1
顧榮
Gu Rong
2
顧榮，字彥先，吳國吳人也，為南土著姓。 祖雍，吳丞相。 父穆，宜都太守。 榮機神朗悟，弱冠仕吳，為黃門侍郎、太子輔義都尉。 吳平，與陸機兄弟同入洛，時人號為「三俊。」 例拜為郎中，歷尚書郎、太子中舍人、廷尉正。 恆縱酒酣暢，謂友人張翰曰：「惟酒可以忘憂，但無如作病何耳。」
Gu Rong, whose courtesy name was Yanxian, hailed from Wu in the old Wu heartland, and his family belonged to one of the eminent southern houses. His grandfather Gu Yong had served as chief minister under Wu. His father Gu Mu held the post of prefect of Yidu commandery. Gu Rong was intellectually acute; still in his early twenties he took office under Wu as a palace attendant at the Yellow Gates and as adjutant mentoring the heir apparent in moral duty. After the conquest of Wu he traveled to Luoyang alongside Lu Ji and his brothers, and contemporaries hailed them as the "three outstanding talents"—the quotation opening here trails the manuscript. He received routine appointment as gentleman langye and rose through senior secretary posts, service in the heir apparent's household, and the rectifier's bench at the Court of Judicial Review. He often drank his way into heedless cheer and told his friend Zhang Han, "Wine alone can banish sorrow—if only it did not also lay you low with illness."
3
會趙王倫誅淮南王允，收允僚屬付廷尉，皆欲誅之，榮平心處當，多所全宥。 及倫篡位，倫子虔為大將軍，以榮為長史。 初，榮與同僚宴飲，見執炙者貌狀不凡，有欲炙之色，榮割炙啖之。 坐者問其故，榮曰：「豈有終日執之而不知其味！」 及倫敗，榮被執，將誅，而執炙者為督率，遂救之，得免。
When Prince Zhao Sima Lun eliminated Prince Huainan Sima Yun, Yun's staff were handed to the judiciary for mass execution; Gu Rong adjudicated calmly and preserved many lives. After Sima Lun seized power, his son Sima Qian became grand general and named Gu Rong chief clerk on his staff. Once, drinking with fellow officials, Gu Rong noticed the spit-turner carried himself with uncommon dignity and seemed to hunger for the roast; Gu Rong sliced meat for him to eat. Guests asked why; Gu Rong replied, "Can anyone turn the spit from dawn to dusk and never taste what he cooks? When Sima Lun fell, Gu Rong was arrested and marked for execution—yet that same attendant now led guards and repaid the kindness, saving him from the blade.
4
齊王冏召為大司馬主簿。 冏擅權驕恣，榮懼及禍，終日昏酣，不綜府事，以情告友人長樂馮熊。 熊謂冏長史葛旟曰：「以顧榮為主簿，所以甄拔才望，委以事機，不復計南北親疏，欲平海內之心也。 今府大事殷，非酒客之政。」 旟曰：「榮江南望士，且居職日淺，不宜輕代易之。」 熊曰：「可轉為中書侍郎，榮不失清顯，而府更收實才。」 旟然之，白冏，以為中書侍郎。 在職不復飲酒。 人或問之曰：「何前醉而後醒邪？」 榮懼罪，乃復更飲。 與州里楊彥明書曰：「吾為齊王主簿，恆慮禍及，見刀與繩，每欲自殺，但人不知耳。」 及旟誅，榮以討葛旟功，封喜興伯，轉太子中庶子。
Prince Qi Sima Jiong called him up as chief clerk on the grand marshal's staff. Sima Jiong grew arrogant and lawless; Gu Rong, dreading implication, spent his days drunk and idle in office until he unburdened himself to Feng Xiong of Changle. Feng told Ge Yu, Gu Rong's appointment was meant to honor southern talent and delegate real responsibility without petty regional bias—proof of a ruler intent on reuniting the land. The office now groans under urgent business; a wine-soaked placeholder cannot run it. Ge Yu answered, "Gu Rong is a southern gentleman of high standing and has barely warmed the seat; shifting him rashly would send the wrong signal. Feng replied, "Make him a palace gentleman attendant instead—Gu Rong stays eminent while you gain a sober administrator. Ge Yu concurred, informed Sima Jiong, and Gu Rong moved to the palace gentleman attendant post. He quit drinking entirely once reassigned. An acquaintance teased him: "How is it you were soused yesterday but clear-headed today? Gu Rong, anxious that candor might invite trouble, went back to the cup. He wrote to his townsman Yang Yanming, "Serving Sima Jiong as chief clerk, I lived in terror; at the sight of blade or cord I nearly took my own life—secretly, where no one could see. After Ge Yu died, Gu Rong earned the barony of Xixing for helping bring him down and was promoted to senior attendant in the heir apparent's household.
5
長沙王乂為驃騎，復以榮為長史。 乂敗，轉成都王穎丞相從事中郎。 惠帝幸臨漳，以榮兼侍中，遣行園陵。 會張方據洛，不得進，避之陳留。 及帝西遷長安，徵為散騎常侍，以世亂不應，遂還吳。 東海王越聚兵於徐州，以榮為軍諮祭酒。
Prince Changsha Sima Yi, upon becoming chief commander, once more named Gu Rong chief clerk. After Sima Yi's defeat Gu Rong became an adviser on Prince Chengdu Sima Ying's chancellery staff. Emperor Hui's progress to Linzhang brought Gu Rong a concurrent palace-attendant title and a mission to survey the imperial burial parks. Zhang Fang's occupation of Luoyang blocked the journey, forcing him to shelter in Chenliu. The court's removal to Chang'an brought a summons to serving attendant-in-ordinary, but he declined amid the turmoil and went home to Wu. Prince Donghai Sima Yue, rallying forces in Xuzhou, appointed Gu Rong army advisory libationer.
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屬廣陵相陳敏反，南渡江，逐揚州刺史劉機、丹陽內史王曠，阻兵據州，分置子弟為列郡，收禮豪桀，有孫氏鼎峙之計。 假榮右將軍、丹陽內史。 榮數踐危亡之際，恆以恭遜自勉。 會敏欲誅諸士人，榮說之曰：「中國喪亂，胡夷內侮，觀太傅今日不能復振華夏，百姓無復遺種。 江南雖有石冰之寇，人物尚全。 榮常憂無竇氏、孫、劉之策，有以存之耳。 今將軍懷神武之略，有孫吳之能，功勳效於已著，勇略冠於當世，帶甲數萬，舳艫山積，上方雖有數州，亦可傳檄而定也。 若能委信君子，各得盡懷，散蒂芥之恨，塞讒諂之口，則大事可圖也。」 敏納其言，悉引諸豪族委任之。 敏仍遣甘卓出橫江，堅甲利器，盡以委之。 榮私于卓曰：「若江東之事可濟，當共成之。 然卿觀事勢當有濟理不？ 敏既常才，本無大略，政令反覆，計無所定，然其子弟各已驕矜，其敗必矣。 而吾等安然受其官祿，事敗之日，使江西諸軍函首送洛，題曰逆賊顧榮、甘卓之首，豈惟一身顛覆，辱及萬世，可不圖之！」 卓從之。 明年，周圮與榮及甘卓、紀瞻潛謀起兵攻敏。 榮廢橋斂舟于南岸，敏率萬餘人出，不獲濟，榮麾以羽扇，其眾潰散。 事平，還吳。 永嘉初，徵拜侍中，行至彭城，見禍難方作，遂輕舟而還，語在《紀瞻傳》。
The Guangling prefect Chen Min rose in revolt, marched south of the river, expelled Yang provincial governor Liu Ji and Danyang interior administrator Wang Kuang, seized the region by force, parcelled posts among his kin, courted local heroes, and dreamed of another Sun-family partition. Chen Min named Gu Rong acting general of the right and interior administrator of Danyang. Gu Rong had survived one crisis after another and habitually softened his manner to stay alive. As Chen Min prepared to purge educated men, Gu Rong urged him, "The heartland is shattered and frontier peoples pour in; even the grand tutor cannot revive the Chinese heartland—the folk may be wiped out. South of the river, despite Shi Bing's raid, society still stands largely whole. I have long feared that lacking a Dou-style patronage or Sun-Liu-style leadership we could not preserve this refuge. You wield strategic genius compared to Sun Wu, your victories already awe the age, your tens of thousands of armored men and mountain stacks of hulls could swallow the remaining provinces by sheer manifesto. If you truly empower trustworthy scholars, air every grievance, silence backbiters, you might yet achieve something lasting. Chen Min took the advice and pulled every great clan into his administration. He still dispatched Gan Zhuo toward Hengjiang with the best armor and arms at his disposal. Gu Rong whispered to Gan Zhuo, "If this lower-Yangzi venture can work, we should see it through together. But look clear-eyed: is there any realistic chance? Chen Min is mediocre, without grand design; his policies lurch without fixity while his relatives grow arrogant—the fall is only a matter of time. Yet we draw his pay in silence; when he collapses, western armies will ship our heads north stamped "rebel chiefs Gu Rong and Gan Zhuo"—destroying us and our memories forever unless we act now! Gan Zhuo agreed. The following year Zhou Qi, Gu Rong, Gan Zhuo, and Ji Zhan conspired to strike Chen Min. Gu Rong broke the bridge and massed boats on the southern shore; Chen Min marched out ten thousand strong yet could not ford; Gu Rong merely fluttered a feather fan and the army scattered. Peace restored, he went back to Wu. Early in Yongjia he was recalled as palace attendant; at Pengcheng he saw disaster forming, slipped away by swift boat, and returned south—the tale is told in Ji Zhan's memoir.
