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禮志下
Treatise on Rites, Part Three
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五禮之別,三曰賓,蓋朝宗、覲遇、會同之制是也。 自周以下,其禮彌繁。 自秦滅學之後,舊典殘缺。 漢興,始使叔孫通制禮,參用先代之儀,然亦往往改異焉。 漢儀有正會禮,正旦,夜漏未盡七刻,鐘鳴受賀,公侯以下執贄夾庭,二千石以上升殿稱萬歲,然後作樂宴饗。 魏武帝都鄴,正會文昌殿,用漢儀,又設百華燈。
The third of the five ritual categories is "guest," covering homage at court, formal audiences, and great assemblies where states meet together. After the Zhou period, ritual grew steadily more complex. Once the Qin campaign against scholarship had passed, the classical ritual corpus lay broken and incomplete. At the founding of the Han, Shusun Tong was commissioned to frame court ritual, borrowing forms from antiquity while revising them repeatedly. Han ceremony prescribed the formal New Year's audience: while night still had seven marks to run, bells rang to open the congratulations; nobles presented gifts along the court; officials at two thousand shi and above mounted the hall to hail the throne before music and feasting began. When Cao Cao ruled Wei from Ye, the New Year's audience took place in Wenchang Hall under Han precedents, illuminated by elaborate tiered lanterns.
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晉氏受命,武帝更定元會儀,《咸寧注》是也。 傅玄《元會賦》曰:「考夏後之遺訓,綜殷周之典藝,采秦漢之舊儀,定元正之嘉會。」 此則兼采眾代可知矣。
Under the new Jin dynasty, Emperor Wu promulgated a revised protocol for the New Year's audience, codified in the Xianning commentary. Fu Xuan's "Rhapsody on the New Year's Assembly" says: "He examined the teachings handed down from the Xia house, drew together the models of Yin and Zhou, took up the old observances of Qin and Han, and fixed the splendid gathering that opens the year." The liturgy thus consciously synthesized ritual from successive dynasties.
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《咸寧注》:「先正一日,有司各宿設。 夜漏未盡十刻,群臣集到,庭燎起火。 上賀,起,謁報,又賀皇后。 還,從雲龍東中華門入,詣東閣下,便坐。 漏未盡七刻,百官及受贄郎官以下至計吏皆入立其次,其陛衛者如臨軒儀。 漏未盡五刻,謁者、僕射、大鴻臚各各奏群臣就位定。 漏盡,侍中奏外辦。 皇帝出,鐘鼓作,百官皆拜伏。 太常導皇帝升御坐,鐘鼓止,百官起。 大鴻臚跪奏'請朝賀'。 掌禮郎贊'皇帝延王登'。 大鴻臚跪贊'籓王臣某等奉白璧各一,再拜賀'。 太常報'王悉登'。 謁者引上殿,當御坐。 皇帝興,王再拜。 皇帝坐,復再拜。 跪置璧御坐前,復再拜。 成禮訖,謁者引下殿,還故位。 掌禮郎贊'皇帝延太尉等'。 於是公、特進、匈奴南單于、金紫將軍當大鴻臚西,中二千石、二千石、千石、六百石當大行令西,皆北面伏。 鴻臚跪贊'太尉、中二千石等奉璧、皮、帛、羔、雁、雉,再拜賀'。 太常贊'皇帝延公等登'。 掌禮引公至金紫將軍上殿。 皇帝興,皆再拜。 皇帝坐,又再拜。 跪置璧皮帛御坐前,復再拜。 成禮訖,謁者引下殿,還故位。 公置璧成禮時,大行令並贊殿下,中二千石以下同。 成禮訖,以贄授贄郎,郎以璧帛付謁者,羔、雁、雉付太官。 太樂令跪請奏雅樂,樂以次作。 乘黃令乃出車,皇帝罷入,百官皆坐。 晝漏上水六刻,諸蠻夷胡客以次入,皆再拜訖,坐。 禦入後三刻又出,鐘鼓作。 謁者、僕射跪奏'請群臣上'。 謁者引王公二千石上殿,千石、六百石停本位。 謁者引王詣樽酌壽酒,跪授侍中,侍中跪置御坐前。 王還。 王自酌置位前。 謁者跪奏'籓王臣某等奉觴,再拜上千萬歲壽'。 四廂樂作,百官再拜。 已飲,又再拜。 謁者引王等還本位。 陛下者傳就席,群臣皆跪諾。 侍中、中書令、尚書令各于殿上上壽酒。 登歌樂升,太官又行禦酒。 禦酒升階,太官令跪授侍郎,侍郎跪進御坐前。 乃行百官酒。 太樂令跪奏'奏登歌',三終乃降。 太官令跪請具禦飯,到階,群臣皆起。 太官令持羹跪授司徒,持飯跪授大司農,尚食持案並授持節,持節跪進御坐前。 群臣就席。 太樂令跪奏'奏食舉樂'。 太官行百官飯案遍。 食畢,太樂令跪奏'請進樂'。 樂以次作。 鼓吹令又前跪奏'請以次進眾妓'。 乃召諸郡計吏前,受敕戒於階下。 宴樂畢,謁者一人跪奏'請罷退'。 鐘鼓作,群臣北面再拜,出。」 然則,夜漏未盡七刻謂之晨賀。 晝漏上三刻更出,百官奉壽酒,謂之晝會。 別置女樂三十人于黃帳外,奏房中之歌。
The Xianning commentary states: "On the day before, each office lodges overnight to prepare. Before the clepsydra had ten marks left in the night watch, the assembled ministers arrived; torches were lit in the courtyard. They congratulated the Sovereign; he rose; they reported and withdrew; then they congratulated the empress. Returning, they entered through the middle gate of Yunlong on the east and proceeded to below the eastern arcade, where informal seats were taken. Before the clepsydra had seven marks left, all officials, together with tribute-bearing gentlemen and clerks down to the accounting officers, entered and stood in their stations; those guarding the stairways followed the protocol used when the emperor faced south from the hall. Before five marks remained, the usher directors, masters of attendance, and senior herald each reported that the ministers were in position. When the water ran out, the palace attendant reported that preparations outside were complete. The emperor emerged; bells and drums sounded; all officials bowed prone. The Chamberlain for Ceremonial guided the emperor to the imperial seat; bells and drums ceased and the officials rose. The senior herald knelt and announced: "We ask that congratulations be received." The ritual usher intoned: "The emperor invites the kings to ascend." The senior herald knelt and proclaimed: "The vassal kings, Your Majesty's servants So-and-so, present white jade discs, each one, and bow twice in congratulations." The Chamberlain for Ceremonial answered: "Let all kings ascend." Ushers led them onto the hall opposite the imperial seat. The emperor rose; the kings bowed twice. The emperor sat; they bowed twice again. They knelt and placed the jade before the imperial seat, then bowed twice again. When the ceremony finished, ushers led them down from the hall back to their original positions. The ritual usher intoned: "The emperor invites the grand commandant and the others to ascend." Thereupon dukes, specially promoted seniors, the Southern Xiongnu chanyu, and gold-purple generals stood west of the chief herald; ministerial officials at rank-two thousand, two thousand, one thousand, and six hundred shi lined west of the Director of Grand Processions—all faced north in prone posture. The herald knelt and announced: "The grand commandant and those at two thousand shi present jade, hides, silk, lamb, wild goose, and pheasant, and bow twice in congratulations." The Chamberlain for Ceremonial called: "The emperor invites the dukes and others to ascend." Ritual ushers guided the dukes up until they stood above the gold-purple generals. The emperor rose; all bowed twice. The emperor sat; again they bowed twice. They knelt and laid jade, hides, and silk before the imperial seat, then bowed twice again. When the rite ended, ushers led them down and returned them to their stations. While the dukes were placing their jade and completing the ceremony, the Director of Grand Processions simultaneously intoned from below the steps; those beneath chief ministers at two thousand shi followed the same cadence. When the ceremony concluded, the tribute was handed to tribute gentlemen; they passed discs and silk to ushers and delivered lamb, goose, and pheasant to the imperial kitchens. The Director of Music knelt and asked permission to perform the classical suites; music proceeded in proper sequence. The Director of the Yellow Carriages then brought out the chariots; the emperor withdrew and the officials all sat. Six marks after the day measure began, foreign envoys and tribal guests entered in turn; each finished the double bow and sat. Three marks after the imperial palanquin had entered, he emerged again to bells and drums. The usher directors and masters of attendance knelt and announced: "We ask that the ministers ascend." Ushers led royal dukes and those at two thousand shi onto the hall; those at one thousand and six hundred shi remained in place. An usher guided a royal prince to the goblet of longevity wine, knelt, and handed it to the palace attendant, who knelt and set it before the imperial seat. The prince returned. The prince poured for himself and set the cup before his own position. The usher knelt and announced: "The vassal kings, Your Majesty's servants So-and-so, raise this cup and bow twice, wishing Your Majesty ten thousand years of life." Music from the four sides began; all officials bowed twice. After drinking, they bowed twice again. Ushers led the kings back to their places. Those who conveyed court etiquette passed word for all to take seats; the assembled ministers knelt and assented. Palace attendants, secretariat directors, and secretariat chiefs each offered longevity wine from their positions on the hall. The ascending-hymn musicians rose while the imperial kitchens again circulated imperial wine. As imperial wine ascended the stairs, the Chief Steward for the Imperial Kitchen knelt and handed it to the gentleman attendant, who knelt and advanced it before the imperial seat. Then wine was offered to the hundred officials. The Director of Music knelt and announced: "We perform the ascending hymn," and after three stanzas they ceased. The Chief Steward knelt and asked that the imperial meal be served; when it reached the steps, all officials rose. The Chief Steward held the stew kneeling and handed it to the minister of education; he held the rice kneeling and handed it to the minister of agriculture; imperial servers carried trays together to the credential bearers, who knelt and advanced them before the imperial seat. The assembled ministers took their mats. The Director of Music knelt and announced: "We perform the banquet music." The imperial kitchens circulated meal trays to every official. When the meal ended, the Director of Music knelt and asked to proceed with further music. Music followed in sequence. The director of wind and percussion again knelt and announced: "We ask that the entertainers enter in turn." They then summoned the accounting officers of the commanderies forward to receive admonitions and instructions below the steps. When the banquet ended, a single usher knelt and announced: "We ask permission to dismiss." Bells and drums sounded; all ministers bowed twice toward the north and withdrew." Hence the "morning congratulations" were fixed while seven night marks yet remained. His second appearance three marks into daylight, when ministers offered longevity wine, was the midday audience. Thirty female musicians beyond the yellow awning sang inner-chamber airs.
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江左多虞,不復晨賀。 夜漏未盡十刻,開宣陽門,至平旦始開殿門,晝漏上五刻,皇帝乃出受賀。 皇太子出會者,則在三恪下王公上。 正旦元會,設白獸樽於殿庭,樽蓋上施白獸,若有能獻直言者,則發此樽飲酒。 案禮,白獸樽乃杜舉之遺式也,為白獸蓋,是後代所為,示忌憚也。
The refugee court faced constant crisis and abandoned the predawn felicitation. They opened Xuanyang Gate while ten night marks remained, kept palace gates shut until dawn, and brought the emperor out five marks into daylight for felicitations. If the crown prince attended, he stood beneath the three hosts of honor but above enfeoffed princes. New Year's court placed a "white beast" wine vessel in the courtyard—lifting its beast-shaped lid allowed a speaker of blunt counsel to drink. Canon identifies the vessel with Du Ju's frank-speaking cup; the beast-embellished lid was a later symbolic warning.
