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卷六十九 列傳第三十九 劉隗 刁協 戴若思 周顗

Volume 69 Biographies 39: Liu Wei; Diao Xie; Dai Ruosi; Zhou Yi

Chapter 69 of 晉書 · Book of Jin
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Chapter 69
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1
Liu Kui. (Sun Bo)〉 Diao Xie. (His son Yi; Yi's son Kui)〉 Dai Ruosi (Dai Yuan). (His younger brother Miao)〉 Zhou Yi.
2
便
Liu Kui, whose courtesy name was Dalian, came from Pengcheng and traced his line to Prince Yuan of Chu, Liu Jiao. His father, Liu Di, had served as magistrate of Dongguang. From an early age Liu Kui showed literary talent; his first appointment was secretary gentleman, and he rose step by step to general who champions the army and interior secretary of Pengcheng. He crossed the Yangzi to escape the chaos, and Emperor Yuan of Jin named him attendant gentleman in the princely staff. Liu Kui was thoroughly at home in precedent and history and had a knack for reading the emperor's mind; Yuan valued him highly and showered him with favor. He was promoted to rectifier under the chief minister and given charge of criminal justice. When the Jiankang commandant took custody of troops from the guards army only to have a household general wrest them away, Liu Kui impeached the case and secured the removal of Dai Ruosi from the post of general of the guards army. Wang Jizhi, literary attendant to the heir apparent, married while still in mourning for his aunt by marriage; Liu Kui reported him. The emperor replied with an edict: "The Book of Odes allows easing ritual so that more weddings may occur, joining those without families—that is precisely our situation now; let the prohibition be lifted in this one instance. From this point forward, however, clear rules should keep such abuses in check." Yan Han, libationer of the Eastern Pavilion, gave his daughter in marriage while mourning his uncle; Liu Kui impeached him as well. Liang Kan, governor of Lujiang, was to end mourning for his wife the following day, yet that very day he threw a banquet with musicians; Zhou Yi, senior clerk to the chief minister, and more than thirty others joined him. Liu Kui submitted a memorial: "A man's wife and eldest son observe the full mourning in the hut; even King Jing of Zhou was faulted in the Spring and Autumn Annals for feasting once the three years were over. Liang Kan is only a private gentleman—carousing at night and holding the 'auspice' rite next morning is a brazen breach of mourning; the code for funerals must be upheld. He should be dismissed from office and stripped of his marquisate. Zhou Yi and the rest knew Liang Kan was in mourning; a festive gathering was improper—they should each forfeit one month's salary as a rebuke for breaking ritual. The throne accepted his recommendations. Song Ting, acting adviser on the chief minister's staff, had once been a follower of Liu Tao, the Yangzhou inspector; after Liu Tao's death he took his patron's favorite concubine as a secondary wife. During Jianxing he was also caught stealing over six hundred bolts of official cloth; he was condemned to public execution but was pardoned in a general amnesty. Soon afterward Ruan Kang, general who displays might, asked to appoint him chief clerk. Liu Kui impeached him: "Song Ting scorns his dead patron and seizes his household; that tramples the bonds that define the three key relationships and tears at the fabric of society. He should be banished to the frontier to keep demons at bay. Strike his name from the rolls and bar him from office for life. Yet Ruan Kang, general who displays might and governor of Taishan, was the one who sought Song Ting as his chief clerk. Ruan Kang holds civil and military authority and commands an eastern principality; he should surround himself with loyal, capable men, yet he celebrates the corrupt, elevates the worthless, and appoints the depraved. Strip Ruan Kang of his posts and remand him to prison to answer for these charges. The emperor approved the memorial, but Song Ting died of illness before sentence could be carried out. Liu Kui submitted another memorial: "Your written order said that because Song Ting is already dead, no further penalties would be pursued. I am slow-witted and have failed to grasp the full intent of that ruling. Long ago the people of Zheng broke open Gongsun Zijia's coffin to punish past wrongdoing; Emperor Ming of Han still called Sima Qian to account. The classics and their commentaries judge the dead across centuries—not merely to tidy up the present but to set a precedent for posterity. If someone dies this morning and by evening we may no longer speak of his guilt, moral judgment would mean nothing. I ask that the office still strike Song Ting from the registers and reduce him to commoner status, return his concubine to her family, publish the evidence of his crimes, and circulate the judgment throughout the realm. The court agreed. Wang Han, general of household gentlemen in the south, traded on his powerful lineage; arrogant and willful, he once asked for some twenty staff members and county heads, most of them unqualified for their posts. Liu Kui framed his impeachment in the harshest terms; although the matter was shelved, the Wang family nursed a deep grudge against him. Liu Kui's memorials showed no fear of great houses; time and again he acted in this uncompromising way.