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元帝鎮江東，以榮為軍司，加散騎常侍，凡所謀畫，皆以諮焉。 榮既南州望士，躬處右職，朝野甚推敬之。 時帝所幸鄭貴嬪有疾，以祈禱頗廢萬機，榮上箋諫曰：「昔文王父子兄弟乃有三聖，可謂窮理者也。 而文王日昃不暇食，周公一沐三握發，何哉？ 誠以一日萬機，不可不理； 一言蹉跌，患必及之故也。 當今衰季之末，屬亂離之運，而天子流播，豺狼塞路，公宜露營野次，星言夙駕，伏軾怒蛙以募勇士，懸膽於庭以表辛苦。 貴嬪未安，藥石實急； 禱祀之事，誠復可修； 豈有便塞參佐白事，斷賓客問訊？ 今強賊臨境，流言滿國，人心萬端，去就紛紜。 願沖虛納下，廣延俊彥，思畫今日之要，塞鬼道淫祀，弘九合之勤，雪天下之恥，則群生有賴，開泰有期矣。」
The Prince of Langye, later Yuan emperor, made Gu Rong director of the army with concurrent serving attendant-in-ordinary and sought his counsel on all strategy. As the premier southern gentleman in a weighty office, Gu Rong commanded wide reverence. The favorite Lady Zheng lay ill, and the sovereign's round of prayers had nearly halted governance; Gu Rong memorialized, "Even King Wen's house counted three sages who plumbed the Way. Yet King Wen skipped meals at dusk, and the Duke of Zhou thrice released a half-washed coil—why was that? Because the business of a single court day tolerates no neglect; a single misstep draws disaster upon you. We live in collapse: the throne wanders, traitors choke the roads—you should bivouac under stars, ride out at cockcrow, humble yourself like Goujian rallying fighters, and hang your bitter gall where all may see your resolve. Lady Zheng still hovers between life and death—her physic cannot wait; supplications may continue in due course; but blocking staff memorials and shutting out visitors is no way to rule. Enemy hosts crowd the frontier and gossip floods the state; loyalty teeters everywhere. I pray you open your mind to counsel, summon talent broadly, focus on practical priorities, curb superstitious cults, emulate the steadfast leagues of old, and cleanse our national shame—only then will the people find footing and peace return."
8
時南土之士未盡才用，榮又言：「陸士光貞正清貴，金玉其質； 甘季思忠款盡誠，膽幹殊快； 殷慶元質略有明規，文武可施用； 榮族兄公讓明亮守節，困不易操； 會稽楊彥明、謝行言皆服膺儒教，足為公望； 賀生沈潛，青雲之士； 陶恭兄弟才幹雖少，實事極佳。 凡此諸人，皆南金也。」 書奏，皆納之。
Southern talent still languished unused, so Gu Rong added, "Lu Ye is principled, lucid, and refined—pure metal and fine jade at the core; Gan Zhuo is loyal to the bone and strikingly resolute; Yin Qingyuan pairs steady judgment with usable strength in both brush and blade; my kinsman Gongrang shines with integrity that hardship cannot bend; Yang Yanming of Kuaiji and Xie Xingyan embody Confucian learning fit for your front rank; He Xun moves in quiet depth, a man bound for high appointment; the Tao brothers bring modest gifts yet excel at dependable execution. Each is southern gold ready for the mint. The throne adopted every name he offered.
9
六年，卒官。 帝臨喪盡哀，欲表贈榮，依齊王功臣格。 吳郡內史殷祐箋曰：
He died in harness in the sixth year of the reign. The sovereign personally mourned him and wished to award posthumous honors on the model used for Prince Qi's old allies. Yin You, interior administrator of Wu commandery, filed a memorial recommending honors.
10
由是贈榮侍中、驃騎將軍、開府儀同三司，諡曰元。 及帝為晉王，追封為公，開國，食邑。
The court ennobled Gu Rong posthumously as palace attendant, chief commander with privilege opening a separate headquarters matching the Three Offices, and with the epithet Yuan. Once the sovereign assumed the princely title of Jin, Gu Rong received a ducal fief with appanage.
11
榮素好琴，及卒，家人常置琴於靈座。 吳郡張翰哭之慟，既而上床鼓琴數曲，撫琴而歎曰：「顧彥先復能賞此不？」 因又慟哭，不弔喪主而去。 子毗嗣，官至散騎侍郎。
Gu Rong had adored the qin; after his passing kin kept an instrument on his memorial table. Zhang Han of Wu keened over him, climbed onto the dais, played a few pieces, and murmured while fingering the strings, "Will Yanxian ever hear this again? He sobbed once more, skipped the formal condolence, and walked out. Son Gu Pi succeeded him, rising to serving gentleman.
12
紀瞻
Ji Zhan
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紀瞻，字思遠，丹陽秣陵人也。 祖亮，吳尚書令。 父陟，光祿大夫。 瞻少以方直知名。 吳平，徙家曆陽郡。 察孝廉，不行。
Ji Zhan, styled Siyuan, came from Moling in Danyang commandery. His grandfather Ji Liang had been Wu's director of the Masters of Writing. His father Ji Zhi held the title grand master of splendid carriage. Even young he was famed for blunt honesty. After Wu fell the household relocated to Liyang commandery. Filial-and-incorrupt nomination came, yet he refused appointment.
14
後舉秀才，尚書郎陸機策之曰：「昔三代明王，啟建洪業，文質殊制，而令名一致。 然夏人尚忠，忠之弊也朴，救朴莫若敬。 殷人革而修焉，敬之弊也鬼，救鬼莫若文。 周人矯而變焉，文之弊也薄，救薄則又反之於忠。 然則王道之反覆其無一定邪，亦所祖之不同而功業各異也？ 自無聖王，人散久矣。 三代之損益，百姓之變遷，其故可得而聞邪？ 今將反古以救其弊，明風以蕩其穢，三代之制將何所從？ 太古之化有何異道？」 瞻對曰：「瞻聞有國有家者，皆欲邁化隆政，以康庶績，垂歌億載，永傳於後。然而俗變事弊，得不隨時，雖經聖哲，無以易也。故忠弊質野，敬失多儀。周鑒二王之弊，崇文以辯等差，而流遁者歸薄而無款誠，款誠之薄，則又反之於忠。三代相循，如水濟火，所謂隨時之義，救弊之術也。羲皇簡樸，無為而化；後聖因承，所務或異。非賢聖之不同，世變使之然耳。今大晉闡元，聖功日隮，承天順時，九有一貫，荒服之君，莫不來同。然而大道既往，人變由久，謂當今之政宜去文存樸，以反其本，則兆庶漸化，太和可致也。」
Advanced to "flourishing talent," he faced examination by Lu Ji: "The sage kings of the three ages raised great orders; some prized culture, others simplicity, yet each earned an impeccable name. Xia rule cherished steadfast loyalty; its excess was rustic bluntness, cured best by solemn reverence. Shang kings refined that reverence; its excess was superstitious awe, cured best by cultured form. Zhou adjusted toward refinement; its excess was brittle elegance, so wise rulers swung back toward substantive loyalty. Does the royal path therefore wheel endlessly without fixity, or do distinct origins simply produce distinct legacies? With true sage-kings gone, the populace has drifted apart for ages. Explain for me how the three dynasties trimmed policy and how common customs shifted in step. If we now revive antiquity to heal decay and broadcast upright fashion to scour vice—which of the three templates fits? In what way did the governance of deepest antiquity diverge? Ji Zhan answered: rulers who hold land or lineage all want policy that elevates the age and secures lasting praise, yet institutions must move with their times—no sage can freeze them. Loyalty's excess is rustic bluntness; reverence's excess is hollow ritual. The Zhou cycle corrected Xia and Shang as water checks fire: each swing repairs the last flaw. The ancients ruled simply; later kings inherited shifting tasks—difference lies in circumstance, not wisdom. Great Jin now unites the realm, yet long erosion of the Way means people have drifted. Ji Zhan argued that present rule should shed literary excess, recover substantive simplicity, and let custom return toward the root—only then can the masses ease toward great peace.
