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卷五十六 列傳第二十六 江統 孫楚

Volume 56 Biographies 26: Jiang Tong; Sun Chu

Chapter 56 of 晉書 · Book of Jin
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Chapter 56
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1
Jiang Tong, with his sons Jiang Bin and Jiang Dun; Sun Chu, with his sons Sun Tong and Sun Chuo.
2
西
Jiang Tong, whose courtesy name was Yingyuan, came from Yu in Chenliu commandery. His grandfather Jiang Rui was celebrated for principled conduct, rose to governor of Qiao commandery, and received the noble title of Baron of Kangfu. His father Jiang Zuo served as governor of Nan'an. Jiang Tong was reserved in manner and nursed far-reaching ambitions; his contemporaries coined a saying: "Stately and sparing of words—that is Jiang Yingyuan." He and his townsman Cai Ke were celebrated together. He succeeded to his father's title and was appointed magistrate of Shanyin. At the time the Guanzhong and Longxi region was repeatedly harried by Di and Qiang forces; Meng Guan led a western expedition and personally took the Di leader Qi Wannian prisoner. Jiang Tong reflected deeply that when frontier peoples throw the Chinese heartland into turmoil, the evil must be cut off at the root; he therefore wrote his treatise "On Relocating the Rong." The text runs as follows:
3
西
The eastern Yi, southern Man, western Rong, and northern Di are grouped as the "four barbarians"; under the classical scheme of the nine concentric domains, their territories fall in the outer rings of Yao and Huang. The Spring and Autumn Annals teach that the Chinese states are to be cherished within, while the barbarian peoples are to be kept outside. Their languages do not mesh, their ritual offerings differ, law and custom are alien, and their stocks are wholly unlike our own; some live beyond the rim of the known world, shielded by ranges and rivers, in broken terrain where gorges block the way, cut off from the Central Plains so that neither side trespasses on the other, where no tax or labor levy reaches them and the royal calendar is never imposed—hence the saying, "When the Son of Heaven holds the Way, his defense is entrusted to the four barbarians." When Yu brought peace to the nine provinces, the western Rong submitted of their own accord. They are greedy by temperament, brutal and lacking in human sympathy; among the four kinds of barbarians, the Rong and Di are the most intractable. Weak, they cringe and obey; strong, they raid and break faith. Even in ages graced with sages and under sovereigns of the highest moral stature, no one has ever truly civilized them through moral example alone, or bound them for long with kindness alone. At their strongest they wore down even King Wuding of Shang against Guifang, troubled King Wen of Zhou with the Kun barbarians and the Xianyun, trapped the Han founder at Baideng, and forced Emperor Wen to camp his host at Bashang. When they weakened, the Duke of Zhou received embassies that passed through nine rounds of translation; Emperor Xuan of Han welcomed the Shanyu to court; and even under the later emperors Yuan and Cheng, whose reigns lacked vigor, the four quarters still came as deferential guests. History has already shown how this works. That is why, when the Xiongnu asked to garrison the frontier for the Han, Hou Ying argued the plan down; and when the Shanyu knelt in homage at Weiyang Palace, Xiao Wangzhi counseled that he must not be accepted as a true subject. A true king, then, governs the barbarians by keeping them at arm's length and holding a standing defense: even when they press their foreheads to the dust and bear gifts, the garrisons on the frontier never stand down. If they turn to raiding, one does not launch endless punitive expeditions into the steppe; the aim is simply peace inside the realm and an unmolested border.
4
Later the Zhou kings lost the reins, the regional lords took war into their own hands, great swallowed small in an endless chain of mutual destruction, frontiers ceased to hold, and each power pursued its own interest. The Rong and Di seized their opening and poured into the Chinese heartland. Some states courted them with blandishments and enrolled them as auxiliaries of their own. Hence the debacle at Shen and Zeng that toppled the house of Zhou; hence Duke Xiang of Jin's bargain with Qin and the sudden mobilization of the Jiang Rong. In the Spring and Autumn era the Yiqu and Dali peoples lodged inside Qin and Jin; the Luhun Rong and the Yin Rong camped between the Yi and Luo rivers; Souman and their kind ravaged the country east of the Ji, pushed into Qi and Song, and battered Xing and Wei; southern barbarians and northern Di took turns invading the Central States until the dynasty's life hung by a thread. Duke Huan of Qi drove them back, restored ruined states and revived broken successions, marched north against the Mountain Rong, and cleared the way into Yan. Confucius therefore praised Guan Zhong's achievement and spoke with approval of his having spared the Chinese the humiliation of "buttoning the lapel on the left." By the late Spring and Autumn period the Warring States were in full swing: Chu swallowed the Man tribes; Jin wiped out the Luhun Rong; King Wuling of Zhao adopted nomad dress and pushed into the Yuzhong frontier; Qin made Xianyang its seat of power and destroyed Yiqu and similar states. When the First Emperor united the realm, he absorbed the Hundred Yue in the south, drove the Xiongnu northward, threw the Five Ridges and the Long Wall across the landscape, and stationed countless frontier troops. Campaigns were endless and marauders still bold, yet in a single reign the northern tribes were thrown back and, for a time, the heartland knew no barbarian powers pressing in on four sides.