3
使 調 使 使 退
During Jianxing the chief minister's headquarters executed Chunyu Bo, a clerk who oversaw convoys, and his blood ran upward along the pillar; Liu Kui submitted another memorial: "The ancients judged cases only after the fivefold hearing and deliberation under the court's great trees—justice rested on what the people actually knew. A ruler may master every branch of government, yet still refuse to settle criminal cases alone. The dead cannot be brought back, nor severed limbs restored; that is why wise sovereigns punish only with grief and the utmost care. When Cao Shen left Qi he famously told his successor to leave the market and the jail alone—governance needed a light touch. Lately, amid turmoil, executions have known no restraint: identical offenses draw different verdicts, and sentencing has lost all proportion. I have reviewed the file: when Chunyu Bo was executed, his blood clung to the execution post, climbed more than twenty feet against gravity, then ran back down nearly five feet—an omen the crowd could not ignore. Commoners raised an uproar; men and women lined the streets to watch, and all agreed he had been wronged. His son Zhong petitioned for redress, insisting that Chunyu Bo had finished the convoy duty and handed off two months earlier—his work was complete, his relief had arrived, and he had caused no delay or shortfall. Even if he took bribes or misused corvée labor, those faults did not merit execution. These were garrison troops, not a field army; to condemn him under the statute for wartime supply failures was legally indefensible. For four years every kind of levy—grain, taxes, labor—has run late without anyone invoking the 'wartime emergency' law; why was Chunyu Bo singled out for that harsh standard? Under the rod a man will confess to anything; prisoners dread the pain and will say whatever fits the torturer's script. The penal bureau embodies the state's justice; it shames us that Zhong and others must cry injustice in broad daylight. Consider Zhou Yan, Liu Yin of the law section, and clerk Li Kuang: favored with high office, they should exemplify sound government—study each case, kill only with care, and keep the people from wrongful conviction or public outcry. Instead they produced another miscarriage like the case of Zhou Qing: an innocent ghost wails in the underworld, a spirit carries grievance beyond the grave—more pitiable than Qi Liang's widow, more ominous than the blood that toppled a city—until frost falls out of season and phantoms keen in the dark. Bo You walked by day, Peng Sheng returned as a swine—when executions misfire, omens multiply. History shows the same pattern we see now. Zhou Yan and his colleagues failed their charge; I ask that every one of them be removed from office. On this General of the Right Wang Dao and others offered to resign, accepting responsibility for the affair. The emperor replied: "When policy and punishment go awry, the fault lies in my own blindness and obstruction. I am ashamed and alarmed, and I want candid advice to remedy what is lacking. But if you all rush to quit, that is hardly what I expect of you!" Wang Dao and his colleagues were left in place without reprimand.
4
Once the Jin princedom was founded, Liu Kui was named vice censor-in-chief of the censorate. At Zhou Song's daughter's wedding his students tore down a roadside shelter and cut down two bystanders; when the Jiankang left district captain rushed to the scene, they hacked him as well. Liu Kui impeached Zhou Song's elder brother Zhou Yi: "Yi enjoys exceptional favor and sits among the highest ministers; he should exemplify the law, harmonize court and country, and set the tone for kin and household. Instead he let petty followers run wild: in open day, in the capital's busiest streets, they drew steel on an officer of the law. The city shook with fear and public outcry; such damage to dignity cannot be left unchecked. He has shown none of the self-restraint expected of a senior statesman and is unfit to bear the emperor's glorious charge. He should be demoted to mark his offense and restore discipline." Zhou Yi lost his post as a result.
5
Early in Taixing he served as acting palace attendant and was enfeoffed as village marquis of Du; he soon succeeded Xue Jian as governor of the capital commandery. He and Diao Xie, the director of the secretariat, were Emperor Yuan's favorites, and together they set out to curb the great clans. Every harsh, nitpicking reform was credited—or blamed—on Liu Kui and Diao Xie. Even when Liu Kui held posts outside the palace, he was privy to every confidential decision at court. He was named general who guards the north and military commander over Qing, Xu, You, and Ping, with imperial credentials, and given the additional title of cavalier attendant-in-ordinary; he took ten thousand troops to hold the Sikou crossing.
