← Back to 晉書

卷二十一 志第十一 禮下

Volume 21 Treatises 11: Rites Part Three

Chapter 21 of 晉書 · Book of Jin
← Previous Chapter
Chapter 21
Next Chapter →
1
Treatise on Rites, Part Three
2
使 殿 殿
The third of the five ritual categories is "guest," covering homage at court, formal audiences, and great assemblies where states meet together. After the Zhou period, ritual grew steadily more complex. Once the Qin campaign against scholarship had passed, the classical ritual corpus lay broken and incomplete. At the founding of the Han, Shusun Tong was commissioned to frame court ritual, borrowing forms from antiquity while revising them repeatedly. Han ceremony prescribed the formal New Year's audience: while night still had seven marks to run, bells rang to open the congratulations; nobles presented gifts along the court; officials at two thousand shi and above mounted the hall to hail the throne before music and feasting began. When Cao Cao ruled Wei from Ye, the New Year's audience took place in Wenchang Hall under Han precedents, illuminated by elaborate tiered lanterns.
3
Under the new Jin dynasty, Emperor Wu promulgated a revised protocol for the New Year's audience, codified in the Xianning commentary. Fu Xuan wrote in his "Rhapsody on the New Year's Assembly": "Tracing the Xia legacy, weaving Yin–Zhou precedent with Qin–Han court forms, he instituted the splendid ceremony that marks the first day of the year." The liturgy thus consciously synthesized ritual from successive dynasties.
4
宿 便 '' '' '' '' 殿 殿 '' 西西 '' '' 殿 殿 殿 '' 殿 '' 殿 '' '' '' '' '退'
Per the Xianning commentary, officials bivouac in the palace the eve before to prepare. While ten night marks still remained, ministers gathered as courtyard beacon-fires were kindled. They offered New Year's felicitations to the emperor, who rose while petitions were announced, then felicitations were extended to the empress. They returned indoors through the eastern portal of the Yunlong Gate and waited informally beneath the eastern cloister. With seven marks left before dawn, every rank from tribute presenters down to county clerks took assigned places while stair guards mirrored the formation for a formal imperial appearance. At five marks the usher superintendents, masters of attendance, and chief herald successively announced that the assembly was set. At the moment the night measure emptied, an attendant declared the outer court ready. The emperor appeared to bells and drums as the throng dropped to full prostration. The Chamberlain for Ceremonial escorted him to the throne; music stopped and the assembly stood. The chief herald knelt to pray leave for the congratulatory presentation. Masters of ritual called for the imperial clansmen to approach the dais. The herald knelt to announce each enfeoffed prince presenting a white jade tally with double bows of homage. The Chamberlain for Ceremonial replied that every prince might mount the steps. Guided by ushers, they advanced to stations facing the throne. The sovereign stood while the princes performed the double obeisance. Once he was seated they repeated the double bow. Kneeling, they laid their discs before the throne and bowed twice more. At its conclusion escorts conducted them off the dais to their former ranks. The ritual usher next summoned the Grand Commandant and fellow dignitaries. Dukes, extraordinary appointees, the Southern Shanyu, and gold-purple generals arrayed west of the herald; ministers from two thousand shi down to six hundred shi faced north west of the Grand Processions director. The herald listed offerings—discs, pelts, silk, lamb, goose, and pheasant—from the Grand Commandant's party with double bows. The Chamberlain for Ceremonial bade the dukes and colleagues mount the hall. Attendants shepherded the dukes past the gold-purple generals toward the throne. The emperor rose again as everyone doubled their bows. When he resumed his seat they repeated the obeisance. Kneeling, they deposited discs, pelts, and fabrics before the throne and bowed twice more. Finished, they were conducted down as before. As dukes completed their presentations, the Grand Processions director coordinated responses from below the stairs for everyone under chief minister rank. Offerings went from presenters to tribute clerks, then discs and cloth to ushers while meats went to the palace stewards. The Director of Music sought leave to strike the canonical hymns in prescribed order. The chariot master rolled out state vehicles; the emperor retired and ministers took seats. Six marks into daylight, barbarian envoys entered by roster, bowed twice, and seated themselves. Three marks after the imperial litter withdrew indoors, he reappeared with bells