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魏制,藩王不得朝覲。 魏明帝時,有朝者皆由特恩,不得以為常。 及泰始中,有司奏:「諸侯之國,其王公以下入朝者,四方各為二番,三歲而周,周則更始。 若臨時有故,卻在明年。 明年來朝之後,更滿三歲乃復朝,不得違本數。 朝禮皆親執璧,如舊朝之制。 不朝之歲,各遣卿奉聘。」 奏可。 江左王侯不之國,其有受任居外,則同方伯刺史二千石之禮,亦無朝聘之制,故此禮遂廢。
Wei law barred imperial princes from routine audiences. Under Ming only extraordinary favors brought princes to court—never as a standing rule. And in the Taishi era the relevant offices memorialized: "In the domains of the feudal lords, whenever kings and dukes below come to court, each quarter of the realm supplies two rotations that cycle once every three years, then begin anew. If temporary circumstances arise, defer to the following year. After coming to court the next year, three full years must pass again before another audience—do not violate the basic reckoning. Court ritual requires each to bear his own jade disc personally, following the old audience regulations. In years without court visits each domain dispatches a minister on diplomatic duty." The throne endorsed the proposal. Eastern Jin princes seldom took up their domains; those serving as provincial governors observed regional commissioner etiquette instead, and formal homage rotations vanished.
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漢以高帝十月定秦,且為歲首。 至武帝,雖改用夏正,然每月朔朝,至於十月朔,猶常饗會。 其儀,夜漏未盡七刻,受賀及贄。 公侯璧,中二千石、二千石羔,千石、六百石雁,四百石以下雉。 三公奉璧上殿御坐前,北面。 太常贊曰'皇帝為君興'。 三公伏。 皇帝坐,乃前進璧。 百官皆賀,二千石以上上殿稱萬歲,舉觴,禦食,司徒奉羹,大司農奉飯,奏食舉之樂。 百官受賜,宴饗,大作樂,如元正之儀。 魏晉則冬至日受方國及百僚稱賀,因小會。 其儀亞於獻歲之旦。 古者帝王莫不巡狩。 魏文帝值天下三分,方隅多事,皇輿亟動,役無甯歲,蓋應時之務,非舊章也。 明帝凡三東巡狩,所過存問高年,恤疾苦,或賜穀帛,有古巡幸之風焉。 齊王正始元年,巡洛陽縣,賜高年力田各有差。
Han reckoning treated the tenth month—when Gaozu pacified Qin—as New Year's start. Though Emperor Wu adopted the Xia calendar, monthly new-moon audiences persisted, and the tenth-month gathering remained a banquet fixture. Custom dictated felicitations and gift presentations while seven night marks still flowed. Rank determined tribute: discs for marquises, lambs for senior ministers, geese for middle ranks, pheasants for minor officials. The Three Dukes bore jade to the throne facing north. The Chamberlain intoned that the emperor rose on behalf of his ministers. The three dukes dropped into prostration. Once seated, he allowed them to bring the discs forward. Two-thousand-shi officers mounted to hail long life, toast, and share imperial food as education and agriculture ministers served broth and grain amid banquet music. Every rank received largesse and banqueted with full ensembles as on New Year's Day. Wei–Jin courts welcomed regional and bureaucratic homage on the winter solstice with a scaled-down feast. Its ritual stood a notch below the first dawn of the year. In antiquity, emperors and kings all made tours of inspection. Emperor Wen of Wei encountered a time when all under Heaven was divided in three and affairs in the regions were many; the imperial carriage moved repeatedly, and there were no peaceful years free of campaigns. This probably answered the business of the time and was not an old regulation. Emperor Ming made three eastern tours of inspection in all. Wherever he passed, he visited and inquired after the aged, showed compassion for the sick and suffering, and sometimes bestowed grain and silk; in this there was the style of ancient tours. In the first year of Zhengshi under the Prince of Qi, he inspected Luoyang County and bestowed gifts on the aged and diligent farmers in differing amounts.
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及武帝泰始四年,詔刺史二千石長吏曰:「古之王者,以歲時巡狩方嶽,其次則二伯述職,不然則行人順省。 故雖幽遐側微,心無壅隔,下情上通,上指遠諭,至於鰥寡,罔不得所,用垂風遺烈,休聲猶存。 朕在位累載,如臨深川,夙興夕惕,明發不寢,坐而待旦,思四方水旱災眚,為之怛然。 勤躬約己,欲令事事當宜。 常恐眾吏用情,誠心未著,萬機兼猥,慮有不周,政刑失謬,而弗獲備覽。 百姓有過,在予一人。 惟歲之不易,未遑卜征巡省之事,下之未乂,其何以恤之。 今使使持節侍中副給事黃門侍郎銜命四出,周行天下,親見刺史二千石長吏,申諭朕心,訪求得失損益諸宜,觀省政教,問人間患苦。 周典有之曰:'其萬姓之利害為一書,其禮俗政事刑禁之逆順為一書,其暴亂作慝犯令為一書,其劄喪凶荒厄貧為一書,其康樂和親安平為一書,每國辨異之,以返命于王。 '舊章前訓,今率由之。 還具條奏,俾朕昭然鑒於幽遠,若親行焉。 大夫君子,其各悉乃心,敬乃事,嘉言令圖,苦言至戒,與使者盡之,無所隱諱。 方將慮心以俟,其勉哉勖之,稱朕意焉。」
By Emperor Wu's fourth Taishi year an edict addressed inspectors and two-thousand-shi senior clerks: "Ancient kings toured the quarterlands by season; next came the two overseers reporting duty; failing that, envoys made orderly inspections. Thus even remote and humble regions felt no blockage between high and low; sentiment rose and commands penetrated; down to widowers and widows none lacked their proper place—such exemplary customs left their fragrance and their fair renown still survives. During the years I have occupied the throne it has been like standing beside a deep gorge; I rise early and retire anxious, wake before dawn and cannot sleep, sit awaiting daylight, and ponder flood, drought, and calamity in the four quarters until my heart aches. With diligent self-discipline and restraint I wish every affair to be rightly ordered. Yet I constantly fear that officials indulge private feeling, that sincere devotion does not show forth, that myriad affairs pile up disorderly, that care may prove incomplete, that governance and punishments may err, and that I cannot survey everything. If the common people err, the fault lies on me alone. Only because the year has been hard have I had no leisure for divining expeditions or touring inspections; with the lower realm still unrestful, how am I to bring them relief? Now I dispatch credential-bearing palace attendants and deputy supervisors of the Yellow Gates with commissions to the four quarters to circuit the realm, personally interview inspectors, two-thousand-shi officers, and senior clerks, explain my heart to them, inquire after what should be changed or improved, observe administration and instruction, and ask after human hardship. The Zhou canon states: 'They made one record of benefit and harm to the myriad clans; one of ritual, custom, governance, and whether punishments ran with or against order; one of violence, turmoil, treachery, and violations of command; one of epidemics, mourning, famine, hardship, and destitution; one of health, harmony, kinship, and peace; each state distinguished these differences and reported back to the king.' Ancient statutes and former instructions—now follow them in full. When you return, set everything forth in memorials so that I may clearly perceive what lies far away as though I had gone myself. Great officers and gentlemen: each pour out your hearts, reverently discharge your duties; welcome counsel and fair designs, heed bitter advice and stern warnings—lay everything before the envoys with nothing concealed. I shall await you with open mind; exert yourselves and encourage one another; satisfy my intent."
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新禮,巡狩方岳,柴望告設壝宮如禮。 諸侯之覲者,賓及執贄皆如朝儀,而不建旗。 摯虞以為:「覲禮,諸侯覲天子,各建其旗。 旗章所以殊爵命,示等威。 《詩》稱'君子至止,言觀其旗'。 宜定新禮,建旗如舊禮。」 詔可其議。 然終晉代,其禮不行。
Revised liturgy for imperial tours mandates ring-wall shrines, burnt offerings, and proclamations as classical precedent demands. Feudal lords arriving for audience observe gift protocol like inner courtiers yet leave command banners furled. Zhi Yu argued: 'Under audience ritual each feudal lord who visits the Son of Heaven erects his own banner. Banners and insignia distinguish invested rank and display hierarchical awe. The Classic of Poetry says, "When the nobleman arrived, one looked upon his banners." The new ritual ought to fix banner protocol like the old ritual." The emperor endorsed his memorial. Nevertheless Jin never actually performed it.
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封禪之說,經典無聞。 禮有因天事天,因地事地,因名山升中於天,而鳳皇降,龜龍格。 天子所以巡狩,至於方岳,燔柴祭天,以告其成功,事似而非也。 讖緯諸說皆云,王者封泰山,禪梁甫,易姓紀號。 秦漢行其典,前史各陳其制矣。
Classical texts never discuss the paired Mount Tai liturgy later called feng and shan. Canon bids worshipping Heaven via celestial signs and Earth via terrestrial ones; announcing merit atop a sacred summit summons auspicious birds and dragons. It looks like the emperor's seasonal march to the directional peaks to burn offerings and report victory, but it is not identical. Apocryphal "weft" writings insist that kings who ascend Tai for feng and Liangfu for shan rename the ruling house. Qin and Han enacted them; earlier annals spell out the choreography.
