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劉頌
Liu Song.
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劉頌,字子雅,廣陵人,漢廣陵厲王胥之後也。 世為名族。 同郡有雷、蔣、谷、魯四姓,皆出其下,時人為之語曰「雷、蔣、谷、魯,劉最為祖。」 父觀,平陽太守。 頌少能辨物理,為時人所稱。 察孝廉,舉秀才,皆不就。 文帝辟為相府掾,奉使於蜀。 時蜀新平,人饑土荒,頌表求振貸,不待報而行,由是除名。 武帝踐阼,拜尚書三公郎,典科律,申冤訟。 累遷中書侍郎。 咸寧中,詔頌與散騎郎白褒巡撫荊、揚,以奉使稱旨,轉黃門郎。 遷議郎,守廷尉。 時尚書令史扈寅非罪下獄,詔使考竟,頌執據無罪,寅遂得免,時人以頌比張釋之。 在職六年,號為詳平。 會滅吳,諸將爭功,遣頌校其事,以王渾為上功,王浚為中功。 帝以頌持法失理,左遷京兆太守,不行,轉任河內。 臨發,上便宜,多所納用。 郡界多公主水碓,遏塞流水,轉為浸害,頌表罷之,百姓獲其便利。 尋以母憂去職。 服闋,除淮南相。 在官嚴整,甚有政績。 舊修芍陂,年用數萬人,豪強兼併,孤貧失業,頌使大小戮力,計功受分,百姓歌其平惠。
Liu Song, courtesy name Ziya, came from Guangling and traced his line to Prince Li of Guangling under the Han, Liu Xu. For generations his family had ranked among the great houses of the region. Guangling also boasted the four houses of Lei, Jiang, Gu, and Lu, yet all stood beneath the Lius, and a local rhyme ran, "Lei, Jiang, Gu, and Lu bow to Liu as their elder stock." His father Liu Guan had served as prefect of Pingyang. From youth Liu Song could reason to the root of affairs and won wide praise. Though nominated as filial and incorrupt and as a flourishing talent, he declined each summons. Emperor Wen appointed him a staff clerk in the princely chancellery and dispatched him on embassy to Shu. Shu had only just been pacified: the people were starving and the fields lay waste. Liu Song submitted an urgent plea for grain relief and distributed aid before imperial approval arrived, for which he was struck from office. When Emperor Wu took the throne Liu Song was named a Three Excellencies gentleman in the Masters of Writing, charged with statutes and codes and with redressing unjust suits. He rose step by step to gentleman attendant of the palace secretariat. During Xianning the court sent Liu Song and Bai Bao, cavalier gentleman, on an inspection tour of Jingzhou and Yangzhou. The mission pleased the throne, and Liu Song was moved to gentleman of the yellow gate. He advanced to consultant and served as acting commandant of justice. When Hu Yin, a clerk of the Masters of Writing, was jailed on a false charge and the emperor ordered a full inquest, Liu Song proved his innocence and secured his release. Contemporaries likened him to the Han jurist Zhang Shizhi. Six years in the post earned him a reputation for meticulous fairness. After the conquest of Wu the generals wrangled over credit. The court charged Liu Song with adjudicating their claims; he ranked Wang Hun first and Wang Jun second. The emperor faulted Liu Song for misapplying the law and demoted him to prefect of Jingzhao. Liu Song never took up that post and was reassigned instead to Henei. Before he set out he offered practical policy recommendations, many of which the throne accepted. Princess-owned water mills across the commandery had choked the streams and caused flooding. Liu Song had them shut down by edict, to the great relief of the commoners. He soon resigned to observe mourning for his mother. After the mourning term ended he was named chancellor of Huainan. He ran a tight administration and compiled an impressive record. The old Shao Lake works had drafted tens of thousands each year while magnates monopolized labor and left widows and paupers destitute. Liu Song made every household share the burden by measured shifts and fair rationing, and the people praised his equity.
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頌在郡,上疏曰:臣昔忝河內,臨辭受詔:「卿所言悉要事,宜大小數以聞。 恆苦多事,或不能悉有報,勿以為疑。」 臣受詔之日,喜懼交集,益思自竭,用忘其鄙,願以螢燭,增暉重光。 到郡草具所陳如左,未及書上,會臣嬰丁天罰,寢頓累年,今謹封上前事。 臣雖才不經國,言淺多違,猶願陛下垂省,使臣微誠得經聖鑒,不總棄于常案。 如有足采,冀補萬一。 伏見詔書,開啟土宇,以支百世,封建戚屬,咸出之籓,夫豈不懷,公理然也。 樹國全制,始成於今,超秦、漢、魏氏之局節,紹五帝三代之絕跡。 功被無外,光流後裔,巍巍盛美,三五之君殆有慚德。 何則? 彼因自然而就之,異乎絕跡之後更創之。 雖然,封幼稚皇子于吳、蜀,臣之愚慮,謂未盡善。 夫吳、越剽輕,庸、蜀險絕,此故變釁之所出,易生風塵之地。 且自吳平以來,東南六州將士更守江表,此時之至患也。 又內兵外守,吳人有不自信之心,宜得壯主以鎮撫之,使內外各安其舊。 又孫氏為國,文武眾職,數擬天朝,一旦堙替,同於編戶。 不識所蒙更生之恩,而災困逼身,自謂失地,用懷不靖。 今得長王以臨其國,隨才授任,文武並敘,士卒百役不出其鄉,求富貴者取之於國內。 內兵得散,新邦乂安,兩獲其所,於事為宜。 宜取同姓諸王年二十以上人才高者,分王吳、蜀。 以其去近就遠,割裂土宇,令倍於舊。 以徙封故地,用王幼稚,須皇子長乃遣君之,於是無晚也。 急所須地,交得長主,此事宜也。 臣所陳封建,今大義已舉,然餘眾事,儻有足采,以參成制,故皆並列本事。 臣聞:不憚危悔之患,而願獻所見者,盡忠之臣也; 垂聽逆耳,甘納苦言者,濟世之君也。 臣以期運,幸遇無諱之朝。 雖嘗抗疏陳辭,泛論政體,猶未悉所見,指言得失,徒荷恩寵,不異凡流。 臣竊自愧,不盡忠規,無以上報,謹列所見如左。 臣誠未自許所言必當,然要以不隱所懷為上報之節。 若萬一足采,則微臣更生之年; 如皆瞽妄,則國之福也。 願陛下缺半日之間,垂省臣言。 伏惟陛下雖應天順人,龍飛踐阼,為創基之主,然所遇之時,實是叔世。 何則? 漢末陵遲,閹豎用事,小人專朝,君子在野,政荒眾散,遂以亂亡。 魏武帝以經略之才,撥煩理亂,兼肅文教,積數十年,至於延康之初,然後吏清下順,法始大行。 逮至文、明二帝,奢淫驕縱,傾殆之主也。 然內盛台榭聲色之娛,外當三方英豪嚴敵,事成克舉,少有愆違,其故何也? 實賴前緒,以濟勳業。 然法物政刑,固已漸穨矣。 自嘉平之初,晉祚始基,逮於咸熙之末,其間累年。 雖鈇鉞屢斷,翦除凶醜,然其存者咸蒙遭時之恩,不軌於法。 泰始之初,陛下踐阼,其所服乘皆先代功臣之胤,非其子孫,則其曾玄。 古人有言,膏粱之性難正,故曰時遇叔世。 當此之秋,天地之位始定,四海洗心整綱之會也。 然陛下猶以用才因宜,法寬有由,積之在素,異于漢、魏之先。 三祖崛起,易朝之為,未可一旦直繩禦下,誠時宜也。 然至所以為政,矯世眾務,自宜漸出公塗,法正威斷,日遷就肅。 譬由行舟,雖不橫截迅流,然俄向所趣,漸靡而往,終得其濟。 積微稍著,以至於今,可以言政。 而自泰始以來,將三十年,政功美績,未稱聖旨,凡諸事業,不茂既往。 以陛下明聖,猶未及叔世之弊,以成始初之隆,傳之後世,不無慮乎! 意者,臣言豈不少概聖心夫! 顧惟萬載之事,理在二端。 天下大器,一安難傾,一傾難正。 故慮經後世者,必精目下之政,政安遺業,使數世賴之。 若乃兼建諸侯而樹籓屏,深根固蒂,則祚延無窮,可以比跡三代。 如或當身之政,遺風餘烈不及後嗣,雖樹親戚,而成國之制不建,使夫後世獨任智力以安大業。 若未盡其理,雖經異時,憂責猶追在陛下,將如之何! 願陛下善當今之政,樹不拔之勢,則天下無遺憂矣。 夫聖明不世及,後嗣不必賢,此天理之常也。 故善為天下者,任勢而不任人。 任勢者,諸侯是也; 任人者,郡縣是也。 郡縣之察,小政理而大勢危; 諸侯為邦,近多違而遠慮固。 聖王推終始之弊,,權輕重之理,包彼小違以據大安,然後足以籓固內外,維鎮九服。 夫武王聖主也,成王賢嗣也,然武王不恃成王之賢而廣封建者,慮經無窮也。 且善言今者,必有驗之于古。 唐、虞以前,書文殘缺,其事難詳。 至於三代,則並建明德,及興王之顯親,列爵五等,開國承家,以籓屏帝室,延祚久長,近者五六百歲,遠者僅將千載。 逮至秦氏,罷侯置守,子弟不分尺土,孤立無輔,二世而亡。 漢承周、秦之後,雜而用之,前後二代各二百餘年。 揆其封建不用,雖強弱不適,制度舛錯,不盡事中,然跡其衰亡,恆在同姓失職,諸侯微時,不在強盛。 昔呂氏作亂,幸賴齊、代之援,以寧社稷。 七國叛逆,梁王捍之,卒弭其難。 自是之後,威權削奪,諸侯止食租奉,甚者至乘牛車。 是以王莽得擅本朝,遂其奸謀,傾蕩天下,毒流生靈。 光武紹起,雖封樹子弟,而不建成國之制,祚亦不延。 魏氏承之,圈閉親戚,幽囚子弟,是以神器速傾,天命移在陛下。 長短之應,禍福之徵,可見於此。 又魏氏雖正位居體,南面稱帝,然三方未賓,正朔有所不加,實有戰國相持之勢。 大晉之興,宣帝定燕,太祖平蜀,陛下滅吳,可謂功格天地,土廣三王,舟車所至,人跡所及,皆為臣妾,四海大同,始於今日。 宜承大勳之籍,及陛下聖明之時,開啟土宇,使同姓必王,建久安于萬載,垂長世於無窮。 臣又聞國有任臣則安,有重臣則亂。 而王制,人君立子以嫡不以長,立嫡以長不以賢,此事情之不可易者也。 而賢明至少,不肖至眾,此固天理之常也。 物類相求,感應而至,又自然也。 是以暗君在位,則重臣盈朝; 明後臨政,則任臣列職。 夫任臣之與重臣,俱執國統而立斷者也。 然成敗相反,邪正相背,其故何也? 重臣假所資以樹私,任臣因所籍以盡公。 盡公者,政之本也; 樹私者,亂之源也。 推斯言之,則泰日少,亂日多,政教漸穨,欲國之無危,不可得也。 又非徒唯然而已。 借令愚劣之嗣,蒙先哲之遺緒,得中賢之佐,而樹國本根不深,無干輔之固,則所謂任臣者化而為重臣矣。 何則? 國有可傾之勢,則執權者見疑,眾疑難以自信,而甘受死亡者非人情故也。 若乃建基既厚,籓屏強禦,雖置幼君赤子而天下不懼,曩之所謂重臣者,今悉反忠而為任臣矣。 何則? 理無危勢,懷不自猜,忠誠得著,不惕於邪故也。 聖王知賢哲之不世及,故立相持之勢以禦其臣。 是以五等既列,臣無忠慢,同於竭節,以徇其上。 群後既建,繼體賢鄙,亦均一契,等於無慮。 且樹國苟固,則所任之臣,得賢益理,次委中智,亦足以安。 何則? 勢固易持故也。 然則建邦苟盡其理,則無向不可。 是以周室自成、康以下,逮至宣王,宣王之後,到于赧王,其間曆載,朝無名臣,而宗廟不隕者,諸侯維持之也。 故曰,為社稷計,莫若建國。 夫邪正逆順者,人心之所系服也。 今之建置,宜審量事勢,使諸侯率義而動,同忿俱奮,令其力足以維帶京邑。 若包藏禍心,惕於邪而起,孤立無党,所蒙之籍不足獨以有為。 然齊此甚難,陛下宜與達古今善識事勢之士深共籌之。 建侯之理,使君樂其國,臣榮其朝,各流福祚,傳之無窮。 上下一心,愛國如家,視百姓如子,然後能保荷天祿,兼翼王室。 今諸王裂土,皆兼于古之諸侯,而君賤其爵,臣恥其位,莫有安志,其故何也? 法同郡縣,無成國之制故也。 今之建置,宜使率由舊章,一如古典。 然人心系常,不累十年,好惡未改,情願未移。 臣之愚慮,以為宜早創大制,遲回眾望,猶在十年之外,然後能令君臣各安其位,榮其所蒙,上下相持,用成籓輔。 如今之為,適足以虧天府之藏,徒棄穀帛之資,無補鎮國衛上之勢也。 古者封建既定,各有其國,後雖王之子孫,無復尺土,此今事之必不行者也。 若推親疏,轉有所廢,以有所樹,則是郡縣之職,非建國之制。 今宜豫開此地,令十世之內,使親者得轉處近。 十世之遠,近郊地盡,然後親疏相維,不得復如十世之內。 然猶樹親有所,遲天下都滿,已彌數百千年矣。 今方始封而親疏倒施,甚非所宜。 宜更大量天下土田方里之數,都更裂土分人,以王同姓,使親疏遠近不錯其宜,然後可以永安。 古者封國,大者不過土方百里,然後人數殷眾,境內必盈其力,足以備充制度。 今雖一國周環近將千里,然力實寡,不足以奉國典。 所遇不同,故當因時制宜,以盡事適今。 宜令諸王國容少而軍容多,然于古典所應有者悉立其制,然非急所須,漸而備之,不得頓設也。 須車甲器械既具,群臣乃服彩章; 倉廩已實,乃營宮室; 百姓已足,乃備官司; 境內充實,乃作禮樂。 唯宗廟社稷,則先建之。 至於境內之政,官人用才,自非內史、國相命于天子,其餘眾職及死生之斷、穀帛資實、慶賞刑威、非封爵者,悉得專之。 今臣所舉二端,蓋事之大較,其所不載,應在二端之屬者,以此為率。 今諸國本一郡之政耳,若備舊典,則官司以數,事所不須,而以虛制損實力。 至於慶賞刑斷,所以衛下之權,不重則無以威眾人而衛上。 故臣之愚慮,欲令諸侯權具,國容少而軍容多,然亦終於必備今事為宜。 周之建侯,長享其國,與王者並,遠者僅將千載,近者猶數百年; 漢之諸王,傳祚暨至曾玄。 人性不甚相遠,古今一揆,而短長甚違,其故何邪? 立意本殊而制不同故也。 周之封建,使國重於君,公侯之身輕於社稷,故無道之君不免誅放。 敦興滅繼絕之義,故國祚不泯。 不免誅放,則群後思懼; 胤嗣必繼,是無亡國也。 諸侯思懼,然後軌道,下無亡國,天子乘之,理勢自安,此周室所以長在也。 漢之樹置君國,輕重不殊,故諸王失度,陷於罪戮,國隨以亡。 不崇興滅繼絕之序,故下無固國。 下無固國,天子居上,勢孤無輔,故奸臣擅朝,易傾大業。 今宜反漢之弊,修周舊跡。 國君雖或失道,陷於誅絕,又無子應除,苟有始封支胤,不問遠近,必紹其祚。 若無遺類,則虛建之,須皇子生,以繼其統,然後建國無滅。 又班固稱「諸侯失國亦猶網密」,今又宜都寬其檢。 且建侯之理,本經盛衰,大制都定,班之群後,著誓丹青,書之玉版,藏之金匱,置諸宗廟,副在有司。 寡弱小國猶不可危,豈況萬乘之主! 承難傾之邦而加其上,則自然永久居重固之安,可謂根深華嶽而四維之也。 臣之愚,願陛下置天下于自安之地,寄大業于固成之勢,則可以無遺憂矣。 今閻閭少名士,官司無高能,其故何也? 清議不肅,人不立德,行在取容,故無名士。 下不專局,又無考課,吏不竭節,故無高能。 無高能,則有疾世事; 少名士,則後進無准,故臣思立吏課而肅清議。 夫欲富貴而惡貧賤,人理然也。 聖王大諳物情,知不可去,故直同公私之利,而詭其求道,使夫欲富者必先由貧,欲貴者必先安賤。 安賤則不矜,不矜然後廉恥厲; 守貧者必節欲,節欲然後操全。 以此處務,乃得盡公。 盡公者,富貴之徒也。 為無私者終得其私,故公私之利同也。 今欲富者不由貧自得富,欲貴者不安賤自得貴,公私之塗既乖,而人情不能無私,私利不可以公得,則恆背公而橫務。 是以風節日穨,公理漸替,人士富貴,非軌道之所得。 以此為政,小大難期。 然教穨來既久,難反一朝。 又世放都靡,營欲比肩,群士渾然,庸行相似,不可頓肅,甚殊黜陟也。 且教不求盡善,善在抑尤,同侈之中,猶有甚泰。 使夫昧適情之樂者,捐其顯榮之貴,俄在不鮮之地; 約己潔素者,蒙儉德之報,列于清官之上。 二業分流,令各有蒙。 然俗放都奢,不可頓肅,故臣私慮,願先從事於漸也。 天下至大,萬事至眾,人君至少,同于天日,故非垂聽所得周覽。 是以聖王之化,執要而已,委務於下而不以事自嬰也。 分職既定,無所與焉,非憚日昃之勤,而牽於逸豫之虞,誠以政體宜然,事勢致之也。 何則? 夫造創謀始,逆暗是非,以別能否,甚難察也。 既以施行,因其成敗,以分功罪,甚易識也。 易識在考終,難察在造始,故人君恆居其易則安,人臣不處其難則亂。 今陛下每精事始而略於考終,故群吏慮事懷成敗之懼輕,飾文采以避目下之譴重,此政功所以未善也。 今人主能恆居易執要以禦其下,然後人臣功罪形於成敗之征,無逃其誅賞。 故罪不可蔽,功不可誣。 功不可誣,則能者勸; 罪不可蔽,則違慢日肅,此為國之大略也。 臣竊惟陛下聖心,意在盡善,懼政有違,故精事始,以求無失。 又以眾官勝任者少,故不委務,甯居日昃也。 臣之愚慮,竊以為今欲盡善,故宜考終。 何則? 精始難校故也。 又群官多不勝任,亦宜委務,使能者得以成功,不能者得以著敗。 敗著可得而廢,功成可得遂任,然後賢能常居位以善事,暗劣不得以屍祿害政。 如此不已,則勝任者漸多,經年少久,即群司遍得其人矣。 此校才考實,政之至務也。 今人主不委事仰成,而與諸下共造事始,則功罪難分。 下不專事,居官不久,故能否不別。 何以驗之? 今世士人決不悉良能也,又決不悉疲軟也。 然今欲舉一忠賢,不知所賞; 求一負敗,不知所罰。 及其免退,自以犯法耳,非不能也。 登進者自以累資及人間之譽耳,非功實也。 若謂不然,則當今之政未稱聖旨,此其征也。 陛下禦今法為政將三十年,而功未日新,其咎安在? 古人有言:「琴瑟不調,甚者必改而更張。」 凡臣所言,誠政體之常,然古今異宜,所遇不同。 陛下縱未得盡仰成之理,都委務於下,至如今事應奏禦者,蠲除不急,使要事得精可三分之二。 古者六卿分職,塚宰為師。 秦、漢已來,九列執事,丞相都總。 今尚書制斷,諸卿奉成,于古制為重,事所不須,然今未能省並。 可出眾事付外寺,使得專之,尚書為其都統,若丞相之為。 惟立法創制,死生之斷,除名流徙,退免大事,及連度支之事,台乃奏處。 其餘外官皆專斷之,歲終台閤課功校簿而已。 此為九卿造創事始,斷而行之,尚書書主,賞罰繩之,其勢必愈考成司非而已。 於今親掌者動受成於上,上之所失,不得復以罪下,歲終事功不建,不知所責也。 夫監司以法舉罪,獄官案劾盡實,法吏據辭守文,大較雖同,然至於施用,監司與夫法獄體宜小異。 獄官唯實,法吏唯文,監司則欲舉大而略小。 何則? 夫細過微闕,謬妄之失,此人情之所必有,而悉糾以法,則朝野無全人,此所謂欲理而反亂者也。 故善為政者綱舉而網疏,綱舉則所羅者廣,網疏則小必漏,所羅者廣則為政不苛,此為政之要也。 而自近世以來,為監司者,類大綱不振而微過必舉。 微過不足以害政,舉之則微而益亂; 大綱不振,則豪強橫肆,豪強橫肆,則百姓失職矣,此錯所急而倒所務之由也。 今宜令有司反所常之政,使天下可善化。 及此非難也,人主不善碎密之案,必責犯強舉尤之奏,當以盡公,則害政之奸自然禽矣。 夫大奸犯政而亂兆庶之罪者,類出富強,而豪富者其力足憚,其貨足欲,是以官長顧勢而頓筆。 下吏縱奸,懼所司之不舉,則謹密網以羅微罪。 使奏劾相接,狀似盡公,而撓法不亮固已在其中矣。 非徒無益于政體,清議乃由此而益傷。 古人有言曰:「君子之過,如日之蝕焉。」 又曰:「過而能改」又曰「不貳過」。 凡此數者,皆是賢人君子不能無過之言也。 苟不至於害政,則皆天網之所漏; 所犯在甚泰,然後王誅所必加,此舉罪淺深之大例者也。 故君子得全美以善事,不善者必夷戮以警眾,此為政誅赦之准式也。 何則? 所謂賢人君子,苟不能無過,小疵不可以廢其身,而輒繩以法,則愧于明時。 何則? 雖有所犯,輕重甚殊,于士君子之心受責不同而名不異者,故不軌之徒得引名自方,以惑眾聽,因名可亂,假力取直,故清議益傷也。 凡舉過彈違,將以肅風論而整世教,今舉小過,清議益穨。 是以聖人深識人情而達政體,故其稱曰:「不以一眚掩大德。」 又曰:「赦小過,舉賢才。」 又曰:「無求備於一人。」 故冕而前旒,充纊塞耳,意在善惡之報必取其尤,然後簡而不漏,大罪必誅,法禁易全也。 何則? 害法在犯尤,而謹搜微過,何異放兕豹於公路,而禁鼠盜於隅隙。 古人有言,「鈇鉞不用而刀鋸日弊,不可以為政」,此言大事緩而小事急也。 時政所失,少有此類,陛下宜反而求之,乃得所務也。 夫權制不可以經常,政乖不可以守安,此言攻守之術異也。 百姓雖愚,望不虛生,必因時而發。 有因而發,則望不可奪; 事變異前,則時不可違。 明聖達政,應赴之速,不及下車,故能動合事機,大得人情。 昔魏武帝分離天下,使人役居戶,各在一方; 既事勢所須,且意有曲為,權假一時,以赴所務,非正典也。 然逡巡至今,積年未改,百姓雖身丁其困,而私怨不生,誠以三方未悉蕩並,知時未可以求安息故也。 是以甘役如歸,視險若夷。 至於平吳之日,天下懷靜,而東南二方,六州郡兵,將士武吏,戍守江表,或給京城運漕,父南子北,室家分離,咸更不寧。 又不習水土,運役勤瘁,並有死亡之患,勢不可久。 此宜大見處分,以副人望。 魏氏錯役,亦應改舊。 此二者各盡其理,然黔首感恩懷德,謳吟樂生必十倍於今也。 自董卓作亂以至今,近出百年,四海勤瘁,丁難極矣。 六合渾並,始於今日,兆庶思寧,非虛望也。 然古今異宜,所遇不同,誠亦未可以希遵在昔,放息馬牛。 然使受百役者不出其國,兵備待事其鄉,實在可為。 縱復不得悉然為之,苟盡其理,可靜三分之二,吏役可不出千里之內。 但如斯而已,天下所蒙已不訾矣。 政務多端,世事之未盡理者,難遍以疏舉,振領總綱,要在三條。 凡政欲靜,靜在息役,息役在無為。 倉廩欲實,實在利農,利農在平糴。 為政欲著信,著信在簡賢,簡賢在官久。 官久非難也,連其班級,自非才宜,不得傍轉以終其課,則事善矣。 平糴已有成制,其未備者可就周足,則穀積矣。 無為匪他,卻功作之勤,抑似益而損之利。 如斯而已,則天下靜矣。 此三者既舉,雖未足以厚化,然可以為安有餘矣。 夫王者之利,在生天地自然之財,農是也。 所立為指於此,事誠有功益。 苟或妨農,皆務所息,此悉似益而損之謂也。 然今天下自有事所必須,不得止已,或用功甚少而所濟至重。 目下為之,雖少有廢,而計終已大益。 農官有十百之利,及有妨害,在始似如未急,終作大患,宜逆加功,以塞其漸。 如河、汴將合,沈萊苟善,則役不可息。 諸如此類,亦不得已已。 然事患緩急,權計輕重,自非近如此類,准以為率,乃可興為,其餘皆務在靜息。 然能善算輕重,權審其宜,知可興可廢,甚難了也,自非上智遠才,不幹此任。 夫創業之美,勳在垂統,使夫後世蒙賴以安。 其為安也,雖昏猶明,雖愚若智。 濟世功者,實在善化之為,要在靜國。 至夫修飾宮署,凡諸作役務為恆傷過泰,不患不舉,此將來所不須于陛下而自能者也。 至於仰蒙前緒,所憑日月者,實在遺風系人心,余烈匡幼弱,而今勤所不須,以傷所憑。 鈞此二者,何務孰急,陛下少垂恩回慮,詳擇所安,則大理盡矣。 世之私議,竊比陛下于孝文。 臣以為聖德隆殺,將在乎後,不在當今。 何則? 陛下龍飛鳳翔,應期踐阼,有創業之勳矣。 掃滅強吳,奄征南海,又有之矣。 以天子之貴,而躬行布衣之所難,孝儉之德,冠于百王,又有之矣。 履宜無細,動成軌度,又有之矣。 若善當身之政,建籓屏之固,使晉代久長,後世仰瞻遺跡,校功考事,實與湯、武比靈斯,何孝文足雲! 臣之此言,非臣下褒上虛美常辭,其事實然。 若所以資為安之理,或未盡善,則恐良史書勳,不得遠盡弘美,甚可惜也。 然不可使夫知政之士得參聖慮,經年少久,終必有成。 願陛下少察臣言。