and drums. Ushers knelt to request that civil officials approach. Only nobles and two-thousand-shi officers mounted the steps while lower ranks stayed below. A prince was led to the longevity cup, knelt, and passed it to an attendant who placed it before the throne. The prince withdrew to his station. He filled his own cup and set it before his mat. The herald announced the princes' toast with double bows wishing boundless longevity. Ensemble music struck up from every corner as the assembly bowed twice. They drank, then bowed twice once more. Escorts returned the princes to their ranks. Ceremonial heralds signaled everyone to sit; ministers knelt their acknowledgment. Palace attendants, Palace Secretariat directors, and chiefs of the Secretariat presented longevity cups from the hall floor. Hymn singers began as palace stewards poured another round of imperial wine. Kitchen stewards passed cups up the stairs to gentleman attendants who knelt them before the throne. The same courtesy extended down the ranks. The Director of Music requested the ascending hymn, performed through three movements before stopping. When stewards announced the imperial repast and trays reached the stairs, everyone stood. Stewards relayed broth to the Minister of Education and grain to the Minister of Agriculture while synchronized servers knelt dishes before the throne. Officials settled at their banquet places. Music masters requested the banquet suite. Palace kitchens served every rank in turn. After dining, musicians sought permission for the next entertainment. Performances continued in appointed order. The herald of drum-and-pipe bands asked leave to bring on troupes in rotation. County accountants were called forward for imperial injunctions at the foot of the stairs. As festivities closed, one usher knelt to seek leave to retire the court. Bells and drums marked their exit as the throng bowed north and departed. Hence the "morning congratulations" were fixed while seven night marks yet remained. His second appearance three marks into daylight, when ministers offered longevity wine, was the midday audience. Thirty female musicians beyond the yellow awning sang inner-chamber airs.
5
殿 殿
The refugee court faced constant crisis and abandoned the predawn felicitation. They opened Xuanyang Gate while ten night marks remained, kept palace gates shut until dawn, and brought the emperor out five marks into daylight for felicitations. If the crown prince attended, he stood beneath the three hosts of honor but above enfeoffed princes. New Year's court placed a "white beast" wine vessel in the courtyard—lifting its beast-shaped lid allowed a speaker of blunt counsel to drink. Canon identifies the vessel with Du Ju's frank-speaking cup; the beast-embellished lid was a later symbolic warning.
6
滿
Wei law barred imperial princes from routine audiences. Under Ming only extraordinary favors brought princes to court—never as a standing rule. During Taishi officials submitted: "Feudatories should rotate two cohorts per quadrant, each prince attending once every three years before the cycle renews. Sudden obstacles postpone attendance until the next year. Once a prince has attended, another three-year interval must elapse before he returns—honor the statutory spacing. They must personally carry ritual jade as under earlier audience law. Off years send chief ministers bearing diplomatic missions." The throne endorsed the proposal. Eastern Jin princes seldom took up their domains; those serving as provincial governors observed regional commissioner etiquette instead, and formal homage rotations vanished.
7
殿 '' 殿
Han reckoning treated the tenth month—when Gaozu pacified Qin—as New Year's start. Though Emperor Wu adopted the Xia calendar, monthly new-moon audiences persisted, and the tenth-month gathering remained a banquet fixture. Custom dictated felicitations and gift presentations while seven night marks still flowed. Rank determined tribute: discs for marquises, lambs for senior ministers, geese for middle ranks, pheasants for minor officials. The Three Dukes bore jade to the throne facing north. The Chamberlain intoned that the emperor rose on behalf of his ministers. The three dukes dropped into prostration. Once seated, he allowed them to bring the discs forward. Two-thousand-shi officers mounted to hail long life, toast, and share imperial food as education and agriculture ministers served broth and grain amid banquet music. Every rank received largesse and banqueted with full ensembles as on New Year's Day. Wei–Jin courts welcomed regional and bureaucratic homage on the winter solstice with a scaled-down feast. Its ritual stood a notch below the first dawn of the year.