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魏文帝黃初中,護軍蔣濟奏曰:「夫帝王大禮,巡狩為先; 昭祖揚禰,封禪為首。 是以自古革命受符,未有不蹈梁父,登泰山,刊無竟之名,紀天人之際者也。 故司馬相如謂有文以來,七十二君,或順所繇於前,謹遺教於後。 太史公曰,主上有聖明而不宣佈,有司之過也。 然則元功懿德,不刊梁山之石,無以顯帝王之功,示兆庶不朽之觀也。 語曰,'當君而歎堯舜之美,譬猶人子對厥所生而譽他人之父'。 今大魏承百王之弊亂,拯流遁之艱厄,接千載之衰緒,繼百代之廢業。 始自武文,至於聖躬,所以參成天地之道,綱維人神之化。 上天報應,嘉瑞顯祥,以比往古,無所取喻。 至於曆世迄今,未廢大禮。 雖志在掃盡殘盜,蕩滌餘穢,未遑斯事。 若爾,三苗屈強于江海,大舜當廢東巡之儀; 徐夷跳梁於淮泗,周成當止岱嶽之禮。 且去歲破吳虜于江漢,今茲屠蜀賊於隴右,其震盪內潰,在不復淹,無累于封禪之事也。 此儀久廢,非倉卒所定。 宜下公卿,廣撰其禮,卜年考時,昭告上帝,以副天下之望。 臣待罪軍旅,不勝大願,冒死以聞。」 詔曰:「聞蔣濟斯言,使吾汗出流足。 自開闢以來,封禪者七十餘君耳。 故太史公曰,雖有受命之君,而功有不洽,是以中間曠遠者千有餘年,近者數百載,其儀闕不可得記。 吾何德之修,敢庶茲乎! 濟豈謂世無管仲,以吾有桓公登泰山之志乎! 吾不欺天也。 濟之所言,華則華矣,非助我者也。 公卿侍中尚書常侍省之而已,勿復有所議,亦不須答詔也。」 天子雖距濟議,而實使高堂隆草封禪之儀,以天下未一,不欲便行大禮,會隆卒,不復行之。
During Wei Emperor Wen's Huangchu reign, Household Guards commander Jiang Ji memorialized: 'Among great imperial ceremonies touring inspection comes first; to glorify ancestors and extol fathers, feng and shan stand foremost. Hence since antiquity every revolution receiving the celestial tally has climbed Liangfu and ascended Tai, carving inexhaustible fame and recording the conjunction of Heaven and man. Therefore Sima Xiangru said that since writing appeared seventy-two rulers have done so—some continuing paths opened earlier, some reverently transmitting teaching to posterity. The Grand Historian remarked that when the sovereign possesses sagely brilliance yet fails to proclaim it, the blame lies with his ministers. Thus supreme merit and lofty virtue, unless inscribed on Liang Mountain stone, cannot display an emperor's achievement or show the myriad households an immortal spectacle. A saying runs: "For the ruler to sigh over Yao and Shun's glory is like a son praising another man's father before his own parent." Now Great Wei inherits the ruin left by a hundred kings, rescues those adrift in peril, takes up a thousand-year thread of decay, and continues enterprises abandoned through endless generations. Beginning with the martial and literary founders down to Your Sagely Person, you have joined Heaven and Earth in pattern and ordered the transformation of gods and men. Heaven answers with rewards; auspicious omens shine forth—set beside antiquity there is no adequate comparison. Yet down to the present generation the grand ceremony has still not been observed. Although our intent is to sweep away remnant brigands and cleanse lingering filth, there has been no leisure for this affair. Were it otherwise, because San Miao stubbornly resisted along the Yangzi regions, Da Shun ought to have abolished eastern tours; because the Xu barbarians leaped about along Huai and Si, King Cheng ought to have halted observances at sacred Dai. Moreover last year we shattered Wu's rebels along the Han rivers and this year butchered Shu bandits west of Long—young trembling collapse will not drag on and cannot obstruct feng-shan. This observance has long lapsed and cannot be fixed overnight. It should be referred to the dukes and ministers broadly to draft ritual, divine an auspicious year and moment, announce it to High Heaven, and answer all-under-heaven's expectation. Your servant, stationed among the armies, cannot contain his utmost desire and risks death to bring this forward." The edict replied: 'Hearing Jiang Ji's words makes sweat pour down my shanks. Since creation fewer than seventy rulers have performed feng-shan. Thus the Grand Historian said that although rulers receive the mandate, merit sometimes stays incomplete—so middle intervals stretch over a thousand years or several hundred while protocols vanish unrecorded. What virtue have I cultivated that I dare aspire to this! Does Ji imagine no Guan Zhong survives today and that I harbor Duke Huan's ambition to climb Tai! I would not deceive Heaven. What Ji says is fluent rhetoric, not counsel that helps me. Let the dukes, ministers, attendants, secretariat directors, and regular attendants review it among themselves—need offer no further debate, nor reply by edict." The throne refused Jiang Ji yet quietly had Gao Tang Long draft liturgy; reluctant while China stayed divided, it abandoned the plan when Long died.
12
及武帝平吳,混一區宇,太康元年九月庚寅,尚書令衛瓘、尚書左僕射山濤、右僕射魏舒、尚書劉寔、司空張華等奏曰:「臣聞肇自生靈,則有後辟,年載之數,莫之能紀。 立德濟世,揮揚仁風,以登封泰山者七十有四家,其諡號可知者十有四焉。 沈淪寂寞,曾無遺聲者,不可勝記。 大晉之德,始自重黎,實佐顓頊,至於夏商,世序天地。 其在於周,不失其緒。 金德將升,世濟明聖,外平蜀漢,海內歸心,武功之盛,實由文德。 至於陛下,受命踐阼,弘建大業,群生仰流。 惟獨江湖沅湘之表,凶桀負固,歷代不賓。 神謀獨斷,命將出討,兵威暫加,數旬蕩定。 羈其鯨鯢,赦其罪逆,雲覆雨施,八方來同,聲教所被,達於四極。 雖黃軒遐征,大禹遠略,周之奕世,何以尚今! 若夫玄石素文,底號前載,象以數表,言以事告,雖古《河圖洛書》之徵,不是過也。 宜宣大典,禮中嶽,封泰山,禪梁父,發德號,明至尊,享天休,篤黎庶,勒千載之表,播流後之聲,俾百世之下,莫不興起。 斯帝王之盛業,天人之至望也。」 詔曰:「今逋寇雖殄,外則障塞有警,內則百姓未甯,此盛德之事,所未議也。」
When Emperor Wu pacified Wu and unified the realm, on gengyin day in the ninth month of Taikang year one, Minister Director Wei Guan, Left Director Shan Tao, Right Director Wei Shu, Minister Liu Shi, Minister of Works Zhang Hua, and others memorialized: 'We have heard that ever since living beings arose there have been later sovereigns, yet years beyond counting cannot be tallied. Those who established virtue to aid the age and spread humane influence, ascending Tai to report completion, number seventy-four houses; only fourteen posthumous titles can still be known. Those sunk in oblivion without surviving fame were beyond numbering. Great Jin's virtue begins with Chong Li, who truly aided Zhuanxu; down through Xia and Yin they sequenced Heaven and Earth. Under the Zhou house they never lost that thread. When the golden virtue was about to arise, generation upon generation produced enlightened sages; they pacified Shu-Han abroad and won hearts within—the martial triumph truly stemmed from civil virtue. Coming to Your Majesty: receiving the mandate and ascending the throne, you enlarge the great enterprise as all living beings look upward. Only beyond the Yangzi along Yuan and Xiang, vicious brutes clung to strongholds and refused tribute through successive reigns. By singular stratagem you ordered generals forth; martial majesty struck briefly and within weeks they were swept away. You bound their chief rebels yet pardoned guilty remnants; favor fell like cloud-borne rain until eight directions converged and cultural influence reached the four limits. Though the Yellow Emperor marched far or Yu surveyed distant wastes or Zhou prospered through generations—what could surpass today! As for black stones bearing pale script, titles proclaimed in earlier records, figures shown by numerology, events foretold in words—even ancient signs of the Yellow River chart and Luo River writing do not surpass them. You ought to proclaim the great canon, sacrifice at central peak, feng Mount Tai, shan Mount Liangfu, issue virtue titles, clarify supremacy, enjoy Heaven's rest, enrich the black-haired people, carve a millennium's monument, broadcast fame to posterity, so that a hundred generations hence all take fire from your example. Such is an emperor's crowning achievement and Heaven-and-man's utmost hope." The edict answered: 'Though fleeing bandits are destroyed, outwardly the frontier alarms and inwardly the hundred clans lack tranquillity—such matters of supreme virtue are not yet for discussion.'
13
瓘等又奏曰:「今東漸於海,西被流沙,大漠之陰,日南北戶,莫不通屬,芒芒禹跡,今實過之。 天人之道已周,巍巍之功已著,宜修禮地祗,登封泰山,致誠上帝,以答人神之願也。 乞如前奏。」 詔曰:「今陰陽未和,刑政未當,百姓未得其所,豈可以勒功告成邪!」 詔不許。
Wei Guan and colleagues memorialized again: 'Now influence reaches eastward to the sea, spreads west across drifting sands, north beyond the great desert, south to sun-facing doors—nothing lies outside allegiance; Yu's vast footprints are truly surpassed. Heaven-and-man's Way is complete; towering merit shines forth—you should cultivate ritual to Earth gods, ascend Tai in feng, show utmost sincerity to High Heaven, answering gods' and men's prayers. We beg permission as before." The edict replied: 'Yin and yang are not yet harmonious, punishments and governance not yet fitting, the hundred clans have not found their places—how could we carve merit and proclaim completion!' He denied them.
14
瓘等又奏曰:「臣聞處帝王之位者,必有曆運之期,天命之應; 濟兆庶之功者,必有盛德之容,告成之典。 無不可誣,有不敢讓,自古道也。 而明詔謙沖,屢辭其禮,雖盛德攸在,推而未居。 夫三公職典天地,實掌人物,國之大事,取議於此。 故漢氏封禪,非是官也,不在其事。 臣等前奏,蓋陳祖考之功,天命又應,陛下之德,合同四海,跡古考今,宜修此禮。 至於克定歲月,須五府上議,然後奏聞。」 詔曰:「雖蕩清江表,皆臨事者之勞,何足以告成。 方望群後思隆大化,以甯區夏,百姓獲乂,與之休息。 斯朕日夜之望,無所復下諸府矣。」
Wei Guan and others memorialized again: 'We have heard that whoever occupies the imperial seat must meet the epoch's turning and Heaven's response; whoever delivers the myriad people must possess majestic virtue's bearing and the canon of declaring achievement. Nothing may be fabricated; possession cannot be declined—the Way has always been thus. Yet enlightened edicts stay modest, repeatedly declining this ritual; although supreme virtue abides, you push forward yet do not assume it. The three dukes administer Heaven and Earth and truly manage human affairs—great matters of state are deliberated there. Thus Han-dynasty feng-shan did not involve these offices—they did not handle the matter. Our earlier memorial outlined ancestral merit, Heaven's response, and Your Majesty's virtue harmonizing the four seas; scanning past and present you should restore this observance. As for fixing the calendar date, let the five ministries propose jointly, then memorialize." The edict replied: 'Though the Yangzi region is pacified, that is merely the labor of commanders on the scene—how does it suffice to declare completion? I look to the regional lords together to broaden transformation so the central realm may rest and the hundred clans gain peace—share repose with them. This is my nightly hope; refer it no further to the ministries."
15
瓘等又奏:「臣聞唐虞三代濟世弘功之君,莫不仰承天休,俯協人志,登介丘,履梁父,未有辭焉者,蓋不可讓也。 今陛下勳高百王,德無與二,茂績宏規,巍巍之業,固非臣等所能究論。 而聖旨勞謙,屢自抑損,時至弗應,推美不居,闕皇代之上儀,塞靈祗之款望,何以使大晉之典謨,同風於三五? 臣等誠不敢奉詔,請如前奏施行。」 詔曰:「方當共思弘道,以康庶績,且俟他年,無所復紛紜也。」
Wei Guan and others memorialized: 'We have heard that sagely rulers from Tang, Yu, and the Three Ages who aided the age with vast merit invariably received Heaven's blessing, coordinated human aspiration, climbed lesser peaks, trod Liangfu—none declined, for refusal was impermissible. Now Your Majesty's merit towers over a hundred kings; virtue finds no second; glorious deeds and grand model—the lofty enterprise—is truly beyond our words. Yet sagely intent labors in humility, repeatedly restraining itself; the moment arrives yet goes unanswered, merit is deferred—the supreme observance of our august age gaps while numinous powers wait longing—how may Great Jin's charter rival the Three Augusts and Five Emperors? We truly dare not obey the edict; we beg to enact our earlier memorial." The edict replied: 'We shall jointly ponder enlarging the Way to secure myriad accomplishments—wait for another year; debate ends here.'
