華暠贊冠。
Wudi presided as Prince Gui capped Hui with Hua Hao assisting.
36
江左諸帝將冠,金石宿設,百僚陪位。 又豫於殿上鋪大床,禦府令奉冕、幘、簪導、袞服以授侍中常侍,太尉加幘,太保加冕。 將加冕,太尉跪讀祝文曰:「令月吉日,始加元服。 皇帝穆穆,思弘袞職。 欽若昊天,六合是式。 率遵祖考,永永無極。 眉壽惟祺,介茲景福。」 加冕訖,侍中系玄紞,侍中脫帝絳紗服,加袞服冕冠。 事畢,太保率群臣奉觴上壽,王公以下三稱萬歲乃退。 案《儀注》,一加幘冕而已。
Eastern Jin set orchestras overnight for imperial cappings. Palace stewards laid out dais regalia; tutor and mentor staged turban then crown. Grand Mentor knelt through the investiture prayer. Prayer praises solemn majesty embracing imperial burden. He models cosmos under Heaven. He walks ancestral road endlessly. It prays for longevity and fortune. Then knots secured the crown and ritual robes replaced gauze. Junior Tutor toasted thrice-hailed longevity. Manuals record a single investiture layer.
37
泰始十年,南宮王承年十五,依舊應冠。 有司議奏:「禮,十五成童,國君十五而生子,以明可冠之宜。 又漢魏遣使冠諸王,非古典。」 於是制諸王十五而冠,不復加使命。
the tenth year of Taishi Prince Cheng reached fifteen. Scholars cited fifteen as canonical adult age. Dispatching envoys to cap kings broke old ritual. Edict capped princes at fifteen without special envoys.
38
王彪之雲,《禮》、《傳》冠皆在廟。 案成帝既加元服,車駕出拜於太廟,以告成也。 蓋亦猶擬在廟之儀。
Wang Biaozhi recalled shrine crowning. Chengdi visited Taizu shrine post-cap to "report completion." It mirrored shrine intent.
39
魏齊王正始四年,立皇后甄氏,其儀不存。
Cao Fang's Zhengshi 4 empress investiture is lost.
40
武帝咸寧二年,臨軒,遣太尉賈充策立皇后楊氏,納悼後也。 因大赦,賜王公以下各有差,百僚上禮。
Wudi used Jia Chong to enthrone Yang Yan, later canonized as dowager. Amnesty and ranked gifts followed.
41
太康八年,有司奏:「婚禮納徵,大婚用玄纁束帛,加珪,馬二駟。 王侯玄纁束帛,加璧,乘馬。 大夫用玄纁束帛,加羊。 古者以皮馬為庭實,天子加以谷珪,諸侯加大璋,可依周禮改璧用璋,其羊雁酒米玄纁如故。 諸侯婚禮,加納采、告期、親迎各帛五匹,及納徵馬四匹,皆令夫家自備。 惟璋,官為具致之。」 尚書硃整議:「案魏氏故事,王娶妃、公主嫁之禮,天子諸侯以皮馬為庭實,天子加以谷珪,諸侯加以大璋。 漢高後制聘,後黃金二百斤,馬十二匹。 夫人金五十斤,馬四匹。 魏氏王娶妃、公主嫁之禮,用絹百九十匹。 晉興,故事用絹三百匹。」 詔曰:「公主嫁由夫氏,不宜皆為備物,賜錢使足而已。 惟給璋,餘如故事。」
Taikang 8 fixed imperial bride wealth: silk, jade, eight horses. Princes offered disks and teams. Ministers added sacrificial sheep. Classical court gifts paired pelts and horses with graded jade; Zhou swaps disk for half-disc. Feudatories supplied silk stages and four horses themselves. Officials furnished only the ceremonial jade. Zhu Zheng cited Wei: royal weddings used pelts, horses, graded jade. Han Empress Lü priced empress betrothal at two hundred jin gold. Consorts fifty jin and four mounts. Wei used 190 bolts for princes and princesses. Jin raised silk to three hundred. Throne said princesses join husbands' households—cash stipends suffice. Provide ceremonial jade only; silk follows precedent.