8
使使 ' ' 使
In the fourth year of Taishi Emperor Wu instructed provincial inspectors and county heads: "Antiquity's kings toured the four directions; failing that, twin overseers reported in person; otherwise messengers inspected in due course. Distance never cut off communication; policy reached from throne to hovel so even widowed commoners had relief—virtuous governance left echoes still heard. Since taking the throne I have lived as one beside a precipice—sleepless before dawn, brooding over drought and flood until grief grips me. I have tightened my own conduct, striving to set each matter right. Still I dread clerks acting from favor, honest intent unseen, business piling up faster than judgment, policy or penal justice slipping past review. Any fault among the people rests on my person alone. These troubled seasons leave no room for royal tours; while the realm stays unsettled, how may I comfort it? I therefore send high envoys to every circuit to meet governors and magistrates in person, convey my intentions, solicit advice on reform, watch how government and education fare, and hear popular grievance. The Rites of Zhou required separate registers—for popular welfare, for law and custom, for rebellion, for disaster, for prosperity—and each domain distinguished them before reporting to the throne. Those precedents are the model we must follow. Return with thorough memorials so distant conditions shine before me as if I had walked there. Ministers: speak plainly—praise sound plans, endure blunt rebuke—and hide nothing from these inspectors. I await your reports with an open heart—strive together until my purpose is met."
9
''
Revised liturgy for imperial tours mandates ring-wall shrines, burnt offerings, and proclamations as classical precedent demands. Feudal lords arriving for audience observe gift protocol like inner courtiers yet leave command banners furled. Zhi Yu protested that canonical audience law required every lord to display his standard. Flags mark enfeoffed dignity and visible precedence. The Book of Songs reads: "The prince had come—note his fluttering flags." The revised code should restore flag display as antiquity prescribed. The emperor endorsed his memorial. Nevertheless Jin never actually performed it.
10
Classical texts never discuss the paired Mount Tai liturgy later called feng and shan. Canon bids worshipping Heaven via celestial signs and Earth via terrestrial ones; announcing merit atop a sacred summit summons auspicious birds and dragons. It looks like the emperor's seasonal march to the directional peaks to burn offerings and report victory, but it is not identical. Apocryphal "weft" writings insist that kings who ascend Tai for feng and Liangfu for shan rename the ruling house. Qin and Han enacted them; earlier annals spell out the choreography.
11
'' 使 使便
In Huangchu of Wei, Jiang Ji of the Guards wrote: "Of imperial observances, royal tours take pride of place; to honor forebears and elevate recent fathers, nothing surpasses feng-shan. Thus every founding sovereign who received the mandate has climbed Liangfu and Tai to cut everlasting titles into stone and seal Heaven's compact with earth. Sima Xiangru reckoned seventy-two such sovereigns since script began—some continuing roads their predecessors traced, some handing stern lessons to successors. Sima Qian added that keeping sage virtue silent is official negligence. Without engraving Liangshan, supreme deeds leave no monument for the people to remember. Proverb warns: praising Yao and Shun while serving one's lord compares to extolling a stranger's father in one's parent's presence. Wei arose amid the wreckage of centuries, saving fugitives, repairing a millennium of fracture, restoring abandoned royal work. From Wudi and Wendi to yourself you have harmonized cosmic pattern and directed spiritual transformation. Heaven replies with prodigies no past age can match. Still the supreme rite awaits performance. Campaigns against lingering rebels have left no interval. If turmoil forbade ritual, Shun should have canceled eastern progresses while San Miao defied the Yangzi; and King Cheng should have skipped Dai peak while Xu raiders thrashed the Huai. Last year's victory on the Yangzi and this year's slaughter west of Long mean enemy turmoil ends quickly—nothing blocks the Tai ceremony. Long neglect means instant revival is impossible. Commission the high ministers to compose liturgy, choose an auspicious season, proclaim intent to Heaven, and satisfy popular hope. I stand guilty amid the hosts yet dare speak though death threaten. The emperor answered: "Jiang Ji's speech leaves my legs streaming sweat. Fewer than seventy sovereigns since time began have mounted Tai. Sima Qian noted that unfinished virtue leaves centuries blank between performances whose forms are lost. What virtue could justify my aspiring to join them! Does he think no Guan Zhong restrains me while I secretly imitate Duke Huan's summit? I refuse to lie to Heaven. His prose dazzles but offers no aid. House it among ministers for reference—debate ends; no answering decree required." The throne refused Jiang Ji yet quietly had Gao Tang Long draft liturgy; reluctant while China stayed divided, it abandoned the plan when Long died.