6
Liu Kui had long warned that Wang Dun's power was too great to be checked; he urged the emperor to plant loyal commanders in the provinces—hence Prince Cheng of Qiao was sent to Xiangzhou, and Liu Kui himself and Dai Ruosi were later given regional commands. Wang Dun detested the move and wrote to Liu Kui: "The emperor has been showing you uncommon favor. The great rebels are still abroad and the heartland is in turmoil; I had hoped that you, I, and men like Zhou would strain every nerve for the throne and bring peace back to the realm. If we succeed, the dynasty will flourish again; if we fail, the empire may never recover." Liu Kui replied: "Fish lose sight of one another once they reach the great rivers; true allies need no reminders when the Way is clear. To give all I have as a loyal minister is precisely what I intend. Wang Dun flew into a rage when he read the reply. When Wang Dun rebelled under the slogan of punishing Liu Kui, an edict recalled Liu Kui to the capital; the whole bureaucracy turned out to greet him, and he marched in with his cap tilted back, declaiming boldly and showing not a trace of fear. At audience he joined Diao Xie in demanding the execution of the Wang family. The emperor refused; Liu Kui turned pale with fear and withdrew his troops to the Jincheng garrison. After Wang Dun seized Stone Citadel, Liu Kui's counterattack failed; he went to the palace to bid farewell, and the emperor wept as they parted. Near Huaiyin, Liu Xia ambushed him; Liu Kui fled with his family and some two hundred retainers to Shi Le's court, where he was given a staff post and the title of tutor to the crown prince. He died at sixty-one. His son Liu Sui first passed the provincial examination and was named chief commandant for imperial sons-in-law and gentleman attendant at court. He followed his father to Shi Le and died there. His grandson Sun Bo inherited the line.
7
西
Sun Bo, courtesy name Daize. He first served on the staff of Wang Qia, general who champions the army under Shi Hu (Jilong); when Shi Hu died, Wang Qia and Sun Bo surrendered together. Emperor Mu appointed him governor of Xiangcheng; he rose to become deliberation adviser on Huan Chong's central-army staff. While Grand Marshal Huan Wen marched west against Yuan Zhen and the capital was stripped of troops, Sun Bo was named general who establishes might and interior secretary of Huainan, with five thousand men to hold Stone Citadel. After the fall of Shouyang he was offered the post of left aide in the secretariat but declined it, and was reassigned as general who champions the army and administrator of Nan commandery. When Fu Rong, Fu Jian's brother, besieged Zhu Xu, the Yongzhou governor, at Xiangyang, Sun Bo took eight thousand men to relieve him but halted before the enemy's strength; Zhu Xu was eventually captured. Sun Bo lost his post for timidity. He was later restored as general who champions the army and eventually promoted to cavalier attendant-in-ordinary.
8
After Fu Jian's defeat the court planned to stabilize the north and named Sun Bo commander of the armies north of the Huai and inspector of Ji, but illness kept him from taking up the post. He presented a memorial:
9
使 使
I have read that Heaven and Earth enshrine compassion in sustaining all life, and that a true king wins the realm by blessing his people—hence the tireless example of Yu and Tang and the self-reproaching words of Yao and Shun, until their grace reached every commoner and their fame lasted for ages. Emperor Xuan of Jin laid the vast foundations of the dynasty and set its mandate on solid ground; his successors held the celestial mandate, yet still ruled with empty-minded humility, yielding the seat of honor and elevating wise men above themselves. Only then did people grasp how heavy a legacy must be, how arduous the work of restoring the throne, how great the virtue of the founding rulers, and how generous their bequest to later generations. Emperor Hui neglected this charge, handed power to palace favorites, and the imperial throne sank into shadow while sun, moon, and stars seemed to lose their light; royal tombs echoed with the grief of the underworld, and barbarian horses trampled the ancestral shrines; the courtiers who fed at the public trough brought ruin in the capital while common people lay unburied in the fields. Emperor Yuan answered the hour with martial vigor, rebuilt the dynasty on the Huai and the eastern sea, raised the sagging celestial net, and retied every broken strand of authority. Your Majesty has inherited the grand design begun by Emperor Xuan and the finished work of Emperor Yuan; you have preserved the realm, sealed its victories, sheathed the armies, and stilled rebellion. Whales that once lashed the waves and rebels who boasted they could swallow heaven melted away at sight of your banners and scattered like mist before the sun—so vast was the restoration that words fail. Yet for some years now the sky has shown disorder, and strange portents have appeared again and again. Kuaiji, the late emperor's first enfeoffment, has shaken with earthquakes for a year on end. When King Wen and King Wu of Zhou received modest omens, the whole court still trembled; today calamities crowd upon us, yet no one seems alarmed. The Duke of Zhou warned that governance admits no rest; Jia Yi compared the state to firewood stacked to the rafters—one spark and it burns. I take my cue from past examples and weigh our present plight; though I am blind and rash, I beg leave to speak plainly and withhold nothing.