42
成帝咸康二年,臨軒,遣使持節、兼太保、領軍將軍諸葛恢,兼太尉、護軍將軍孔愉,六禮備物,拜皇后杜氏。 即日入宮,帝御太極殿,群臣畢賀。 賀,非禮也。 王者婚禮,禮無其制。 《春秋》「祭公逆王后于紀」,《谷梁》、《左氏傳》說與《公羊》又不同。 而自漢魏遺事,並皆闕略。 武、惠納後,江左又無復《儀注》。 故成帝將納杜後,太常華恆始與博士參定其儀。 據杜預《左氏傳》說,主婚是供其婚禮之幣而已。 又,周靈王求婚于齊,齊侯問于晏桓子,桓子對曰:「夫婦所生若如人,姑姊妹則稱先守某公之遺女若如人。」 此則天子之命自得下達,臣下之答逕自上通。 先儒以為丘明詳錄其事,蓋為王者婚娶之禮也。 故成帝臨軒,遣使稱制拜後,然其《儀注》又不具存。
Xiankang 2 Chengdi sent Zhuge Hui and Kong Yu with six ceremonies for Du Lingyang. She entered Taiji that evening amid congratulations. Such applause broke canon. No classical chapter governs emperor's nuptials. Annals lines on Duke Ji's queen-fetch spawn three commentary readings. Han–Wei archives barely documented them. Post-Wu Eastern Jin lost manuals. Hua Heng drafted rites for Du. Du Yu said the throne only funded bride wealth. Zuozhuan frames Zhou–Qi matchmaking speeches. Royal letters descend; replies ascend without middlemen. Exegetes treat the passage as imperial marriage template. Chengdi's hall commission survives but manuals stay fragmentary.
43
康帝建元元年,納皇后褚氏,而《儀注》陛者不設旄頭。 殿中御史奏:「今迎皇后,依成恭皇后入宮禦物,而《儀注》至尊袞冕升殿,旄頭不設,求量處。 又案,昔迎恭皇后,惟作青龍旗,其餘皆即禦物。 今當臨軒遣使,而立五牛旗,旄頭罼{罒幹}並出即用,故致今闕。」 詔曰:「所以正法服、升太極者,以敬其始,故備其禮也。 今云何更闕所重而撤法物邪! 又恭後神主入廟,先帝詔後禮宜降,不宜建五牛旗,而今猶復設之邪! 既不設五牛旗,則旄頭罼{罒幹}之物易具也。」 又詔曰:「舊制既難准,且於今而備,亦非宜。 府庫之儲,惟當以供軍國之費耳。 法服儀飾粗令舉,其餘兼副雜器停之。」
Kangdi's Chu wedding lacked maotou halberdiers per manual. Censors noted mismatch with Cheng Gong's precedent. Gong's entry used only azure-dragon flag. New five-ox standards consumed escorts, explaining gaps. Throne answered full dress honors inception. Why strip regalia from what matters most! Gong's tablet entered under reduced honors forbidding five-ox standards—why revive them now? Dropping the five-ox pageant leaves halberd escorts and canopies easy to field. Another decree conceded antiquity was elusive and full replication wasteful. State coffers exist for war and administration. Issue minimal court dress; cancel redundant gear.
44
穆帝升平元年,將納皇后何氏。 太常王彪之大引經傳及諸故事以定其禮,深非《公羊》婚禮不稱主人之義。 又曰:'王者之于四海,無不臣妾,雖復父兄之親,師友之賢,皆純臣也。 夫崇三綱之始,以定乾坤之儀,安有天父之尊,而稱臣下之命以納伉儷。 安有臣下之卑,而稱天父之名以行大禮。 遠尋古禮,無王者此制; 近求史籍,無王者此比。 于情不安,於義不通。 案咸寧二年,納悼皇后時,弘訓太后母臨天下,而無命戚屬之臣為武皇父兄主婚之文。 又考大晉已行之事,咸寧故事不稱父兄師友,則咸康華恆所上禮合於舊。 臣愚謂今納後儀制。 宜一依咸康故事。」 於是從之。 華恆所定之禮,依漢舊及晉已行之制,故彪之多從咸康,由此也。 惟以娶婦之家三日不舉樂,而咸康群臣賀,為失禮。 故但依咸寧上禮,不復賀。 其告廟六禮版文等儀,皆彪之所定也。 其納采版文璽書曰:「皇帝咨前太尉參軍何琦。 渾元資始,肇經人倫,爰及夫婦,以奉天地宗廟社稷。 謀於公卿,咸以宜率由舊典。 今使使持節太常彪之、宗正綜以禮納采。」 主人曰:「皇帝嘉命,訪婚陋族,備數采擇。 臣從祖弟故散騎侍郎准之遺女,未閑教訓,衣履若如人。 欽承舊章,肅奉典制。 前太尉參軍、都鄉侯糞土臣何琦稽首頓首,再拜承詔。」 次問名版文曰:「皇帝曰:咨某官某姓。 兩儀配合,承天統物,正位乎內,必俟令族,重申舊典。 今使使持節、太常某,宗正某,以禮問名。」 主人曰:「皇帝嘉命,使者某到,重宣中詔,問臣名族。 臣族女父母所生,先臣故光祿大夫、雩婁侯禎之遺玄孫,先臣故豫州刺史、關中侯惲之曾孫,先臣故安豐太守、關中侯睿之孫,先臣故散騎侍郎准之遺女。 外出自先臣故尚書左丞孔胄之外曾孫,先臣故侍中、關內侯夷之外孫女,年十七。 欽承舊章,肅奉典制。」 