16
王公有司又奏:「自古聖明,光宅四海,封禪名山,著于史籍,作者七十四君矣。 舜禹之有天下也,巡狩四嶽,躬行其道。 《易》著觀俗省方,《禮》有升中於天,《詩》頌陟其高山,皆載在方策。 文王為西伯以服事殷,周公以魯籓列于諸侯,或享於岐山,或有事泰山,徒以聖德,猶得為其事。 自是以來,功薄而僭其義者,不可勝數。 號諡不泯,以至於今。 況高祖宣皇帝肇開王業,海外有截; 世宗景皇帝濟以大功,輯甯區夏; 太祖文皇帝受命造晉,蕩定蜀漢; 陛下應期龍興,混一六合,澤被群生,威震無外。 昔漢氏失統,吳蜀鼎峙,兵興以來,近將百年,地險俗殊,人望絕塞。 今不羈之寇,二代而平,非聰明神武,先天弗違,孰能巍巍其有成功若茲者歟! 臣等幸以千載得遭運會,親服大化,目睹太平,至公至美,誰與為讓。 宜祖述先朝,憲章古昔,勒功岱岳,登封告成,弘禮樂之制,正三雍之典,揚名萬世,以顯祖宗。 是以不勝大願,敢昧死以聞。 請告太常,具禮儀復上。」 詔曰:「所議誠列代之盛事也,然方今未可以爾。」 便報絕之。
Royal dukes and responsible offices memorialized: 'Since antiquity enlightened sages illumining the four seas and feng-shan on famous peaks appear in annals—seventy-four rulers have performed them. When Shun and Yu possessed All-under-heaven they toured the four peaks and personally enacted the Way. The Changes discusses observing customs and inspecting regions; the Rites speaks of ascending to report to Heaven; the Poetry hymns climbing lofty mountains—all stand inscribed on bamboo and silk. King Wen served Yin as western lord; Duke Dan's Lu enfeoffment ranked among feudatories—yet one sacrificed at Mount Qi, another performed business at Tai—purely through sagely virtue they could handle such affairs. Since then those whose merit was thin yet usurped the meaning have been beyond numbering. Titles and posthumous names were never erased down to today. Moreover Gaozu Xuan Emperor opened the royal enterprise and beyond the seas submitted; Shizong Jing Emperor aided it with great merit and settled the central realm; Taizu Wen Emperor received the mandate founding Jin and eradicated Shu-Han; Your Majesty answered the epoch's dragon ascent, unified the six directions, spread kindness over creation, and awed all beyond reach. Formerly Han lost unity while Wu and Shu stood tripod-wise; since armies marched nearly a hundred years have passed—terrain perilous, customs alien, popular hopes cut off. Now unrestrained foes fell within two reigns—unless intelligence and divine martial prowess matched Heaven beforehand, who could achieve such towering success! We have been fortunate through this millennium to meet the cosmic conjunction, personally submit to great transformation, witness universal peace—supreme impartiality and supreme beauty admit no yielding. You ought to take former courts as models, take statutes from antiquity, carve merit at sacred Dai, ascend Tai to declare completion, enlarge ritual and music's institutions, rectify the three Yong academy's canons, spread fame ten thousand generations, and manifest ancestors. Therefore, unable to contain our utmost desire, we dare risk death to bring this forward. We ask that the Chamberlain for Ceremonial be notified to prepare full protocols and memorialize again." The edict replied: 'What you discuss is truly a splendid affair of successive ages, yet presently we may not do thus.' With that the court closed discussion.
17
哀帝即位,欲尊崇章皇太妃。 桓溫議宜稱太夫人。 尚書僕射江虨議曰:「虞舜體仁孝之性,盡事親之禮,貴為天王,富有四海,而瞽叟無立錐之地,一級之爵。 蒸蒸之心,昊天罔極,甯當忍父卑賤,不以徽號顯之,豈不以子無爵父之道,理窮義屈,靡所厝情者哉! 《春秋經》曰'紀季姜歸於京師',《傳》曰'父母之于子,雖為天王後,猶曰吾季薑',言子尊不加父母也。 或以為子尊不加父母,則武王何以追王太王、王季、文王乎? 周之三王,德配天地,王跡之興,自此始也。 是以武王仰尋前緒,遂奉天命,追崇祖考,明不以子尊加父母也。 案《禮》'幼不誄長,賤不誄貴',幼賤猶不得表彰長貴,況敢錫之以榮命邪! 漢祖感家令之言而尊太公,荀悅以為孝莫大于嚴父,而以子貴加之父母,家令之言過矣。 爰逮孝章,不上賈貴人以尊號,而厚其金寶幣帛,非子道之不至也,蓋聖典不可逾也。 當春秋時,庶子承國,其母得為夫人。 不審直子命母邪,故當告于宗祧以先君之命命之邪? 竊見詔書,當臨軒拜授貴人為皇太妃。 今稱皇帝策命命貴人,斯則子爵母也。 貴人北面拜受,斯則母臣子也。 天尊地卑,名位定矣,母貴子賤,人倫序矣。 雖欲加崇貴人,而實卑之; 雖顯明國典,而實廢之。 且人主舉動,史必書之。 如當載之方策,以示後世,無乃不順乎! 竊謂應告顯宗之廟,稱貴人仁淑之至,宜加殊禮,以酬鞠育之惠。 奉先靈之命,事不在己。 妃後雖是配君之名,然自後以下有夫人九嬪,無稱妃焉。 桓公謂宜進號太夫人,非不允也。 如以夫人為少,可言皇太夫人。 皇,君也,君太夫人于名禮順矣。」 帝特下詔拜皇太妃。 三月丙辰,使兼太保王恬授璽綬儀服,一如太后。 又詔曰:「朝臣不為太妃敬,為合禮不?」 太常江逌議:「位號不極,不應盡敬。」
Emperor Ai sought higher honors for Consort Zhang, his birth mother. Huan Wen preferred the style "Grand Lady." Vice Director of the Secretariat Jiang Bin argued: "Shun embodied humane filial nature and exhausted service to kin; though honored as heaven's king and wealthy within the four seas, Blind Gu had no ground for even a cone's point nor one rank's noble title. His mounting affection reached inexhaustibly toward azure Heaven—how could he endure a father's baseness and fail to display him with glorious titles? Was it not because the Way admits no son ennobling father—principle exhausted, duty twisted, nowhere to place affection? The Spring and Autumn Annals records "Lady Jiang of Ji returned to the capital"; the commentary says "Parents toward children—even when she becomes heaven's queen—still say 'my Jiang,' meaning a child's honor does not surpass parents." Some argue if child honor does not surpass parents, why did King Wu posthumously enthrone Taiwang, Wang Ji, and King Wen? Zhou's three kings matched Heaven and Earth in virtue; royal footprints arose from them. Therefore King Wu looked upward along prior threads, obeyed Heaven's mandate, posthumously honored ancestors, clarifying that child honor does not override parents. According to the Rites, "the young does not compose elegies for elders, the base does not elegize the noble"—if youth and low rank still may not glorify seniors and superiors, how dare we bestow glittering commissions! Han Founder heeded the household steward's advice and honored Grand Duke Gao; Xun Yue held that nothing surpasses honoring a stern father, yet applying child-noble rank to parents overshoots—the steward's counsel erred. Down to Zhangdi he did not elevate Lady Jia with exalted titles but enriched her gold, treasure, cloth, and silk—not that filial devotion fell short but sagely canon cannot be transgressed. During Spring and Autumn times when a bastard heir succeeded a state his mother could become principal lady. Is it unclear whether the legitimate son commanded the mother or whether one should report to the ancestral shrine and use the former lord's mandate to command her? Privately observing the edict, it will face south from the hall to invest the noble lady as imperial dowager. Now if we style it an imperial edict commanding the noble lady, that makes the son grant noble rank to the mother. The noble lady bows north receiving investiture—that makes the mother minister to the son. Heaven is honored, earth low—names and positions are fixed; mother noble, child base—human ethics are ordered. Although wishing to exalt the noble lady, in truth one debases her; although manifestly displaying state statutes, in truth one abolishes them. Moreover every ruler's act history must record. If this entered bamboo documents to show posterity, would it not violate proper order! I privately believe one should announce at Emperor Xianzong's shrine that the noble lady's humane virtue deserves extraordinary observance to repay nurture's kindness. Receiving the command of the ancestral spirit, the affair does not rest on oneself. Though imperial consorts serve as the ruler's counterpart in name, below empress come ladies and nine concubines—none titled simple "consort." Lord Huan said advancing her to Grand Lady was not unacceptable. If "lady" seems slight, one may say imperial Grand Lady. Imperial means sovereign; addressing Grand Lady under imperial fits name and ritual." The throne overrode debate with the title imperial dowager-consort. Third-month bingchen Wang Tian delivered seals and robes matching empress dowager standards. Another edict asked: "Do court ministers owe reverence to the imperial dowager-consort—does ritual require it?" Chamberlain Jiang Yi ruled: "Her station lacks supreme title—she should not receive full reverence."
18
孝武追崇會稽鄭太妃為簡文太后,詔問「當開墓不」。 王珣答:「據三祖追贈及中宗敬後,並不開墓位,更為塋域制度耳。」
Emperor Xiaowu posthumously honored Kuaiji Lady Zheng as Empress Dowager Jianwen and issued an edict asking, "Should her tomb be opened?" Wang Xun answered: "Judging from the three ancestors' posthumous grants and Middle Ancestor's reverenced empress, none opened tomb sites—they only enlarged mound precinct regulations."
19
褚太后臨朝時,議褚裒進見之典。 蔡謨、王彪之並以:「虞舜、漢高祖猶執子道,況後乎! 王者父無拜禮。」 尚書八座議以為:「純子則王道缺,純臣則孝道虧。 謂公庭如臣,私覿則嚴父為允。」
Under Empress Chu regency ministers discussed how her father Chu Pou should attend. Cai Mo and Wang Biaozhi jointly argued: 'Even Shun and Han Gaozu still observed son's deportment—how much more later ages! For kings and lords the father performs no bow." The Eight Seats of the Secretariat ruled: 'Pure sonliness leaves kingship deficient; pure minister leaves filiality lacking. We say in public court behave as ministers; in private meeting honor the stern father—that is fitting."
20
漢魏故事,皇太子稱臣。 新禮以太子既以子為名,而又稱臣,臣子兼稱,於義不通,除太子稱臣之制。 摯虞以為:「《孝經》'資于事父以事君',義兼臣子,則不嫌稱臣,宜定新禮皇太子稱臣如舊。」 詔從之。
Han–Wei custom let the heir apparent call himself "minister." Revised codes banned the redundant "minister" style for an heir already defined as son. Zhi Yu argued: 'The Classic of Filial Piety says "take from serving father the manner of serving lord," combining minister and son—thus no shame in saying minister; new ritual should restore crown prince minister usage like old.' The throne agreed.
21
太寧三年三月戊辰,明帝立皇子衍為皇太子。 癸巳,詔曰:「禮無生而貴者,故帝元子方之於士。 而漢魏以來,尊崇儲貳,使官屬稱臣,朝臣咸拜,此甚無謂。 吾昔在東宮,未及啟革。 今衍幼沖之年,便臣先達,將令日習所見,謂之自然,此豈可以教之邪! 主者其下公卿內外通議,使必允禮中。」 尚書令卞壼議以為:「《周禮》王后太子不會,明禮同於君,皆所以重儲貳,異正嫡。 苟奉之如君,不得不拜矣。 太子若存謙沖,故宜答拜。 臣以為皇太子之立,郊告天地,正位儲宮,豈得同之皇子揖讓而已。 謂宜稽則漢魏,闔朝同拜。」 從之。
Taining 3/III/wuchen Mingdi named Yan heir. On guisi an edict stated: 'Ritual admits no innate nobility—therefore the emperor's eldest son matches a common knight. Yet since Han–Wei times they have revered the heir apparent, making his officials address him as minister while courtiers all bow—deeply pointless. Formerly when I dwelt in the Eastern Palace I lacked chance to reform it. Now Yan is still in tender years yet makes elders his ministers—daily habit will deem it natural—how can we instruct him thus! Those in charge shall order dukes and ministers inside and out to deliberate jointly until ritual surely hits the mean." Secretariat Director Bian Kun argued: 'The Rites of Zhou says queen and heir do not attend certain assemblies—clearly ritual ranks them with the ruler to emphasize the heir and distinguish legitimate succession. If they serve him like the ruler, bowing becomes unavoidable. Should the heir preserve modesty, returning bows is proper. Your servant holds that once the crown prince is established, suburban announcement reaches Heaven and Earth and he occupies the heir's palace—how can he match mere imperial sons exchanging bows? We say follow Han–Wei precedent: whole court bows together." His majesty agreed.