10
The late emperor ruled through quiet, non-interfering ways, charged the great lords with duty, and let the cosmic pattern work itself out; he did not fuss over small daily gains but looked to harvests gathered once a year. Today ritual, music, war, and peace all proceed from the throne; the regent is wise, the ministries work in concert, and the realm answers like an echo—yet we do not hear the hymns of the ancient courts, nor see your transformative commands spread like those of Tang at Jing. Is the fault in your ministers' unworthiness, or in the throne's failure to use their talents to the full?
11
祿 穿 西
Every sage-king has exalted loyalty and good faith, upheld the right, and cast out the corrupt. Those who corrupt morals, however high-born or well connected, must be pushed away; the pure, upright, and self-disciplined, however humble, must be brought close. Today the opposite holds. That ethos has collapsed: greed and rivalry run wild, cliques smear and praise one another, men scheme for promotion, and everyone reaches for more than his due. Mediocrities lord it over their betters and draw salaries beyond their worth; flatterers who echo the court line pass for dutiful officials, and mutual back-scratching is mistaken for loyalty. The whole world sees it, yet who dares speak plainly? If Your Majesty does not spell out binding law to stop arbitrary rulings, I fear weariness may someday cloud your judgment. Fu Jian fell five years ago, yet the old capital lies in ruins, imperial tombs stand undefended, and the people still burn in misery without relief. I beg you to study why Han and Wei fell, to recall how the Western Jin collapsed, to shift course before crisis strikes—then the dynastic root will hold firm and the altars will face no peril. I do not claim that everyone at court lacks loyalty—only that the wrong men are given posts and true worth goes unsummoned.
12
使 使
Government is a tangle of orders, labor levies crush the districts, granaries are empty, the treasury is drained, commoners are bled white, and refugees trail one another on the roads. By a rough tally of households, nearly three in ten have vanished since the Xian'an era. The people sigh like rootless exiles; their mood is that of the ode "Below the Spring," longing for a capital made whole again. Emperor Xuan of Han once said, "The men who truly share the empire with me are the worthy governors." So he ennobled magistrates who governed well, showed no mercy to cruel or chaotic rule, kept the court's business simple, and left the people content. None of that holds today. Men who angle for posts plead domestic hardship; those who would aid the needy hand out noble titles instead of real relief. Antiquity set a ruler over the people to shepherd them; now the people are milked to indulge the throne, gnawed away bit by bit; the grasping are praised as diligent, the law-abiding mocked as cowards. How utterly we have inverted the ancient way!
13
退
Your Majesty lives frugally and shows compassion above, but officials below indulge every appetite; the ministries fold their wings in silence, the three senior posts sit mute. Thoughtful men groan at these signs and tremble at each new portent. Duke Jing of Song averted Mars's curse by owning his fault; Emperor Gao of Yin quieted the cauldron-and-pheasant omen through self-reform. I beg you to recall Yu, who thrice passed his door without entering; to study the fall of Zhou's last king, lost to drink; to heed the Odes' warning against proud dukes; to weigh the lesson of Lady Ding Jiang's humble adviser. Pause, extend your grace, consult the great lords broadly, summon worthy men, and ask where policy has failed or succeeded; require every official to perform his role and speak plainly about what helps or harms the state. Probe how men behave, judge their motives, know each talent for what it is, and blend them like seasonings in the royal cauldron. Hold fast to right intent and you become sage-king, worthy of Heaven's favor. Then the realm will find its heart in you, and all the world will be the better for it.
14
My late grandfather Liu Kui once enjoyed rare favor and gave his all for the throne—his story still lives in the histories—yet the hour never matched his will, and he carried grievance to the grave. I am a lesser man, yet I too have received bottomless kindness, generation upon generation—no sacrifice of life or house could repay it. I drafted this memorial once before but it never reached the throne. Sudden grave illness may cut me off at any moment; while I still draw breath I crave only to make my humble plea heard. My strength fails; I can scarcely give it voice.
15
The memorial was submitted, and he died. He was posthumously honored as general of the van. His son Sun Dan succeeded him. Early in Yuanxi he became governor of Lujiang.
16
Liu Kui's uncle Liu Ne, courtesy name Lingyan, was a shrewd judge of character. On his first visit to Luoyang he sized up the leading lights and remarked: "Wang Yan shines too brightly; I esteem Yue Guang; I cannot fathom Zhang Hua; Zhou Yi turns his faults to advantage; Du Yu squanders his strengths." He died in office as metropolitan commandant.