5
西 西 使西調 輿 西
When the Han rose, it set its capital at Chang'an; the commanderies of Guanzhong were known as the Three Adjuncts—the Yongzhou of the Tribute of Yu, the ancient ground of the Western Zhou capitals Feng and Hao. Wang Mang's fall brought the Red Eyebrows in his wake; the western capital was left a ruin and the people scattered. Under Emperor Guangwu, Ma Yuan, as governor of Longxi, suppressed the rebel Qiang and resettled the surviving tribes inside the passes, on vacant land in Fengyi and Hedong, where they lived intermingled with Chinese subjects. Within a few years they had multiplied; grown fat and confident, they also smarted under every petty encroachment by Han settlers. In the first year of the Yongchu era, when Cavalry Commandant Wang Hong was dispatched to the Western Regions, the court levied Qiang and Di auxiliaries to escort him. The Qiang bands panicked, fanned one another into revolt, and the tribal forces of two provinces rose at once: they annihilated garrisons and magistrates and stormed walled towns. Deng Zhi's campaign ended in rout—armor thrown away, weapons abandoned, dead carried off in wagons, the army broken time and again—whereupon the tribes flared out of control, drove south into Shu and Han, raided east through Zhao and Wei, smashed past Zhiguan, and struck deep into Henei. When Zhu Chong of the Northern Army was sent with the Five Garrisons to hold the Qiang at Mengjin, a decade of fighting bled barbarian and Chinese alike dry before Ren Shang and Ma Xian finally broke the rebellion. The revolt cut so deep and dragged on so long not only because command was inept and the wrong men were given armies, but because the enemy had risen in the empire's vitals—disaster in one's own elbow and armpit is a grave illness slow to cure and a wide wound long in closing. After that the embers never died; the slightest opening brought fresh raids and defections. Ma Xian hesitated until his command collapsed in disaster; Duan Jiong took the offensive and campaigned from the western frontier deep into the heartland. The tribes of Yongzhou were a standing national affliction; among the mid-Han invasions none matched this one in scale. The chaos at the end of the Han left Guanzhong a wasteland. Early in the Wei dynasty, with Shu Han cut off to the south, the tribal peoples along the contested frontier shifted back and forth with every campaign. Cao Cao sent Xiahou Yuan against the rebel Di leaders Agui and Qianwan; later, when Wei abandoned Hanzhong, he resettled the Wudu Di on the Guanzhong plain, hoping to weaken the enemy, strengthen the state, and block Shu. That was an expedient for the moment, not a policy that could secure lasting good. We live with the consequences of that decision today, and we already feel the harm."
6
使 便 使
Guanzhong is rich soil in a top-grade belt: the Jing and Wei flush the salts from the fields, the Zheng and Bai canals weave irrigation across the plain, millet stands so thick that a single mu was said to yield a full zhong, and ballads celebrate its plenty. That is why dynasties make it their seat—never because barbarian herds belong there. They are not of our kin, and their hearts cannot be the same; the aims and temper of the Rong and Di are not those of the Chinese. Yet in their weakness we have moved them into the capital region, where gentry and commoners, grown used to them, treat them with contempt because they seem powerless—until resentment lodges like poison in the bone. When they have multiplied and grown strong, rebellious intent springs up of itself. Greedy and fierce by nature, nursing rage, they watch for any opening and turn at once to violence. Inside the Chinese heartland, with no mountain barriers between them and us, they can fall on an unwary populace and seize grain stored in the open; hence their ravages spread unpredictably. That is the logic of the situation, and history has already proved it. The proper course now is, while our armies are still strong and before other tasks swallow our attention, to move every Qiang community inside Fengyi, Beidi, Xinping, and Anding back onto the traditional Xianling, Hanbing, and Xizhi ranges west of the frontier; to send the Di of Fufeng, Shiping, and Jingzhao out to Longyou again, settling them along the Yinping and Wudu frontier; issue them grain for the march so they can reach home under their own power, let each band rejoin its own stock and return to its ancestral ground, and charge the dependent-state and frontier offices with settling them there. Rong and Chinese would no longer be intermingled; each would keep its proper place—honoring the ancient principle that barbarians who submit should be ordered without mixing, and giving the present age a lasting statute. Even if they harbor designs on the Chinese heartland or raise dust on the frontier, they would be far from the interior, blocked by ranges and rivers; raids could not reach deep. That is how Zhao Chongguo and Deng Ziming broke the Qiang hosts with a few ten thousand men, winning without full-scale battle and bringing the army home intact—less a miracle of strategy than the simple fact that Chinese and barbarian were separated, Rong and Xia kept apart, and the passes were easy to defend.
7
使
An objector said: "Guanzhong has just endured two years of war, a hundred thousand troops worn out on campaign, flood and drought in succession, famine upon famine, plague cutting people down in their prime. The rebels are dead; the newly submitted still waver between truce and terror; officials and commoners alike are exhausted and long for respite as parched earth longs for rain. Surely this is the time to soothe them, not stir them up." Yet you would press corvée on a broken people, march tribes who already distrust us, drive the hungry to move the starving—risking total exhaustion so the work never finishes, driving Qiang and Rong apart so they cannot be controlled together, leaving the old wounds open while fresh disasters break out.
8
退 使 使
The reply ran: "The Qiang and Rong are cunning: they set up their own titles, storm towns and fight in the open, murder governors and commanders, and keep large hosts in the field year after year. Now their alliance has shattered like tiles; each tribe is crumbling on its own; the old and young are bound captives, the fighting men scattered or surrendered; they bolt like startled beasts and cannot act as one. Do you imagine they still hold hidden strength, that they repent and wish to return good for our kindness and come meekly to heel? Or are they simply at the end of their rope, wit and strength spent, terrified of the sword and driven to this pass? The answer: they have no reserve left; they are cornered. Then we hold their lives in our hands and may order their movements as we choose. Men who are happy in their trade do not welcome upheaval; men who are secure in their homes do not wish to move. While they still doubt and dread us, we can overawe them with force and they will not dare refuse. Later, when they are broken, scattered, not yet regrouped, and every household in Guanzhong counts them as enemies, we can march them far away so they will not cling to this soil. The sage acts before crisis shows, orders things before riot breaks out, and brings peace without fanfare and success without ostentation. Next best is to turn danger into gain, snatch victory from defeat, find a ford in every strait, and pass through every block. You would face the wreckage of a failed policy yet refuse to chart a new course—you shrink from the labor of changing course only to follow the cart into the same ditch. How is that wisdom?" Moreover Guanzhong holds more than a million souls, and barbarians may be half of them; whether we keep them or move them, they must be fed. If any lack even a handful of grain, we should empty the Guanzhong granaries to keep them alive; that way none are driven into the ditches to turn bandit and prey on others. Move them now: issue rations along the road, let each join its own kin so they feed one another, and the Chinese of Qin will keep half the grain they would have lost—feeding the marchers, leaving stores for those who stay, easing the crush in Guanzhong, cutting off the root of banditry, lifting today's crisis, and securing peace for years to come. To shrink from the brief pain of the move and forget the grand policy that buys lasting peace— to spare a few months of trouble and bequeath an enemy to posterity is not what is meant by mastering affairs, founding a line that will last, widening the realm's footprint, or planning for one's children and grandchildren.