22
太元中,尚書符問王公已下見皇太子儀及所衣服。 侍中領國子博士車胤議:「朝臣宜硃衣褠幘,拜敬,太子答拜。 案經傳不見其文,故太傅羊祜箋慶太子,稱叩頭死罪,此則拜之證也。 又太寧三年詔議其典,尚書卞壼謂宜稽則漢魏,闔朝同拜。 其硃衣冠冕,惟施之天朝,宜褠幘而已。」 朝議多同。
Taiyuan-era boards queried how nobles should dress and bow before the heir. Palace attendant and imperial academy supervisor Che Yin argued: 'Court ministers should wear red robes with wrapped turbans, bow reverently, and the heir return bow. Canon and commentary do not spell it out, yet Junior Tutor Yang Hu's congratulatory note to the heir read "knocking head, deserving death"—proof bowing obtained. Moreover Taining 3's edict debated the canon and Director Bian Kun said follow Han–Wei—whole court bows. Vermilion crowns and court robes belong only to celestial court audiences—here turbans suffice." Consensus matched.
23
太元十二年,議二王后與太子先後。 博士庾弘之及尚書參議,並以為:「陳留,國之上賓。 皇太子雖國之儲貳,猶在臣位,陳留王坐應在太子上。」 陳留王勱表稱疾病積年,求放罷,詔禮官博士議之。 博士曹耽云:「勱為祭主而無執祭之期,宜與穆子、孟摯事同。」 王彪之云:「二王之後,不宜輕致廢立。 記傳未見有已為君而疾病退罷者,當知古無此禮。 孟縶、穆子是方應為君,非陳留之比。」
Twelfth year of Taiyuan addressed precedence between Han–Wei ritual hosts and the heir. Doctor Yu Hongzhi and Secretariat deliberators jointly held: "Chenliu ranks as the state's guest of honor. Though the crown prince is dynastic heir, he remains in ministerial station; the Chenliu king's seat should lie above the heir's." King Li pleaded sickness and abdication; the throne sought scholarly opinion. Doctor Cao Dan said: 'Li serves as sacrifice lord yet lacks scheduled observances—his case matches Mu Zi and Meng Zhi.' Wang Biaozhi said: 'Scions of the two royal houses should not lightly face deposition. Annals record no reigning lord retiring for illness—antiquity knew no such ritual. Meng Zhi and Mu Zi were heirs presumptive—not comparable to Chenliu."
24
咸康四年,成帝臨軒,遣使拜太傅、太尉、司空。 《儀注》,太樂宿懸於殿庭。 門下奏,非祭祀宴饗,則無設樂之制。 太常蔡謨議曰:「凡敬其事則備其禮,禮備則制有樂。 樂者,所以敬事而明義,非為耳目之娛,故冠亦用之,不惟宴饗。 宴饗之有樂,亦所以敬賓也。 故郤至使楚,楚子饗之,郤至辭曰:『不忘先君之好,貺之以大禮,重之以備樂。』 尋斯辭也,則宴樂之意可知矣。 公侯大臣,人君所重,故御坐為起,在輿為下,言稱伯舅。 《傳》曰'國卿,君之貳也',是以命使之日,禦親臨軒,百僚陪列,此即敬事之意也。 古者,天王饗下國之使,及命將帥,遣使臣,皆有樂。 故《詩序》曰:『皇皇者華,君遣使臣也。』 又曰:『《采薇》以遣之,《出車》以勞還,《杕杜》以勤歸。』 皆作樂而歌之。 今命大使,拜輔相,比于下國之臣,輕重殊矣。 輕誠有之,重亦宜然。 故謂臨軒遣使,宜有金石之樂。」 議奏從焉。
Xiankang 4 Chengdi formally commissioned the three excellencies from the throne. Liturgy manuals parked orchestral bells in the courtyard overnight. Chancellery noted music belonged only to sacrifice or feast. Chamberlain Cai Mo argued: 'Whenever reverence attaches, ritual follows complete; complete ritual implies regulated music. Music exists to honor affairs and clarify duty—not for ear and eye pleasure—therefore even capping ceremonies use it, not only feasts. Feasts include music likewise to honor guests. Thus when Xi Zhi visited Chu, its lord feasted him, and Xi declined, saying: "Mindful of the friendship of our former lords, you granted grand ritual and doubled it with full orchestra." Looking into these words, banquet music's intent can be known. Dukes and chief ministers are what rulers esteem—therefore facing their seats he rises, meeting their carts he descends, speech calls them uncle. The commentary says "state ministers are the ruler's deputies"; hence appointment day the imperial palanquin faces the hall while hundred officials flank—that shows reverence. Antiquity's heavenly king feasted envoys from lesser states and commissioned generals or dispatched agents—always with music. Therefore the Poetry preface says, 'Splendid indeed those blossoms means that the lord sends forth his envoy.' It also says, 'Pick knotweed sends him off, Chariots Roll Out welcomes his return, and Pear-Trunk urges his homeward toil.' All were composed with music and sung. Now commissioning great envoys to invest chief ministers compares to ministers of petty states—the weight differs vastly. Lightness indeed applies one way, heaviness should apply another. Therefore we hold that facing the hall to dispatch agents ought to include bell-stone music." Throne approved.
25
漢魏故事,王公群妾見於夫人,夫人不答拜。 新禮以為禮無不答,更制妃公侯夫人答妾拜。 摯虞以為:「禮,妾事女君如婦之事姑,妾服女君期,女君不報,則敬與婦同而又加賤也。 名位不同,本無酬報。 禮無不答,義不謂此。 先聖殊嫡庶之別,以絕陵替之漸。 峻明其防,猶有僭違。 宜定新禮,自如其舊。」 詔可其議。
Old custom: chief consorts ignored concubines' bows. New codes demanded reciprocation—noble wives bowed back. Zhi Yu argued: "Ritual has concubines serving the mistress like daughters-in-law serving mothers-in-law; concubines mourn the mistress for one year without reciprocation, so their reverence matches daughters-in-law and further adds inferiority. Names and stations differ—originally no answering courtesy. The principle that ritual admits no unanswered courtesy does not mean this case. Former sages emphasized distinction between legitimate and secondary to stop gradual encroachment. They steeply fortified the barrier yet transgression still occurred. The new ritual ought to follow old practice." The emperor endorsed Zhi Yu.
26
五禮之別,其四曰軍,所以和外寧內,保大定功者也。 但兵者凶事,故因搜狩而習之。
The fourth ritual category is "military": diplomacy abroad and stability at home, sustaining power and sealing victory. Because warfare is inauspicious, drill came wrapped in seasonal hunts.
27
漢儀,立秋之日,自郊禮畢,始揚威武,斬牲於東門,以薦陵廟。 其儀,乘輿禦戎路,白馬硃鬣,躬執弩射牲,牲以鹿麛。 太宰令謁者各一人載以獲車,馳送陵廟。 還宮,遣使者齎束帛以賜武官。 武官肄兵,習戰陣之儀。 斬牲之禮,名曰貙劉。 兵官皆肄孫吳兵法六十四陣。 既還,公卿已下陳<名隹>陽前街,乘輿到,公卿已下拜,天子下車,公卿親識顏色,然後還宮。 古語曰在車下車,則惟此時施行。 漢世率以為常。 至獻帝建安二十一年,魏國有司奏:「古四時講武,皆于農隙。 漢西京承秦制,三時不講,惟十月都講。 今金革未偃,士眾素習,可無四時講武。 但以立秋擇吉日大朝車騎,號曰閱兵,上合禮名,下承漢制。」 奏可。 是冬,閱兵,魏王親執金鼓以令進退。 延康元年,魏文帝為魏王。 是年六月立秋,閱兵於東郊,公卿相儀,王禦華蓋,親令金鼓之節。 魏明帝太和元年十月,又閱兵。 武帝泰始四年九月,咸寧元年,太康四年,六年冬,皆自臨宣武觀,大閱眾軍,然不自令進退也。 自惠帝以後,其禮遂廢。 元帝太興四年,詔左右衛及諸營教習,依大習儀作雁羽仗。 成帝咸和中,詔內外諸軍戲兵於南郊之場,故其地因名鬥場。 自後藩鎮桓、庾諸方伯往往閱習,然朝廷無事焉。
Han law tied autumn's start to suburban rites, then a martial parade, beast slaughter at the east gate, and offerings at imperial tombs. The emperor rode the martial carriage with white horses and red manes, shot the sacrificial deer himself. Butchery and usher officials carted the quarry to the ancestral park. Back at the palace couriers awarded silk to martial ranks. Soldiers rehearsed arrays and maneuvers. This ritual of cutting down sacrificial animals was named chuliu. Officers trained Sun and Wu's sixty-four tactical arrays. Nobles flanked Luoyang's south avenue; the emperor dismounted so ministers might glimpse him—the sole occasion for "alighting from the chariot." The proverb about leaving the chariot applies uniquely here. Han made it an annual fixture. By Emperor Xian's twenty-first Jian'an year Wei authorities memorialized: 'Antiquity drilled arms four seasons, always in agricultural slack. Han Western Capital continued Qin practice—three seasons without drill; only the tenth month held capital-wide exercise. Now metal and leather have not yet lain still yet troops are already practiced—we may omit four-season drilling. But on Beginning of Autumn choose an auspicious day for a great muster of chariots and horse—call it troop review—matching ritual nomenclature above and Han precedent below." Throne assented. Winter maneuvers saw Cao Cao beating golden drums for signals. Yanxi 1 had Cao Pi as Wei king. Sixth-month autumn review east of Ye featured royal canopy and Cao Pi's drum commands. Mingdi repeated the review in Tahe 1/X. In the ninth month of the fourth year of Taishi under Emperor Wu, in the first year of Xianning, and in winter of the fourth and sixth years of Taikang, he personally went to Xuanwu Tower and held great reviews of the assembled armies, but did not personally command their advances and retreats. After Emperor Hui, this ritual was then abandoned. In the fourth year of Taixing under Emperor Yuan, he ordered the Left and Right Guards and the various camps to train and practice, and to make the wild-goose-wing array according to the great training ritual. During Xianhe under Emperor Cheng, he ordered all armies inside and outside the capital to practice arms on the field at the southern suburb; therefore that place was accordingly named the Combat Field. After this, regional commanders such as the Huans and Yus often reviewed and drilled troops, but the court itself had no such affairs.
28
漢魏故事,遣將出征,符節郎授節鉞於朝堂。 其後荀顗等所定新禮,遣將,禦臨軒,尚書受節鉞,依古兵書跪而推轂之義也。
Old custom vested battle tokens in the hall via the insignia officer. Revised code placed the emperor at the terrace while ministers handed tokens—echoing "pushing the axle" devotion.
29
五禮之別,其五曰嘉,宴饗冠婚之道於是乎備。 周末崩離,賓射宴饗之則罕復能行,冠婚飲食之法又多遷變。
The fifth category is "celebratory": feasts, archery, capping, and weddings. Zhou's fall left archery feasts rare while crowning and marriage norms drifted.
30
《周禮》雖有服冕之數,而無天子冠文。 又《儀禮》雲,公侯之有冠禮,夏之末造也。 王、鄭皆以為夏末上下相亂,篡弑由生,故作公侯冠禮,則明無天子冠禮之審也。 大夫又無冠禮,古者五十而後爵,何大夫冠禮之有。 周人年五十而有賢才,則試以大夫之事,猶行士禮也。 故筮日筮賓,冠於阼以著代,醮於客位,三加彌尊,皆士禮耳。
Zhouli lists regalia but not imperial crowning. Yili notes aristocratic capping as a decadent Xia innovation. Zheng and Wang read late Xia chaos producing lordly capping—proof no imperial ceremony existed. Ministers lack crowning because rank came after fifty. Zhou tested fifty-year prodigies as ministers while keeping lesser rites. Divination, eastern-step crowning, triple caps remain gentleman-grade liturgy.