17
使
His son Liu Chou, courtesy name Wangqiao, won early renown and excelled at Pure Conversation. Once, sheltering from war in a walled hamlet, he faced hundreds of Sogdian traders bent on killing him; he showed no fear, lifted a reed whistle, and played the old frontier tunes "Out of the Pass" and "Into the Pass," stirring their homesickness. The merchants wept and went away without harming him. During Yongjia he rose to senior clerk on the minister of education's staff and was soon murdered by Yan Ding. Cai Mo, minister of works, used to sigh, "Had Liu Wangqiao reached the south, he would have been the perfect choice for minister of education." When Wang Dao first took the seal of minister of education, he said, "If Liu Wangqiao had crossed the Yangzi, I would not stand here alone as grandee." Such was the esteem the elite accorded him.
18
Liu Shao, nephew of Liu Chou, was capable and was called to serve on the Prince of Langye's chief-minister staff. Under Xiankang he served successively as vice censor-in-chief, palace attendant, ministerial secretary, and governor of Yuzhang at the two-thousand-shi rank.
19
Shao's kinsman Huanglao served as a secretary at the secretariat during Taiyuan; he was a scholar of moral philosophy and produced commentaries on the Shenzi and Laozi that still circulate.
20
使 使 使 使
Diao Xie was truculent and abrasive, forever flattering those above and riding roughshod over those below; the Wang clan loathed him for it. Drunk, he insulted the great officers of state so openly that onlookers could only glare sideways. Yet he gave everything to right the realm, and the emperor placed deep trust in him. Conscripting bond servants as soldiers, pressing generals' clerks and their clients into convoy duty—these were Diao Xie's policies, and the people cursed him for them. When Wang Dun rebelled, his first memorial named Diao Xie as the villain. The emperor sent Diao Xie out to command the six hosts. When the imperial army broke, Diao Xie and Liu Kui stood with the emperor on the eastern steps of the Taichi Hall; he took their hands, weeping, and begged them to flee and save themselves. Diao Xie replied, "I should die at my post; I would never turn disloyal." The emperor said, "Matters have gone too far—you must go!" He then gave Diao Xie and Liu Kui mounts and escorts and told them to make their own way to safety. Diao Xie was too old to ride, had never won men's loyalty, and every follower he recruited slipped away and left him. At Jiangcheng assassins cut him down and sent his head to Wang Dun, who—mindful of old ties to the Diao family—had the body gathered and buried. The emperor mourned Diao Xie's fate and secretly seized the man who had delivered his head and put him to death.
21
祿
After Wang Dun's defeat, Zhou Yi, Dai Ruosi, and others received posthumous honors; Diao Xie alone was excluded because he had fled. During Xiankang his son Diao Yi petitioned for redress. Most officials argued that Emperor Ming had already settled Diao Xie's verdict and that it should not be reopened; besides, he had not died resisting the rebels but had fled and been killed en route—his titles could not be restored. Yin Rong, governor of Danyang, argued: "Wang Dun's treason was so grave that death alone could not settle the account; in that setting Diao Xie's loyalty cannot be crowned with honors without contradiction. If one faults him for misguided loyalty or poor planning, that is a matter for moral debate, not capital law. To treat his killers' cruelty as lawful execution—what lesson would that teach loyalty or treason? While Wang Dun held the capital hostage, reward and terror alike came from his hand alone; Emperor Yuan therefore looked to the foundations of state and relied on Diao Xie—all for the dynasty, not private interest. Kong Ning and Yi Hangfu debauched their lord, yet Chu restored their offices because they were the king's own faction. Diao Xie's service to the throne was loyal and rightful by any measure. He was one of the four chief ministers who rebuilt the dynasty. When every stratagem had failed, he obeyed the emperor's order to quit the rebel-held capital—not to dodge justice. He deserves a clear posthumous honor so the world may see what loyalty means." Yu Bing, then regent, hesitated and left the matter unsettled. Cai Mo, left household grandee, wrote to Yu Bing:
22
When you enfeoff a man, you proclaim his merit; when you punish him, you publish his crime—ages past and present have treated both with care. Even common folk grasp that principle. Diao Xie was a pillar of the restoration and died in the emperor's service; the realm never heard him judged guilty, yet it sees him disgraced while the Diao family cries injustice—that would be doing Wang Dun's vengeful work for him. It would break the spirit of loyal ministers and leave every commentator baffled. If he was truly guilty, publish the facts so the realm may judge, and show that this court does not dishonor men who died for their sovereign. The Annals teach that merit may redeem fault. Light offense and heavy service may earn a new title; slight service and grave fault still merit death and the cutting off of the line; when service outweighs crime, the man need not be cast out. Even men once corrupt who, when disaster struck, stood by their king were not written off forever. Kong Ning and Yi Hangfu debauched Duke Ling of Chen in open court; the duke died and the state fell—yet Chu still took them in. The tradition says some men keep rank despite scandal when they belong to the ruler's own party. If Diao Xie's crimes outweighed those of Kong Ning and Yi Hangfu, disowning him would be fair. If no such guilt exists, he deserves a formal reassessment.