9
槿 調 使 西 便
The Hu of Bingzhou are, at root, the fierce core of the Xiongnu horsemen. Under Emperor Xuan of Han they were broken by cold and hunger and split into five hordes that later merged into two; Huhanye grew so weak he could not survive alone, clung to the frontier passes, and offered submission. In the Jianwu era the Southern Shanyu submitted again and was allowed inside the line to live south of the desert; within a few generations he was in revolt again, which is why He Xi and Liang Jin had to campaign so often. In the Zhongping era, when the Yellow Turbans rose, the court called out the Southern Xiongnu host; they refused the order and murdered their own chief, the Qiangqu. Yufuluo thereupon begged Han aid against the rebels. The realm then fell into chaos; he seized the moment, raided Zhao and Wei, and struck south of the Yellow River. During the Jian'an years the court had the Right Worthy King Quibi detain Shanyu Huchuquan and allowed the tribes to scatter across six commanderies. At the end of Wei, because one division had grown too strong, it was split into three commands. Early in the Taishi era the court raised that number to four. Then Liu Meng rebelled inside the border and allied with tribes beyond. More recently the mutiny of Hao San began in Guyuan. Today the five divisions number their households in the tens of thousands; their population outnumbers the western tribes. They are fiercer by nature and doubly more adept with bow and horse than the Di or Qiang. If alarm should rise on the frontier, the whole Bingzhou region will shudder. The Goguryeo clans settled at Xingyang had originally lived beyond the Liaodong frontier; during the Zhengshi era, Guqiu Jian, inspector of Youzhou, attacked their rebel bands and resettled the survivors inside China. At first there were only a few hundred households; generation on generation they have bred until they are counted in the thousands, and in a few more generations they will swell to enormous strength. Chinese commoners who have lost their livelihoods still sometimes flee or rise in revolt; when dogs and horses grow fat they turn to bite—how much more will alien peoples seize the moment to rebel! We only imagine them too weak for their strength to show—nothing more.
10
He who governs a state should fear not poverty but inequality, not a small population but unrest. The realm is vast and our people numerous—do we really need barbarians living inside the border before we can prosper! Every such group may be clearly ordered home to its own country, easing their homesickness as wanderers and lifting from the Chinese heartland even the slightest gnawing fear. Bless the Central Plains and the four quarters will settle; a policy whose virtue endures for generations is, all things weighed, the soundest course.
11
The emperor declined to act on the proposal. Within ten years the barbarians had thrown the Chinese world into chaos, and contemporaries conceded how far-sighted he had been.
12
使
He was promoted to the rank of Central Gentleman. The Bureau of Appointments named Tong's uncle Jiang Chun magistrate of Yichun, whereupon Tong submitted a memorial: "By established rule, when a father or grandfather shares a name with an official title, he may be reassigned to another post, yet no precedent addresses the case in which the official himself bears the same name as his title and is excluded from reassignment. I believe reassignment when a father's or grandfather's name clashes with an office is meant to clear a path for his descendants, not chiefly to spare the elder himself. The burden of a taboo name falls on subordinates and heirs no less than on the man who holds the title. Aides are tied to their chief day and night; they must speak his official title aloud—yet to name it plainly breaks the canonical rule of avoiding the superior's name; to dodge with circumlocution is to nullify the dignity of the office and breach the written law. Today posts are countless and the gentry numerous; some who win honor at court and go out as governors find their clerks forbidden to utter their proper titles and their children forbidden to speak their ranks—so the ruler is honored above while the forms that bind lord and subject below are left incoherent. To change one's personal name to dodge an office would violate the Spring and Autumn Annals' principle that one must not strip another of the name his kin gave him. I hold that when a man's own name matches his title, the case should be treated like the ordinary taboo on a parent's name: the rule is then complete and the moral logic clearer." The court accepted his recommendation.
13
He was transferred to the post of groom for the heir apparent. He served for years in the Eastern Palace and was treated with exceptional favor. The heir apparent often neglected his court duties, spent lavishly, and surrounded himself with superstitious taboos; Jiang Tong therefore addressed a memorial of remonstrance:
14
退
Ministers in antiquity strove in court to fulfill their loyalty, in retirement to mend their faults, offered what was sound and rejected what was not, and repaired every oversight in the ruler's conduct. Thus the sovereign could act without misstep, speak without indiscretion, let his virtuous fame be heard abroad, and leave a shining name to posterity. We are unequal to such a standard and cannot mend every fault, yet we wish to offer our utmost loyalty and therefore respectfully lay out five points below, begging Your Highness to read them once and again and to deign to accept what is sound.
15
殿輿
First: among the six virtues filial piety comes first, and Shun of Yu was praised above all for filial devotion; it is the crown prince's duty to attend his father's meals morning and evening and to care for him tirelessly on every side. King Wen as crown prince showed the utmost devotion to his parents; hence he gathered up the finest virtue of the three dynasties and became the model for kings through the ages. Lately Your Majesty's health has often troubled you, so that court attendance has been irregular; those near and far who watch and listen do not know the true reasons and harbor doubts. We pray that whenever Your Highness can endure the carriage, however slight your discomfort, you will force yourself to attend. The Book of Changes says, "The gentleman is wary all day long." That is what is meant by ceaseless self-exertion.
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姿 殿殿
Second: even rulers gifted with native intelligence need tutors to guide them—Shun of Yu rose with the help of five ministers, King Wen of Zhou flourished with the four companions. When King Cheng was crown prince, the dukes of Zhou and Shao served as his guardians and tutors, and Shi Yi opened his eyes to letters; thus he learned the Way while young, mounted the great enterprise, left the punishments unused, and his fame spread everywhere. Your Highness's talents are heaven-given and your discernment keen; we would still urge you to issue edicts from time to time, let your virtuous intentions be heard, question your tutors and attendants, receive guests face to face, and let every obstruction between ruler and served dissolve in openness—so your luster may shine the brighter. Then your lofty openness will set a tone that reaches back to the finest examples of the past; your magnanimity will set a lasting pattern for those who come after.