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又問：「在昔哲王象事備物，明堂所以崇上帝，清廟所以甯祖考，辟雍所以班禮教，太學所以講藝文，此蓋有國之盛典，為幫之大司。 亡秦廢學，制度荒闕。 諸儒之論，損益異物。 漢氏遺作，居為異事，而蔡邕《月令》謂之一物。 將何所從？」 對曰：「周制明堂，所以宗其祖以配上帝，敬恭明祀，永光孝道也。其大數有六。古者聖帝明王南面而聽政，其六則以明堂為主。又其正中，皆云太廟，以順天時，施行法令，宗祀養老，訓學講肄，朝諸侯而選造士，備禮辯物，一教化之由也。故取其宗祀之類，則曰清廟；取其正室之貌，則曰太廟；取其室，則曰太室；取其堂，則曰明堂；取其四門之學，則曰太學；取其周水圜如璧，則曰璧雍。異名同事，其實一也。是以蔡邕謂之一物。」
The examiner pressed on: "Former sages aligned institutions with cosmic pattern: the Bright Hall served Heaven, the solemn temple soothed ancestors, the royal academy spread ritual, the imperial college taught letters—these pillars upheld any throne. Qin's ruin scrapped schooling and shattered every regulation. Later masters disputed how to patch the gaps, each arguing different pieces. What Han bequeathed looked like a patchwork of rites, though Cai Yong's Monthly Ordinances folded the whole complex into one conceptual entity. Which line of authority should the court adopt? Ji Zhan explained Zhou usage: the Bright Hall cluster names one ritual core—honoring ancestors with Heaven, running government, schooling, and audiences—where Pure Temple, Grand Temple, Academy, and round moat are alternate labels for the same institutional heart, which is why Cai Yong spoke of a single thing.
16
又問：「庶明亮采，故時雍穆唐； 有命既集，而多士隆周。 故《書》稱明良之歌，《易》貴金蘭之美。 此長世所以廢興，有邦所以崇替。 夫成功之君勤於求才，立名之士急於招世，理無世不對，而事千載恆背。 古之興王何道而如彼？ 後之衰世何闕而如此？」 對曰：「興隆之政務在得賢，清平之化急於拔才，故二八登庸，則百揆序；有亂十人，而天下泰。武丁擢傅岩之徒，周文攜渭濱之士，居之上司，委之國政，故能龍奮天衢，垂勳百代。先王身下白屋，搜揚仄陋，使山無扶蘇之才，野無《伐檀》之詠。是以化厚物感，神祇來應，翔鳳飄颻，甘露豐墜，醴泉吐液，硃草自生，萬物滋茂，日月重光，和氣四塞，大道以成；序君臣之義，敦父子之親，明夫婦之道，別長幼之宜，自九州，被八荒，海外移心，重譯入貢，頌聲穆穆，南面垂拱也。今貢賢之途已闓，而教學之務未廣，是以進競之志恆銳，而務學之心不修。若辟四門以延造士，宣五教以明令德，考績殿最，審其優劣，厝之百僚，置之群司，使調物度宜，節宣國典，必協濟康哉，符契往代，明良來應，金蘭復存也。」
Lu Ji pressed on: when worthy commoners brought brilliance to government, harmony enveloped Yao's Tang. Once Heaven's charge settled, talented men built Zhou's greatness. Hence the Documents hymns ruler and minister in tune, and the Changes prizes friendships firm as metal and fragrant as orchids. On such ties hang dynastic endurance and the waxing or waning of any realm. Victorious kings hunt for helpers; ambitious scholars rush to serve—yet though the logic always fits its day, practice across centuries constantly misses the mark. What did founding sovereigns do differently to succeed? What critical piece did fallen eras refuse to supply? Ji Zhan argued that dynastic vigor lives or dies on recruitment: ancient kings combed every lane for advisers, matched talent to heavy posts, and omens followed natural harmony. Today exams invite men but schools languish; hunger for rank outruns discipline. Widen study, test honestly, deploy graduates across offices, and the court could again hear the music of true cooperation.
17
又問：「昔唐虞垂五刑之教，周公明四罪之制，故世歎清問而時歌緝熙。 奸宄既殷，法物滋有。 叔世崇三辟之文，暴秦加族誅之律，淫刑淪胥，虐濫已甚。 漢魏遵承，因而弗革。 亦由險泰不同，而救世異術，不得已而用之故也。 寬克之中，將何立而可？ 族誅之法足為永制與不？」 對曰：「二儀分則兆庶生，兆庶生則利害作。利害之作，有由而然也。太古之時，化道德之教，賤勇力而貴仁義。仁義貴則強不陵弱，眾不暴寡。三皇結繩而天下泰，非惟象刑緝熙而已也。且太古知法，所以遠獄。及其末，不失有罪，是以獄用彌繁，而人彌暴，法令滋章，盜賊多有。《書》曰：『惟敬五刑，以成三德。』叔世道衰，既興三辟，而文公之弊，又加族誅，淫刑淪胥，感傷和氣，化染後代，不能變改。故漢祖指麾而六合回應，魏承漢末，因而未革，將以俗變由久，權時之宜也。今四海一統，人思反本，漸尚簡樸，則貪夫不競；尊賢黜否，則不仁者遠。爾則斟參夷之刑，除族誅之律，品物各順其生，緝熙異世而偕也。」
He continued: antiquity paired moral teaching with measured punishment—hence praise for clear justice and songs of good rule. As crime swelled, statutes and gear of justice piled up. Late dynasties inflated criminal codes; Qin layered kin-extinction clauses until torture drowned society. Han and Wei carried that baggage forward unchanged. Circumstance, not cruelty for its own sake, kept harsh law alive—each age borrowed what it thought necessary. Balancing mercy and control, where should the state plant its footing? Can wholesale kin punishment ever be a lasting baseline? Ji Zhan traced how moral teaching yielded to ever-thicker criminal codes until Han and Wei froze Qin's harshness as fait accompli. With unity restored, he urged peeling back kin-extinction excess and letting simpler virtue curb greed—law should nurture life, not multiply terror.
18
又問曰：「夫五行迭代，陰陽相須，二儀所以隗育，四時所以化生。 《易》稱『在天成象，在地成形』。 形象之作，相須之道也。 若陰陽不調，則大數不得不否； 一氣偏廢，則萬物不得獨成。 此應同之至驗，不偏之明證也。 今有溫泉而無寒火，其故何也？ 思聞辯之，以釋不同之理。」 對曰：「蓋聞陰陽升降，山澤通氣，初九純卦，潛龍勿用，泉源所托，其溫宜也。若夫水潤下，火炎上，剛柔燥濕，自然之性，故陽動而外，陰靜而內。內性柔弱，以含容為質；外動剛直，以外接為用。是以金水之明內鑒，火日之光外輝，剛施柔受，陽勝陰伏。水之受溫，含容之性也。」
Another prompt: the Five Agents cycle; yin-yang mutual need feeds heaven and earth and spins the seasons. The Changes teaches images aloft and forms below. Manifestation is inherently a paired process. When yin-yang slip out of phase, the cosmic tally jams; cripple one vital breath and nothing ripens on its own. Nature's chorus and cosmic balance both testify to that mutuality. Warm springs abound yet no 'cold fire' twin appears—why should that be? Lu Ji asked him to spell out the logic and settle the paradox. Ji Zhan framed springs as yin-yang exchange in classical terms: rising qi meets receptive earth-water, so warmth pools without needing a yang 'cold fire' twin—each element behaves by kind.
19
又問曰：「夫窮神知化，才之盡稱； 備物致用，功之極目。 以之為政，則黃羲之規可踵； 以之革亂，則玄古之風可紹。 然而唐虞密皇人之闊綱，夏殷繁帝者之約法，機心起而日進，淳德往而莫返。 豈太樸一離，理不可振，將聖人之道稍有降殺邪？」 對曰：「政因時以興，機隨物而動，故聖王究窮通之源，審始終之理，適時之宜，期於濟世。皇代質樸，禍難不作，結繩為信，人知所守。大道既離，智惠擾物，夷險不同，否泰異數，故唐虞密皇人之綱，夏殷繁帝者之法，皆廢興有由，輕重以節，此窮神之道，知化之術，隨時之宜，非有降殺也。」
Lu Ji continued: plumbing mystery and flux exhausts what we call genius; stocking tools and putting them to work exhausts what we call practical achievement. Apply it to rule and you approach the Yellow Emperor's model; apply it against turmoil and primordial simplicity returns. Still, Tang-Yu laws grew intricate while Xia-Shang multiplied skeletal codes—craft multiplied as rustic virtue ebbed. Lu Ji wondered whether simplicity lost can never return or whether sage teaching itself grades downward. Ji Zhan answered that institutions thicken as complexity grows, not because sages weaken—each revision answers fresh peril, matching the Changes' ideal of timely change.
20
永康初，州又舉寒素，大司馬辟東閣祭酒。 其年，除鄢陵公國相，不之官。 明年，左降松滋侯相。 太安中，棄官歸家，與顧榮等共誅陳敏，語在榮傳。
In Yongkang's opening year another provincial nomination reached him as a 'cold-placket' scholar, and the grand marshal appointed him eastern-pavilion libationer. The same year brought nomination as Yanling princedom chancellor, which he never assumed. A year later he was relegated to administrator of the Songzi marquisate. Mid-Taian he quit service, went home, and helped Gu Rong eliminate Chen Min, as told in Gu Rong's memoir.