12
After Wu fell, on Taikang 1/IX/gengyin Wei Guan, Shan Tao, Wei Shu, Liu Shi, Zhang Hua wrote: "Since humanity began rulers have succeeded beyond reckoning. Seventy-four dynasts reportedly mounted Tai with humane sway; fourteen names survive. Countless others sank mute into oblivion. Our mandate traces to Chong Li aiding Zhuanxu; Xia and Shang heirs ordered cosmos and soil. The Zhou continued that lineage unbroken. As Jin's golden virtue rose, sage kings multiplied; conquering Shu abroad while winning hearts at home proved arms rested on culture. You took the throne and expanded the enterprise while creation lifts its eyes. Only south of the great rivers did rebels cling to fastnesses age after age. Your decisive orders sent armies whose shock pacified them within tens of days. You shackled ringleaders yet forgave followers; grace spread like rain until every quarter submitted and civilization touched the rim. Yellow Emperor's distant march, Great Yu's far planning, Zhou's long prosperity—none outshine this. Dark stones with pale inscriptions, titled omens, numbered images, verbal prophecies—these eclipse even Hetu and Luoshu. Therefore enact the grand ceremony: worship the sacred median, feng Tai, shan Liangfu, proclaim virtue, manifest supremacy, receive Heaven's grace, enrich the people, and engrave fame for ages. This crowns imperial duty and fulfills cosmic expectation." He replied: "Remnant foes die yet borders bristle and folk remain restless—this supreme deed stays premature."
13
西
They pressed on: "Our sway washes to the eastern sea, spans western sands, crosses the desert's northern rim and southern tropics—Yu the Great's realm is smaller. Heaven's circuit closes; glory towers—worship terrestrial spirits, scale Tai, declare sincerity to Heaven. We renew our plea." He answered: "Omens stay discordant, law imperfect, people unsettled—how dare we boast completion! He denied them.
14
They wrote again: "Throne holders face ordained seasons and celestial confirmation; deliverers of the masses display august deportment and victory liturgy. Truth cannot be feigned; possession cannot be refused—such is antiquity. Yet humble decrees refuse the rite though virtue warrants it. The Three Dukes harmonize cosmos and humanity—state crises land on their benches. Han conducted feng-shan without them—they lacked jurisdiction. We cited ancestors, omens, and your virtue binding the seas—history demands renewal. Choose the season after joint deliberation among the five boards. He answered: "Southern pacification credits field officers alone. I await governors to spread transformation until the heartland calms and people recover. Send nothing more to the boards."
15
使
They argued: "Tang-Yu exemplars who saved the world accepted Heaven's gift, climbed sacred heights—decline was forbidden. Your feats overshadow every ruler; virtue stands peerless beyond our praise. Yet modest edicts stall heaven-sent timing and frustrate spirits—how can Jin match the legendary Five? We cannot obey silence—grant the earlier plan. He replied: "Let us broaden the Mandate first—defer another year; no more memorials."
16
西 便
The nobility wrote: "Seventy-four luminous sovereigns lit the realm and carved Tai—history records each. Shun and Yu toured the directional peaks enacting the Dao. Zhouyi praises inspection tours; Rites mandates summit reports; Songs celebrate mountain ascent—all canonical. King Wen served Shang yet sacrificed at Qi; Duke of Zhou's Lu still offered at Tai—sage virtue alone justified it. Petty usurpers who mimicked the rite swarm beyond reckoning. Their boasts survive in epithets. Our dynastic grandfather Xuan opened kingship and coastal realms bent; Jing Emperor restored peace to the heartland; Wen Emperor founded Jin and crushed Shu; You rose with the hour, reunified the realm, showered grace, and terrified none left outside. Han collapse split Wu and Shu; a century of war estranged peoples across brutal terrain. Yet incorrigible enemies vanished within two reigns—without Heaven-guided genius who could succeed so grandly! We live once in an age of universal peace—such completeness leaves no room for modest refusal. Follow founding precedents and classical models: report victory at Tai, institute ritual music, fix the Three Yong curriculum, and glorify the ancestral shrine for ages. We speak though death threaten, so urgent is our hope. Charge the Chamberlain for Ceremonial to draft liturgy and resubmit. The throne answered: "Your topic marks every dynasty's summit—but not yet our season." With that the court closed discussion.