17
鹿
Third: the sage kings of old all made frugality their chief virtue—Yao with his unplaned rafters and thatched hall, Yu with his low palace and coarse dress, Emperor Wen of Han in black homespun and leather shoes, putting himself before his people and bringing about great peace, honored in life and enshrined after death. Among the feudal lords, Duke Xi of Lu won a place in the canonical Odes, in the Ya and Song sections, for personal thrift and careful spending; King Fenmao of Chu, riding a wicker cart in rags, laid the foundations of a powerful kingdom. Among great officers, Wenzi as minister of Lu would not let his concubines wear silk; Yan Ying as minister of Qi wore an unmended deer-hide cloak, yet he could correct his ruler, improve the customs, and bring glory to state and clan. Among commoners, Yan Hui with his basket of grain and gourd of water made his humane reputation known; Yuan Xian in his gate of woven brush and hinge of cord surpassed others in purity of character. These are examples set by enlightened sovereigns, worthy ministers, and wise men. Their names hang beside the sun and moon and never fade—such is the blessing of frugality. At a dynasty's end, those who lost all through extravagance built jade towers and carnelian halls, drank from jade cups with ivory chopsticks, feasted on bear paw and leopard fetus, and dug wine pools amid forests of hanging meat. Feudal lords painted their pillars red and carved their eaves, and sent a hundred oxen as fodder for a single army march. Great officers wore jade tassels on carnelian caps; commoners tolled bells and ate from tripods as if they were nobles. Not one failed to lose his state, destroy his line, ruin his house, and die in infamy—a warning to later ages. We hear that the rear garden is inlaid with gold and silver, that rhinoceros horn and ivory are carved and polished, and that painters compete daily in ever finer craft. We grant that the realm is wide and goods abundant, and by comparison with antiquity your splendor might still seem modest. Yet the people always imitate what their betters love; a ruler must therefore be wary of his tastes. When Emperor Guangwu of Han received a thousand-li horse and a treasured sword, he hitched the horse to a baggage cart and gave the sword to a common trooper. When someone offered Emperor Wu a cloak sewn from pheasant heads, he ordered it burned at once in the public street. Rulers who tower above their age do not hoard curiosities; thus they set the empire's customs aright and give the four quarters a model to follow. We ask that work on the painting galleries be curtailed for now, every superfluous project in the rear gardens stopped, and the palace kept solemn and still so that Your Highness may cultivate the Way in leisure—then the glory of daily renewal will reach the four seas.
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祿 退 使 祿 西
Fourth: the whole realm feeds the ruler and each hundred li feeds its lord; kings and marquises live on rent and tax, ministers on stipends tied to rank—none should want for enough. Hence the four orders—scholar, farmer, artisan, and merchant—were kept distinct. To exchange goods and retire, supplying mutual wants, was the commoner's trade. The Rites of Zhou speaks of three markets: at dawn the common clans trade, by day the merchants, at dusk the hawking men and women. They buy cheap and sell dear, peddle greens and fruit, and eke out a few cash to keep body and soul together—hence they rank as the humble sort. When Fan Chi, a mere commoner, asked to learn gardening, Confucius gave no answer; Zang Wenzhong of Lu had his concubines weave rush mats for sale and was judged harshly for it; Gongyi Xiu as minister of Lu tore up the mallows in his garden, declaring that an official who draws a stipend must not compete with the poor for petty gain. Since Qin and Han, morals have thinned until even the highest nobles plant market gardens and squeeze profit from the bazaar, each copying the next without shame—set against the ancient norm it is a disgrace. To peddle greens, indigo seed, chickens, and noodles from the Western Park injures the dignity of the state and blackens your good name.
19
Fifth: we note that tabooed ground has been declared off limits so that none may mend walls or replace tiles on principal roofs. This runs against classical precedent and lets petty superstition block the broad highway of government; it should be abolished as the right course.
20
The court approved his advice.
21
He later served as an academician, a Gentleman of the Masters of Writing, and staff adviser on military affairs to Sima Jiong, the Prince of Qi and grand marshal. Jiong grew arrogant and dissolute on the eve of his ruin; Jiang Tong remonstrated bluntly—the memorials were many and are not preserved here. He rose to senior rectifier in the ministry of justice and, whenever a commandery sent up a doubtful case, always resolved it leniently. Prince Ying of Chengdu appointed him secretary and received many frank admonitions from him. He spoke out forcefully on behalf of Lu Yun and his brother, and his language was urgent in the extreme. He resigned to observe mourning for his mother. When the mourning period ended, he was appointed senior clerk on the left of the minister of education. When Sima Yue, Prince of the Eastern Sea, became governor of Yanzhou, he named Jiang Tong his aide-de-camp and entrusted him with the administration of the province, writing to him: "In old days Wang Yun, as governor of Yu Province, before his carriage even halted, appointed Xun Cai to office; after it halted, he appointed Kong Rong. Are there men in your province fit to answer that precedent?" Jiang Tong recommended Xi Jian of Gaoping as worthy and excellent, Ruan Xiu of Chenliu as candid critic, and Cheng Shou of Jibei as upright and incorrupt; contemporaries praised his eye for talent. Shortly afterward he was promoted to gentleman at the yellow gates, cavalier attendant-in-ordinary, and concurrent erudite of the imperial academy. In the fourth year of Yongjia he fled the turmoil to Chenggao, where he died of illness. The rhapsodies, eulogies, memorials, and petitions he wrote have all come down to later times. He had two sons, Jiang Bin and Jiang Dun.