While administering the commandery Liu Song memorialized: Your servant once served as Administrator of Henei and, on taking leave, received an edict: "What you report concerns matters of weight; you should keep me informed of them, great and small. I am constantly burdened with affairs and may not be able to answer everything in full; do not doubt me on that account." On the day your servant received that edict, joy and fear mingled together; he resolved all the more to give his utmost, forgetting his own unworthiness, hoping that like a firefly or candle he might add a little light to your greater brilliance. On reaching the commandery he drafted the memorial below, but before he could submit it, your servant was struck by Heaven's punishment in bereavement and lay ill for years; he now respectfully seals and presents that earlier submission. Though your servant's talent falls short of governing the realm and his words are shallow and often wide of the mark, he still hopes Your Majesty will deign to examine them, so that this slight sincerity may reach your sage discernment and not be wholly discarded among routine papers. If anything here is worth adopting, he hopes it may prove of some small use. Prostrate, he has seen the edict opening the realm to support generations yet to come, enfeoffing imperial kinsmen and sending them all to frontier domains; who would not approve? Public reason demands it. The full system of establishing feudal states is now first brought to completion, surpassing the arrangements of Qin, Han, and Wei and renewing the broken line of the Five Emperors and Three Dynasties. Its merit extends everywhere abroad, its glory flows to later generations; in loftiness and splendor it is so grand that even the rulers of the Three Dynasties and Five Emperors might feel ashamed before it. Why is this so? They achieved it by following what was already natural, unlike creating anew after the old line had been broken. Even so, in your servant's humble view, enfeoffing young princes in Wu and Shu is not yet the best course. Wu and Yue are swift and restless; Yong and Shu are perilous and remote—places where disturbances arise and turmoil easily flares. Moreover, since Wu was pacified, the generals and soldiers of the six southeastern provinces have rotated in guarding the lands south of the Yangzi—the greatest affliction of the age. Again, with troops from within guarding lands abroad, the people of Wu lack confidence in the regime; a strong prince should be placed there to pacify and reassure them, so that within and without each may rest secure in accustomed ways. Again, under the Sun house there had been a state whose civil and military offices in multitude rivaled the imperial court; in a single morning that order was buried and its people reduced to ordinary registered households. They do not recognize the grace of renewed life they have received; disaster and hardship press upon them, they deem themselves dispossessed, and therefore harbor unrest. If an elder prince were now placed over that region, appointing men according to talent and ordering civil and military offices alike, so that soldiers and corvée laborers need not leave their native districts and those seeking wealth and rank obtain them within the domain— —inner troops could be dispersed, the new domain would be well governed, and both sides would gain what they need; in the matter this would be fitting. Princes of the imperial surname who are over twenty and of high talent should be chosen and given separate domains in Wu and Shu. Because they would leave what is near and take what is far, their lands should be divided and their territories doubled in size. By transferring enfeoffments to the old domains and using young princes for now, one need only wait until the imperial sons are grown before sending them as lords—then there would be no delay. Where land is urgently needed, an elder prince would at once be obtained; in this matter the course is fitting. What your servant has presented on enfeoffment has now set forth the great principle; yet regarding the remaining matters, if any are worth adopting to help complete the system, he therefore lists them together with the original points. Your servant has heard that one who does not fear the peril of regret and yet offers what he sees is a fully loyal minister; and one who listens to what grates on the ear and willingly accepts bitter counsel is a ruler who saves the age. By the fortune of the age, your servant has been blessed to serve in a court where frank speech is not forbidden. Although he has once submitted a memorial broadly discussing the body of government, he has still not fully stated what he sees or pointed out what succeeds and fails; he has merely received grace and favor, no different from the common run. Your servant is privately ashamed that he has not fully offered loyal counsel and has nothing with which to repay your grace; he respectfully lists what he sees below. Your servant does not assure himself that what he says must be correct, yet he holds that not hiding what is in his heart is the measure of repaying your grace. If by chance anything here is worth adopting, it will be as a year of renewed life for this lowly minister; if all is blind and reckless, then it is the state's good fortune. He asks Your Majesty to set aside half a day and examine your servant's words. Prostrate, he considers that although Your Majesty responded to Heaven and accorded with men, soared as a dragon, and ascended the throne as a founder of the dynasty, the age you have encountered is in truth a declining one. Why is this so? At the end of Han the realm declined; eunuchs held power, petty men monopolized the court, gentlemen remained in retirement, government fell into ruin and the people scattered, and so the dynasty perished in disorder. Emperor Wu of Wei, with talent for strategy and planning, cleared away troubles and ordered disorder while also making civil teaching solemn; after several decades, by the beginning of the Yankang era, officials were finally upright, the lower ranks compliant, and the law broadly enforced. By the reigns of Emperors Wen and Ming, the throne was held by rulers who were extravagant, dissolute, proud, and unrestrained—sovereigns who tilted the dynasty toward peril. Yet within they flourished in towers, terraces, and the pleasures of sound and color; without they faced heroic foes on three sides and stern enemies—affairs succeeded and were accomplished with little fault or failure; what was the reason? In truth they relied on what had gone before to complete their achievement. Yet the ritual objects, government, and punishments had already gradually declined. From the beginning of Jiaping the Jin dynasty first laid its foundation; by the end of Xianxi many years had passed. Although axes and halberds were repeatedly applied and fierce villains were cut down, those who remained all received the grace of the age and went outside the track of law. At the beginning of Taishi Your Majesty ascended the throne; those who served and attended you were all descendants of meritorious ministers of former generations—if not their sons and grandsons, then their great-great-grandsons. The ancients said that the nature of the rich and noble is hard to correct; hence it is said that the age you encountered is a declining one. At that moment the positions of Heaven and Earth were first fixed—it was the moment for the four seas to wash their hearts and put right the bonds of rule. Yet Your Majesty still held that employing talent according to circumstance and the law's leniency had their reasons, accumulated over long custom, unlike Han and Wei before. The Three Ancestors rose up and changed dynasties; one could not at once apply the straight cord to rule those below—it was truly suited to the time. Yet in governing and correcting the age's many affairs, one should naturally gradually emerge onto the public path, make law upright and authority decisive, and day by day move toward severity. It is like traveling by boat: although one does not cut straight across the swift current, one gradually drifts toward one's aim and in the end achieves the crossing. Accumulating small changes until they gradually appear, reaching to the present, one may speak of government. Yet from Taishi until now, nearly thirty years, governmental achievement and splendid merit have not matched your sage intent; none of the various undertakings has flourished beyond what went before. With Your Majesty's clarity and sagacity, still not reaching beyond the ills of a declining age to achieve the splendor of the beginning and transmit it to later generations—is there not cause for concern! Perhaps your servant's words do not a little touch Your Majesty's heart! Looking to affairs of ten thousand generations, the principle lies in two points. The realm is a great vessel: once secure it is hard to overturn; once overturned it is hard to set right. Therefore one who plans for later generations must refine the government of the present; when government secures the legacy, several generations may rely on it. If one moreover jointly establishes feudal lords and plants frontier screens, with deep roots and firm stems, then the fortune will extend without end and one may compare traces with the Three Dynasties. If the government of one's own reign, with surviving influence and remaining vigor, does not reach later generations, then although kinsmen are planted, the system of established states is not built, and later generations must rely solely on intelligence and force to secure the great enterprise— if its principle is not fully realized, then although time passes, worry and blame will still pursue Your Majesty—what then is to be done! He asks Your Majesty to manage well the government of today and plant an unuprootable power—then the realm will have no lingering worry. Sagely clarity does not come generation after generation, and later successors need not be worthy—this is the constant way of Heaven. Therefore one who is good at governing the realm relies on power and not on men. Those who rely on power are the feudal lords; those who rely on men are the commanderies and counties. Under the clarity of commanderies and counties, small government is well ordered