17
'''' '' 使
Emperor Ai sought higher honors for Consort Zhang, his birth mother. Huan Wen preferred the style "Grand Lady." Jiang Bin cited Shun: enthroned over all yet his blind father lacked land or rank. Could Shun leave his father titleless? Canon forbids sons raising parents—duty stalls, feeling has no outlet. The Annals line "Lady Jiang of Ji returned" shows parents still say "my little Jiang" though she wed the Son of Heaven—child rank never outranks parents. Critics ask how King Wu could king his forebears if sons cannot elevate parents. Those three Zhou founders embodied cosmic virtue—the lineage began there. King Wu therefore pursued Heaven's charge through honoring ancestors—proving elevation served mandate, not filial inflation. The Rites forbid youths elegizing elders or commoners nobles—much less granting patent splendor upward. Gaozu elevated his father at a retainer's word; Xun Yue called revering fathers supreme yet warned against grafting son's dignity onto parents. Later Han's Zhangdi withheld lofty titles from Lady Jia while enriching her—scripture, not coldness, barred inflation. When secondary sons inherited states, their mothers sometimes became chief consorts. Did the heir appoint her, or did ancestral decree through the shrine? The decree schedules a formal hall audience investing her as imperial mother. Calling it an imperial mandate makes the son the mother's ennobler. She would kneel north—mother serving son. Heaven stands high, earth low—stations settle ethics; reversing mother and son inverts the moral ladder. Grand titles would actually diminish her. Displaying law would nullify it. Historians inscribe each sovereign gesture. Future readers would see a constitutional absurdity. Better report at Mingdi's temple her nurturing virtue merits special—but indirect—honors. Attributes honor to the departed emperor's will, not the sitting throne. After empress rank follow ladies-in-waiting—no bare "fei" title. Huan Wen's "Grand Lady" was not unreasonable. If "lady" feels thin, add the imperial prefix. "Imperial Grand Lady" pairs supremacy with canonical mother styles. The throne overrode debate with the title imperial dowager-consort. Third-month bingchen Wang Tian delivered seals and robes matching empress dowager standards. A follow-up asked whether ministers must bow to her. Jiang Yi replied that without paramount rank full court bows were improper.
18
Xiaowu elevated Consort Zheng of Kuaiji as Jianwen's empress dowager and queried reopening her grave. Wang Xun cited earlier Jin burials: honorifics added tombs but never reopened chambers.
19
覿
Under Empress Chu regency ministers discussed how her father Chu Pou should attend. Cai Mo and Wang Biaozhi noted Shun and Gaozu kept filial posture toward elders. Sovereigns do not bow to fathers. Secretariat heads answered: "Pure family feeling weakens kingship; pure court hierarchy starves piety. Public halls demand ministerial bows; private chambers allow parental reverence.
20
''
Han–Wei custom let the heir apparent call himself "minister." Revised codes banned the redundant "minister" style for an heir already defined as son. Zhi Yu cited the Filial Piety Classic merging filial and loyal roles—minister language fit and should return. The throne agreed.
21
使 便 使
Taining 3/III/wuchen Mingdi named Yan heir. That month's guisi decree quoted canon: the emperor's firstborn ranks like an ordinary gentleman. Han–Wei fashion overrated the heir: household styled him lord while everyone bowed—senseless. I lived there too briefly to fix it. Young Yan would train seasoned men to kneel—daily sight would mistake subservience for nature. Order thorough debate until observance reaches the golden mean. Bian Kun cited Zhouli exempting queen and heir from some gatherings—they stood parallel to the sovereign. Equal dignity compels others to bow. He may modestly bow back. After suburban proclamation and investiture he outranks ordinary princes' mutual bows. Restore Han–Wei: universal obeisance. His majesty agreed.
22
Taiyuan-era boards queried how nobles should dress and bow before the heir. Che Yin prescribed scarlet jackets and turbans with mutual bows. Texts stay silent, yet Yang Hu's memorial used criminal submission language—evidence of bowing. Taining deliberation already chose universal bows per Bian Kun. Full court crowns suit imperial audiences alone; heir meetings need simpler caps. Consensus matched.
23
退
Twelfth year of Taiyuan addressed precedence between Han–Wei ritual hosts and the heir. Yu Hongzhi rated the Chenliu king supreme guest. The heir stays "minister" to the symbolic Han line—Chenliu sits higher. King Li pleaded sickness and abdication; the throne sought scholarly opinion. Cao Dan compared him to Mu Zi/Meng Zhi—titular priests without rites. Wang Biaozhi warned against casually removing charter kings. Histories show no sick abdication precedent. Those Zuozhuan figures awaited succession unlike an enthroned charter king.