23
便 西
Some argue Emperor Ming settled the case and it should not be reopened—I disagree. The great Way rules the world; many roads lead to the same end. Affairs of state may match or clash across reigns; agreement need not mean approval, difference need not mean censure. Yao sidelined certain men and Shun promoted them—neither was wrong. Why treat every past verdict as final? Han history shows Xiao He's heirs lost their fief to a legal fault—Wen withheld restoration, Jing granted it; they lost it again, and later emperors debated the same question until Xuan restored them. Only last year the court offered wine to Confucius—a rite neither Emperor Yuan nor Emperor Ming had performed. Emperor Ming merely withheld honors from Diao Xie; he did not condemn him as a criminal. Emperor Yuan executed Wang Cheng and Di Wuyi, yet both have since been honored—why should Diao Xie alone be frozen in an old slight? Sound policy looks to antiquity and to current precedent alike; then the debate stays clear and the punished feel justice was done. Privy counselor Zhou Yi and western commander Dai Yuan were not named in Wang Dun's manifesto; they were murdered only after peace returned. Zhou Yan and Guo Pu were not even dying in battle for the throne—they were cut down in peacetime—yet both were eulogized. Diao Xie's loyalty weighs no less. Lately even honorary cavaliers win posthumous titles; Diao Xie stood just below the Three Dukes. Had he died in bed, he would at least have matched the honors due a supernumerary gentleman. Even without posthumous promotion, he would still merit burial befitting his rank. The same man would be honored for dying in bed but disowned for dying for the throne—how does that teach loyalty? Publish a clear ruling and lay the realm's doubts to rest.
24
I hear most informed opinion favors restoration. When an unpopular cause still wins support, it is not because the man was sweet-tempered—Diao Xie was blunt and widely resented; it is not birth: the Diaos are now humble; it is not wealth: they are ruined. Why should elite opinion side with the powerless in urging this? Consider what that implies.
25
Yu Bing accepted the argument. The memorial went up; Emperor Cheng decreed: "Diao Xie's heart was loyal, but he failed as a minister, giving Wang Dun a pretext to rebel while nursing private spite—thus the state suffered and Emperor Yuan was humiliated. That disaster had roots. By the strict letter of law his earlier treatment was not excessive. Yet his service deserves record, and Wang Dun's treason cannot be the last word—hence this review. Restore his former office, grant him documented sacrifice, and show that loyalty to the throne, however slight, will out—even if the earlier demotion was not fully reversed, the example will encourage others." The court restored his titles and offered him the great beast sacrifice.
26
Diao Yi, courtesy name Dalun. He suffered family tragedy while young. After Wang Dun's death Diao Yi slew his father's killers, presented their heads at the tomb, then surrendered to justice; the court pardoned him and he rose to fame, serving as personnel director, governor of Wu, then general of the household gentlemen in the north and inspector of Xu and Yan with a garrison at Guangling, where he died in post.
27
His son Diao Kui, courtesy name Bodao, and younger son Diao Chang, courtesy name Zhongyuan; a second son, Diao Hong, courtesy name Shuren—all rose to high office. During Long'an, Diao Kui was inspector of Guangzhou and general who pacifies the Yue, with imperial credentials; Diao Chang was administrator of Shixing; Diao Hong was inspector of Ji. The clan cared little for reputation; they chased profit, owned myriad hectares, thousands of bond servants, and fortunes to match.
28
西
When Huan Xuan seized the throne he named Diao Kui western general of the household gentlemen and inspector of Yu, stationed at Liyang; Diao Chang as general of the right guard; Diao Hong as major to the army supervisor Huan Xiu. When Liu Yu rose against Huan Xiu and killed him, Diao Chang and Diao Hong plotted a counterstroke; Liu Yu sent Liu Yi against them; Chang was captured and executed; Hong vanished without trace. Diao Kui at Liyang seized Liu Yu's aide Zhuge Changmin and sent him toward Huan Xuan in a prison cart; near Dangli Xuan fell; the guards freed Changmin and raced back to Liyang. Diao Kui fled the city, was caught by his own men, and executed at Stone Citadel. Every adult kinsman died; only the youngest brother Diao Cheng was spared as a palace attendant, then rebelled and was killed—the Diaos were gone. For generations the Diaos had hoarded wealth, bullied the countryside, and monopolized Jingkou's hills and streams. Liu Yu broke open their granaries and let commoners carry away what they could; a day was not enough to empty them. In a time of famine that windfall kept countless families alive.