but the great power is perilous; when feudal lords govern states, near at hand there are many transgressions but far-sighted consideration is firm. The sage king weighs the ills of beginning and end, balances the principle of light and heavy, embraces those small transgressions to hold the great security, and only then is able to screen and secure inner and outer and maintain the nine domains. King Wu was a sage ruler and King Cheng a worthy successor; yet King Wu did not rely on King Cheng's worthiness and broadly enfeoffed because he planned for endless generations. Moreover, one who speaks well of the present must have verification in the ancients. Before Tang and Yu, written texts were broken and missing; those affairs are hard to detail. Reaching the Three Dynasties, they jointly established the bright and virtuous and the illustrious kin of founding kings; they ranked the five ranks of nobility, opened states and continued houses to screen the imperial house; their fortune extended long—near at hand five or six hundred years, far off nearly a thousand. When the Qin house came, they abolished marquises and set up governors; sons and younger brothers were not allotted even a foot of land; isolated without support, they perished in the second generation. Han succeeded Zhou and Qin and used both systems mixed together; the two periods before and after each lasted more than two hundred years. Measuring that enfeoffment was not used, although strong and weak were ill matched and institutions were awry and not fully suited to affairs, yet tracing their decline and fall, it was constantly when those of the same surname lost office and feudal lords were weak in their time—not when they were strong and flourishing. Formerly when the Lü clan rebelled, the realm luckily relied on the aid of Qi and Dai to settle the altars of soil and grain. When the seven states rebelled, the King of Liang defended against them and in the end quelled the crisis. From this afterward, authority and power were cut and seized; feudal lords only lived on rent and stipends, and in extreme cases even rode ox carts. Therefore Wang Mang was able to monopolize the court, carry out his treacherous plot, overturn and shake the realm, and spread poison among the living. Emperor Guangwu rose up in succession; although he enfeoffed sons and younger brothers, he did not establish the system of founded states, and the fortune also did not extend. The Wei house inherited this, penning in kinsmen and imprisoning sons and younger brothers; therefore the sacred vessel quickly tilted and Heaven's mandate shifted to Your Majesty. The response of long and short reigns, the sign of disaster and blessing, may be seen in this. Again, although the Wei house rightly occupied the throne and faced south as emperor, the three regions were not submitted and the calendar was not applied everywhere; in truth there was the posture of the Warring States standing against one another. The rise of Great Jin: Emperor Xuan settled Yan, Emperor Taizu pacified Shu, Your Majesty destroyed Wu—merit reaching Heaven and Earth, territory broadened beyond the Three Kings; wherever boats and chariots reached, wherever human tracks extended, all became subjects; the great unity of the four seas begins from today. One should inherit the record of great achievement and, in Your Majesty's sage and bright time, open the realm, make those of the same surname necessarily kings, establish long peace for ten thousand generations, and extend long ages without end. Your servant has also heard that when a state has entrusted ministers it is secure, and when it has heavy ministers it is disordered. Yet in royal institutions, the ruler establishes a son by legitimacy of birth and not by seniority, and establishes the legitimate heir by seniority and not by worth—this is what in affairs cannot be changed. Yet the worthy and bright are at best few and the unworthy are at most many—this is indeed the constant way of Heaven. Things of a kind seek one another; responding and touching they arrive—this too is natural. Therefore when a dark ruler is on the throne, heavy ministers fill the court; when a bright sovereign governs, entrusted ministers fill the offices. Entrusted ministers and heavy ministers alike hold the state's succession and establish decisions. Yet success and failure are opposite, the crooked and straight turn their backs—what is the reason? Heavy ministers borrow what they rely on to plant private interest; entrusted ministers by what they rest upon exhaust the public good. Exhausting the public good is the root of government; planting private interest is the source of disorder. Extending this saying, peaceful days are few and disorderly days many; government and teaching gradually decline—wishing the state to be without peril is impossible. And this is not merely so and nothing more. Suppose a foolish and inferior successor, receiving the remnant threads of former sages and obtaining assistants of middling worth, yet the planted state's roots are not deep and there is no firmness of supporting trunks—then the so-called entrusted ministers transform into heavy ministers. Why is this so? When the state has a posture that may be overturned, those who hold power are viewed with suspicion; when the multitude is suspicious it is hard to trust oneself, and willingly accepting death is not human nature. If the foundation is already thick and the frontier screens strong in defense, then even if an infant ruler or suckling child is set up the realm is not afraid; the so-called heavy ministers of former times now all turn loyal and become entrusted ministers. Why is this so? Principle has no perilous posture; in the heart one does not suspect oneself; loyalty and sincerity obtain display; one is not wary of the crooked. The sage king knows that the worthy and wise do not come generation after generation; therefore he establishes a mutually sustaining posture to guard against his ministers. Therefore once the five ranks are arrayed, ministers have no loyal sloth; they are the same in exhausting integrity to follow their superior. Once the host of lords is established, successors worthy or base are also equal in one tally, equal to being without worry. Moreover, if the planted state is firm, then the ministers entrusted—if the worthy are obtained, government is further ordered; if next entrusted to middling intelligence, that too is sufficient for security. Why is this so? Power once firm is easy to hold. Thus if establishing states exhausts its principle, then there is no direction in which one may not succeed. Therefore from Kings Cheng and Kang downward in the Zhou house, reaching King Xuan, and after King Xuan down to King Nan, years passed between; the court had no famous ministers yet the ancestral temple did not fall—feudal lords maintained it. Therefore it is said that in calculating for the altars of soil and grain, nothing is like establishing states. The crooked and straight, the rebellious and compliant—these are what men's hearts attach to and submit to. In today's establishment, one should carefully measure affairs and power, making feudal lords lead righteousness in action, share anger and together exert themselves, so that their strength is sufficient to bind and gird the capital region. If one harbors a treacherous heart, is wary and rises from the crooked, isolated without faction, the registers one receives are not sufficient to act alone. Yet to align this is very difficult; Your Majesty should deeply consult together with men who penetrate antiquity and the present and are good at knowing affairs and power. The principle of establishing marquises is to make lords delight in their states and ministers honor their court, each flowing fortune and blessing, transmitting them without end. Above and below of one heart, loving the state as home, viewing the common people as children—only then can one preserve and bear Heaven's blessing and together wing the royal house. Now the various princes divide land, all combining the ancient feudal lords, yet lords despise their ranks and ministers are ashamed of their positions; none have a settled will—what is the reason? The law is the same as commanderies and counties; there is no system of established states. In today's establishment, one should make all follow the old statutes, exactly like the ancient model. Yet men's hearts are tied to custom; within not ten years, likes and dislikes are not changed and inclinations are not shifted. In your servant's humble view, one should early create the great system; if one delays and turns back the multitude's hope, it will still be beyond ten years before lord and minister can each rest secure in his position, honor what he receives, above and below mutually sustain, and thereby complete frontier assistance. As it is done now, it is just sufficient to diminish the storehouse of Heaven's treasury, vainly discard resources of grain and cloth, and give no help to the power of stabilizing the state and guarding the sovereign. In antiquity, once enfeoffment was settled, each had his state; afterward, even the king's sons and grandsons had no more foot of land—this is what in present affairs certainly cannot be done. If one pushes near and far kin, in turn abolishing here and planting there, then this is the duty of commanderies and counties, not the system of establishing states. Now one should beforehand open this ground, so that within ten generations those who are near kin may in turn be placed nearer. At ten generations' distance, when the near suburban lands are exhausted, then near and far kin will mutually sustain one another and cannot again be as within ten generations. Yet still in planting kin there is a place; delaying until the realm is full has already spanned several hundred or thousand years. Now one has just begun to enfeoff yet near and far kin are reversed in application—this is very unsuitable. One should again greatly measure the numbers of land and square li throughout the realm, all again split land and divide people, making kings of the same surname, so that near and far kin, distant and close, do not miss their proper place—only then can there be lasting peace. In antiquity enfeoffed states, the largest did not exceed a hundred li square of land; then the population was abundant and numerous, and within the borders they necessarily filled their strength, sufficient to prepare and complete the institutions. Now although one state circles nearly a thousand li, in truth its strength is sparse and insufficient to support the state's canon. What is encountered is different; therefore one should adapt