24
使 宿殿 使' ' 輿 ''使 使使 '使 '' ' 使 使
Xiankang 4 Chengdi formally commissioned the three excellencies from the throne. Liturgy manuals parked orchestral bells in the courtyard overnight. Chancellery noted music belonged only to sacrifice or feast. Cai Mo held solemn commissions deserve full ceremonial sound. Music clarifies moral weight, not mere pleasure—hence cappings too employ it. Banquet music likewise honors guests. Xi Zhi's Chu banquet refusal praised lavish music as intentional honor. His apology proves feast ensembles convey respect. Sovereigns rise for great ministers and term them kin. Zuozhuan calls ministers the sovereign's second selves—investiture audiences mirror that awe. Ancient kings used music for foreign envoys and outbound agents. Mao preface praises "Splendid blossoms" as king dispatching envoys. Prefaces tie "Caiwei," "Chuche," and "Ditu" to embarkation and homecoming songs. Each ode received musical setting. Investing a chancellor outranks greeting a vassal envoy. If petty missions deserve sound, weightier ones doubly so. Thus palace-front commissions warrant bronze and stone. Throne approved.
25
Old custom: chief consorts ignored concubines' bows. New codes demanded reciprocation—noble wives bowed back. Zhi Yu noted concubines mourn principal wives without return—like daughters-in-law—emphasizing inferiority. Unequal rank never implied mutual bows. The general rule does not cover hierarchy. Sages separated primary from secondary to prevent usurpation. Even strict fences saw violations. Retain silence toward concubine bows. The emperor endorsed Zhi Yu.
26
The fourth ritual category is "military": diplomacy abroad and stability at home, sustaining power and sealing victory. Because warfare is inauspicious, drill came wrapped in seasonal hunts.
27
輿鹿 使 <> <>輿 西 退
Han law tied autumn's start to suburban rites, then a martial parade, beast slaughter at the east gate, and offerings at imperial tombs. The emperor rode the martial carriage with white horses and red manes, shot the sacrificial deer himself. Butchery and usher officials carted the quarry to the ancestral park. Back at the palace couriers awarded silk to martial ranks. Soldiers rehearsed arrays and maneuvers. This autumn killing drill bore the traditional name chū-liù. Officers trained Sun and Wu's sixty-four tactical arrays. Nobles flanked Luoyang's south avenue; the emperor dismounted so ministers might glimpse him—the sole occasion for "alighting from the chariot." The proverb about leaving the chariot applies uniquely here. Han made it an annual fixture. Jian'an 21 Wei offices noted classical quarterly maneuvers during farm lulls. Western Han skipped three seasons like Qin, drilling only in the tenth month. With war ongoing yet veterans seasoned, quarterly drill seemed redundant. Instead hold an autumn review named "inspecting troops," honoring both canon and Han usage. Throne assented. Winter maneuvers saw Cao Cao beating golden drums for signals. Yanxi 1 had Cao Pi as Wei king. Sixth-month autumn review east of Ye featured royal canopy and Cao Pi's drum commands. Mingdi repeated the review in Tahe 1/X.
28
Old custom vested battle tokens in the hall via the insignia officer. Revised code placed the emperor at the terrace while ministers handed tokens—echoing "pushing the axle" devotion.
29
The fifth category is "celebratory": feasts, archery, capping, and weddings. Zhou's fall left archery feasts rare while crowning and marriage norms drifted.
30
Zhouli lists regalia but not imperial crowning. Yili notes aristocratic capping as a decadent Xia innovation. Zheng and Wang read late Xia chaos producing lordly capping—proof no imperial ceremony existed. Ministers lack crowning because rank came after fifty. Zhou tested fifty-year prodigies as ministers while keeping lesser rites. Divination, eastern-step crowning, triple caps remain gentleman-grade liturgy.
31
輿
Han onward emperors and princes adapted that framework. First-month jiazi or bingzi suited the "first cap" per Yili. Shundi used Cao Biao's sequence—progressive caps ending at tongtian inside founder shrines. Lesser nobles stopped at the first cap. Black cloth first cap and shrine setting match classical intent.
32
Wei emperors took one cap only. Commentary: triple crowning completes a gentleman. Thrones need no triple repetition—sovereignty already "complete." Wei gave two stages to heirs, three to princes. Sun Yu rejected Wei shortcuts.
33
使
Canon toast begins "propitious month and day." Lu crowning in winter and Han in third month prove flexible timing. Later Han standardized New Year's month. Xianning 2's leap-month crowning broke the January rule.
34
Though canon demands shrines, Jin heirs "visited" temples right after hall crowning. Mu and Xiaowu offered silk notice before caps, then shrine audiences.
35
使祿
Wudi presided as Prince Gui capped Hui with Hua Hao assisting.