22
殿 西
Jiang Bin, courtesy name Sixuan, was nominated as a cultivated talent by his home province and taken on as an army adviser by Wen Qiao, general who pacifies the south. He again served as provincial aide-de-camp, was summoned as a clerk to Xi Jian the minister of works, and was appointed magistrate of Changshan. Xi Jian later secured his appointment as marshal, after which he was transferred to gentleman at the yellow gates. When Yu Bing, general of chariots and cavalry, took command at Jiangzhou, he named Jiang Bin his chief clerk. After Yu Bing died, Yu Yi appointed him advising staff officer, and soon restored him to the post of chief clerk. When Yu Yi died, the general Gan Zan mutinied; Jiang Bin attacked him and restored order. He was appointed director of the personnel bureau of the masters of writing, then rose in succession to palace secretary, attendant-in-ordinary, and minister of the personnel bureau. During the Yonghe era he succeeded Huan Jing as general who guards the army. He left the capital to serve as interior governor of Kuaiji with the additional title of general of the right army. He succeeded Wang Biaozhi as vice director of the masters of writing. When Emperor Ai came to the throne, the court debated the proper titles for the Honored Lady Zhou; Jiang Bin's opinion is recorded in the Treatise on Rites. The emperor wished to institute the great archery sacrifice in the court hall and to plough the sacred field himself; Jiang Bin held that both ceremonies had long fallen out of use, that the rubrics were lost, and that neither had been performed since the restoration—he urged that the plans be dropped. He served for years as vice director while Emperor Jianwen held the premiership; whenever policy was discussed, Jiang Bin's contributions were substantial. He was then made general who guards the army and concurrent libationer of the imperial academy, and died in office. His son Jiang Yin served in turn as interior governor of Langye and advising officer to the general of swift cavalry. Yin's son Jiang Heng was chief clerk to the general of the western center during the Yuanxi era. Jiang Heng's younger brother Jiang Yi rose to the post of masters of writing.
23
西
Jiang Dun, courtesy name Sisun, was devoted to his family, gentle and unspoiled in character, and carried a moral seriousness that set him apart from the common run. He loved study and mastered both Confucian learning and arcane philosophy. He held that a gentleman orders his conduct by ritual, whether in office or in retirement, and that no upright path strays from the teachings of propriety. Those who make a cult of wild abandon and count license as nobility violate not only decorum but the Way itself. He therefore wrote his treatise "On Penetrating the Way and Honoring Restraint," which won wide acclaim. When Su Jun rose in revolt, he took refuge on Mount Dongyang; Grand Commandant Xi Jian called him up as senior clerk of Yanzhou and then as clerk on the grand commandant's staff; Emperor Kang, as minister of education, summoned him as well; Yu Liang, general who conquers the west, offered him a post as adviser on scholarly affairs; He was summoned to serve as an academician and as editorial director, but he declined both appointments. His home district looked to him as a moral authority and would undertake nothing of weight without first seeking his counsel. Ruan Yu, governor of Dongyang, and Wang Meng, magistrate of Changshan, were leading men of the day; both befriended Jiang Dun and held him in the highest regard. He cultivated his aspirations in seclusion for more than twenty years and died in the ninth year of Yonghe at forty-nine; his friends joined to carve a stele in his honor and celebrate his virtue.
24
使
Sun Chu, whose courtesy name was Zijing, came from Zhongdu in Taiyuan commandery. His grandfather Sun Zi had been general of swift cavalry under Wei. His father Sun Hong served as governor of Nanyang. Sun Chu was brilliantly gifted and fiercely independent; he looked down on others and won little goodwill in his home district. Not until his forties did he take a staff post with the general who guards the east. When Emperor Wen sent Fu Shao and Sun Yu as envoys to Wu, General Shi Bao instructed Sun Chu to draft a letter to Sun Hao. It read:
25
To read the moment and act upon it is what the Book of Changes esteems; for the small to refuse service to the great is what the Spring and Autumn Annals condemn. These are the first signs of fortune or ruin, the root of honor or disgrace. Hence the houses of Xu and Zheng saved their states whole by coming with jade tokens of submission, while Cao and Tan were wiped out for their arrogance. Histories already record how states rose and fell, and past and present show plainly which rulers were wise and which foolish; there is no need to pile up parallels or dress the matter in fine words. To seek only a grandiloquent name is to forfeit the substance of honest counsel. I shall therefore sketch the essentials of your situation in the hope of awakening you to the danger.
26
When the Han fire virtue guttered and the dynasty's mandate neared its end, under Emperors Huan and Ling misrule brought calamity on every side; rebels showed their fangs and the people were trampled as if in mud and fire. The nine regions were cut off from one another, imperial authority unraveled, and the realm lay waste—no longer the Han's domain. Our Grand Progenitor took up the mandate, his godlike might answered the times, and he crushed rebellion until the heartland was pacified; Heaven's omens aligned, the mandate was gathered in, and he widened the great foundation until he held all the territory of Wei. His realm spans the sacred central peak of the Chinese world; the nine tripods, token of sovereignty, are still in his care; generation after generation his house has piled virtue upon virtue—so the four quarters are one again, a spectacle fit for an emperor. The Gongsun house of Liaodong, inheriting power from father and brother, long held the eastern march, ringed themselves with Yan and Hu auxiliaries, trusted in distance and rugged terrain, drilled troops for sport, withheld tribute, defied the court within while trading with the south beyond the sea, shuttling bribes across the waves until Yue cloth filled the north and Wu sables reached the steppe; they fancied that a hundred thousand bowmen and swift cavalry could break Yan and Qi to the west, thunder against Fusang to the east, ride roughshod over the deserts, and face south as kings. King Xuan of Wei struck lightly but drove deep; his host reached Liaoyang, and their walls could not hold; the drums had hardly sounded when the rebel chief lost his head. Border counties far and near lay in ruin until the scattered were gathered home, the people given peace, common folk and barbarians alike gladly submitted. Since then the nine domains have known peace: eastern tribes have sent their instruments, the Sushen their arrow-shafts, and peoples long outside the pale have answered civilization and come in—all this, in its majesty, is surely known to you.