21
召拜尚書郎，與榮同赴洛，在途共論《易》太極。 榮曰：「太極者，蓋謂混沌之時曚昧未分，日月含其輝，八卦隱其神，天地混其體，聖人藏其身。 然後廓然既變，清濁乃陳，二儀著象，陰陽交泰，萬物始萌，六合闓拓。 《老子》云『有物混成，先天地生』，誠《易》之太極也。 而王氏云『太極天地』，愚謂末當。 夫兩儀之謂，以體為稱，則是天地； 以氣為名，則名陰陽。 今若謂太極為天地，則是天地自生，無生天地者也。 《老子》又云『天地所以能長且久者，以其不自生，故能長久』、『一生二，二生三，三生萬物』，以資始沖氣以為和。 原元氣之本，求天地之根，恐宜以此為准也。」 瞻曰：「」榮遂止。 至徐州，聞亂日甚，將不行。 會刺史裴盾得東海王越書，若榮等顧望，以軍禮發遣，乃與榮及陸玩等各解船棄車牛，一日一夜行三百里，得還揚州。
A capital summons made him secretary colleague to Gu Rong; riding north they argued cosmology from the Changes. Gu Rong opened: Taiji names the twilight state before separation—luminaries, trigrams, cosmos, and sages still folded together. Clarity followed: turbid and clear parted, Heaven and Earth took shape, yin-yang coupled, life stirred, and space unfolded. Laozi's "murky thing before Heaven and Earth" matches what the Changes calls Taiji. He rejected Wang Bi's gloss equating Taiji directly with heaven-and-earth. Taken as concrete entities, the dyad means Heaven and Earth; taken as pneuma they are yin and yang. Equating Taiji to sky and soil implies they arise alone—with no prior principle begetting them. Laozi ties longevity to selfless cycling and counts one-two-three emanations—anchoring genesis in original breath. Tracing yuanqi and cosmic roots, Gu Rong held Laozi's sequence the reliable gauge. Ji Zhan offered no counterargument, so Gu Rong dropped the debate. At Xuzhou news of spreading turmoil convinced him to turn back. Prefect Pei Dun enforced Sima Yue's order to hustle waverers onward; Ji Zhan, Gu Rong, and Lu Wan shed conveyances and raced home to Yangzhou in a forced march.
22
元帝為安東將軍，引為軍諮祭酒，轉鎮東長史。 帝親幸瞻宅，與之同乘而歸。 以討周馥、華軼功，封都鄉侯。 石勒入寇，加揚威將軍、都督京口以南至蕪湖諸軍事，以距勒。 勒退，除會稽內史。 時有詐作大將軍府符收諸暨令，令已受拘，瞻覺其詐，便破檻出之，訊問使者，果伏詐妄。 尋遷丞相軍諮祭酒。 論討陳敏功，封臨湘縣侯。 西臺除侍中，不就。
As Prince of Langye held the eastern pacification command, he named Ji Zhan army advisory libationer and soon chief clerk on the pacification staff. The prince rode to Ji Zhan's door and shared his carriage homeward. Suppressing Zhou Fu and Hua Yi earned him the Dou township marquisate. Shi Le's raid brought him the Inspiring Might generalcy with command from Jingkou south to Wuhu. After Shi Le pulled back he became Kuaiji's interior administrator. Forgeries posing as the grand general's office targeted Zhuji's magistrate; Ji Zhan broke him out, interrogated the messenger, and exposed the sham. Shortly afterward he rose to chancellor's army advisory libationer. His role against Chen Min brought the Linxiang county marquisate. Chang'an offered palace attendant; he declined to go.
23
及長安不守，與王導俱入勸進。 帝不許。 瞻曰：「陛下性與天道，猶復役機神於史籍，觀古人之成敗，今世事舉目可知，不為難見。二帝失禦，宗廟虛廢，神器去晉，於今二載，梓宮未殯，人神失御。陛下膺錄受圖，特天所授。使六合革面，遐荒來庭，宗廟既建，神主復安，億兆向風，殊俗畢至，若列宿之綰北極，百川之歸巨海，而猶欲守匹夫之謙，非所以闡七廟，隆中興也。但國賊宜誅，當以此屈己謝天下耳。而欲逆天時，違人事，失地利，三者一去，雖復傾匡於將來，豈得救祖宗之危急哉！適時之宜萬端，其可綱維大業者，惟理與當。晉祚屯否，理盡於今。促之則得，可以隆中興之祚；縱之則失，所以資奸寇之權：此所謂理也。陛下身當厄運，纂承帝緒，顧望宗室，誰復與讓！當承大位，此所謂當也。四祖廓開宇宙，大業如此。今五都燔爇，宗廟無主，劉載竊弄神器于西北，陛下方欲高讓于東南，此所謂揖讓而救火也。臣等區區，尚所不許，況大人與天地合德，日月並明，而可以失機後時哉！」帝猶不許，使殿中將軍韓績撤去御坐。 瞻叱績曰：「帝坐上應星宿，敢有動者斬！」 帝為之改容。
After the western capital collapsed he and Wang Dao pressed the prince to take the throne. The prince refused. Ji Zhan's memorial insisted heaven, history, and the ruined western throne all compelled the prince to accept—the empire already rallied to him while Liu Zai seized Chang'an; further refusal was courteous folly. The sovereign still balked and told guards to strip the throne dais. Ji Zhan roared at Han Ji that the throne answered constellations—touch it and die. The sovereign's face shifted at that.
24
及帝踐位，拜侍中，轉尚書，上疏諫諍，多所匡益，帝甚嘉其忠烈。 會久疾，不堪朝請，上疏曰：
Once enthroned, the ruler made him attendant-in-ordinary, then chief secretary; his blunt papers corrected policy and won deep praise. Long sickness barred court attendance, so he forwarded a petition opening:
25
臣疾疢不痊，曠廢轉久，比陳誠款，未見哀察。重以屍素，抱罪枕席，憂責之重，不知垂沒之餘當所投厝。臣聞易失者時，不再者年，故古之志士義人負鼎趣走，商歌於市，誠欲及時效其忠規，名傳不朽也。然失之者億萬，得之者一兩耳。常人之情，貪求榮利。臣以凡庸，邂逅遭遇，勞無負鼎，口不商歌，橫逢大運，頻煩饕竊。雖思慕古人自效之志，竟無毫釐報塞之效，而犬馬齒衰，眾疾廢頓，僵臥救命，百有餘日，叩棺曳衾，日頓一日。如復天假之年，蒙陛下行葦之惠，適可薄存性命，枕息陋巷，亦無由復廁八坐，升降臺閣也。臣目冥齒墮，胸腹冰冷，創既不差，足復偏跛，為病受困，既以荼毒。七十之年，禮典所遺，衰老之徵，皎然露見。臣雖欲勤自藏護，隱伏何地！臣之職掌，戶口租稅，國之所重。方今六合波蕩，人未安居，始被大化，百度草創，發卒轉運，皆須人力。以臣平強，兼以晨夜，尚不及事，今俟命漏刻，而當久停機職，使王事有廢。若朝廷以之廣恩，則憂責日重；以之序官，則官廢事弊；須臣差，則臣日月衰退。今以天慈，使官曠事滯，臣受偏私之宥，於大望亦有虧損。
Ji Zhan begged leave with blunt candor: his chronic sickness and advancing age—past the ritual age of release—left him unfit for revenue portfolios while the realm still shook from war; holding the post only paralyzed household registration and tax work, stacked shame on a hollow appointee, and blocked younger men who could actually run the machinery of state.
26
今萬國革面，賢俊比跡，而當虛停好爵，不以縻賢，以臣穢病之餘，妨官固職，誠非古今黜進之急。惟陛下割不已之仁，賜以敝帷，隕僕之日，得以藉屍；時銓俊乂，使官修事舉，臣免罪戮，死生厚幸！
He begged to step aside so healthier men could fill elite posts—asking only a modest burial cloth and an orderly replacement.
27
因以疾免。 尋除尚書右僕射，屢辭不聽，遂稱病篤，還第，不許。
On that basis he retired sick. They immediately named him right vice-president; he declined repeatedly, feigned collapse at home, yet orders persisted.
28
時郗鑒據鄒山，屢為石勒等所侵逼。 瞻以鑒有將相之材，恐朝廷棄而不恤，上疏請征之，曰：「臣聞皇代之興，必有爪牙之佐，捍城之用，帝王之利器也。 故虞舜舉十六相而南面垂拱。 伏見前輔國將軍郗鑒，少立高操，體清望峻，文武之略，時之良幹。 昔與戴若思同辟，推放荒地，所在孤特，眾無一旅，救援不至。 然能綏集殘餘，據險曆載，遂使凶寇不敢南侵。 但士眾單寡，無以立功，既統名州，又為常伯。 若使鑒從容臺闥，出內王命，必能盡抗直之規，補袞職之闕。 自先朝以來，諸所授用，已有成比。 戴若思以尚書為六州都督、征西將軍，復加常侍，劉隗鎮北，陳眕鎮東。 以鑒年時，則與若思同； 以資，則俱八坐。 況鑒雅望清重，一代名器。 聖朝以至公臨天下，惟平是與，是以臣寢頓陋巷，思盡聞見，惟開聖懷，垂問臣導，冀有毫釐萬分之一。」
Xi Jian's refuge on Zou Mountain faced repeated pressure from Shi Le's forces. Fearing the court would neglect Xi Jian's genius, Ji Zhan argued great regimes always need warrior-ministers at the edges. Thus Yu Shun promoted sixteen aides and ruled effortlessly. He spotlighted Xi Jian—early austerity, sterling name, talent for camp and capital alike. Banished with Dai Yong to frontier duty, he lacked troops or relief. Still he rallied remnants and barred southern invasion for years. Thin ranks limited glory though he already leads a great province with court standing. Bring him inside to relay edicts and he would temper policy with straight speech. Recent reigns set parallel promotions. Dai Yong jumped from secretary to multi-province command; Liu Kun and Chen Zhen held comparable frontier posts. Xi Jian's seniority aligns with Dai Yong's; by résumé both earned seats among the eight department heads. Xi Jian's stature marks him as generation-defining timber. Ji Zhan appealed to impartial heaven: consult Wang Dao if need be, but do not strand Xi Jian—grant him a central role proportionate to peers.