institutions to the time, to exhaust affairs and suit the present. One should order the various princes' state regalia to be few and military regalia many; yet among what the ancient model should have, fully establish its institutions; yet what is not urgently needed should gradually be prepared and must not be set up at once. Only when chariots, armor, and weapons are complete do the host of ministers then wear colored insignia; when granaries are already filled, then one builds palaces and halls; when the common people are already sufficient, then one prepares official offices; when within the borders is full and solid, then one makes rites and music. Only the ancestral temple and altars of soil and grain should be built first. As to government within the borders and appointing men by talent, except that the inner scribe and state chancellor are appointed by the Son of Heaven, all other offices and decisions of life and death, resources of grain and cloth, rewards and punishments, honors and authority, and matters other than enfeoffment of rank—all may be exclusively decided. What your servant now presents in two points is broadly the great outline of affairs; what is not recorded but should belong to the category of the two points should take this as the measure. Now the various states are in origin only the government of one commandery; if one prepares the old canon, then official offices multiply in number for affairs not needed, and with empty institutions one damages real strength. As to rewards and punishments and judicial decisions—these are the authority by which one guards those below; if not weighty, one has no means to awe the multitude and guard the sovereign. Therefore in your servant's humble view, he wishes to make feudal lords' authority complete, with state regalia few and military regalia many; yet in the end it must also be fully prepared—as present affairs require. Zhou's establishment of marquises: they long enjoyed their states, standing alongside the king; far off nearly a thousand years, near at hand still several hundred; Han's various kings transmitted fortune reaching even to great-great-grandsons. Human nature is not very far apart; ancient and modern are one measure—yet short and long greatly diverge; what is the reason? The intent established was fundamentally different and the institutions were not the same. Zhou's enfeoffment made the state heavier than the lord and the bodies of dukes and marquises lighter than the altars of soil and grain; therefore unprincipled lords did not escape execution and banishment. They honored the principle of raising what was destroyed and continuing what was broken off; therefore state fortune was not extinguished. Not escaping execution and banishment, then the host of lords thought and feared; heirs and successors necessarily continued—there was no perishing state. Feudal lords thought and feared, and then followed the track; below there were no perishing states; the Son of Heaven rode upon this—principle and power naturally secure; this is why the Zhou house long endured. Han in planting and setting up lords and states made light and heavy not different; therefore various kings lost measure, fell into crime and punishment, and states followed in perishing. They did not honor the order of raising what was destroyed and continuing what was broken off; therefore below there were no firm states. Below there were no firm states; the Son of Heaven dwelt above, power isolated without assistance; therefore treacherous ministers monopolized the court and easily overturned the great enterprise. Now one should reverse Han's ills and repair Zhou's old traces. Although a state's lord may lose the Way and fall into execution and extinction, and again have no son who should succeed, if there is a branch descendant of the original enfeoffment, without asking near or far, he must continue its fortune. If there is no surviving line, then establish it in vacancy; when an imperial son is born, let him continue its succession—only then will established states not perish. Again Ban Gu said, "When feudal lords lose their states it is also like a net being tight"; now one should also broadly loosen their scrutiny. Moreover, the principle of establishing marquises fundamentally passes through flourishing and decline; once the great system is fully settled, distribute it to the host of lords, inscribe the oath in cinnabar, write it on jade tablets, store it in a golden coffer, place it in the ancestral temple, and keep a copy with the relevant offices. Even a small state that is weak and few may not be endangered—how much more the lord of ten thousand chariots! Inheriting a state hard to overturn and placing it above, one naturally forever dwells in heavy and firm security—it may be said that roots are deep as Mount Hua and the four corners are bound. In your servant's humble view, he wishes Your Majesty to place the realm in a place of self-security and entrust the great enterprise to a posture already firm and formed—then one may be without lingering worry. Now in lanes and wards there are few famous scholars, and in official offices there are no men of high ability—what is the reason? Pure discussion is not solemn; men do not establish virtue; conduct lies in gaining acceptance—therefore there are no famous scholars. Below, offices are not specialized, and again there is no examination and assessment; clerks do not exhaust integrity—therefore there are no men of high ability. Without men of high ability, there are those who resent worldly affairs; with few famous scholars, those who come after have no standard; therefore your servant thinks to establish clerk assessment and make pure discussion solemn. To desire wealth and rank and hate poverty and baseness is human nature. The sage king greatly understands human feelings, knows they cannot be removed, and therefore directly makes public and private profit the same, yet artfully arranges the path of seeking, so that those who wish to be rich must first pass through poverty and those who wish to be noble must first rest content in baseness. Resting content in baseness, then one is not proud; not being proud, then integrity and shame are sharpened; those who keep poverty necessarily restrain desire; restraining desire, then conduct is complete. With this to handle affairs, one then obtains exhausting the public good. Those who exhaust the public good are the company of wealth and rank. Those who act without private interest ultimately obtain their private interest; therefore public and private profit are the same. Now those who wish to be rich obtain riches without passing through poverty; those who wish to be noble obtain nobility without resting content in baseness; the paths of public and private are already at odds, yet human feeling cannot be without private interest; private profit cannot be obtained through the public—then one constantly turns from the public and recklessly pursues affairs. Therefore integrity daily declines, public reason gradually fades, and scholars' wealth and rank are not what is obtained by following the track. Using this to govern, small and great affairs are hard to expect. Yet teaching has declined for long; it is hard to reverse in one morning. Again, the age is unrestrained and the capital dissolute; pursuing desire shoulder to shoulder, the host of scholars are all alike and vulgar conduct is similar—it cannot be suddenly made solemn, and promotion and demotion would be very disparate. Moreover, teaching does not seek complete goodness; goodness lies in restraining extremes; among the equally extravagant, there are still those very excessive. Make those who are blind to the pleasure of fitting feeling abandon their displayed glory and honor, and in a little while be in a place not fresh; those who restrain themselves and are pure and plain receive the reward of frugal virtue and are ranked above clear offices. The two pursuits divide into streams, making each have what he receives. Yet custom is unrestrained and the capital extravagant; it cannot be suddenly made solemn; therefore in your servant's private thought he wishes first to engage in gradual progress. The realm is greatest, the myriad affairs most numerous, and the ruler is least—like Heaven and the sun; therefore it is not what listening downward can fully survey. Therefore the sage king's transformation holds the essential and nothing more, entrusting affairs to those below and not binding himself with affairs. Once divided duties are settled, he has no part in them; it is not that he fears the diligence of the sun's setting, but that he is pulled by worry over ease and pleasure—in truth the body of government should be so; affairs and power bring it about. Why is this so? Creating and planning the beginning, going against darkness to distinguish right and wrong and separate able from unable—is very hard to discern. Once it has been implemented, following its success and failure to divide merit and guilt—is very easy to recognize. Easy to recognize lies in examining the end; hard to discern lies in creating the beginning; therefore the ruler constantly dwells in what is easy and is secure, while ministers do not occupy what is hard and there is disorder. Now Your Majesty each time is precise at the beginning of affairs yet brief in examining the end; therefore the host of clerks, considering affairs, hold lightly the fear of success and failure and adorn literary color to avoid the heavy censure of the present eye—this is why governmental achievement is not yet good. Now if the ruler can constantly dwell in what is easy and hold the essential to guard against those below, then ministers' merit and guilt take form in the signs of success and failure and cannot escape punishment and reward. Therefore guilt cannot be hidden and merit cannot be falsely charged. Merit cannot be falsely charged, then the able are encouraged; guilt cannot be hidden, then transgression and sloth daily grow solemn—this is the great outline of governing the state. Your servant privately considers Your Majesty's sage heart: the intent lies in complete goodness, fearing that government may transgress; therefore you are precise at the beginning of affairs, seeking to be without failure. Again, because among the multitude of officials few are competent, you do not entrust affairs and would rather dwell at the sun's setting. In your servant's humble view, he privately holds that now wishing for complete goodness, one should therefore examine the end. Why is this so? Because being precise at the beginning is hard to verify. Again, many officials are not competent; one should