36
宿 殿 退
Eastern Jin set orchestras overnight for imperial cappings. Palace stewards laid out dais regalia; tutor and mentor staged turban then crown. Grand Mentor knelt through the investiture prayer. Prayer praises solemn majesty embracing imperial burden. He models cosmos under Heaven. He walks ancestral road endlessly. It prays for longevity and fortune. Then knots secured the crown and ritual robes replaced gauze. Junior Tutor toasted thrice-hailed longevity. Manuals record a single investiture layer.
37
使 使
the tenth year of Taishi Prince Cheng reached fifteen. Scholars cited fifteen as canonical adult age. Dispatching envoys to cap kings broke old ritual. Edict capped princes at fifteen without special envoys.
38
Wang Biaozhi recalled shrine crowning. Chengdi visited Taizu shrine post-cap to "report completion." It mirrored shrine intent.
39
Cao Fang's Zhengshi 4 empress investiture is lost.
40
Wudi used Jia Chong to enthrone Yang Yan, later canonized as dowager. Amnesty and ranked gifts followed.
41
使
Taikang 8 fixed imperial bride wealth: silk, jade, eight horses. Princes offered disks and teams. Ministers added sacrificial sheep. Classical court gifts paired pelts and horses with graded jade; Zhou swaps disk for half-disc. Feudatories supplied silk stages and four horses themselves. Officials furnished only the ceremonial jade. Zhu Zheng cited Wei: royal weddings used pelts, horses, graded jade. Han Empress Lü priced empress betrothal at two hundred jin gold. Consorts fifty jin and four mounts. Wei used 190 bolts for princes and princesses. Jin raised silk to three hundred. Throne said princesses join husbands' households—cash stipends suffice. Provide ceremonial jade only; silk follows precedent.
42
使 殿 使
Xiankang 2 Chengdi sent Zhuge Hui and Kong Yu with six ceremonies for Du Lingyang. She entered Taiji that evening amid congratulations. Such applause broke canon. No classical chapter governs emperor's nuptials. Annals lines on Duke Ji's queen-fetch spawn three commentary readings. Han–Wei archives barely documented them. Post-Wu Eastern Jin lost manuals. Hua Heng drafted rites for Du. Du Yu said the throne only funded bride wealth. Zuozhuan frames Zhou–Qi matchmaking speeches. Royal letters descend; replies ascend without middlemen. Exegetes treat the passage as imperial marriage template. Chengdi's hall commission survives but manuals stay fragmentary.
43
殿殿 使{} {}
Kangdi's Chu wedding lacked maotou halberdiers per manual. Censors noted mismatch with Cheng Gong's precedent. Gong's entry used only azure-dragon flag. New five-ox standards consumed escorts, explaining gaps. Throne answered full dress honors inception. Why strip regalia from what matters most! Gong's tablet entered under reduced honors forbidding five-ox standards—why revive them now? Dropping the five-ox pageant leaves halberd escorts and canopies easy to field. Another decree conceded antiquity was elusive and full replication wasteful. State coffers exist for war and administration. Issue minimal court dress; cancel redundant gear.
44
' 使使 使使 使 祿 使使 使 姿 使使 使使 使 使使 使
Mu's Shenping 1 planned Queen He's installation. Wang Biaozhi blasted Gongyang's "no host" wedding theory. Sovereigns own everyone as subjects—fathers and tutors included. The cosmic order cannot have the father of heaven named by a minister's order to marry. Nor may petty ministers invoke celestial father's style. No classical king handled weddings thus. Histories show no analogy. Heart rejects it; doctrine forbids it. Xianning enthronement under Dowager Yang lacked uncles hosting Wu's marriage. Jin precedent skipped paternal hosts; Hua Heng's Xiankang form matched. I advise today's ceremony should copy Xiankang line by line. Court agreed. Biaozhi followed Hua Heng's Han-Jin hybrid. Canon bans wedding music three days—Xiankang's applause erred. They adopted Xianning gifts without cheers. Wang Biaozhi authored every placard. Betrothal board opens "Emperor consults He Qi. Marriage founds the human order offered to cosmos and ancestors. Ministers agree on classical formula. Wang Biaozhi and Director Zong deliver the first gifts." Clan head answers: "Throne seeks our humble line. He offers Zhun's orphan daughter, modestly reared. He accepts the charge with ritual deference (first). He Qi signs humbly as "dust." Name placard: Son of Heaven addresses the clan head. Inner palace requires eminent pedigree. Envoys ask the bride's formal name. Host reports pedigree request. He lists matriline: Zhen, Yun, Rui, Zhun. Mother's line through Kong and Yi; age seventeen. He affirms compliance (second). Auspice board opens. Divination approves the match. Third envoys confirm omen. Host trembles at lucky oracle. He professes unworthiness. Pledge again (third). Bride-price text praises her virtue. Lists wealth: silk, livestock, coin, jade. High ministers deliver goods. Clan thanks for high rank and gifts. Compliance (fourth). Schedule board opens. All divination clear. Fifth deputation sets day. Host names wedding day. Accepts (fifth). Escort board opens. Heavenly timing fixed. Excellencies fetch the bride. Clan prepares sendoff. Hundred coaches of notables arrive. He quakes with honor. Final compliance. All answers mirror opening form.