29
Dai Ruosi came from Guangling; his personal name violated the temple taboo of the founding emperor (hence he is known by his courtesy name). His grandfather Dai Lie had been general of the left under Wu. His father Dai Chang was governor of Kuaiji. Dai Ruosi cut a striking figure, easygoing and bold; in youth he roamed as a knight-errant and scorned petty rules. When Lu Ji sailed for Luoyang with a lavishly laden boat, Dai and his band robbed him. He stepped ashore, sat on a camp stool, and deployed his men with perfect composure. Lu Ji saw this was no common robber and shouted from the cabin, "With ability like yours you play the pirate?" Dai Ruosi broke down, wept, threw away his sword, and came forward. Lu Ji spoke with him, admired him deeply, and they became friends.
30
使
Later, recommended as filial and incorrupt, Dai Ruosi went to Luoyang; Lu Ji commended him to Sima Lun: "When the great bow is strung, high walls fall; when Guzhu bamboo is offered in the market, the gods' music can be made. Thus a true king borrows talent from every quarter; gems still wrapped in cloth long for a place in the royal orchestra. I present the recluse Dai Ruosi of Guangling, thirty years old, serene in virtue and ample in character; his mind plumbs the subtle, his judgment sorts true from false; he loves poverty and clear purpose, never hankers after vulgar rank, and keeps a well-rope's unstained honor; he is the southeast's hidden treasure, the court's unpolished jade. Set him on the high road and he will keep pace with the finest steeds; bring him to the hall and his radiance will adorn the regalia. I beg Your Highness to look past rumor and not dismiss honest counsel for personal reasons." Sima Lun appointed him magistrate of Qinshui; he declined and went to Wuling to see his father. Pan Jing of the same commandery was famed as a judge of character; Dai's father sent the young man to meet him, and Pan pronounced him fit for the highest office. He rose to deliberation libationer on Sima Yue's staff, then became governor of Yuzhang with the title general who rouses might and commander of volunteer forces. For suppressing rebels he was enfeoffed as marquis of Moling, promoted to drafting censor, chief clerk to the commander-in-chief, and cavalier gentleman attendant.
31
西 調
Emperor Yuan named him senior clerk to the general who garrisons the east. When Du Tao was to be attacked, Dai Ruosi was named general of the van, but Du Tao fell before he marched. When Yuan held the title Prince of Jin, Dai Ruosi joined the secretariat. At the founding of the eastern court he was offered central guards commander, then general of the guards army and vice director of the secretariat, and each time declined. He then took the field as general who campaigns west with command over six provinces, imperial credentials, and the added title cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. He drafted a thousand nominal officials as staff, impressed ten thousand Yangzhou bond servants as troops, named Wang Xia army director, and marched to Shouyang beside Liu Kui. The emperor visited his camp in person, feasted the army on the eve of departure, and joined them in verse.
32
祿
Near Hefei word came that Wang Dun had risen; Dai Ruosi was recalled to defend the capital as general of swift cavalry and, with Guo Yi of the right guard, threw up earthworks north of the great bridge. Stone Citadel soon fell; Dai Ruosi led the assault and the imperial forces broke. He took a hundred followers to the palace for orders, then joined the high ministers to face Wang Dun at Stone Citadel. Wang Dun asked, "Did you hold anything back in the last fight?" Dai Ruosi answered coolly, "I had no strength left to hide—only too little, not too much." Wang Dun pressed, "What does the realm make of my action?" Dai Ruosi said, "Surface judgment calls it treason; those who see the heart may call it loyalty." Wang Dun laughed, "You are eloquent, I grant you. Lu Yi, Wang Dun's adviser, had been a petty clerk, facile with documents, and a sycophant; Dai Ruosi had despised him at the secretariat, and Lu Yi hated him in return. Now Lu Yi urged Wang Dun, "Zhou Yi and Dai Ruosi command such prestige that they sway the crowd, yet they answered you without a blush. If you spare them they will stir a second revolt—that is the danger ahead." Wang Dun agreed; he already envied both men and soon sent Deng Yue and Miu Tan to arrest Dai Ruosi and kill him. Dai Ruosi had enjoyed immense prestige, and men across the realm mourned his death. After the rebellion he was canonized as right household grandee with Three Dukes parity and the posthumous name "Jian" (Sparing).