27
西 使
The founders of Wu rose from the Jing-Chu country in an age of chaos and slipped their power across the Yangtze. Liu Bei broke in panic and fled into Ba and Min. They trusted in heaped stone and mountain barriers, in the boundless maze of the three rivers and five lakes, and clung to borrowed legitimacy like wandering ghosts for nearly half a century. The two kingdoms leagued east and west, echoing each other's defiance and stiffening one another against the Chinese heartland. They imagined a tripod of three legs that might stand as long as Mount Tai itself. The Jin king, as imperial chancellor, aids the throne; his civil and military officers are a formidable host, their resolution sharp as autumn frost; his plans win victory in the council hall and meet every shift of fortune; his foresight leaves ordinary counsel far behind. Our reverent sovereign has entrusted him with every thread of policy; he holds the long reins, issues secret orders, and moves detached columns as one body so that high and low strain together—his majesty advances, pierces their strongholds, strikes them on a single front, and breaks their nerve. A brief clash at Jiangyou, and Chengdu collapsed of its own accord; a display of arms at Sword Gate, and Jiang Wei came bound with his own hands. Six thousand square li of territory were opened and thirty commanderies brought under the flag. Before a year was out Liang and Yi were swept clean; the warlord who had usurped a royal title knocked his brow at the palace gate, and precious jades and brocades filled the Wei storehouses. When Han swallowed rival states and Wei shifted its capital, when Guo fell and Yu followed to ruin—these are lessons the histories have already written plain for later ages. Moreover Lü Xing in the south, reading Heaven's will aright, has cast off Shu like a cicada shell and submitted, begging to rank as a subject. You have lost the outer support that locked Shu and Wu like lips to teeth; within, your own wings are molting one by one; yet you linger in a doomed kingdom hoping to buy a few more days—like Marquis Wu of Wei boasting over his rivers and mountains, blind to the truth that power rises and falls and that what he prized was not truly his to keep.
28
便退使 西輿
Today the court teems with able men, fierce generals hold the enemy at bay a thousand miles away, the treasury is full and the six hosts are hardened for war, eager to spread their wings and water their horses in the southern sea. The state has lately refitted arms, built fleets, drilled river warfare, and launched myriads of tower ships that stretch in sight of one another for a thousand li—never since men first hollowed logs for boats have water and land transport been readied on such a scale. A million veterans stand by, hoarding their strength for the chosen hour. The next campaign will not need a second levy: the host is ready today. Yet ruler and chancellor have held back from striking like lightning because they prize the Daoist maxim of cherishing the people: as King Wen once raised his siege works high only to dismantle them and withdraw, they first offer you utmost good faith and send envoys to explain life and death—this is the burden our messengers bear. If you read the danger aright and choose the better fortune—if you change your bearing, accept past kindness, follow the example of Southern Yue when its king sent his heir to wait on the Han court, face north as a vassal, and bow to receive the edict—your line may keep the south of the river forever as Wei's bulwark, and your reward will tower above anything you enjoy today. If you cling to arrogance and defy the king's command, then every plan and weapon will mass like a cloud: Yong and Liang will sweep downriver to the east, Qing and Xu veterans line the western shore, hosts from Jing, Yang, Yan, and Yu thunder through every pass, and the eastern expedition's mail-clad ranks march on Moling until the imperial carriages form line, the six armies advance at a steady pace, pennons outshine the sun, banners stream like meteors, chariots roll like dragons in glittering files, and music fills the air—soldiers will rush to the rendezvous thick as a forest, dust will blot heaven and earth, every man hungry for reward will strain to be first at the spears, and in one morning your head may part from your body, your altars fall, and you become a warning for ages—stretch your neck toward the south and you will know enough to shudder! A disease in the vitals calls for bitter medicine; to cut through doubt one must speak unwelcome truth. If you hesitate still, lost past turning back, even Yu Fu will pronounce the corpse beyond saving and Bian Que will decline the case as hopeless. Think hard on a wise course and choose your path.
29
When Fu Shao and his party reached Wu, no one dared pass the letter to the throne.
30
忿
Sun Chu was later promoted to assistant editorial director and again served on the staff of Shi Bao, general of swift cavalry. Confident in his gifts, Sun Chu treated Shi Bao with thinly veiled contempt; on his first day he made only a standing bow and said, "The Son of Heaven has ordered me to join your staff." From that moment bad blood grew between them. Shi Bao reported that Sun Chu had slandered the court together with a Wu man named Sun Shishan; Sun Chu answered with a memorial in his own defense; the wrangle dragged on a year without verdict, and he also fell into a bitter quarrel with his townsman Guo Yi. Emperor Wu never formally declared him guilty, yet because he had slighted his commander he was left in disgrace for years. Until then staff officers had not been required to defer to their commanders; because Sun Chu had insulted Shi Bao, a rule was laid down that they must show respect—a reform that began with Sun Chu.
31
西駿
Sima Jun, the Prince of Fufeng and general who conquers the west, was an old friend of Sun Chu and had him brought out of retirement as an army adviser. He was transferred to magistrate of Liang and promoted to marshal to the guard general. When two dragons were seen in the arsenal well and the ministers prepared to congratulate the throne, Sun Chu submitted a memorial: "I have lately heard of two dragons in the arsenal well. Some ministers call it a good omen and would congratulate Your Majesty; others deny that it is auspicious and would not congratulate. One might say that Chu was wrong in its reading, but Qi was not entirely right either. Dragons may hide their scales in the deepest pools or climb the Milky Way in the open sky; to find them coiled in a well like frogs and mudfish—does this mean only that some clerk in the armory has hidden talent, or that worthy men of low station languish among the ranks? The dragon's appearance is a sign meant to stir reflection. I pray that Your Majesty will overlook petty faults, promote worthy men, dream as Wu Ding dreamed of a sage at Fu Rock, look as King Wen looked beside the Wei River, restore the schools, lift the blocked and forgotten, command the high ministers to recommend recluses whose conduct can improve the age, and men of outstanding talent who can cut through tangles, set chaos right, and speak truth to power—without confining the search to great families, and looking first among the humble and overlooked. The work of conquest and the glory of uniting the realm belong to the Five Hegemons and to captains like Han Xin and Bai Qi; but to set rites and music in order and spread the transforming power of the Way is the season in which men of learning must bend their strength. I beg Your Majesty to heed even the wild words of a humble subject."
32
Early in Emperor Hui's reign he became governor of Fufeng. He died in the third year of the Yuankang era.