31
然漢代以來,天子諸侯頗采其儀。 正月甲子若丙子為吉日,可加元服,儀從冠禮是也。 漢順帝冠,又兼用曹褒新禮,乘輿初加緇布進賢,次爵弁、武弁,次通天,皆于高廟,以禮謁見世祖廟。 王公已下,初加進賢而已。 案此文,始冠緇布,從古制也,冠於宗廟是也。
Han onward emperors and princes adapted that framework. First-month jiazi or bingzi suited the "first cap" per Yili. Shundi used Cao Biao's sequence—progressive caps ending at tongtian inside founder shrines. Lesser nobles stopped at the first cap. Black cloth first cap and shrine setting match classical intent.
32
魏天子冠一加。 其說曰:「士禮三加,加有成也。 至於天子諸侯無加數之文者,將以踐阼臨下,尊極德備,豈得與士同也。 魏氏太子再加,皇子王公世子乃三加。 孫毓以為一加再加,皆非也。
Wei emperors took one cap only. The explanation runs: 'Knight ritual uses three additions because three marks completion. For Son of Heaven and feudatories texts lack addition counts because ascending the throne to face subjects means supremacy and virtue complete—how match common knights? Wei crowned heir apparent twice, imperial sons and royal heirs thrice. Sun Yu held both single and double additions wrong.
33
《禮》醮辭曰:「令月吉曰,以歲之正,以月之令。」 案魯襄公冠以冬,漢惠帝冠以三月,明無定月。 而後漢以來,帝加元服咸以正月。 及咸寧二年秋閏九月,遣使冠汝南王柬,此則非必歲首。
The Rites toasting prayer says: "On this auspicious day of this fine month—year's prime, month's command." Judging therefrom, Duke Xiang of Lu received cap in winter while Emperor Hui of Han took his in the third month—showing no fixed month. Yet Eastern Han onward every emperor's primary cap fell in first month. In second Xianning year an intercalary ninth autumn month envoys crowned Prince Dong of Runan—proving not only year's beginning.
34
禮冠於廟,然武、惠冠太子,太子皆即廟見,斯亦擬在廟之儀也。 穆帝、孝武將冠,皆先以幣告廟,訖又廟見也。
Ritual crowns in temple; yet Emperors Wu and Hui crowned heirs who immediately visited shrine—imitating in-temple protocol. Emperors Mu and Xiaowu before crowning first announced with silk in temple, then again visited shrine afterward.
35
惠帝之為太子,將冠,武帝臨軒,使兼司徒高陽王珪加冠,兼光祿大夫屯騎校尉華暠贊冠。
When Emperor Hui was heir awaiting crowning, Emperor Wu faced the hall, ordering concurrent Minister of Education Prince Gui of Gaoyang to place the cap and concurrent Minister of Works Hua Hao to assist.
36
江左諸帝將冠,金石宿設,百僚陪位。 又豫於殿上鋪大床,禦府令奉冕、幘、簪導、袞服以授侍中常侍,太尉加幘,太保加冕。 將加冕,太尉跪讀祝文曰:「令月吉日,始加元服。 皇帝穆穆,思弘袞職。 欽若昊天,六合是式。 率遵祖考,永永無極。 眉壽惟祺,介茲景福。」 加冕訖,侍中系玄紞,侍中脫帝絳紗服,加袞服冕冠。 事畢,太保率群臣奉觴上壽,王公以下三稱萬歲乃退。 案《儀注》,一加幘冕而已。
South of the Yangzi, before each emperor's crowning, bronze and stone bands lodged overnight while hundred officials held stations. They spread a great couch in the hall beforehand; the imperial wardrobe director presented crown, turban, hairpin, guide, and robe to palace attendants; the grand mentor added turban, junior tutor added crown. About to add the crown the grand mentor knelt reading the prayer: "On this auspicious day we first add the cap. August and reverend, the emperor ponders enlarging his robe's duties. Revere so azure Heaven; the six directions take pattern from you. Following ancestors without end. May eyebrow-longevity bring blessing; great fortune attend." After crowning, attendants fastened black strings; attendants removed the emperor's crimson gauze robe and added robe and coronet. When finished the junior tutor led ministers raising longevity cups; royal dukes downward thrice shouted "long life" before withdrawing. According to ceremony notes only one turban-and-crown addition applied.
37
泰始十年,南宮王承年十五,依舊應冠。 有司議奏:「禮,十五成童,國君十五而生子,以明可冠之宜。 又漢魏遣使冠諸王,非古典。」 於是制諸王十五而冠,不復加使命。
In tenth Taishi year Prince Cheng of Nangan turned fifteen and by precedent merited crowning. Responsible offices memorialize: 'Ritual makes fifteen the finished boy; domain lords sire heirs at fifteen—showing crowning fitness. Moreover Han–Wei envoys crowning princes stray from classical antiquity." Therefore regulation fixed princes crowning at fifteen without extra missions.
38
王彪之雲,《禮》、《傳》冠皆在廟。 案成帝既加元服,車駕出拜於太廟,以告成也。 蓋亦猶擬在廟之儀。
Wang Biaozhi notes both Rites and commentary crown inside temple. Judging from Emperor Cheng after adding cap his carriage exited to bow at Grand Temple—announcing completion. That likewise imitates being inside temple ritual.
39
魏齊王正始四年,立皇后甄氏,其儀不存。
Wei King of Qi, fourth Zhengshi year, enthroned Empress Zhen—protocol does not survive.
40
武帝咸寧二年,臨軒,遣太尉賈充策立皇后楊氏,納悼後也。 因大赦,賜王公以下各有差,百僚上禮。
Emperor Wu in second Xianning year faced the hall dispatching Grand Commandant Jia Chong with patent to establish Empress Yang—posthumous "mourning empress." Thereupon great amnesty; gifts scaled from royal dukes down; hundred officials presented congratulations.
41
太康八年,有司奏:「婚禮納徵,大婚用玄纁束帛,加珪,馬二駟。 王侯玄纁束帛,加璧,乘馬。 大夫用玄纁束帛,加羊。 古者以皮馬為庭實,天子加以谷珪,諸侯加大璋,可依周禮改璧用璋,其羊雁酒米玄纁如故。 諸侯婚禮,加納采、告期、親迎各帛五匹,及納徵馬四匹,皆令夫家自備。 惟璋,官為具致之。」 尚書硃整議:「案魏氏故事,王娶妃、公主嫁之禮,天子諸侯以皮馬為庭實,天子加以谷珪,諸侯加以大璋。 漢高後制聘,後黃金二百斤,馬十二匹。 夫人金五十斤,馬四匹。 魏氏王娶妃、公主嫁之禮,用絹百九十匹。 晉興,故事用絹三百匹。」 詔曰:「公主嫁由夫氏,不宜皆為備物,賜錢使足而已。 惟給璋,餘如故事。」
In eighth Taikang year offices memorialized: 'Wedding protocol's bride-price: great weddings use black-and-red silk bundles plus jade tally and eight horses. Royal dukes use black-red bundles plus disk and yoked horses. Great officers use black-red bundles plus sheep. Antiquity took hides and horses as courtyard gifts; Son of Heaven added grain-pattern jade, feudatories great half-disc—per Zhouli disks may become half-discs while sheep, goose, wine, rice, black-red silk remain as before. Feudal wedding procedures add betrothal gifts, date announcement, and groom's escort—each five bolts silk—and bride-price four horses—all supplied by groom's house. Only the half-disc the office provides." Secretariat Director Zhu Zheng argued: 'Judging Wei precedent for princes taking consorts or princesses marrying, Son of Heaven and feudatories used hides and horses in courtyard; Son of Heaven added grain jade, feudatories great half-disc. Empress Lü's Han regulations for imperial engagement set two hundred catties gold and twelve horses. Principal consorts fifty catties gold and four horses. Wei royal weddings and princess dowries used one hundred ninety bolts silk. Since Jin arose, precedent used three hundred bolts of silk." An edict replied: 'Princesses marry into husband houses—the court should not equip everything; grant cash sufficient. Only supply the half-disc; other items follow old story."
42
成帝咸康二年,臨軒,遣使持節、兼太保、領軍將軍諸葛恢,兼太尉、護軍將軍孔愉,六禮備物,拜皇后杜氏。 即日入宮,帝御太極殿,群臣畢賀。 賀,非禮也。 王者婚禮,禮無其制。 《春秋》「祭公逆王后于紀」,《谷梁》、《左氏傳》說與《公羊》又不同。 而自漢魏遺事,並皆闕略。 武、惠納後,江左又無復《儀注》。 故成帝將納杜後,太常華恆始與博士參定其儀。 據杜預《左氏傳》說,主婚是供其婚禮之幣而已。 又,周靈王求婚于齊,齊侯問于晏桓子,桓子對曰:「夫婦所生若如人,姑姊妹則稱先守某公之遺女若如人。」 此則天子之命自得下達,臣下之答逕自上通。 先儒以為丘明詳錄其事,蓋為王者婚娶之禮也。 故成帝臨軒,遣使稱制拜後,然其《儀注》又不具存。
Emperor Cheng second Xiankang year faced the hall dispatching commissioner concurrent Junior Tutor Guard-general Zhuge Hui and concurrent Grand Commandant Kong Yu with full six-rites gifts to invest Empress Du. Same day she entered palace; emperor sat Taiji Hall while assembled ministers congratulated. Congratulations violate ritual. Royal wedding lacks prescribed ceremony. Spring and Autumn records Duke Ji fetching the queen from Ji—Guliang and Zuozhuan diverge from Gongyang. Since Han–Wei surviving affairs were largely omitted. After Wu and Hui empress investitures south of the Yangzi ceremony notes vanished. Therefore before Chengdi took Empress Du, Chamberlain Hua Heng first harmonized protocol with doctors. According to Du Yu's Zuozhuan gloss the ruler merely supplies wedding gifts. Moreover, King Ling of Zhou sought marriage in Qi, and the Marquis of Qi asked Yan Huanzi. Huanzi answered: "Children born of husband and wife are called such-and-such, if like others; paternal aunts and sisters are called the late lord So-and-so's surviving daughters, if like others." Hence Son of Heaven's command reaches downward directly while ministers answer upward directly. Earlier scholars thought Zuo detailed this because it records royal wedding etiquette. Therefore Chengdi faced the hall dispatching envoys with edict to invest the empress—yet surviving ceremony notes remain incomplete.