次納吉版文曰:「皇帝曰:咨某官某姓。 人謀龜從,僉曰貞吉,敬從典禮。 今使使持節、太常某,宗正某以禮納吉。」 主人曰:「皇帝嘉命,使者某重宣中詔,太卜元吉。 臣陋族卑鄙,憂懼不堪。 欽承舊章,肅奉典制。」 次納徵版文曰:「皇帝曰:咨某官某姓之女,有母儀之德,窈窕之姿,如山如河,宜奉宗廟,永承天祚。 以玄纁皮帛,馬羊錢璧,以章典祀。 今使使侍節、司徒某,太常某,以禮納徵。」 主人曰:「皇帝嘉命,降婚卑陋,崇以上公,寵以典禮,備物典策。 欽承舊章,肅奉典制。」 次請期版文曰:「皇帝曰:咨某官某姓。 謀於公卿,泰筮元龜,罔有不臧,率遵典禮。 今使使持節、太常某,宗正某,以禮請期。」 主人曰:「皇帝嘉命,使者某重宣中詔,吉日惟某可迎。 臣欽承舊章,肅奉典制。」 次親迎版文曰:「皇帝曰:咨某官某姓。 歲吉月令,吉日惟某,率禮以迎。 今使使持節、太保某,太尉某,以禮迎。」 主人曰:「皇帝嘉命,使者某重宣中詔,令月吉辰,備禮以迎。 上公宗卿兼至,副介近臣百兩。 臣螻蟻之族,猥承大禮,憂懼戰悸。 欽承舊章,肅奉典制。」 某稽首承詔,皆如初答。
Mu's Shenping 1 planned Queen He's installation. Wang Biaozhi blasted Gongyang's "no host" wedding theory. Sovereigns own everyone as subjects—fathers and tutors included. The cosmic order cannot have the father of heaven named by a minister's order to marry. Nor may petty ministers invoke celestial father's style. No classical king handled weddings thus. Histories show no analogy. Heart rejects it; doctrine forbids it. Xianning enthronement under Dowager Yang lacked uncles hosting Wu's marriage. Jin precedent skipped paternal hosts; Hua Heng's Xiankang form matched. I advise today's ceremony should copy Xiankang line by line. Court agreed. Biaozhi followed Hua Heng's Han-Jin hybrid. Canon bans wedding music three days—Xiankang's applause erred. They adopted Xianning gifts without cheers. Wang Biaozhi authored every placard. Betrothal board opens "Emperor consults He Qi. Marriage founds the human order offered to cosmos and ancestors. Ministers agree on classical formula. Wang Biaozhi and Director Zong deliver the first gifts." Clan head answers: "Throne seeks our humble line. He offers Zhun's orphan daughter, modestly reared. He accepts the charge with ritual deference (first). He Qi signs humbly as "dust." Name placard: Son of Heaven addresses the clan head. Inner palace requires eminent pedigree. Envoys ask the bride's formal name. Host reports pedigree request. He lists matriline: Zhen, Yun, Rui, Zhun. Mother's line through Kong and Yi; age seventeen. He affirms compliance (second). Auspice board opens. Divination approves the match. Third envoys confirm omen. Host trembles at lucky oracle. He professes unworthiness. Pledge again (third). Bride-price text praises her virtue. Lists wealth: silk, livestock, coin, jade. High ministers deliver goods. Clan thanks for high rank and gifts. Compliance (fourth). Schedule board opens. All divination clear. Fifth deputation sets day. Host names wedding day. Accepts (fifth). Escort board opens. Heavenly timing fixed. Excellencies fetch the bride. Clan prepares sendoff. Hundred coaches of notables arrive. He quakes with honor. Final compliance. All answers mirror opening form.