33
Sun Chu was on good terms with Wang Ji of his commandery. When Wang Ji served as grand rectifier for the province and was reviewing local character ratings, he came to Sun Chu and said, "This man is beyond your judgment; I shall write his evaluation myself." He therefore wrote of Sun Chu: "Heaven-given genius, heroic breadth, outstanding and peerless." In his youth Sun Chu wished to retire from the world and told Wang Ji, "I mean to use a rock for my pillow and rinse my mouth in a stream." He misspoke as "rinse my mouth with stone and pillow on the current." " Wang Ji replied, "You cannot pillow on a current, nor rinse your teeth with a stone." Sun Chu said, "I pillow on the current to wash my ears and I rinse with stone to sharpen my teeth." Sun Chu rarely looked up to anyone, but he honored Wang Ji deeply. When Sun Chu ended mourning for his wife, he showed Wang Ji a poem he had written. Wang Ji said, "I never knew whether feeling begets the words or the words beget the feeling; reading this, I am moved to sorrow and feel more deeply the bond of marriage."
34
He had three sons: Sun Zhong, Sun Xun, and Sun Zuan. Sun Zhong and Sun Xun died young without ever serving; only the sons of Sun Zuan, Sun Tong and Sun Chuo, won renown.
35
Sun Tong, courtesy name Chenggong. In youth he crossed the Yangtze with Sun Chuo and his cousin Sun Sheng. He was wildly unconventional and a fine writer; his contemporaries thought he had his father's dash. Chu Pou, general who conquers the north, heard of him and offered him a staff post, but he declined and settled in Kuaiji. He loved landscape and therefore sought appointment as magistrate of Yin, then was transferred to Wuning. In office he spared no attention to petty paperwork but gave himself to wandering; there was hardly a famous peak or stream he did not explore to the end. He later became magistrate of Yuyao and died in that post.
36
His son Sun Teng succeeded him, was known for wide scholarship, and rose to commandant of justice. Sun Teng's younger brother Sun Deng was adept in youth at logical disputation, wrote a commentary on the Laozi that circulated widely, reached the post of gentleman of the masters of writing, and died young.
37
Sun Chuo, son of Sun Zuan.
38
Sun Chuo, whose courtesy name was Xinggong. He was widely read and a fine writer; in youth he and Xu Xun of Gaoyang shared a determination to live above vulgar ambition. He lived in Kuaiji for more than ten years, wandering among hills and streams, then wrote his rhapsody "On Finding Life's First Intent" to express his mind. He once spoke slightingly of Shan Tao, saying, "I cannot make sense of Shan Tao—neither fish nor fowl, neither in office nor out of it; if he took Li Ying's threshold for the dragon gate, he would be the carp that burned its brow and never leaped the torrent." Before his studio he planted a single pine and tended it himself. A neighbor told him, "The sapling is pretty enough, but I fear it will never see the day it serves as a beam." Sun Chuo replied, "Maples and willows may grow thick as an embrace—what good are they for timber!" Sun Chuo and Xu Xun were the leading lights of their day: some who admired Xu's lofty detachment looked down on Chuo, while others who prized Chuo's brilliance dismissed Xu. The monk Zhi Dun once asked Sun Chuo, "How do you rank beside Xu Xun?" He answered, "In depth of mind and reach of vision I have long bowed to him; yet in poetry and song he would face north to me as the lesser." He ranked the rhapsodies of Zhang Heng and Zuo Si above all others, declaring that the Three Capitals and Two Metropolises were the drum and fife that proclaimed the Five Classics." He once finished his "Rhapsody on Mount Tiantai," a piece of consummate craft, and showed it to his friend Fan Rongqi, saying, "Throw it on the ground—it should ring like bronze or stone." Fan Rongqi replied, "I fear this metal and stone is off key." Yet whenever he came to a fine line he would say, "That must be one of ours." He was appointed assistant editorial director and succeeded to the title of marquis of Changle."
39
調
Sun Chuo was blunt and outspoken and loved a sharp jest. Walking once with Xi Zuochi, Sun Chuo took the lead, looked back, and said, "When sand is sifted, the gravel falls to the rear." Xi Zuochi shot back, "When grain is winnowed, the chaff flies to the front."
40
西
Yu Liang, general who conquers the west, took him on as an army adviser; he was then named magistrate of Zhang'an, summoned as an erudite of the imperial academy, and promoted to gentleman of the masters of writing. Yin Hao, inspector of Yangzhou, appointed him senior clerk to the general who establishes might. Wang Xizhi, interior governor of Kuaiji, brought him in as chief clerk to the general of the right army. He was transferred to governor of Yongjia, then promoted to cavalier attendant-in-ordinary and concurrent editorial director.
41
Grand Marshal Huan Wen wished to reorder the realm; with the Henan region south of the Yellow River roughly pacified, he proposed moving the capital to Luoyang. The court feared Huan Wen and voiced no dissent, yet the north was a waste and the people were anxious; though everyone knew the scheme was folly, no one dared speak first. Sun Chu therefore addressed a memorial:
42
西便
I have read the memorial of General Huan Wen, in which he writes that he will personally lead the three hosts, destroy the two rebels, scour the Yellow and Wei valleys and cleanse the old capital, then let the imperial banners sweep like lightning, cross the river in court regalia, restore the throne to the central plain, and set the celestial pivot aright." That would be a plan to tower above the age and a deed to shine for a thousand years. Yet in my heart something still troubles me: every founder of a dynasty has relied on favorable terrain and the support of the people to build his work, and has prized the use of justice to crush violence and then to comfort those he conquers. When Emperors Huai and Min could not hold the house, the capital fell to ruin and barbarian hosts overran one another; the bonds of the Chinese world snapped, and the landslide came because the moral order had collapsed. Yet the heartland was swept bare in a single flood; of hundreds of commanderies and thousands of towns scarcely one kept its walls whole—why was that? Because the land could no longer be defended and the people had to flee somewhere. Heaven's mandate had not yet passed from Jin; Emperor Yuan rose like a dragon—not only because trust and obedience ran with Heaven and men, but because he could draw the line of defense along the long Yangtze. The Book of Changes says that kings and dukes set natural barriers to defend their states—how great is the meaning of "peril" in its season! That lesson is already plain in our own experience. In fine rhetoric one may trust the Way and forget about terrain; yet when one weighs the facts, one must cling to what can be held if the state is to survive. More than sixty years have passed since the catastrophe; the common folk were slaughtered until fewer than one in a hundred remained; the Yellow and Luo valleys are heaped ruins, the heartland is empty, wells are choked and groves felled, field paths gone—there is no livelihood there and no home to return to. Those who fled south of the Yangtze have lived there for generations; the living have raised sons and grandsons, and the dead lie in ranked tombs. They still feel the north wind's pull in their hearts, yet the grief before their eyes cuts them to the quick. If the court wheels north and the capital moves, the imperial tombs at Wuling will at once lie beyond a distant frontier. The peace of Mount Tai would then be hard to guarantee by any policy, and the tender tie of filial grief could not fail to weigh on Your Majesty's heart!