also entrust affairs, so that the able may achieve success and the unable may show failure. Failure shown may be obtained and dismissed; success achieved may be obtained and continued in office; then the worthy and able constantly hold position to handle affairs well, and the dark and inferior may not by corpse stipend harm government. If this continues without end, then the competent gradually increase; after years, little by little, the host of offices everywhere obtain their men. This comparing talent and examining reality is the utmost task of government. Now when the ruler does not entrust affairs and look upward for completion, but together with those below creates the beginning of affairs, then merit and guilt are hard to divide. Those below do not specialize in affairs and do not long hold office; therefore able and unable are not distinguished. How may this be verified? In the present age scholars are certainly not all thoroughly able, and again are certainly not all thoroughly weak and soft. Yet now wishing to promote one loyal and worthy, one does not know whom to reward; seeking one who bears failure, one does not know whom to punish. When they are dismissed and retire, they themselves think it is because they violated law—not because they were unable. Those who advance think it is because of accumulated seniority and worldly reputation—not real achievement. If one says this is not so, then the government of today has not matched your sage intent—this is its sign. Your Majesty has governed by the present law for nearly thirty years, yet achievement is not daily renewed—where lies the blame? The ancients had a saying: "When zither and lute are not in tune, in extreme cases one must change and restring them." All that your servant speaks is truly the constant of the body of government; yet ancient and modern differ in suitability and what is encountered is different. Your Majesty, even if not fully obtaining the principle of looking upward for completion, should wholly entrust affairs to those below; as to present affairs that should be memorialized to the throne, remove what is not urgent, so that important affairs may be made precise to about two-thirds. In antiquity the six ministers divided duties and the chief steward was their teacher. From Qin and Han onward, the nine ranks executed affairs and the chancellor gathered and oversaw all. Now the Masters of Writing decide and cut off; the various ministers receive and complete—in the ancient system this is heavy and not needed for affairs; yet now one cannot yet reduce and merge. One may send out the multitude of affairs to outer offices, allowing them to decide exclusively; the Masters of Writing serve as their general overseer, as the chancellor did. Only establishing law and creating institutions, decisions of life and death, removal of names and exile, great matters of dismissal and removal, and matters connected with revenue—the Secretariat then memorializes and decides. All other outer offices decide exclusively; at year's end the Secretariat and pavilion only assess achievement and verify registers. Thus the nine ministers create and plan the beginning of affairs, decide and carry them out; the Masters of Writing record and preside, and reward and punishment bind them—the tendency must increasingly examine completion and office fault and nothing more. As it is now, those who personally hold power constantly receive completion from above; the sovereign's failures cannot again be charged to those below; at year's end when achievement is not established, one does not know whom to blame. Supervisors raise crimes by law; prison officials investigate and impeach to exhaust reality; law clerks rely on words and hold to text—broadly the same, yet as to application, supervisors and law prisons in substance should differ slightly. Prison officials only seek reality; law clerks only hold to text; supervisors then wish to raise what is great and omit what is small. Why is this so? Small faults and slight omissions, errors of mistake and recklessness—these are what human feeling necessarily has; yet if all are investigated by law, then in court and wild there are no whole men—this is what is called wishing to order yet instead creating disorder. Therefore one who is good at governing raises the cord and leaves the net sparse; raising the cord then what is netted is broad, the net sparse then small things necessarily leak; what is netted broad then government is not harsh—this is the essential of governing. Yet from recent generations onward, those who serve as supervisors mostly do not raise the great cord yet always raise small faults. Small faults are not sufficient to harm government; raising them then makes things slight and increases disorder; the great cord not raised, then the powerful and strong run rampant; the powerful and strong run rampant, then the common people lose their duties—this is the reason for mistaking what is urgent and inverting what is pursued. Now one should order the relevant offices to reverse their usual government, so that the realm may be well transformed. Reaching this is not difficult; if the ruler does not favor fragmented and minute cases, but necessarily assigns blame for strong crimes and raises extreme memorials, taking exhausting the public good as the measure, then treacherous men who harm government will naturally be captured. Great treachery that violates government and disorders the myriad multitude mostly comes from the rich and powerful; the rich and powerful have strength sufficient to inspire fear and goods sufficient for desire—therefore chief officials look to power and stop their brushes. Lower clerks indulge treachery; fearing that their superiors will not raise cases, they then carefully tighten the net to catch small crimes. Making memorials of impeachment follow one after another, the appearance seeming to exhaust the public good—yet bending law and not making it bright is already within it. Not merely without benefit to the body of government—pure discussion is thereby further harmed. The ancients had a saying: "The gentleman's fault is like an eclipse of the sun." They also said, "When one errs, one can reform"; and again, "Do not err twice in the same way." All these several are words that worthy men and gentlemen cannot be without fault. If they do not reach the point of harming government, then all are what Heaven's net leaks; what is violated lies in being very excessive—only then is royal punishment necessarily applied; this is the great example of raising crimes shallow and deep. Therefore gentlemen obtain full beauty to handle affairs well; those who are not good must be exterminated and executed to warn the multitude—this is the standard pattern of governing through punishment and pardon. Why is this so? The so-called worthy men and gentlemen, if they cannot be without fault, small blemishes may not be used to discard their persons—yet if one immediately binds them by law, one is ashamed before a bright age. Why is this so? Although there is violation, light and heavy are very different; in the hearts of scholar-gentlemen the blame received differs yet the name does not differ—therefore unprincipled fellows can cite the name to compare themselves, to confuse the multitude's hearing; by the name disorder may arise, borrowing power to obtain straightness; therefore pure discussion is further harmed. Generally, raising faults and impeaching transgressions is meant to make wind and discussion solemn and put right worldly teaching; now raising small faults, pure discussion further declines. Therefore the sage deeply knows human feeling and penetrates the body of government; therefore his saying goes: "Do not with one fault cover great virtue." " Again he said: "Pardon small faults, promote worthy talent." " Again he said: "Do not seek completeness in one man." Therefore the cap with front tassels and padded earplugs stopping the ears—the intent is that in the reward of good and evil one must take the extreme; then simple yet not leaking, great crimes must be punished, and law and prohibition are easily kept whole. Why is this so? Harm to law lies in violating extremes, yet carefully searching out small faults—what difference from releasing rhinoceroses and leopards on the public road yet forbidding mouse-thieves in corner cracks? The ancients had a saying: "Axes and halberds are not used while knives and saws daily wear out—one cannot govern thus"; this speaks of great affairs being slow and small affairs being urgent. Among the failures of present government, there are somewhat of this kind; Your Majesty should turn and seek them—then one obtains what is pursued. Expedient institutions cannot be constant; government at odds cannot guard security—this speaks of the techniques of attack and defense being different. Although the common people are foolish, hope is not born in vain—it must arise according to the time. When there is cause and it arises, then hope cannot be seized; when affairs change differently from before, then the time cannot be violated. The bright and sage who penetrate government respond with speed not reaching dismounting from the carriage; therefore they can move in accord with the occasion and greatly obtain human feeling. Formerly Emperor Wu of Wei divided the realm, making men, corvée, dwellings, and households each in one region; both because affairs and power required it and because the intent had partial application, borrowing power for one time to rush to what was pursued—not the regular canon. Yet hesitating until today, years accumulated without change, the common people although personally bearing its hardship yet private resentment did not arise—in truth because the three regions were not all swept and merged, knowing the time was not yet one in which rest could be sought. Therefore they gladly accepted corvée as returning home and viewed peril as level ground. Reaching the day Wu was pacified, the realm cherished quiet; yet in the two southeastern regions, the six provinces' commandery troops, generals, soldiers, and military clerks garrisoned the lands south of the Yangzi or supplied transport to the capital—fathers south, sons north, households separated, all restless in rotation. Again they were unaccustomed to water and soil; transport corvée was toilsome and weary, and together there was the affliction of death—the posture could not long continue. This should be greatly seen to and disposed, to match men's hopes. Wei's mistaken corvée should also change the old ways. These two each exhaust their principle; then the common people, grateful and cherishing virtue, singing and