29
明帝嘗獨引瞻於廣室，慨然憂天下，曰：「社稷之臣，欲無復十人，如何？」 因屈指曰：「君便其一。」 瞻辭讓。 帝曰：「方欲與君善語，復云何崇謙讓邪！」 瞻才兼文武，朝廷稱其忠亮雅正。 俄轉領軍將軍，當時服其嚴毅。 雖恆疾病，六軍敬憚之。 瞻以久病，請去官，不聽，復加散騎常侍。 及王敦之逆，帝使謂瞻曰：「卿雖病，但為朕臥護六軍，所益多矣。」 乃賜布千匹。 瞻不以歸家，分賞將士。 賊平，復自表還家，帝不許，固辭不起。 詔曰：「瞻忠亮雅正，識局經濟，屢以年耆病久，逡巡告誠。 朕深明此操，重違高志，今聽所執，其以為驃騎將軍，常侍如故。 服物制度，一按舊典。」 遣使就拜，止家為府。 尋卒，時年七十二。 冊贈本官、開府儀同三司，諡曰穆，遣御史持節監護喪事。 論討王含功，追封華容子，降先爵二等，封次子一人亭侯。
Ming emperor shut Ji Zhan in a side hall and mourned that fewer than ten true pillars seemed left. Flexing fingers he added, "You are one of them. Ji Zhan protested the praise. The sovereign told him to spare empty humility—they needed plain talk. Court opinion deemed Ji Zhan loyal, lucid, and upright in civil and military duty. Transferred to command the palace armies, he impressed all with severity. Even chronically sick he overawed the capital hosts. He petitioned to quit; the emperor refused and piled on another concurrent honor. During Wang Dun's coup the throne begged bedridden Ji Zhan to oversee the armies symbolically. The court awarded a thousand rolls of silk. He handed the silk straight to troops instead of carting it home. After victory he pressed retirement again—still denied—yet stayed off duty. The throne acknowledged his repeated pleas—praising his loyalty and grasp of statecraft while noting old age and sickness. The edict honored his integrity by naming him chief commander yet letting him keep concurrent palace attendant rank. Court vestments and precedent matched classical regulation. Messengers carried the commission to his house, which doubled as his command post. He died not long after, at seventy-two. The throne posthumously stacked honors—chief commander privileges and the epithet Mu—and supervised the funeral by imperial messenger. Campaign credit against Wang Han brought a posthumous viscounty at Huarong while trimming an earlier fief and raising one son to hamlet lord.
30
瞻性靜默，少交遊，好讀書，或手自抄寫，凡所著述，詩賦箋表數十篇。 兼解音樂，殆盡其妙。 厚自奉養，立宅于烏衣巷，館宇崇麗，園池竹木，有足賞玩焉。 慎行愛士，老而彌篤。 尚書閔鴻、太常薛兼、廣川太守河南褚沈、給事中宣城章遼、曆陽太守沛國武嘏，並與瞻素疏，咸藉其高義，臨終托後於瞻。 瞻悉營護其家，為起居宅，同於骨肉焉。 少與陸機兄弟親善，及機被誅，贍恤其家周至，及嫁機女，資送同於所生。 長子景早卒。 景子友嗣，官至廷尉。 景弟鑒，太子庶子、大將軍從事中郎，先瞻卒。
Ji Zhan lived withdrawn, read voraciously, copied manuscripts by hand, and left dozens of polished essays and petitions. He mastered musical theory to its finest shades. He funded an opulent compound on Wuyi Lane—lofty halls and landscaped groves. His carriage stayed careful and his patronage of scholars deepened in old age. Diverse officials who barely knew him personally leaned on his integrity to settle estates and heirs. He housed and fed those families like blood relations. After Lu Ji's death he kept the Lu household solvent and gave Lu's daughter a wedding as lavish as his own child's. His firstborn Jing predeceased him. Grandson You succeeded him to the chief judgeship. Younger son Jian died earlier still, serving the heir and chancellery staff.
31
賀循
He Xun
32
賀循，字彥先，會稽山陰人也。 其先慶普，漢世傳《禮》，世所謂慶氏學。 族高祖純，博學有重名，漢安帝時為侍中，避安帝父諱，改為賀氏。 曾祖齊，仕吳為名將。 祖景，滅賊校尉。 父邵，中書令，為孫皓所殺，徙家屬邊郡。 循少嬰家難，流放海隅，吳平，乃還本郡。 操尚高厲，童齔不群，言行進止，必以禮讓，國相丁乂請為五官掾。 刺史嵇喜舉秀才，除陽羨令，以寬惠為本，不求課最。 後為武康令，俗多厚葬，及有拘忌回避歲月，停喪不葬者，循皆禁焉。 政教大行，鄰城宗之。 然無援於朝，久不進序。 著作郎陸機上疏薦循曰：「伏見武康令賀循德量邃茂，才鑒清遠，服膺道素，風操凝峻，歷試二城，刑政肅穆。 前蒸陽令郭訥風度簡曠，器識朗拔，通濟敏悟，才足幹事。 循守下縣，編名凡悴； 訥歸家巷，棲遲有年。 皆出自新邦，朝無知己，居在遐外，志不自營，年時倏忽，而邈無階緒，實州党愚智所為恨恨。 臣等伏思台郎所以使州，州有人，非徒以均分顯路，惠及外州而已。 誠以庶士殊風，四方異俗，壅隔之害，遠國益甚。 至於荊、揚二州，戶各數十萬，今揚州無郎，而荊州江南乃無一人為京城職者，誠非聖朝待四方之本心。 至於才望資品，循可尚書郎，訥可太子洗馬、舍人。 此乃眾望所積，非但企及清途，苟充方選也。 謹條資品，乞蒙簡察。」 久之，召補太子舍人。
He Xun of Kuaiji bore the style Yanxian. The clan founder Qing Pu taught the Han Rites tradition remembered as the Qing lineage. Forebear He Chun earned court rank until a naming taboo forced the switch from Qing to He. His great-grandfather Qi was a famed Wu commander. Grandfather Jing held the bandit-suppression colonelcy. Father He Shao fell to Sun Hao's purge and the family was exiled. Orphaned by Sun Hao's cruelty, he lived in coastal exile until Wu surrendered. Even young he was austere and ceremonious; Ding Yi named him senior registrar. Xi Xi's nomination brought Yangxian, where he ruled gently rather than chasing inspector rankings. At Wukang he outlawed wasteful funerals and astrological excuses that stalled burials. His reforms rippled outward until neighboring seats copied him. Without capital backing promotion stalled. Lu Ji's petition praised He Xun's moral depth and tidy administration across two counties. He paired the plea with praise for Guo Ne's administrative clarity. He Xun languishes in a minor seat though worthy of higher trust; Guo Ne wastes years sidelined at home. Both are southern newcomers without patrons—time slips while talents idle, frustrating every observer. Lu Ji argued provincial postings exist for more than doling out sinecures. Frontier customs diverge; isolation hurts distant commands most. He stressed that omitting Yang and Jing men from capital desks betrayed inclusive policy. He Xun deserved a secretary post; Guo Ne a palace grooming office. Public opinion, not selfish craving, demanded these moves. Lu Ji closed by begging scrutiny of their dossiers. Eventually He Xun received heir-attendant appointment.
33
趙王倫篡位，轉侍御史，辭疾去職。 後除南中郎長史，不就，會逆賊李辰起兵江夏，征鎮不能討，皆望塵奔走。 辰別帥石冰略有揚州，逐會稽相張景，以前寧遠護軍程超代之，以其長史宰與領山陰令。 前南平內史王矩、吳興內史顧秘、前秀才周圮等唱義，傳檄州郡以討之，循亦合眾應之。 冰大將抗寵有眾數千，屯郡講堂。 循移檄於寵，為陳逆順，寵遂遁走，超、與皆降，一郡悉平。 循迎景還郡，即謝遣兵士，杜門不出，論功報賞，一無豫焉。
Sima Lun's coup moved him to censorial duty; illness became his excuse to resign. A southern staff summon went unanswered just as Li Chen's Jiangxia revolt panicked garrison commanders into rout. Shi Bing's faction drove Zhang Jing out and stacked Kuaiji with Cheng Chao and Zai Yu. Wang Ju, Gu Mi, Zhou Qi, and He Xun answered with coalition armies and league proclamations. Kang Chong quartered thousands in the county school compound. He Xun's tract persuaded Kang Chong to bolt; Cheng Chao and Zai Yu capitulated. Restoring Zhang Jing, he disbanded levies, stayed home, and spurned honors.