43
康帝建元元年,納皇后褚氏,而《儀注》陛者不設旄頭。 殿中御史奏:「今迎皇后,依成恭皇后入宮禦物,而《儀注》至尊袞冕升殿,旄頭不設,求量處。 又案,昔迎恭皇后,惟作青龍旗,其餘皆即禦物。 今當臨軒遣使,而立五牛旗,旄頭罼{罒幹}並出即用,故致今闕。」 詔曰:「所以正法服、升太極者,以敬其始,故備其禮也。 今云何更闕所重而撤法物邪! 又恭後神主入廟,先帝詔後禮宜降,不宜建五牛旗,而今猶復設之邪! 既不設五牛旗,則旄頭罼{罒幹}之物易具也。」 又詔曰:「舊制既難准,且於今而備,亦非宜。 府庫之儲,惟當以供軍國之費耳。 法服儀飾粗令舉,其餘兼副雜器停之。」
Emperor Kang first Jianyuan year took Empress Chu while ceremony notes omitted halberd-feather guards on the stairs. Palace censors reported: 'Now welcoming the empress follows Honored Empress Cheng's palace inventory yet notes have the sovereign in coronation robe ascend without maotou—seek adjustment. Moreover formerly welcoming Honored Empress only raised azure-dragon banner—other items match ordinary imperial gear. Now facing the hall to dispatch envoys raises five-ox banners; maotou plumes and feather screens deploy immediately, hence today's omission." The edict replied: 'We don full regalia and mount Taiji to honor the beginning—therefore ritual stands complete. How now omit what matters and strip statutory gear! Moreover when Honored Empress Gong's spirit tablet entered the shrine the late emperor's edict lowered her observances—she ought not raise five-ox banners—yet now they persist! If five-ox banners are omitted, then maotou plumes and feather screens become easy to supply." A further edict said: 'Old regulations are hard to match; assembling everything today likewise misbehoves. Treasury stores ought only fund army and state expense. Statutory robes and ritual ornaments should roughly suffice; other duplicated sundries cease."
44
穆帝升平元年,將納皇后何氏。 太常王彪之大引經傳及諸故事以定其禮,深非《公羊》婚禮不稱主人之義。 又曰:'王者之于四海,無不臣妾,雖復父兄之親,師友之賢,皆純臣也。 夫崇三綱之始,以定乾坤之儀,安有天父之尊,而稱臣下之命以納伉儷。 安有臣下之卑,而稱天父之名以行大禮。 遠尋古禮,無王者此制; 近求史籍,無王者此比。 于情不安,於義不通。 案咸寧二年,納悼皇后時,弘訓太后母臨天下,而無命戚屬之臣為武皇父兄主婚之文。 又考大晉已行之事,咸寧故事不稱父兄師友,則咸康華恆所上禮合於舊。 臣愚謂今納后儀制。 宜一依咸康故事。」 於是從之。 華恆所定之禮,依漢舊及晉已行之制,故彪之多從咸康,由此也。 惟以娶婦之家三日不舉樂,而咸康群臣賀,為失禮。 故但依咸寧上禮,不復賀。 其告廟六禮版文等儀,皆彪之所定也。 其納采版文璽書曰:「皇帝咨前太尉參軍何琦。 渾元資始,肇經人倫,爰及夫婦,以奉天地宗廟社稷。 謀於公卿,咸以宜率由舊典。 今使使持節太常彪之、宗正綜以禮納采。」 主人曰:「皇帝嘉命,訪婚陋族,備數采擇。 臣從祖弟故散騎侍郎准之遺女,未閑教訓,衣履若如人。 欽承舊章,肅奉典制。 前太尉參軍、都鄉侯糞土臣何琦稽首頓首,再拜承詔。」 次問名版文曰:「皇帝曰:咨某官某姓。 兩儀配合,承天統物,正位乎內,必俟令族,重申舊典。 今使使持節、太常某,宗正某,以禮問名。」 主人曰:「皇帝嘉命,使者某到,重宣中詔,問臣名族。 臣族女父母所生,先臣故光祿大夫、雩婁侯禎之遺玄孫,先臣故豫州刺史、關中侯惲之曾孫,先臣故安豐太守、關中侯睿之孫,先臣故散騎侍郎准之遺女。 外出自先臣故尚書左丞孔胄之外曾孫,先臣故侍中、關內侯夷之外孫女,年十七。 欽承舊章,肅奉典制。」 次納吉版文曰:「皇帝曰:咨某官某姓。 人謀龜從,僉曰貞吉,敬從典禮。 今使使持節、太常某,宗正某以禮納吉。」 主人曰:「皇帝嘉命,使者某重宣中詔,太卜元吉。 臣陋族卑鄙,憂懼不堪。 欽承舊章,肅奉典制。」 次納徵版文曰:「皇帝曰:咨某官某姓之女,有母儀之德,窈窕之姿,如山如河,宜奉宗廟,永承天祚。 以玄纁皮帛,馬羊錢璧,以章典祀。 今使使侍節、司徒某,太常某,以禮納徵。」 主人曰:「皇帝嘉命,降婚卑陋,崇以上公,寵以典禮,備物典策。 欽承舊章,肅奉典制。」 次請期版文曰:「皇帝曰:咨某官某姓。 謀於公卿,泰筮元龜,罔有不臧,率遵典禮。 今使使持節、太常某,宗正某,以禮請期。」 主人曰:「皇帝嘉命,使者某重宣中詔,吉日惟某可迎。 臣欽承舊章,肅奉典制。」 次親迎版文曰:「皇帝曰:咨某官某姓。 歲吉月令,吉日惟某,率禮以迎。 今使使持節、太保某,太尉某,以禮迎。」 主人曰:「皇帝嘉命,使者某重宣中詔,令月吉辰,備禮以迎。 上公宗卿兼至,副介近臣百兩。 臣螻蟻之族,猥承大禮,憂懼戰悸。 欽承舊章,肅奉典制。」 某稽首承詔,皆如初答。
In first Shenping year of Emperor Mu they were about to take Empress He. Chamberlain Wang Biaozhi cited canon, commentary, and precedents to settle ritual, deeply rejecting Gongyang's doctrine that weddings omit naming the host. He also said that the king, toward all within the four seas, has none who are not subjects and consorts; even fathers, elder brothers, teachers, and worthy friends are all pure ministers. To elevate the three bonds' beginning and fix qian and kun's model—how can heaven-father's majesty use a subject's command to take a spouse? How can a base subject invoke heaven-father's name to enact grand ritual? Searching far in ancient ritual finds no king's precedent; searching near in historical records finds no king's parallel. In sentiment it unsettles; in principle it fails. Judging from second Xianning year installing mourning Empress Dowager Yang governed yet texts ordered no agnate minister acting marriage host for Martial Emperor's fathers or brothers. Examining what Great Jin practiced—Xianning story omitted fathers, brothers, teachers—so Xiankang Hua Heng's submitted ritual matched old usage. Your servant humbly believes that the present protocol for receiving the empress ought wholly to follow Xiankang precedent." Court agreed. Biaozhi followed Hua Heng's Han-Jin hybrid. Canon bans wedding music three days—Xiankang's applause erred. They adopted Xianning gifts without cheers. Wang Biaozhi authored every placard. The betrothal placard seal-script reads: 'The emperor inquires of former grand commandant army aide He Qi. Primordial chaos grants beginnings, initiating human relations down to husband and wife thereby serving heaven, earth, shrines, and altars. Deliberating with dukes and ministers, all hold we should follow old canons. Now we dispatch credential-bearing chamberlain Biaozhi and director of imperial clan Zong to perform betrothal gifts with ritual." The host replies: 'The emperor's gracious command seeks marriage in this mean clan, providing full selection. The late second cousin, former cavalry gentleman Zhun, left a daughter unversed in training, dressed like an ordinary person. Reverently receiving old chapters, solemnly upholding the code. Former army aide, capital district marquis, mire-subject He Qi kowtows and bumps head, twice bows accepting edict." Next the name-inquiry placard: 'The emperor says: to official So-and-so of clan So-and-so. Two modalities mate, inheriting heaven's ordering—all within must await noble lineage to reaffirm ancient statutes. Now credential-bearing chamberlain X and clan director Y ritually inquire the name." The host says: 'Gracious command arrived when envoy X reiterated palace edict asking my clan's pedigree. The clan daughter was born to parents—the late gentleman-grandfather Guanglu marquis Zhen's surviving great-great-granddaughter, late Yuzhou inspector Guannei marquis Yun's great-granddaughter, late Anfeng governor Guannei marquis Rui's granddaughter, late cavalry gentleman Zhun's surviving daughter. Maternally she descends from late secretariat left aide Kong Zhou's great-great-granddaughter, late palace attendant Guannei marquis Yi's granddaughter—seventeen years old. Reverently receiving old chapters, solemnly upholding the code." Next propitious omen placard: 'The emperor says: to official X of clan Y. Human counsel and tortoise agree; all call it chaste and lucky—reverently following ceremony. Now envoys X and Y perform propitious gift rite." Host: 'Gracious command—envoy X repeated edict: grand divination supremely lucky. My mean clan is base; worry and fear cannot bear it. Reverently receiving old chapters, solemnly upholding the code." Next bride-wealth placard: 'The emperor says: the daughter of official X has mother-model virtue, graceful bearing, stately as mountain and river—fit to serve shrines and inherit heaven's blessing. With black-red silk, hides, horses, sheep, cash, and jade disk we display canonical offering. Now assistant-credential minister of education X and chamberlain Y perform bride-wealth rite." Host: 'Gracious command lowers marriage to our meanness, exalting with high duke, favoring with full ceremony and complete patent. Reverently receiving old chapters, solemnly upholding the code." Next date-request placard: 'The emperor says: to official X of clan Y. Deliberating with ministers, great milfoil and tortoise show no ill—alike follow ceremony. Now envoys X and Y request the date with ritual." Host: 'Gracious command—envoy X repeated edict: auspicious day is such-and-such for escort. Your subject reverently receives old chapters, solemnly upholds the code." Next groom-escort placard: 'The emperor says: to official X of clan Y. Auspicious year, propitious month, lucky day is such—follow ritual to welcome. Now junior tutor X and grand commandant Y escort with ritual." Host: 'Gracious command—envoy X announced edict: on this fine month and hour full ritual welcomes her. High dukes and ministry chiefs attend together, deputy envoys and close attendants a hundred carriages. My ant-clan meanly receives this great rite, trembling in fear. Reverently receiving old chapters, solemnly upholding the code." All answers mirror opening form.
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孝武納王皇后,其禮亦如之。 其納采、問名、納吉、請期、親迎,皆用白雁、白羊各一頭,酒米各十二斛。 惟納徵羊一頭,玄纁用帛三匹,絳二匹,絹二百匹,獸皮二枚,錢二百萬,玉璧一枚,馬六匹,酒米各十二斛。 鄭玄所謂五雁六禮也。 其珪馬之制,備物之數,校太康所奏又有不同雲。
Xiaowu married Wang the same way. Each minor rite used paired livestock and grain. Bride price specified rich inventory. Zheng Xuan's five-goose six-rite reading. Tallies diverged from Taikang quotas.
46
古者婚冠皆有醮,鄭氏醮文三首具存。
Ancient weddings included zhuan texts preserved by Zheng.
47
升平八年,台符問「迎皇后大駕應作鼓吹不」。 博士胡訥議:「臨軒《儀注》闕,無施安鼓吹處所,又無舉麾鳴鐘之條。」 太常王彪之以為:「婚禮不樂。 鼓吹亦樂之總名。 《儀注》所以無者,依婚禮。 今宜備設而不作。」 時用此議。
In the eighth year of Shengping, the secretariat asked, "When welcoming the empress in the imperial procession, should drum-and-pipe bands be used?" Doctor Hu Na argued: 'Hall-facing ceremony notes omit where to place bands and lack banner or bell clauses.' Chamberlain Wang Biaozhi held: 'Wedding forbids music. Drum-and-pipe is music's general name. Why notes omit it follows wedding prohibition. Now prepare ensembles but do not play them." Court agreed.