45
Xiaowu married Wang the same way. Each minor rite used paired livestock and grain. Bride price specified rich inventory. Zheng Xuan's five-goose six-rite reading. Tallies diverged from Taikang quotas.
46
Ancient weddings included zhuan texts preserved by Zheng.
47
Year 8 queried wedding fanfares. Hu Na found manuals silent on placement. Biaozhi cited no music. Fanfare counts as music. Manual silence reflects ban. Station musicians mute. Court agreed.
48
' '' ' 便
Yonghe 2 asked whether to cheer. Wang Shu favored felicitations. Zuozhuan calls weddings supreme luck. Zi Han felicitated Jin bride. If allies toast, so should subjects. Cheers after three-day silence. Post-shrine applause becomes its own stage. Biaozhi cited opposite. Zi Han lacks canonical backing. Three-day ban lifts music later. Silence on congratulations implies permanent abstention. Rites "congratulate" meant feast chatter. Modern usage favors gifts over cheers. Court skipped applause.
49
便
September deemed inauspicious. Biaozhi denied monthly taboo. Scholars found no prohibition. Wang Qia mocked extending logic.
50
Year 12 asked about heir shrine gifts. Che Yin exempted attendees. Provincials send goods. Parallel to Yuanzheng regional gifts. Yu cited Xianning prince investitures. Heir's creation merits empire-wide joy. Yu demanded gifts. Xu Miao agreed. Canon praises a worthy heir—felicity lies there. Prince enfeoffments and palace ceremonies already drew bows—adding cups follows naturally.
51
Eastern Jin heir weddings paired one bi with two hides—sources unclear. Pelts suggest martial splendor; jade, mild potency. Ceremonial jade and leopard skins analogize noble character. Wang Su's litany lists silk, paired skins, fowl, and sheep. Western Han lacked ovine bride-price. Zheng's gloss ties sheep to felicity—a late Han innovation. Imperial weddings omitted sheep. Taikang standardized heir weddings with sheep and eight mounts.
52
使使
the tenth year of Taishi Wudi appointed three madames and nine imperial ladies. Canon covers only empress dowry. Throne borrowed Wei forms. Hall ceremony used chamberlain for madames, censor for nine ranks.
53
Han–Wei grooms visited princess residences. Wang Lang protested until practice changed. Taiyuan added leopard skins to stress royal dignity.
54
Zhou canon mandated elder care and village archery—lost in collapse. Mingdi Yongping 2 opened classical elder ritual at the ring-shaped academy. Local schools offered tai-lao to Confucius and Zhou. Winter repeated the observance. Wei Caomao's second year of Ganlu revived imperial elder feast. Wang Xiang and Zheng Xiaotong filled the elder seats. Manuals vanished but Han precedent endures.
55
Wudi the twelfth year of Taishi/XII held village drinking at Biyong. He proclaimed revival of forgotten rites. Rewards went to ritual officers and students. Hui repeated it in Xianning 3 and Yuankang 9.
56
宿 西 西
Han spring purification cleansed along eastward streams. Wei onward fixed the third lunar day. Luoyang elites bathed at Luo. Sima Lun's coup linked to Tianquan purification killing Zhang Lin. Huaidi held poetry gatherings there. Lu Ji mapped Tianquan's hydraulic architecture. Cup-float drinking predates "winding water" poetry. Yuandi banned spring outing paraphernalia. Deposed emperor Haixi staged Zhongshan winding-stream banquet. Double-ninth featured equestrian archery. Commentators tie autumn shooting to seasonal martial qi.
← Previous Chapter
Back to Chapters
Next Chapter →