34
及陳敏之亂，詐稱詔書，以循為丹陽內史。 循辭以腳疾，手不制筆，又服寒食散，露發袒身，示不可用，敏竟不敢逼。 是時州內豪傑皆見維縶，或有老疾，就加秩命，惟循與吳郡硃誕不豫其事。 及敏破，征東將軍周馥上循領會稽相，尋除吳國內史，公車征賢良，皆不就。
Chen Min's forged orders made him Danyang prefect. He feigned crippled feet, trembling hands, disheveled cold-powder toxicity until Chen Min backed off. Elites were impressed everywhere except He Xun and Zhu Dan. Post-Chen Min he repeatedly refused Kuaiji and Wu posts plus court summons.
35
元帝為安東將軍，復上循為吳國內史，與循言及吳時事，因問曰：「孫皓嘗燒鋸截一賀頭，是誰邪？」 循未及言，帝悟曰：「是賀邵也。」 循流涕曰：「先父遭遇無道，循創巨痛深，無以上答。」 帝甚愧之，三日不出。 東海王越命為參軍，徵拜博士，並不起。
The future Yuan emperor, reopening Wu topics, asked which He Sun Hao had mutilated. The prince caught himself: the victim was He Shao. He Xun answered through tears about his father's torture. Mortified, the prince secluded himself three days. Sima Yue's staff and academy calls went ignored.
36
及帝遷鎮東大將軍，以軍司顧榮卒，引循代之。 循稱疾篤，箋疏十餘上。 帝遺之書曰：
Promotion to eastern marshal after Gu Rong's death targeted He Xun as army director. He pleaded terminal sickness in relentless petitions. The prince dispatched a personal letter.
37
夫百行不同，故出處道殊，因性而用，各任其真耳。當宇宙清泰，彝倫攸序，隨運所遇，動默在己。或有遐棲高蹈，輕舉絕俗，逍遙養和，恬神自足，斯蓋道隆人逸，勢使其然。若乃時運屯弊，主危國急，義士救時，驅馳拯世，燭之武縋城以入秦，園綺彈冠而匡漢，豈非大雅君子卷舒合道乎！虛薄寡德，忝備近親，謬荷寵位，受任方鎮，餐服玄風，景羨高矩，常願棄結駟之軒軌，策柴篳而造門，徒有其懷，而無從賢之實者何？良以寇逆殷擾，諸夏分崩，皇居失禦，黎元荼毒，是以日夜憂懷，慷慨發憤，志在竭節耳。前者顧公臨朝，深賴高算。元凱既登，巢許獲逸。至於今日，所謂道之云亡，邦國殄悴，群望顒顒，實在君侯。苟義之所在，豈得讓勞居逸！想達者亦一以貫之也。庶稟徽猷，以弘遠規。今上尚書，屈德為軍司，謹遣參軍沈禎銜命奉授，望必屈臨，以副傾遲。
Sima Rui’s letter argued that times of peace let gentlemen retreat, but collapsed dynasties summon rescuers like Zhu Zhiwu or the Shangshan hermits—modesty was luxury he could no longer afford while rebels shattered the north and every hopeful eye fixed on He Xun; remembering Gu Rong’s reliance on his counsel, he begged him to take the army director’s seal and ride back with Shen Zhen before eastern morale frayed entirely.
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循猶不起。
He Xun still refused.
39
及帝承制，復以為軍諮祭酒。 循稱疾，敦逼不得已，乃轝疾至。 帝親幸其舟，因諮以政道。 循羸疾不拜謁，乃就加朝服，賜第一區，車馬床帳衣褥等物。 循辭讓，一無所受。
Under interim rule He Xun became army advisory libationer. Wang Dun's coercion finally brought him borne by carrying-chair. The prince boarded his vessel for policy talk. Too weak for court bows, he received investiture robes plus house and equipage. He refused each gift.
40
廷尉張闓住在小市，將奪左右近宅以廣其居，乃私作都門，早閉晏開，人多患之，論於州府，皆不見省。 會循出，至破岡，連名詣循質之。 循曰：「見張廷尉，當為言及之。」 闓聞而遽毀其門，詣循致謝。 其為世所敬服如此。
Zhang Kai bullied neighbors with illegal gates until lawsuits failed. At Pokang petitioners cornered him. He Xun promised to speak with Zhang Kai. Zhang Kai tore down the gate and apologized. He commanded that degree of public respect.
41
時江東草創，盜賊多有，帝思所以防之，以問於循。 循答曰：「江道萬里，通涉五州，朝貢商旅之所來往也。 今議者欲出宣城以鎮江渚，或使諸縣領兵。 愚謂令長威弱，而兼才難備，發憚役之人，而禦之不肅，恐未必為用。 以循所聞，江中劇地惟有闔廬一處，地勢險奧，亡逃所聚。 特宜以重兵備戍，隨勢討除，絕其根帶。 沿江諸縣各有分界，分界之內，官長所任，自可度土分力，多置亭行，恆使徼行，峻其綱目，嚴其刑賞，使越常科，勤則有殊榮之報，墮則有一身之罪，謂於大理不得不肅。 所給人以時番休，役不至困，代易有期。 案漢制十里一亭，亦以防禁切密故也。 當今縱不能爾，要宜籌量，使力足相周。 若寇劫強多，不能獨制者，可指其縱跡，言所在都督尋當致討。 今不明部分，使所在百姓與軍家雜其徼備，兩情俱墮，莫適任負，故所以徒有備名而不能為益者也。」 帝從之。
Banditry plagued the new Jiangdong regime. He Xun began with riverine geography. Some urged Xuancheng garrisons or county militias. Weak magistrates plus reluctant peasants make poor soldiers. Only Helü narrows concentrate river bandits. Heavy permanent garrisons could extirpate nests. County patrol grids with harsh carrot-and-stick beats vague mixed militias. Scheduled rotations prevent burnout. Han's ten-li sentry posts modeled layered defense. Scale the principle even if not every ten li. Escalate to area command when bands swell. Blurring civil-military patrol duty leaves everyone blameless and useless. The throne adopted his river-security plan.
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及湣帝即位，徵為宗正，元帝在鎮，又表為侍中，道險不行。 以討華軼功，將封鄉侯，循自以臥疾私門，固讓不受。 建武初，為中書令，加散騎常侍，又以老疾固辭。 帝下令曰：「孤以寡德，忝當大位，若涉巨川，罔知所憑。 循言行以禮，乃時之望，俗之表也。 實賴其謀猷，以康萬機。 疾患有素，猶望臥相規輔，而固守捴謙，自陳懇至，此賢履信思順，苟以讓為高者也。 今從其所執。」 於是改拜太常，常侍如故。 循以九卿舊不加官，今又疾患，不宜兼處此職，惟拜太常而已。
Min-di summoned him as imperial clan minister; Yuan added attendant titles—travel stayed unsafe. He refused a Hua Yi victory fief citing domestic illness. Jianwu brought palace secretariat plus attendant honors—again declined. The sovereign admitted incompetence at the helm. He Xun embodied ritual propriety society admired. The court needed his steady counsel. Even ill he should advise—but utter humility defines him. The emperor conceded. They reassigned him grand liturgist keeping attendant rank. He accepted only grand liturgist to avoid plural offices.
43
時宗廟始建，舊儀多闕，或以惠懷二帝應各為世，則潁川世數過七，宜在迭毀。 事下太常。 循議以為：
Temple succession debates invoked Hui vs Huai generations. Court referred ritual dispute to He Xun. He Xun introduced his ritual ruling as follows:
44
禮，兄弟不相為後，不得以承代為世。 殷之盤庚不序陽甲，漢之光武不繼成帝，別立廟寢，使臣下祭之，此前代之明典，而承繼之著義也。 惠帝無後，懷帝承統，弟不後兄，則懷帝自上繼世祖，不繼惠帝，當同殷之陽甲，漢之成帝。 議者以聖德沖遠，未便改舊。 諸如此禮，通所未論。 是以惠帝尚在太廟，而懷帝復人，數則盈八。 盈八之理，由惠帝不出，非上祖宜遷也。 下世既升，上世乃遷，遷毀對代，不得相通，未有下升一世而上毀二世者也。 惠懷二帝俱繼世祖，兄弟旁親，同為一世，而上毀二為一世。 今以惠帝之崩已毀豫章，懷帝之入復毀潁川，如此則一世再遷，祖位橫析。 求之古義，未見此例。 惠帝宜出，尚未輕論，況可輕毀一祖而無義例乎？ 潁川既無可毀之理，則見神之數居然自八，此盡有由而然，非謂數之常也。 既有八神，則不得不於七室之外權安一位也。 至尊于惠懷俱是兄弟，自上後世祖，不繼二帝，則二帝之神行應別出，不為廟中恆有八室也。 又武帝初成太廟時，正神止七，而楊元後之神亦權立一室。 永熙元年，告世祖諡於太廟八室，此是苟有八神，不拘於七之舊例也。
brothers cannot stack as sequential ancestral generations. Pan Geng and Guangwu models demanded side chapels when succession skipped. Huai-di's line should attach to Shizu rather than stack behind Hui-di—mirroring classical skips. Critics of change said His Majesty’s depth of virtue made it premature to overturn established temple precedent. Orthodox ritual handbooks had never squarely settled questions of this kind. Thus Emperor Hui’s tablet remained in the Grand Temple when Emperor Huai was added, pushing the count past eight. The roster went over eight only because Emperor Hui’s seat had not been vacated—not because a high forebear should have been displaced. Promotions and removals advance in lockstep across generations; never does one junior intake force the simultaneous demotion of two senior lines. Hui and Huai succeeded Shizu as fraternal heirs, so they count as one generation in the shrine, yet two higher tablets were cleared as if that were a single generational shift. Yuzhang fell when Emperor Hui died, and Yingchuan is to fall again for Emperor Huai—one generation thus suffers two removals and breaks the ancestral rows. No classical warrant supports such an arrangement. Whether Emperor Hui should be removed is already a grave issue—far less may we cast out an ancestor with no clear rule to cite. Yingchuan should not be vacated, so eight spirits sit in the temple by circumstance—not because eight is the canonical quota. With eight spirits to house, the court must squeeze an extra niche beyond the seven canonical chambers. His Majesty is brother to Hui and Huai and inherits from Shizu, not from them; their spirits ought to exit the main sequence rather than lock the temple at eight shrines forever. When Emperor Wu founded the Grand Temple, only seven legitimate seats existed, yet Empress Dowager Yang Yuan’s spirit was granted a temporary bay. Yongxi 1 saw Shizu’s posthumous title read in eight bays, proof that the rule of seven yields whenever eight ancestors must be served.