45
孝武納王皇后,其禮亦如之。 其納采、問名、納吉、請期、親迎,皆用白雁、白羊各一頭,酒米各十二斛。 惟納徵羊一頭,玄纁用帛三匹,絳二匹,絹二百匹,獸皮二枚,錢二百萬,玉璧一枚,馬六匹,酒米各十二斛。 鄭玄所謂五雁六禮也。 其珪馬之制,備物之數,校太康所奏又有不同雲。
Xiaowu married Wang the same way. Each minor rite used paired livestock and grain. Bride price specified rich inventory. Zheng Xuan's five-goose six-rite reading. Tallies diverged from Taikang quotas.
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古者婚冠皆有醮,鄭氏醮文三首具存。
Ancient weddings included zhuan texts preserved by Zheng.
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升平八年,台符問「迎皇后大駕應作鼓吹不」。 博士胡訥議:「臨軒《儀注》闕,無施安鼓吹處所,又無舉麾鳴鐘之條。」 太常王彪之以為:「婚禮不樂。 鼓吹亦樂之總名。 《儀注》所以無者,依婚禮。 今宜備設而不作。」 時用此議。
Year 8 queried wedding fanfares. Hu Na found manuals silent on placement. Biaozhi cited no music. Fanfare counts as music. Manual silence reflects ban. Station musicians mute. Court agreed.
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永和二年納後,議賀不。 王述云:「婚是嘉禮。 《春秋傳》曰:'娶者大吉,非常吉。 '又《傳》曰:'鄭子罕如晉,賀夫人。 '鄰國猶相賀,況臣下邪! 如此,便應賀,但不在三日內耳。 今因廟見成禮而賀,亦是一節也。」 王彪之議云:「婚禮不樂不賀,《禮》之明文。 《傳》稱子罕如晉賀夫人,既無《經》文,又《傳》不雲禮也。 《禮》,取婦三日不舉樂,明三日之後自當樂。 至於不賀,無三日之斷,恐三日之後故無應賀之禮。」 又云:「《禮記》所以言賀取妻者,是因就酒食而有慶語也。 愚謂無直相賀之體,而有禮貺共慶會之義,今世所共行。」 于時竟不賀。
Yonghe 2 asked whether to cheer. Wang Shu favored felicitations. Zuozhuan calls weddings supreme luck. Zi Han felicitated Jin bride. If allies toast, so should subjects. Cheers after three-day silence. Post-shrine applause becomes its own stage. Biaozhi cited opposite. Zi Han lacks canonical backing. Three-day ban lifts music later. Silence on congratulations implies permanent abstention. Rites "congratulate" meant feast chatter. Modern usage favors gifts over cheers. Court skipped applause.
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穆帝納後欲用九月,九月是忌月。 范汪問王彪之,答云:「禮無忌月,不敢以所不見,便謂無之。」 博士曹耽、荀訥等並謂無忌月之文,不應有妨。 王洽曰:「若有忌月,當復有忌歲。」
September deemed inauspicious. Biaozhi denied monthly taboo. Scholars found no prohibition. Wang Qia mocked extending logic.
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太元十二年,台符問「皇太子既拜廟,朝臣奉賀,應上禮與不? 國子博士車胤云:「百辟卿士,咸預盛禮,展敬拜伏,不須復上禮。 惟方伯牧守,不睹大禮,自非酒牢貢羞,無以表其乃誠,故宜有上禮。 猶如元正大慶,方伯莫不上禮,朝臣奉璧而已。」 太學博士庾弘之議:「案咸寧三年始平、濮陽諸王新拜,有司奏依故事,聽京城近臣諸王公主應朝賀者復上禮。 今皇太子國之儲副,既已崇建,普天同慶。 謂應上禮奉賀。」 徐邈同。 又引一有元良,慶在於此。 封諸王及新宮上禮,既有前事,亦皆已瞻仰致敬,而又奉觴上壽,應亦無疑也。
Year 12 asked about heir shrine gifts. Che Yin exempted attendees. Provincials send goods. Parallel to Yuanzheng regional gifts. Yu cited Xianning prince investitures. Heir's creation merits empire-wide joy. Yu demanded gifts. Xu Miao agreed. Canon praises a worthy heir—felicity lies there. Prince enfeoffments and palace ceremonies already drew bows—adding cups follows naturally.