rejoicing in life, will necessarily be ten times what they are now. From Dong Zhuo's rebellion until now, nearly a hundred years have passed; the four seas have been toilsome and weary, and hardship for the people has reached its extreme. The six directions merged as one begins from today; the myriad multitude think of peace—it is not an empty hope. Yet ancient and modern differ in suitability and what is encountered is different; in truth one also cannot yet hope to follow the past and release horses and oxen to rest. Yet if those who bear the hundred corvées do not leave their state and military preparations await affairs in their native district—in truth this can be done. Even if one cannot entirely do it so, if one exhausts its principle, two-thirds may be quieted and clerk corvée need not go outside a thousand li. Merely thus and nothing more—the realm's benefit would already be beyond measure. Government affairs have many branches; worldly affairs not yet fully ordered are hard to enumerate entirely in a memorial—shaking the collar and gathering the cord, the essential lies in three points. Generally, government wishes quiet; quiet lies in resting corvée; resting corvée lies in non-action. Granaries wish to be filled; being filled lies in benefiting agriculture; benefiting agriculture lies in leveling grain purchases. Governing wishes to show trust; showing trust lies in selecting the worthy; selecting the worthy lies in long tenure in office. Long tenure in office is not difficult; linking their ranks, unless talent is unsuitable one may not sidestep transfer to complete their term—then affairs are well handled. Leveling grain purchases already has an established system; what is not yet complete may be brought to fullness—then grain is stored. Non-action is nothing else: repelling the diligence of construction works and restraining profits that seem beneficial yet are harmful. Merely thus and nothing more, then the realm is quiet. Once these three are raised, although not yet sufficient for thick transformation, yet one may be secure with surplus. The profit of the king lies in producing Heaven and Earth's natural wealth—agriculture is this. What is established and taken as the aim here—in affairs there is truly achievement and benefit. If anything hinders agriculture, all such pursuits should be rested—this is all what is called seeming benefit yet being harm. Yet in the realm today there are naturally affairs that must be done and cannot be stopped; or labor used is very little yet what is helped is extremely weighty. Doing them at present, although slightly wasting some, yet calculating the end there is already great benefit. Agricultural offices have tenfold or hundredfold profit; when there is hindrance, at the beginning it seems not urgent, yet in the end it becomes a great affliction—one should in advance add effort to block its gradual spread. Such as when the Yellow River and Bian River are about to join—if Shen and Lai are well managed, then corvée cannot rest. All such as these—one also cannot help but proceed. Yet affairs worry over urgency and slowness; expediently calculating light and heavy—unless near such as these, taking them as the measure, one may then undertake them; all the rest should pursue quiet and rest. Yet to be able to well calculate light and heavy, expediently examine what is fitting, and know what may be undertaken and what may be abolished is very hard to complete—not unless supreme wisdom and far-reaching talent does one undertake this charge. The beauty of founding an enterprise: achievement lies in handing down the succession, making later generations rely upon it for security. Its being secure: though dark, still bright; though foolish, as if wise. Achievement that saves the age lies in reality in good transformation; the essential lies in quieting the state. As to repairing and adorning palaces and offices—all various construction corvée constantly wound excessively, not fearing they will not be undertaken—this is what in the future Your Majesty need not concern yourself with; it will come of itself. As to relying upon and receiving the threads before, what is leaned upon like sun and moon lies in reality in surviving influence binding men's hearts and remaining vigor supporting the young and weak—yet now being diligent in what is not needed harms what is relied upon. Weighing these two, which pursuit is urgent, Your Majesty should slightly extend grace and turn consideration, carefully choosing what is secure—then the great principle is exhausted. Private discussion in the world secretly compares Your Majesty to Emperor Xiaowen. Your servant holds that sage virtue's rise and decline will lie in what comes after, not in the present. Why is this so? Your Majesty soared as dragon and phoenix, responded to the season and ascended the throne—you already have the achievement of founding the enterprise. Sweeping away mighty Wu and suddenly campaigning to the Southern Sea—you have this too. With the Son of Heaven's nobility, yet personally practicing what common cloth is hard to do—filial and frugal virtue crowns the hundred kings; you have this too. Conducting what is fitting in every detail, movement becoming rule and measure—you have this too. If you manage well the government of your own reign, establish the firmness of frontier screens, make the Jin age long endure, and later generations look up and gaze at surviving traces, comparing achievement and examining affairs—in reality comparing spiritual power with Tang and Wu—how is Emperor Xiaowen worth mentioning! Your servant's words here are not the minister below praising the sovereign with empty beauty and common phrases—the affair is indeed so. If the principle by which one supports security is not yet fully good, then I fear good historians recording achievement will not be able remotely to exhaust grand beauty—very regrettable. Yet one cannot make those who know government obtain participation in sage consideration; after years, little by little, in the end there will certainly be achievement. He asks Your Majesty slightly to examine your servant's words.
4
又論肉刑,見《刑法志》。 詔答曰:「得表陳封國之制,宜如古典,任刑齊法,宜復肉刑,及六州將士之役,居職之宜,諸所陳聞,具知卿之乃心為國也。 動靜數以聞。」
His further memorial on restoring mutilating punishments is recorded in the Treatise on Punishments and Law. The throne answered, "I have received your memorial on princely fiefdoms after the ancient pattern, on restoring corporal punishment to unify the law, on service obligations for the six provinces, and on tenure in office. In every point I see how wholly you devote yourself to the realm. Keep me informed as matters develop."
5
元康初,從准南王允入朝。 會誅楊駿,頌屯衛殿中,其夜,詔以頌為三公尚書。 又上疏論律令事,為時論所美。 久之,轉吏部尚書,建九班之制,欲令百官居職希遷,考課能否,明其賞罰。 賈郭專朝,仕者欲速,竟不施行。
Early in the Yuankang era he accompanied Prince Yun of Huainan to the capital; the received text miswrites the river name Huai. When Yang Jun was put to death Liu Song held the palace watch, and that same night the emperor named him director of the Three Excellencies section of the Masters of Writing. A further memorial on statutes and ordinances drew admiration across the court. In time he became director of personnel and framed a nine-grade scheme meant to keep officials in post longer, grade their performance, and make rewards and sanctions transparent. With the Jia and Guo factions dominating the government and every careerist demanding rapid promotion, the reform was never carried out.
6
及趙王倫之害張華也,頌哭之甚慟。 聞華子得逃,喜曰:「茂先,卿尚有種也!」 倫党張林聞之,大怒,憚頌持正而不能害也。 孫秀等推崇倫功,宜加九錫,百僚莫敢異議。 頌獨曰:「昔漢之錫魏,魏之錫晉,皆一時之用,非可通行。 今宗廟乂安,雖嬖後被退,勢臣受誅,周勃誅諸呂而尊孝文,霍光廢昌邑而奉孝宣,並無九錫之命。 違舊典而習權變,非先王之制。 九錫之議,請無所施。」 張林積忿不已,以頌為張華之黨,將害之。 孫秀曰:「誅張、裴已傷時望,不可復誅頌。」 林乃止。 於是以頌為光祿大夫,門施行馬。 尋病卒,使使者弔祭,賜錢二十萬、朝服一具,諡曰貞。 中書侍郎劉沈議,頌當時少輩,應贈開府。 孫秀素恨之,不聽。 頌無子,養弟和子雍早卒,更以雍弟詡子𨻳為嫡孫,襲封, 永康元年,詔以頌誅賈謐督攝眾事有功,追封梁鄒縣侯,食邑千五百戶。
When Prince Lun of Zhao murdered Zhang Hua, Liu Song mourned him with wrenching grief. Learning that Zhang Hua's son had escaped, he cried with relief, "Maoxian, your line survives yet!" Zhang Lin, a partisan of Prince Lun, heard this and fumed, yet dared not strike Liu Song down because his integrity commanded respect. Sun Xiu and his clique praised Prince Lun's merits and pressed for the nine insignia of usurpation, and not a minister dared dissent. Liu Song alone objected, "The Han grant to Wei and the Wei grant to Jin were one-off expedients, not a precedent to repeat at will. The shrines are secure again: the favorite consort has been set aside and the overmighty ministers executed, as when Zhou Bo purged the Lü clan for Emperor Wen or Huo Guang deposed the king of Changyi for Emperor Xuan. Neither crisis was answered with the nine bestowals. To cast aside established rite and reach for such contrivances is alien to the way of the ancient kings. I urge that the proposal for the nine bestowals be dropped entirely." Zhang Lin nursed a growing grudge, branded Liu Song a partisan of Zhang Hua, and plotted to destroy him. Sun Xiu warned him, "Executing Zhang Hua and Pei Xiu has already cost us the goodwill of the realm. Liu Song must not be killed as well." Zhang Lin abandoned the plan. Liu Song was therefore appointed grand master of splendid carriage with the honor of dismounting rails before his gate. He soon died of illness. The court sent envoys to mourn him, gave two hundred thousand cash and a full set of court robes, and posthumously styled him Zhen, Upright. Liu Shen of the palace secretariat argued that Liu Song, among the foremost men of his generation, deserved the posthumous privilege of a grand commander's establishment. Sun Xiu, who had long detested Liu Shen, rejected the recommendation. Liu Song left no sons. He had adopted Yong, son of his brother Liu He, but Yong died young, so the line passed to Na, son of Xu, Yong's younger brother, as heir grandson to inherit the title. In the first year of Yongkang, Later an edict noted Liu Song's part in executing Jia Mi and steadying the government, posthumously creating him marquis of Liangzou with fifteen hundred taxable households.
7
頌弟彪字仲雅,參安東軍事。 伐吳,獲張悌,累官積弩將軍。 及武庫火,彪建計斷屋,得出諸寶器。 曆荊州刺史。 次弟仲字世混,曆黃門郎、滎陽太守,未之官,卒。
Liu Song's younger brother Liu Biao, courtesy name Zhongya, served on the staff of the army of eastern pacification. In the conquest of Wu he took the Wu commander Zhang Ti prisoner and rose through several posts to general of the crossbowmen. When the imperial armory burned, Liu Biao ordered sections of roof struck away so the stored weapons could be salvaged. He later served as inspector of Jingzhou. The next brother, Liu Zhong, courtesy name Shihun, held appointments as gentleman of the yellow gate and prefect of Xingyang but died before he could assume the latter post.