43
使
Huan Wen's present plan does aim to see the whole course through and to work a lasting good for the state. Had there been no crisis at the imperial tombs, he would not have pressed so bold a design or taken on alone the hardest task in the realm. Now he forgets his meals in loyal zeal, and every feeling heart is moved! Yet the people are terrified and share a single dread—because the joy of going home is still far off while the fear of marching to death is immediate! Why? They have set down roots south of the river for decades; to tear them up at a stroke and march them into a barren wilderness, dragging families a thousand miles over peril and deep water, leaving ancestral graves and livelihoods—the rich have not grain for three years, the poor not a meal in the pot; they cannot sell their lands or find carts and boats; they would leave a peaceful country for a land of chronic war, step from safety into danger piled as high as eggs, stumble and die on the road or drown in the rivers, and only a handful would arrive. The state exists for its people; we hate the invaders because they harm the people—if the people are destroyed while the invaders are cleared, what victory is left to measure? This is what a humane ruler must pity and what the court must weigh with the utmost care. Capitals have never been fixed for all time: when fortune is high the court sits in the center and plans on a grand scale; when power is weak it withdraws and bides its time for the right moment. Virtue must be more than a match for any foe, and every household must have three years' grain in store before one may speak of lasting peace. Heaven's timing and human readiness have not yet met; to try to set the whole world in order at a single stroke—is that not rash and beyond our strength?
44
使
My humble plan would be to send first a seasoned general of proven reputation to hold Luoyang, raise twin forts at the tomb precinct to guard the imperial graves, clear the Liang and Xu regions and pacify the south bank of the Yellow River, open the grain barges again, and only then push reclamation, widen the fields, and pile up grain as a fund for gradual resettlement. Then the enemy will read the signs of doom and scatter far away. If they cling to rebellion and court death again, the armies north and south can strike like wind and lightning, head and tail answering like hand to itch; the tombs will stand secure and the heartland will know a measure of peace. Meanwhile Your Majesty may sit serene on the throne, deepen virtuous rule, follow Emperor Wen of Han in plain living, cut petty largess and pleasure travel, scrutinize appointments, drill the hosts, and put the feeding of the army and the destruction of the enemy first. Pursue this for ten years without slackening, and the poor will grow rich, the timid grow brave, men will feel Heaven's kindness and go to death as gladly as home—then good government rests in the palm of your hand. Why abandon a strategy sure to win and stake the whole realm on a single throw! Your Majesty is in the prime of life and Huan Wen in the vigor of his plans; ruler and minister together can build virtue and hold fortune in the bag like the hexagram's great good—could anything be more welcome!
45
使退
Huan Wen has set forth his lofty proposal and the court echoes him; I alone, the least of your servants, offer the view through a narrow tube. To speak out is hardest at a moment like this, yet I must reach Your Majesty's ear because in an age that welcomes frank counsel even the blind may speak and sages weigh the woodcutter's plan—such is the depth of my fear that I risk offense to lay it bare. If Your Majesty will bend an ear and Huan Wen pause to reflect, would that not mean yielding a little to one man while granting the wish of millions! If my bluntness counts as a great crime and Your Majesty would have me executed openly, let this loyal heart first be heard; I will then withdraw and accept death, and though I sink into the earth my bones will not rot.
46
Huan Wen read Sun Chuo's memorial without pleasure and said, "Give Xinggong my word: why does he not stick to his rhapsody On Finding Life's First Intent instead of prying into another man's statecraft!" Soon afterward Sun Chuo was made commandant of justice while retaining charge of the editorial office. Sun Chuo won fame early as a writer and stood at the head of the literary men of his day. When great men such as Huan Wen, Wang Dao, Xi Jian, and Yu Liang died, Sun Chuo had to draft the inscription before the stele could be cut. He died at fifty-eight.
47
His son Sun Si resembled his father in manner and ran him close as a writer; he rose to army adviser on the staff of the central army but died young.
48
姿 忿
The historians write: In demeanor and conduct Jiang Tong had much to commend, and among the many talents of Chenliu he stood first. His treatise on relocating the Rong was statesmanship of the longest view. Yet fate had set the dynasty on a slope of decline; had his advice been followed, it might only have hastened disaster and rancor and could not have saved the house as it tottered. When Princes Min and Huai were deposed and banished, he broke the ban to bid them farewell—life light as a goose feather, duty weighty as a bear's paw. Jiang Bin rose to the summit of the civil service and gave his utmost in counsel for the good of the throne. Jiang Dun turned his back on rank and gain and cultivated the nobility that Heaven grants. Though they took different paths in and out of office, both brothers were men hard to match. Sun Chu bore a brilliant presence and stood above the common run; that Wang Ji recognized him was no discredit to either man. To read his letter to Sun Hao is to see one of the finest pens of an earlier age. Yet he trusted his gifts to the point of arrogance, slighted Shi Bao and quarreled with Guo Yi, spurned modesty, and gave free rein to his haughty temper, so that he languished in his prime—he had himself to blame. Sun Tong and Sun Chuo, like flowering catalpa, won fame in the restoration and did no dishonor to their forebears. Sun Tong ended his days in a humble magistracy, roaming every famous landscape until his heart found rest. Sun Chuo set forth blunt remonstrance without flinching before Huan Wen and showed the integrity of a man who forgets himself for his lord—far more than mere literary grace!
49
The encomium runs: Jiang Tong trod the path of duty; Sun Chu rose above the vulgar. The Jiangs knew few regrets; the Suns brought exile and shame on themselves. Sun Tong and his brothers won renown east of the Yangtze. In polished literary genius Sun Chuo stood first among the outstanding men of his time.
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