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江左以來,太子婚,納徵禮用玉璧一,獸皮二,未詳何所准況。 或者獸取其威猛有班彩,玉以象德而有溫潤。 尋珪璋亦玉之美者,豹皮采蔚以譬君子。 王肅納徵辭云:「玄纁束帛,儷皮雁羊。」 前漢聘後,黃金二百斤,馬十二匹,亦無用羊之旨。 鄭氏《婚物贊》曰「羊者祥也」,然則婚之有羊,自漢末始也。 王者六禮,尚未用焉。 是故太康中有司奏:「太子婚,納徵用玄纁束帛,加羊馬二駟。」
Eastern Jin heir weddings paired one bi with two hides—sources unclear. Pelts suggest martial splendor; jade, mild potency. Ceremonial jade and leopard skins analogize noble character. Wang Su's litany lists silk, paired skins, fowl, and sheep. Western Han lacked ovine bride-price. Zheng's gloss ties sheep to felicity—a late Han innovation. Imperial weddings omitted sheep. Taikang standardized heir weddings with sheep and eight mounts.
52
武帝泰始十年,將聘拜三夫人、九嬪。 有司奏:「禮,皇后聘以谷珪,無妾媵禮贄之制。」 詔曰:「拜授可依魏氏故事。」 於是臨軒,使使持節兼太常拜三夫人,兼御史中丞拜九嬪。
the tenth year of Taishi Wudi appointed three madames and nine imperial ladies. Canon covers only empress dowry. Throne borrowed Wei forms. Hall ceremony used chamberlain for madames, censor for nine ranks.
53
漢魏之禮雲,公主居第,尚公主者來第成婚。 司空王朗以為不可,其後乃革。 太元中,公主納徵以獸豹皮各一具禮,豈謂婚禮不辨王公之序,故取獸豹以尊崇其事乎!
Han–Wei grooms visited princess residences. Wang Lang protested until practice changed. Taiyuan added leopard skins to stress royal dignity.
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《禮》有三王養老膠庠之文,饗射飲酒之制,周末淪廢。 漢明帝永平二年三月,帝始率群臣躬養三老五更於辟雍,行大射之禮。 郡國縣道行鄉飲酒於學校,皆祠先聖先師周公孔子,牲乙太牢。 孟冬亦如之。 及魏高貴鄉公甘露二年,天子親帥群司行養老之禮。 於是王祥為三老,鄭小同為五更。 其《儀注》不存,然漢禮猶在。
Zhou canon mandated elder care and village archery—lost in collapse. Mingdi Yongping 2 opened classical elder ritual at the ring-shaped academy. Local schools offered tai-lao to Confucius and Zhou. Winter repeated the observance. Wei Caomao's second year of Ganlu revived imperial elder feast. Wang Xiang and Zheng Xiaotong filled the elder seats. Manuals vanished but Han precedent endures.
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武帝泰始六年十二月,帝臨辟雍,行鄉飲酒之禮。 詔曰:「禮儀之廢久矣,乃今復講肄舊典。」 賜太常絹百匹,丞、博士及學生牛酒。 咸甯三年,惠帝元康九年,復行其禮。
Wudi the twelfth year of Taishi/XII held village drinking at Biyong. He proclaimed revival of forgotten rites. Rewards went to ritual officers and students. Hui repeated it in Xianning 3 and Yuankang 9.
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漢儀,季春上巳,官及百姓皆禊于東流水上,洗濯祓除去宿垢。 而自魏以後,但用三日,不以上巳也。 晉中朝公卿以下至於庶人,皆禊洛水之側。 趙王倫篡位,三日會天泉池,誅張林。 懷帝亦會天泉池,賦詩。 陸機云:「天泉池南石溝引禦溝水,池西積石為禊堂。」 本水流杯飲酒,亦不言曲水。 元帝又詔罷三日弄具。 海西于鐘山立流杯曲水,延百僚,皆其事也。 九月九日,馬射。 或說云「秋,金之節,講武習射,象立秋之禮也」。
Han spring purification cleansed along eastward streams. Wei onward fixed the third lunar day. Luoyang elites bathed at Luo. Sima Lun's coup linked to Tianquan purification killing Zhang Lin. Huaidi held poetry gatherings there. Lu Ji mapped Tianquan's hydraulic architecture. Cup-float drinking predates "winding water" poetry. Yuandi banned spring outing paraphernalia. Deposed emperor Haixi staged Zhongshan winding-stream banquet. Double-ninth featured equestrian archery. Commentators tie autumn shooting to seasonal martial qi.