8
初,頌嫁女臨淮陳矯,矯本劉氏子,與頌近親,出養于姑,改姓陳氏。 中正劉友譏之,頌曰:「舜後姚虞、陳田本同根系,而世皆為婚,禮律不禁。 今與此同義,為婚可也。」 友方欲列上,為陳騫所止,故得不劾。 頌問明法掾陳默、蔡畿曰:「鄉里誰最屈?」 二人俱云:「劉友屈。」 頌作色呵之,畿曰:「友以私議冒犯明府為非,然鄉里公論稱屈。」 友辟公府掾、尚書郎、黃沙御史。
Earlier Liu Song had given a daughter in marriage to Chen Jiao of Linhuai. Chen Jiao was born a Liu, a near kinsman of Liu Song, but had been adopted by an aunt and took the Chen surname. The local rectifier Liu You objected. Liu Song replied, "The houses of Yao, Yu, Chen, and Tian stem from a single Shun-line ancestry, yet they have intermarried for generations without the code forbidding it. Our case falls under the same principle, so the match is lawful." Liu You was preparing a formal denunciation when Chen Qian intervened, so no charges were filed. Liu Song asked his law clerks Chen Mo and Cai Ji, "Who in our district has been wronged worst?" Both answered, "Liu You." Liu Song flushed and rebuked them. Cai Ji ventured, "Liu You was wrong to press a private grudge against your honor, yet public opinion still calls him the injured party." Liu You went on to serve as princely clerk, gentleman of the Masters of Writing, and cavalier investigator at the Huangsha prison.
9
李重
Li Zhong.
10
李重字茂曾,江夏鐘武人也。 父景,秦州刺史、都亭定侯。 重少好學,有文辭; 早孤,與群弟居,以友愛著稱。 弱冠為本國中正,遜讓不行。 後為始平王文學,上疏陳九品曰:先王議制,以時因革,因革之理,唯變所適。 九品始於喪亂,軍中之政,誠非經國不刊之法也。 且其檢防轉碎,征刑失實,故朝野之論,僉謂驅動風俗,為弊已甚。 而至於議改,又以為疑。 臣以革法創制,當先盡開塞利害之理,舉而錯之,使體例大通而無否滯亦未易故也。 古者諸侯之治,分土有常,國有定主,人無異望,卿大夫世祿,仕無出位之思,臣無越境之交,上下體固,人德歸厚。 秦反斯道,罷侯置守,風俗淺薄,自此來矣。 漢革其弊,斟酌周、秦,並建侯守,亦使分土有定,而牧司必各舉賢,貢士任之鄉議,事合聖典,比蹤三代。 方今聖德之隆,光被四表,兆庶顒顒,欣睹太平。 然承魏氏凋弊之跡,人物播越,仕無常朝,人無定處,郎吏蓄於軍府,豪右聚於都邑,事體駁錯,與古不同。 謂九品既除,宜先開移徙,聽相並就。 且明貢舉之法,不濫於境外,則冠帶之倫將不分而自均,即土斷之實行矣。 又建樹官司,功在簡久。 階級少,則人心定; 久其事,則政化成而能否著,此三代所以直道而行也。 以為選例九等,當今之要,所宜施用也。 聖王知天下之難,常從事于其易,故寄隱括于閭伍,則邑屋皆為有司。 若任非所由,事非所核,則雖竭聖智,猶不足以贍其事。 由此而觀,誠令二者既行,即人思反本,修之于鄉,華競自息,而禮讓日隆矣。
Li Zhong, courtesy name Maozeng, was a native of Zhongwu in Jiangxia commandery. His father Li Jing had been inspector of Qinzhou and marquis Ding of Duting. Li Zhong loved learning from youth and wrote with polish; orphaned early, he kept house with his younger brothers and was famed for fraternal devotion. When capped he was offered the rectifier's post for his home principality but modestly refused to serve. He later became tutor in letters to the prince of Shiping and memorialized on the nine-rank system as follows: The ancient kings shaped institutions by reforming them to suit the age; the logic of continuity and change is simply to adapt to what the times require. The nine-rank system arose amid the chaos of war as a product of military administration, and is certainly not an immutable statute for governing the realm. Its oversight grew ever more fragmented and its gradings ever less truthful, so court and countryside alike hold that it has warped public morals and done grave harm. Yet when reform is proposed, doubts arise again. I hold that reforming institutions requires first laying out what opens or blocks the way, what helps or harms the state, and applying that design so the whole system flows without obstruction—yet such a change is not easily made. Under the feudal lords of antiquity, fiefs had fixed boundaries and states had settled rulers; the people entertained no divided loyalties. Grandees and ministers held hereditary stipends, officials did not scheme beyond their stations, and subjects did not cultivate ties across borders. Authority and obligation were firmly knit, and men returned to solid virtue. Qin overturned that order, abolishing feudal lords and appointing commandery governors, and the erosion of moral custom began then. Han remedied those abuses by blending Zhou and Qin precedents, combining enfeoffed domains with commandery administration and fixing territorial boundaries. Regional overseers had to recommend talent, and presented scholars rested on local reputation—in keeping with the sage canon and echoing the Three Dynasties. Today your sage virtue shines to the four quarters, and the common people look up in hope, eager to witness the age of peace. Yet we inherit the ruin left by Wei: families and reputations scattered, no fixed court for service, no fixed homes for men. Clerkships pile up in military headquarters while great families cluster in the capital—a tangle of affairs unlike anything in antiquity. Once the nine ranks are abolished, migration should be encouraged first so people may relocate and merge communities as they choose. And if recommendation procedures are clarified so they do not extend beyond local boundaries, then the gentry ranks will settle themselves without forced division—that is true land registration and territorial alignment. Government offices should likewise be organized, and here the virtue lies in simplicity and stability over time. Fewer ranks settle people's minds; long tenure in office lets government take root and talent show itself—that is how the Three Dynasties walked the straight path of rule. A nine-grade selection scheme is the urgent need of our day and should be put into practice. Sage kings know the realm is hard to govern and begin with what is easy; therefore they lodge oversight in local communities so that every village becomes the concern of its officials. If appointments are not made through proper channels and affairs are not checked at the proper level, then even the utmost sage wisdom cannot sustain the work. Viewed thus, if both measures were truly carried out, men would turn back to their roots, cultivate virtue in their home villages, flashy competition would die away of itself, and courtesy and yielding would flourish day by day.
11
遷太子舍人,轉尚書郎。 時太中大夫恬和表陳便宜,稱漢孔光、魏徐幹等議,使王公已下制奴婢限數,及禁百姓賣田宅。 中書啟可,屬主者為條制。 重奏曰:先王之制,士農工商有分,不遷其業,所以利用厚生,各肆其力也。 《周官》以土均之法,經其土地井田之制,而辨其五物九等貢賦之序,然後公私制定,率土均齊。 自秦立阡陌,建郡縣,而斯制已沒。 降及漢、魏,因循舊跡,王法所峻者,唯服物車器有貴賤之差,令不僭擬以亂尊卑耳。 至於奴婢私產,則實皆未嘗曲為之立限也。 八年《己巳詔書》申明律令,諸士卒百工以上,所服乘皆不得違制。 若一縣一歲之中,有違犯者三家,洛陽縣十家已上,官長免。 如詔書之旨,法制已嚴。 今如和所陳而稱光、幹之議,此皆衰世逾侈,當時之患。 然盛漢之初不議其制,光等作而不行,非漏而不及,能而不用也。 蓋以諸侯之軌既滅,而井田之制未復,則王者之法不得制人之私也。 人之田宅既無定限,則奴婢不宜偏制其數,懼徒為之法,實碎而難檢。 方今聖明垂制,每尚簡易,法禁已具,和表無施。
He rose to household gentleman to the heir apparent and then to gentleman of the Masters of Writing. Grand Palace Grandee Tian He then submitted a utilitarian memorial, invoking Han debates led by Kong Guang and Wei discussions by Xu Gan, urging caps on slaveholding for the nobility downward and a ban on commoners' sale of land and houses. The palace secretariat endorsed the plan and told the responsible agencies to draft implementing rules. Li Zhong replied in a memorial: Under the institutions of the ancient kings, scholars, farmers, artisans, and merchants each had their allotted station and did not change trades, so that resources might be put to use, livelihoods enriched, and every man apply his labor where it belonged. The Offices of Zhou employed land-equalization to lay out the well-field system, ranked tribute and taxes across the nine grades of the five categories of goods, and only then fixed what belonged to the state and to private holders, making the realm as a whole evenly ordered. Once Qin opened the grid of private fields and replaced feudal domains with commanderies and counties, that system was lost forever. Through Han and Wei alike, government followed the old path: royal law was strict chiefly in dress, furnishings, carriages, and utensils, forbidding anyone to imitate above his rank and thereby blur the hierarchy. As for slaves and private wealth, no dynasty ever seriously imposed fixed limits upon them. The jisi edict of the eighth year spelled out the law anew: soldiers, artisans, and all ranks above them were forbidden to wear or ride beyond what their station allowed. In any county, three violating households within a year would cost the magistrate his post; in Luoyang County the threshold was ten or more. By the standard set in that edict, the law was already severe enough. To adopt Tian He's proposal and revive the debates of Kong Guang and Xu Gan is to reach back to remedies born of ages in decline—each was a response to the extravagance of its own day. Yet flourishing early Han never took up Kong Guang's scheme: his proposals were drafted and set aside—not from oversight but from deliberate choice not to enforce them. Once the feudal order was dismantled and the well-field system never restored, royal law could no longer govern what men held privately. If land and houses themselves went unlimited, it would be inappropriate to impose a special cap on slaves alone; such a rule would be empty on the ground, too piecemeal to enforce. Under our present sagely rule, which favors simplicity, the needed prohibitions are already in place; Tian He's memorial ought not be enacted.
12
又司隸校尉石鑒奏,郁林太守介登役使所監,求召還; 尚書荀愷以為遠郡非人情所樂,奏登貶秩居官。 重駁曰:「臣聞立法無制,所以齊眾檢邪,非必曲尋事情,而理無所遺也。 故所滯者寡,而所濟者眾。 今如登郡比者多,若聽其貶秩居官,動為准例,懼庸才負遠,必有黷貨之累,非所以肅清王化,輯寧殊域也。 臣愚以為宜聽鑒所上,先召登還,且使體例有常,不為遠近異制。」 詔從之。
Metropolitan Commandant Shi Jian also charged Jie Deng, prefect of Yulin, with illegally drafting men under his supervision and asked that Deng be recalled. Xun Kai of the Masters of Writing argued that no one willingly took a distant post and proposed merely demoting Jie Deng in rank while leaving him in place. Li Zhong demurred, "Law exists to hold the many to one standard and curb abuse, not to chase every special case while leaving justice undone. Clear rules snag few and help the many. Remote posts like Yulin abound. If we treat a token demotion as precedent, every mediocre official banished to the marches will resort to graft. That will not purify government or pacify the borderlands. I urge acceptance of Shi Jian's memorial: recall Jie Deng at once and hold one rule for near and distant posts alike." The emperor agreed and issued an edict accordingly.