48
永和二年納後,議賀不。 王述云:「婚是嘉禮。 《春秋傳》曰:'娶者大吉,非常吉。 '又《傳》曰:'鄭子罕如晉,賀夫人。 '鄰國猶相賀,況臣下邪! 如此,便應賀,但不在三日內耳。 今因廟見成禮而賀,亦是一節也。」 王彪之議云:「婚禮不樂不賀,《禮》之明文。 《傳》稱子罕如晉賀夫人,既無《經》文,又《傳》不雲禮也。 《禮》,取婦三日不舉樂,明三日之後自當樂。 至於不賀,無三日之斷,恐三日之後故無應賀之禮。」 又云:「《禮記》所以言賀取妻者,是因就酒食而有慶語也。 愚謂無直相賀之體,而有禮貺共慶會之義,今世所共行。」 于時竟不賀。
Yonghe 2 asked whether to cheer. Wang Shu said: "Marriage is auspicious ritual. Spring and Autumn Commentary says "Taking a wife is greatly auspicious—not ordinary auspice." Commentary also records Zi Han of Zheng visiting Jin to congratulate a consort. Neighboring states still congratulate—how much more ministers! Thus congratulations fit—only not inside three days. Now congratulating after the shrine audience completes the ritual also forms one ceremonial segment." Wang Biaozhi argued: "That wedding ritual has no music and no congratulations is the clear text of the Rites. Commentary mentions Zi Han congratulating Jin consort—no classic text supports it and commentary never calls it ritual. Rites say bride-taking household forbids music three days—meaning after three days music naturally resumes. As for no congratulations, no three-day limit appears; I fear that after the three days there still is no ritual of congratulations." He also said: "The reason the Book of Rites speaks of congratulating wife-taking is that there were congratulatory words at the wine-and-food gathering. In my foolish view, there is no form of direct mutual congratulation, but there is the meaning of ritual gifts and shared celebration, which is the common practice of the present age." Court skipped applause.
49
穆帝納後欲用九月,九月是忌月。 范汪問王彪之,答云:「禮無忌月,不敢以所不見,便謂無之。」 博士曹耽、荀訥等並謂無忌月之文,不應有妨。 王洽曰:「若有忌月,當復有忌歲。」
September deemed inauspicious. Fan Wang asked Wang Biaozhi, who answered: "Ritual knows no taboo month; I dare not, because I have not seen one, then say that none exists." Scholars found no prohibition. Wang Qia said: "If taboo months exist, then taboo years must exist too."
50
太元十二年,台符問「皇太子既拜廟,朝臣奉賀,應上禮與不?」 國子博士車胤云:「百辟卿士,咸預盛禮,展敬拜伏,不須復上禮。 惟方伯牧守,不睹大禮,自非酒牢貢羞,無以表其乃誠,故宜有上禮。 猶如元正大慶,方伯莫不上禮,朝臣奉璧而已。」 太學博士庾弘之議:「案咸寧三年始平、濮陽諸王新拜,有司奏依故事,聽京城近臣諸王公主應朝賀者復上禮。 今皇太子國之儲副,既已崇建,普天同慶。 謂應上禮奉賀。」 徐邈同。 又引一有元良,慶在於此。 封諸王及新宮上禮,既有前事,亦皆已瞻仰致敬,而又奉觴上壽,應亦無疑也。
In the twelfth year of Taiyuan, the secretariat asked, "After the crown prince has bowed in the ancestral temple, when court ministers offer congratulations, should they present gifts or not?" Che Yin said: 'Hundred peers attended grand ritual bowing prone—need no further upper tribute. Only regional shepherds missed great ceremony—unless wine, livestock, or delicacies prove sincerity—they should offer upper tribute. Like New Year's great celebration regional lords all send upper tribute while courtiers merely present jade." Imperial academy doctor Yu Hongzhi argued: 'Judging Xianning 3 when Shiping and Puyang princes were newly invested, offices memorialized following story allowing capital ministers, princes, and princesses who ought court congratulations also to present upper tribute. Now crown prince is dynastic heir already exalted—universal rejoicing. We say upper tribute congratulations should apply." Xu Miao concurred. Moreover citing "having an excellent primer"—celebration rests herein. Investitures of princes and upper tribute at the new palace already occurred earlier—all have looked up in reverence—and presenting longevity cups should likewise raise no doubt.
51
江左以來,太子婚,納徵禮用玉璧一,獸皮二,未詳何所准況。 或者獸取其威猛有班彩,玉以象德而有溫潤。 尋珪璋亦玉之美者,豹皮采蔚以譬君子。 王肅納徵辭云:「玄纁束帛,儷皮雁羊。」 前漢聘後,黃金二百斤,馬十二匹,亦無用羊之旨。 鄭氏《婚物贊》曰「羊者祥也」,然則婚之有羊,自漢末始也。 王者六禮,尚未用焉。 是故太康中有司奏:「太子婚,納徵用玄纁束帛,加羊馬二駟。」
Since crossing south of the Yangzi crown-prince weddings used one jade disk and two pelts for bride-wealth—the precedent remains obscure. Perhaps hides imply fierce striped majesty while jade images virtue's warmth. Moreover half-discs are also finest jade; leopard fur's glowing stripes mirror gentlemen. Wang Su's bride-wealth prayer reads: "Black-red bundled silk, paired hides, goose and sheep." Former Han empress betrothal used two hundred catties gold and twelve horses—likewise no mandate for sheep. Zheng Xuan's Wedding Goods Praise says "sheep means auspice"—thus wedding sheep began only late Han. Royal six-rites had not yet employed them. Therefore Taikang offices memorialized: "Crown prince wedding bride-wealth uses black-red bundles plus sheep and eight horses."
52
武帝泰始十年,將聘拜三夫人、九嬪。 有司奏:「禮,皇后聘以谷珪,無妾媵禮贄之制。」 詔曰:「拜授可依魏氏故事。」 於是臨軒,使使持節兼太常拜三夫人,兼御史中丞拜九嬪。
In tenth Taishi year Emperor Wu was about to invest three ladies of senior rank and nine concubines. Offices memorialized: 'Ritual invests empress with grain-pattern jade—no canonical tribute system exists for concubines.' An edict replied: 'Investitures may follow Wei precedent.' Thereupon facing the hall they dispatched credential-bearing concurrent chamberlain to invest three madames and concurrent imperial censor-in-chief to invest nine ladies.
53
漢魏之禮雲,公主居第,尚公主者來第成婚。 司空王朗以為不可,其後乃革。 太元中,公主納徵以獸豹皮各一具禮,豈謂婚禮不辨王公之序,故取獸豹以尊崇其事乎!
Han–Wei ritual says princesses dwell in mansions—those marrying princesses conclude weddings at her estate. Minister of Works Wang Lang deemed it unacceptable—later they reformed. During Taiyuan princess bride-wealth used leopard pelts—perhaps because wedding ritual blurred noble precedence and fierce pelts magnified the affair!
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《禮》有三王養老膠庠之文,饗射飲酒之制,周末淪廢。 漢明帝永平二年三月,帝始率群臣躬養三老五更於辟雍,行大射之禮。 郡國縣道行鄉飲酒於學校,皆祠先聖先師周公孔子,牲乙太牢。 孟冬亦如之。 及魏高貴鄉公甘露二年,天子親帥群司行養老之禮。 於是王祥為三老,鄭小同為五更。 其《儀注》不存,然漢禮猶在。
The Rites records three kings nurturing elders in schools with archery-feast drinking observances—late Zhou decayed them. In third month Yongping 2 of Han Mingdi the emperor first led ministers personally nurturing three elders and five seniors at Biyong, performing great archery. Commanderies, kingdoms, counties, and circuits held village drinking in schools, all sacrificing to former sages, former teachers, Duke of Zhou, and Confucius—using grand livestock offerings. Midwinter likewise. By second Ganlu year of Wei Emperor Gaoguixiang the Son of Heaven personally led ministers performing elder-nurturing ritual. Thereupon Wang Xiang served as chief elder and Zheng Xiaotong as associate elder. Though ceremony notes do not survive, Han ritual remains documented.
55
武帝泰始六年十二月,帝臨辟雍,行鄉飲酒之禮。 詔曰:「禮儀之廢久矣,乃今復講肄舊典。」 賜太常絹百匹,丞、博士及學生牛酒。 咸甯三年,惠帝元康九年,復行其禮。 魏正始中,齊王每講經遍,輒使太常釋奠先聖先師於辟雍,弗躬親。 及惠帝明帝之為太子,及湣懷太子講經竟,並親釋奠于太學,太子進爵于先師,中庶子進爵于顏回。 成、穆、孝武三帝,亦皆親釋奠。 孝武時,以太學在水南懸遠,有司議依升平元年,于中堂權立行太學。 于時無復國子生,有司奏:「應須復二學生百二十人。 太學生取見人六十,國子生權銓大臣子孫六十人,事訖罷。」 奏可。 釋奠禮畢,會百官六品以上。
In twelfth month sixth Taishi year the emperor visited Biyong performing village drinking. An edict said: 'Observances long lay ruined—now we again rehearse old canons.' He gifted chamberlain one hundred bolts silk, assistants, doctors, and students oxen and wine. Third Xianning year and ninth Yuankang year of Emperor Hui repeated the observance. During Zhengshi under Wei, whenever the Prince of Qi completed a round of lectures on the classics, he would have the Chamberlain for Ceremonials perform the release-offering to the former sages and former teachers at the Biyong, but he did not personally attend. When Emperors Hui and Ming were crown princes, and when Crown Prince Minhuai finished lectures on the classics, they all personally performed the release-offering at the Imperial Academy; the crown prince advanced the cup to the former teachers, and the palace cadet advanced the cup to Yan Hui. Emperors Cheng, Mu, and Xiaowu also all personally performed the release-offering. In Xiaowu's time, because the Imperial Academy was south of the river and distant, the responsible offices proposed following the first year of Shengping and provisionally establishing and using an Imperial Academy in the Central Hall. At that time there were no longer any students of the National University, and the responsible offices memorialized, "The two bodies of students should be restored, totaling one hundred and twenty men. For Imperial Academy students, select sixty from those presently available; for National University students, provisionally select sixty sons and grandsons of great ministers. When the matter is finished, dismiss them." The memorial was approved. After the release-offering ritual was completed, the hundred officials of the sixth rank and above were assembled.
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漢儀,季春上巳,官及百姓皆禊于東流水上,洗濯祓除去宿垢。 而自魏以後,但用三日,不以上巳也。 晉中朝公卿以下至於庶人,皆禊洛水之側。 趙王倫篡位,三日會天泉池,誅張林。 懷帝亦會天泉池,賦詩。 陸機云:「天泉池南石溝引禦溝水,池西積石為禊堂。」 本水流杯飲酒,亦不言曲水。 元帝又詔罷三日弄具。 海西于鐘山立流杯曲水,延百僚,皆其事也。 九月九日,馬射。 或說云「秋,金之節,講武習射,象立秋之禮也」。
Han protocol: late spring shangsi day officials and commoners alike purified beside eastern flowing water, washing away accumulated grime. Yet since Wei they used only the third day—not tied to shangsi. Under Jin's central court dukes downward to commoners purified along River Luo. When Prince Zhao Lun usurped, on the third day they gathered at Tianquan Pool and executed Zhang Lin. Emperor Huai likewise convened at Tianquan Pool composing verse. Lu Ji notes: 'South of Tianquan Pool stone channels draw imperial ditch water; west of the pool piled stones form the purification hall.' Originally floating cups along running water served drinking games—it never mentions winding streams. Emperor Yuan further issued an edict abolishing third-day festival toys. Emperor Hai Xi established floating cups on winding water at Mount Zhong, extending invitations to hundred officials—same affair. Ninth day ninth month—mounted archery. Some explain: "Autumn belongs to metal's phase; drilling martial archery imitates Beginning-of-Autumn observances."