45
又議者以景帝俱已在廟，則惠懷一例。 景帝盛德元功，王基之本，義著祖宗，百世不毀，故所以特在本廟，且亦世代尚近，數得相容，安神而已，無逼上祖，如王氏昭穆既滿，終應別廟也。 以今方之，既輕重義異，又七廟七世之親； 昭穆，父子位也。 若當兄弟旁滿，輒毀上祖，則祖位空懸，世數不足，何取於三昭三穆與太祖之廟然後成七哉！ 今七廟之義，出於王氏。 從禰以上至於高祖，親廟四世，高祖以上復有五世六世無服之祖，故為三昭三穆並太祖而七也。 故世祖郊定廟禮，京兆、潁川會、高之親，豫章五世，征西六世，以應此義。 今至尊繼統，亦宜有五六世之祖，豫章六世，潁川五世，俱不應毀。 今既云豫章先毀，又當重毀潁川，此為廟中之親惟從高祖已下，無復高祖以上二世之祖，于王氏之義，三昭三穆廢闕其二，其非宗廟之本所據承，又違世祖祭征西、豫章之意，于一王定禮所闕不少。
Others claimed that because Emperor Jing already has a place, Hui and Huai deserve identical treatment. Emperor Jing’s foundational merit earns him a permanent bay that does not squeeze out elders—rather like the Wang clan, which spun off an auxiliary temple once its zhao-mu columns were full. Set beside today’s problem, the equities are not the same, and the seven-shrine rule tracks seven generations of descent. The zhao and mu rows designate father-and-son alternation in the ancestral hall. If each fraternal cohort triggers removal of the eldest line, the upper ranks go hollow and the count fails—how then do three zhao, three mu, and the Grand Progenitor ever make seven? The doctrine of seven ancestral shrines itself comes from the Jin royal Wang pattern. Four intimate shrines run from one’s late father to the high ancestor; beyond them lie fifth- and sixth-generation ancestors out of mourning— yielding three zhao bays, three mu bays, and the Grand Progenitor for seven in all. That is why Shizu calibrated the Jingzhao and Yingchuan niches to the kinship tiers of Princes Hui and Gao, placed Yuzhang five generations out, and the Western Expedition ancestor at six. The reigning emperor inherits the same five- or six-generation span: Yuzhang belongs six generations back, Yingchuan five, so neither tablet should be struck. Striking Yuzhang and then Yingchuan leaves only kin from the high ancestor down, erasing two generations above him and breaking two-thirds of the zhao-mu grid—betraying the temple’s basis and Shizu’s will to honor the Western Expedition and Yuzhang lines, with massive gaps for any stable rite.
46
時尚書僕射刁協與循異議，循答義深備，辭多不載，竟從循議焉。 朝廷疑滯皆諮之於循，循輒依經禮而對，為當世儒宗。
Diao Xie, the Secretariat’s deputy director, disagreed with He Xun, whose counterarguments were exhaustive though largely omitted from the record; the court followed He Xun. The government consulted He Xun on every deadlock, and he answered from the classics, standing as foremost scholar of the day.
47
其後帝以循清貧，下令曰：「循冰清玉潔，行為俗表，位處上卿，而居身服物蓋周形而已，屋室財庇風雨。孤近造其廬，以為慨然。其賜六尺床薦席褥並錢二十萬，以表至德，暢孤意焉。」循又讓，不許，不得已留之，初不服用。 及帝踐位，有司奏琅邪恭王宜稱皇考，循又議曰：「案禮子不敢以己爵加父。」帝納之。 俄以循行太子太傅，太常如故。
Learning He Xun lived in deliberate poverty, the sovereign sent bedding and cash with effusive praise; He Xun tried to send everything back, failed, and left the bounty untouched. On accession debate erupted over posthumous honors for Prince Gong of Langye; He Xun cited ritual—a son cannot inflate his father's station—and the ruler agreed. He Xun was shortly appointed acting Grand Tutor to the crown prince and kept his Grand Master of Ceremonies post.
48
循自以枕疾廢頓，臣節不修，上隆降尊之義，不替交敘之敬，懼非垂典之教也，累表固讓。 帝以循體德率物，有不言之益，敦厲備至，期於不許，命皇太子親往拜焉。 循有羸疾，而恭於接對； 詔斷賓客，其崇遇如此。 疾漸篤，表乞骸骨，上還印綬，改授左光祿大夫、開府儀同三司。 帝臨軒，遣使持節，加印綬。 循雖口不能言，指麾左右，推去章服。 車駕親幸，執手流涕。 太子親臨者三焉，往還皆拜，儒者以為榮。 卒，時年六十。 帝素服舉哀，哭之甚慟。 贈司空，諡曰穆。 將葬，帝又出臨其柩，哭之盡哀，遣兼侍御史持節監護。 皇太子追送近途，望船流涕。
Believing long illness disqualified him from proper ministerial conduct, He Xun feared that taking honor without reordering mutual deference would break canonical example and repeatedly refused the promotion. The throne valued his wordless moral example, urged him relentlessly, would hear no refusal, and sent the heir apparent to pay formal respects at his home. Though chronically frail, He Xun still received guests with painstaking courtesy. Imperial orders barred callers to spare him—such was the esteem he enjoyed. As he sickened he asked to retire, handed back his credentials, and was shifted to Left Brilliant Counselor and opening-office privilege equal to the Three Offices. From the front gallery the ruler dispatched a credentialed messenger to confer fresh seals and ribbons. Unable to speak, he still signed to servants and thrust away the insignia robes. The sovereign came himself, held his hand, and shed tears. The crown prince called on him thrice, bowing comings and goings—scholars deemed it unparalleled glory. He died at sixty. The ruler went into undyed mourning and mourned him deeply. He was posthumously named Minister of Works and given the posthumous title Mu (‘Solemn’). Before interment the sovereign returned to the bier, grieved his fill, and detailed an acting attendant censor with staff to oversee the funeral. The heir apparent saw him to the riverbank and wept as the boat bearing his remains sailed away.
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循少玩篇籍，善屬文，博覽眾書，尤精禮傳。 雅有知人之鑒，拔同郡楊方於卑陋，卒成名於世。 子隰，康帝時官至臨海太守。
From boyhood he loved books, wrote well, ranged wide in reading, and mastered the ritual classics above all. He recognized ability, plucking Yang Fang of his commandery from low status until Yang’s name spread empire-wide. His son Xi, under Emperor Kang, became Grand Warden of Linhai.
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〔附〕
An appended biography follows.
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楊方
Yang Fang (supplementary notice).