13
太熙初,遷廷尉平。 駁廷尉奏邯鄲醉等,文多不載。 再遷中書郎,每大事及疑議,輒參以經典處決,多皆施行。 遷尚書吏部郎,務抑華競,不通私謁,特留心隱逸,由是群才畢舉。 拔用北海西郭湯、琅邪劉珩、燕國霍原、馮翊吉謀等為秘書郎及諸王文學,故海內莫不歸心。 時燕國中正劉沈舉霍原為寒素,司徒府不從,沈又抗詣中書奏原,而中書復下司徒參論。 司徒左長史荀組以為:「寒素者,當謂門寒身素,無世祚之資。 原為列侯,顯佩金紫,先為人間流通之事,晚乃務學,少長異業,年逾始立,草野之譽未洽,德禮無聞,不應寒素之目。」 重奏曰:案如《癸酉詔書》,廉讓宜崇,浮競宜黜。 其有履謙寒素靖恭求己者,應有以先之。 如詔書之旨,以二品系資,或失廉退之士,故開寒素以明尚德之舉。 司徒總御人倫,實掌邦教,當務峻准評,以一風流。 然古之厲行高尚之士,或棲身岩穴,或隱跡丘園,或克己復禮,或耄期稱道,出處默語,唯義所在。 未可以少長異操,疑其所守之美,而遠同終始之責,非所謂擬人必於其倫之義也。 誠當考之於邦黨之倫,審之于任舉之主。 沈為中正,親執銓衡。 陳原隱居求志,篤古好學,學不為利,行不要名,絕跡窮山,韞韣道藝,外無希世之容,內全遁逸之節,行成名立,搢紳慕之,委質受業者千里而應,有孫、孟之風,嚴、鄭之操。 始舉原,先諮侍中、領中書監華,前州大中正、後將軍嬰,河南尹軼。 去三年,諸州還朝,幽州刺史許猛特以原名聞,擬之西河,求加徵聘。 如沈所列,州黨之議既舉,又刺史班詔表薦,如此而猶謂草野之譽未洽,德禮無聞,舍所征檢之實,而無明理正辭,以奪沈所執。 且應二品,非所求備。 但原定志窮山,修述儒道,義在可嘉。 若遂抑替,將負幽邦之望,傷敦德之教。 如詔書所求之旨,應為二品。
Early in the Taixi era he was promoted to justice assessor in the commandant of justice's office. He overturned several commandant findings in cases such as Handan Zui; the full texts are omitted here. A second promotion brought him to gentleman of the palace secretariat. On great matters and doubtful points he habitually cited the classics in his rulings, and most of his opinions were adopted. As personnel gentleman of the Masters of Writing he curbed ostentatious rivalry, refused private solicitations, and sought out hidden talent until worthy men filled the ranks. He promoted Guo Tang of Beihai, Liu Hang of Langye, Huo Yuan of Yan, Ji Mou of Fengyi, and others to secretariat posts and princely tutorships, winning the loyalty of scholars everywhere. When Liu Shen, rectifier for Yan, nominated Huo Yuan for the cold-and-plain category, the ministry of education balked. Liu Shen appealed to the palace secretariat, which bounced the case back to the ministry for joint review. Xun Zu, left chief clerk of the ministry of education, argued, "Cold-and-plain means humble birth and plain station, without inherited stipends. Huo Yuan is already a full marquis with gold seal and purple ribbon. He trafficked in worldly affairs in youth and turned to scholarship only late; he has passed thirty with no wide rural reputation and no renown for virtue or ritual. He does not fit the cold-and-plain rubric." Li Zhong replied in a memorial: As the Guiyou Edict provides, integrity and modesty should be honored, and ostentatious rivalry should be rejected. Men who live humbly, in plain circumstances, with quiet integrity and self-cultivation deserve to be advanced ahead of others. The edict's point was that tying nomination to second-rank pedigree could overlook men of modest, retiring character, so the cold-and-plain track was opened to honor virtue. The Minister of Education governs human relations and national instruction; he should apply rigorous standards in evaluation and set a single moral tone for the age. Yet the ancients' men of stern virtue and lofty character—some lived in mountain caves, some vanished into country estates, some disciplined themselves and restored ritual, some proclaimed the Way in old age—acted or held back, spoke or kept silent, only as righteousness required. One must not doubt the worth of a man's present character because his youth differed from his maturity, nor hold him to a uniform standard from first to last—that is not what it means to judge a man within his proper measure. The proper test is the judgment of his district and clan, and the scrutiny of the official who nominated him. Liu Shen served as rectifier and personally held the scales of nomination. Huo Yuan lives in seclusion to pursue his purpose, reveres antiquity, and loves learning; he studies without thought of profit and acts without courting fame. He has withdrawn to remote mountains, cultivating the Way and the arts within himself, showing no outward desire to impress the world while inwardly preserving the full integrity of a recluse. His conduct is established and his reputation made; officials admire him, and students come from a thousand li to submit and study under him. He has the spirit of Sun and Mencius and the moral fiber of Yan and Zheng. When Liu Shen first nominated Yuan, he consulted Attendant-in-Ordinary and Supervisor of the Palace Secretariat Hua, former provincial grand rectifier and General of the Rear Ying, and Intendant of Henan Yi. Three years ago, when provincial officials returned to court, Youzhou inspector Xu Meng singled out Yuan's name, proposed him for Xihe, and asked that he be specially summoned. As Liu Shen showed, local opinion had already nominated Yuan and the inspector had circulated the edict and submitted a formal recommendation—yet they still claim his rural reputation has not spread and his virtue and ritual conduct are unknown, set aside the verified findings, and, without sound reasoning, seek to overturn Liu Shen's judgment. Moreover, he meets the standard for second rank; perfection is not being required of him. Yet Yuan fixed his resolve in the mountains, cultivated and expounded the Confucian Way—a course rightly to be praised. If he is now rejected and demoted, it will disappoint Youzhou and damage the court's teaching of earnest virtue. In keeping with the edict's purpose, he should be ranked in the second grade.
14
詔從之。
The throne ruled in Li Zhong's favor.
15
李毅
Li Yi.
16
=重與李毅同為吏部郎,時王戎為尚書,重以清尚見稱,毅淹通有智識,雖二人操異,然俱處要職,戎以識會待之,各得其所。 毅字茂彥,舊史闕其行事。 于時內官重,外官輕,兼階級繁多,重議之,見《百官志》。 又上疏曰:「凡山林避寵之士,雖違世背時,出處殊軌,而先王許之者,嘉其服膺高義也。 昔先帝患風流之弊,而思反純樸,乃諮詢朝眾,搜求隱逸, 咸寧二年,始以太子中庶子征安定皇甫謐,四年又以博士征南安朱沖,太康元年,復以太子庶子征沖,雖皆以病疾不至,而朝野悅服。 陛下遠邁先帝禮賢之旨,臣訪沖州邑,言其雖年近耋耋,而志氣克壯,耽道窮藪,老而彌新,操尚貞純,所居成化,誠山棲耆德,足以表世篤俗者也。 臣以為宜垂聖恩,及其未沒,顯加優命。」 時朝廷政亂,竟不能從。 出為行討虜護軍、平陽太守,崇德化,修學校,表篤行,拔賢能,清簡無欲,正身率下,在職三年,彈黜四縣。 弟嶷亡,表去官。
Li Zhong served alongside Li Yi as personnel gentleman while Wang Rong headed the Masters of Writing. Li Zhong was admired for austere integrity, Li Yi for encyclopedic wit. Though their temperaments differed, Wang Rong sized up each man and used him to best effect. Li Yi, courtesy name Maoyan, left so slight a record that older histories omit his career. At that time inner-court posts outweighed local office and rank titles had proliferated wildly. Li Zhong's critique is preserved in the Treatise on Officials. He also memorialized, "Recluses who flee the court to the hills may shun the age, yet the sage-kings honored them for clinging to a higher duty than office. When the late emperor grew alarmed at fashionable excess and sought to restore plain virtue, he polled the court and summoned recluses. In the second year of Xianning he first summoned Huangfu Mi of Anding as attendant of the heir apparent's household; in the fourth year he summoned Zhu Chong of Nan'an as court erudite; in the first year of Taikang he summoned Zhu Chong again as heir apparent's attendant. Both men pleaded illness and stayed home, yet the gesture won acclaim at court and in the countryside. Your Majesty exceeds even Emperor Wu's reverence for recluses. I have asked about Zhu Chong in his home commandery: though he is in his eighties his spirit is vigorous, he pursues the Way in the depths of the wilds with growing zeal, and his life chastens every village he touches. He is a sage of the hills who could edify the age. I urge you to show him imperial favor while he still lives and grant him a distinguished summons." Yet the court was in turmoil and never acted on the proposal. He was posted as acting general who punishes the caitiffs and army protector and as prefect of Pingyang, where he promoted moral education, rebuilt schools, cited men of proven integrity, promoted talent, lived plainly without private wants, and set a personal example for subordinates. Within three years he had four magistrates removed for cause. When his brother Yi died he resigned by memorial.
17
永康初,趙王倫用為相國左司馬,以憂逼成疾而卒,時年四十八。 家貧,宅宇狹小,無殯斂之地,詔於典客署營喪。 追贈散騎常侍,諡曰成。 子式,有美名,官至侍中,咸和初卒。
Early in the Yongkang era Prince Lun of Zhao named him left major to the chancellor of state. Anxiety and intimidation broke his health, and he died at forty-eight. His family was destitute and his house too small for the funeral rites, so the court ordered the reception office to host the obsequies. He was posthumously given the title cavalier attendant-in-ordinary and the posthumous name Cheng, Accomplished. His son Li Shi enjoyed a fine reputation, rose to palace attendant, and died early in the Xianhe era.
18
【史評】
Editorial rubric: historical judgment.
19
史臣曰:子雅束發登朝,竭誠奉國,廣陳封建,深中機宜,詳辨刑名,該核政體。 雖文慚華婉,而理歸切要。 游目西京,望賈誼而非遠; 眷言東國,顧郎顗而有餘。 逮元康之間,賊臣專命,舉朝戰慄,苟避菹醢; 頌以此時,忠鯁不撓,哭張公之非罪,拒趙王之妄錫,雖古遺直,何以尚茲。 至於緣其私議,不平劉友,異夫憎而知善,舉不避仇者歟! 李重言因革之理,駁田產之制,詞愜事當,蓋亹癖可觀。 及銳志銓衡,留心隱逸,浚沖期之識會,豈虛也哉!
The historians write that from the day Liu Song bound up his hair for office he served the state with utter loyalty, laid out far-reaching plans for feudal enfeoffment that struck the heart of the matter, and dissected penal law and administrative structure with exhaustive care. His prose may lack literary polish, yet his reasoning always drives to the crux. Measured against the Western Han capital he stands within sight of Jia Yi. Turning to the scholars of the eastern heartland, he matches the stature of men such as Lang Yi with room to spare. In the Yuankang years, when usurping ministers held absolute power and the whole court cowered merely to escape the chopping block. Liu Song alone remained bluntly loyal: he mourned Zhang Hua's innocence and rejected Prince Lun's illicit honors. The straight-speaking worthies of antiquity could scarcely better him. Yet when private pique led him to wrong Liu You, he fell short of the ideal that hates the sin yet knows the good and recommends even a foe! Li Zhong expounded the logic of continuity and reform and demolished unsound rules on land and property; his language fit the facts, and his tireless precision repays reading. When he turned his keen mind to appointments and to recluses, he vindicated Wang Rong's trust in his discernment—that reputation was no empty boast!
20
贊曰:劉頌剛直,義形於詞。 自下摩上,彼實有之。 李重清雅,志乃無私。 推賢拔滯,嘉言在茲。 懋哉兩哲,邦家之基。
The encomium runs: Liu Song was unbending, and righteousness shaped every word he spoke. He dared remonstrate upward against power, and he meant every word. Li Zhong was refined and disinterested, and his aims were never self-serving. He lifted the worthy and freed the blocked; here lies his lasting counsel. Splendid were these two sages, true foundations of the house of Jin.