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楊方，字公回。 少好學，有異才。 初為郡鈴下威儀，公事之暇，輒讀《五經》，鄉邑未之知。 內史諸葛恢見而奇之，待以門人之禮，由是始得周旋貴人間。 時虞喜兄弟以儒學立名，雅愛方，為之延譽。 恢嘗遣方為文，薦郡功曹主簿。 虞預稱美之，送以示循。 循報書曰：「此子開拔有志，意只言異於凡猥耳，不圖偉才如此。 其文甚有奇分，若出其胸臆，乃是一國所推，豈但牧豎中逸群邪！ 聞處舊黨之中，好有謙沖之行，此亦立身之一隅。 然世衰道喪，人物凋弊，每聞一介之徒有向道之志，冀之願之。 如方者乃荒萊之特苗，鹵田之善秀，姿質已良，但沾染未足耳； 移植豐壤，必成嘉豎。 足下才為世英，位為朝右，道隆化立，然後為貴。 昔許子將拔樊仲昭于賈堅，郭林宗成魏德公於畎畝。 足下志隆此業，二賢之功不為難及也。」 循遂稱方于京師。 司徒王導辟為掾，轉東安太守，遷司徒參軍事。 方在都邑，搢紳之士咸厚遇之，自以地寒，不願久留京華，求補遠郡，欲閒居著述。 導從之，上補高梁太守。 在郡積年，著《五經鉤沈》，更撰《吳越春秋》，並雜文筆，皆行於世。 以年老，棄郡歸。 導將進之台閣，固辭還鄉里，終於家。
Yang Fang, whose courtesy name was Gonghui, As a youth he was devoted to study and showed rare ability. He began as a low ceremonial runner for the county; off duty he pored over the Five Classics, still unknown at home. Zhuge Hui, interior clerk, spotted his gift, took him as a pupil, and introduced him among the powerful. The Yu brothers, celebrated scholars, genuinely championed him and praised him abroad. Zhuge Hui once commissioned a composition from him and sponsored him for merit clerk and chief clerk posts. Yu Yu acclaimed the essay and forwarded it to He Xun. He Xun answered: ‘I meant merely to note promise beyond the common run—I never imagined genius of this order.’ His prose is strikingly fresh, seemingly unmediated; the realm would acclaim him—far more than first among rustics!’ They say he remains humble among longtime friends—one mark of character. In a decayed age of thinning talent, every report of a humble man seeking the Way heartens me. Fang is choice grain sprung from untilled ground—raw talent sound, still wanting polish, set him in fertile soil and he will ripen into prize grain. You unite the day’s foremost talent with chief place at court—true greatness means exalting the Way and shaping custom. Once Xu Shao raised Fan Zhongzhao from the stalls, and Guo Tai crowned Wei Degong from the plowland. If you aim that high, equaling those two mentors lies within reach.’ With that He Xun championed Fang at court. Wang Dao took him on as a ministerial aide, moved him to Grand Warden of Dong’an, then to staff officer on the minister’s staff. Elites welcomed him warmly in Luoyang, but mindful of modest birth he sought a distant post rather than linger at court, intending quiet writing. Wang Dao agreed and secured him the Gaoliang magistracy. There he spent years producing Gleanings from the Five Classics, a new Annals of Wu and Yue, and various pieces that won wide circulation. In age he gave up the post and went home. When Wang Dao tried to pull him to the capital bench, he refused, withdrew to his district, and ended his days at home.
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薛兼
Xue Jian (biography).
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薛兼，字令長，丹陽人也。 祖綜，仕吳為尚書僕射。 父瑩，有名吳朝。 吳平，為散騎常侍。 兼清素有器宇，少與同郡紀瞻、廣陵閔鴻、吳郡顧榮、會稽賀循齊名，號為「五俊」。 初入洛，司空張華見而奇之，曰：「皆南金也。」 察河南孝謙，辟公府，除比陽相，蒞任有能名。 曆太子洗馬、散騎常侍、懷令。 司空、東海王越引為參軍，轉祭酒，賜爵安陽亭侯。 元帝為安東將軍，以為軍諮祭酒，稍遷丞相長史。 甚勤王事，以上佐祿優，每自約損，取周而已。 進爵安陽鄉侯，拜丹陽太守。 中興建，轉尹，加秩中二千石，遷尚書，領太子少傅。 自綜至兼，三世傅東宮，談者美之。
Xue Jian, courtesy name Lingzhang, came from Danyang. His grandfather Zong had been Wu’s Deputy Director of the Secretariat. His father Ying was celebrated in the Wu bureaucracy. When Wu submitted he was named Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary. Xue Jian, chaste in habit and imposing in manner, was grouped in youth with Ji Zhan, Min Hong, Gu Rong, and He Xun as the ‘Five Paragons.’ When they first reached Luoyang, Zhang Hua, Minister of Works, exclaimed: ‘Each is treasure from the south.’ ’ Recommended from Henan’s filial-incorrupt list, he entered princely service, became Biyang’s chancellor, and earned repute for competence. He rose through groom attendant to the heir apparent, cavalier attendant, and Huai county magistrate. Sima Yue, Minister of Works and prince of Donghai, enrolled him as staff adviser, promoted him to libationer, and made him village marquis of Anyang. While Yuan of Jin held the eastern command, Xue Jian served as army libationer and advanced to chief clerk of the prime minister’s bureau. He threw himself into service yet, though handsomely paid as chief aide, lived sparely and kept only what he needed. He was promoted to district marquis of Anyang and named Grand Warden of Danyang. When the dynasty revived he turned capital intendant at two thousand shi, then Director of the Secretariat with concurrent Junior Tutorship of the crown prince. Three successive generations—Zong to Jian—served the heir apparent’s household, to general admiration.
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永昌初，王敦表兼為太常。 明帝即位，加散騎常侍。 帝以東宮時師傅，猶宜盡敬，乃下詔曰：「朕以不德，夙遭閔凶。 猥以眇身，托于王公之上。 哀煢在疚，靡所諮仰，憂懷惴惴，如臨于谷。 孔子有云：『故雖天子，必有尊也。』 朕將祗奉先師之禮，以諮有德。 太宰西陽王秩尊望重，在貴思降。 丞相武昌公、司空即丘子體道高邈，勳德兼備，先帝執友，朕之師傅。 太常安陽鄉侯訓保朕躬，忠肅篤誠。 夫崇親尊賢，先帝所重，朕見四君及書疏儀體，一如東宮故事。」 是歲，卒。 詔曰：「太常、安陽鄉侯兼履德沖素，盡忠恪己。 方賴德訓，弘濟政道，不幸殂殞，痛於厥心。 今遣持節侍御史贈左光祿大夫、開府儀同三司。 魂而有靈，嘉茲榮寵。」 及葬，屬王敦作逆，朝廷多故，不得議諡，直遣使者祭乙太牢。 子顒，先兼卒，無後。
In the opening years of Yongchang, Wang Dun recommended him for Grand Master of Ceremonies. Ming’s accession brought Jian an added title as cavalier attendant. Since Xue Jian had instructed him as heir, the emperor deemed utmost deference fitting and proclaimed: ‘Mine is no virtue; early I suffered bitter bereavement. This frail self has been mounted above the kingly dukes.’ I mourn alone, ill with grief, with no counsellor to lean on, and dread weighs on me like treading the lip of a deep gorge.’ As Confucius put it, even the Son of Heaven must honor someone above himself.’ I will keep the courtesies due my old tutors and seek guidance from the worthy.’ The Grand Mentor and Prince of Xiyang bears supreme dignity yet knows modesty befitting his station. The chief minister, Duke of Wuchang, and the Minister of Works, Marquis of Qiqiu, unite transcendent principle with shining achievement, befriended my late father, and taught me on the Eastern Palace. Grand Master of Ceremonies and the Marquis of Anyang reared and shielded me with steadfast loyalty. Veneration of kin and esteem for teachers, as my father urged, means I owe these four the same courtesies I showed them as crown prince.’' He passed away later that same year. The throne announced: ‘Grand Master of Ceremonies and Marquis of Anyang Xue Jian lives in unadorned integrity and serves with scrupulous loyalty. I looked to his counsel to steady the realm; his sudden death grieves me deeply.’ The court sent a ranking censor with credentials to posthumously award grand counselor of the left plus Three Offices matching privileges. Should awareness linger beyond death, let it take comfort in such imperial munificence. Wang Dun's coup stalled the usual epithet debates at burial—only a capital envoy arrived with the grand Three Victims offering. Son Yong predeceased him and left no successor.
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【史評】
Appraisal
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史臣曰：元帝樹基淮海，百度權輿，夢想群材，共康庶績。 顧、紀、賀、薛等並南金東箭，世胄高門，委質霸朝，豫聞邦政； 典憲資其刊輯，帷幄佇其謀猷； 望重搢紳，任惟元凱，官成名立，光國榮家。 非惟感會所鐘，抑亦材能斯至。 而循位登保傅，朝望特隆，遂使鑾蹕降臨，承明下拜。 雖西漢之恩崇張禹，東都之禮重桓榮，弗是過也。
The chroniclers wrote that Sima Rui's southeastern base—everything still nascent—craved capable ministers to steady rule. Gu Rong, Ji Zhan, He Xun, and Xue Jian embodied southern excellence from old elite houses and stepped straight into the protector administration. They trimmed legal drafts while military planners hung on their memoranda. Their prestige anchored gentry opinion; posts matched archetypal ministers until careers crowned both dynasty and lineage. Timing helped, yet their abilities genuinely measured up. He Xun's ascent to grand tutor drew sedan visits and palace bows rare even among famed tutors. Han Zhang Yu's bounty or Later Han Huan Rong's ritual nod hardly exceeds such ceremony.
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贊曰：彥先通識，思遠方直。 薛既清貞，賀惟學植。 逢時遇主，摶風矯翼。
The verse pairs Gu Rong's panoramic judgment with Ji Zhan's blunt integrity. Xue Jian shimmered with icy clarity; He Xun embodied ritual scholarship. They seized the right age and ruler, soaring like hawks on the storm.