33
西
Dai Miao, courtesy name Wangzhi. He loved books from boyhood, above all the Records and the Han history; he lacked Dai Ruosi's flash but surpassed him in scholarly breadth. He passed the provincial examination at twenty, became crown prince's groom, then governor of Xiyang. During Yongjia, Emperor Yuan named him acting governor of Shaoling, deliberation libationer on the chief minister's staff, then army director on the southern expedition. The empire was still being built and no schools existed; Dai Miao presented a memorial:
34
1111
Heaven's greatest workings are yin and yang; a monarch's first duty is ritual and education. The ancients founded the capital with a bright hall and a royal academy, and every district had its village schools—all to draw talent from obscurity and sharpen minds. The Changes warn against leaving the young in darkness; the gentleman therefore cultivates rectitude above all. Confucius was only a wandering minister, yet between the Zhu and Si rivers he taught ritual and learning until more than seventy disciples rose to office. For a millennium afterward that light went out. Was the empire smaller than Lu or Wei? Were there fewer sages than in his day? The difference lay in whether rulers bothered to encourage learning.
35
使
Lately the realm has suffered disaster, the throne has hung by a thread, barbarians have watered horses at the Yangzi, and traitors have swaggered across the map until the heartland is wasteland and travelers dare not cross the roads. Our leaders skip meals from worry, the people choke on misery, and warlords scrape and bow in the Yellow River plain—who has leisure for ritual vessels? Yet Confucius warned: three years without ritual and the rites rot; three years without music and harmony collapses—how much worse after generations of neglect! Today's youths have never seen a proper court ceremony, never heard ritual music; texts and omens are lost—this is what every thoughtful man laments. Peace exalts letters, turmoil exalts arms; the two must alternate like day and night—no dynasty has ever done otherwise.
36
使
Some say the realm is still divided and schools can wait—that sounds plausible but is wrong. Confucian learning is deep; it cannot be rushed. Ancient scholars needed three years per classic; if we wait for perfect peace before teaching, who will be left to write the rituals and music? Scions of great houses are not all born warriors; most never see a campaign. To waste their best years without teaching the Way is to leave jade unpolished—what a loss!
37
輿
I fear men have grown used to moral chaos; decency ebbs while vanity rises, like fat melting in a fire unseen. Heaven and earth have turned a new page; this court, with martial vigor and a mandate to renew the age, sweeps away late Jin decay and revives learning. Let the sovereign champion it above and the ministers enforce it below. The people ape their betters: honor swordsmanship and bravado spreads; praise lute-bearing dandies and shallow music thrives; the gentleman is wind, the commoner grass—example is everything. I am too dull to add lofty doctrine; but reading your edict I urge that we use slack seasons to rebuild schools step by step.
38
The throne approved, and the court began to restore ritual education.
39
He succeeded Liu Kui as governor of Danyang. When Wang Dun rebelled, Dai Miao was named general of the left. After Wang Dun triumphed and Dai Ruosi was killed, Dai Miao lost his post as an accomplice. When Wang Dun fell, Dai Miao became vice director of the secretariat. He died in office, canonized as general who guards the army with the posthumous name "Mu" (Solemn). His son Dai Mi succeeded him, serving as governor of Yixing and minister of agriculture.
40
Zhou Yi, courtesy name Boren, was the son of Zhou Jun, general who garrisons the east. Even as a youth he was famed for luminous dignity; friends might jest with him, but none took him lightly. Ben Song, a steward's aide from the same commandery, was a man of integrity; meeting Zhou Yi he exclaimed, "Yingchuan still breeds marvels! The old refinement has faded, yet here is Zhou Boren to revive it for our people." Dai Ruosi of Guangling, the southeast's leading talent, went to Luoyang on recommendation and called on Zhou Yi; he sat silent through the visit, too awed to show off his wit. Cousin Zhou Mu tried to upstage him, but Zhou Yi only smiled and refused the contest—so the elite flocked to him. He turned down every provincial appointment. At twenty he inherited the Wucheng marquisate, joined the palace library, and rose to personnel director at the secretariat. Sima Pi, son of Sima Yue, named him chief clerk when Pi held the post of general who garrisons the army.
41
退
When Yuan first held the lower Yangzi, he made Zhou Yi deliberation libationer, then inspector of Jing with the southern-barbarian command and imperial credentials. He had barely arrived when refugees at Jianping rose under Fu Mi for Du Tao and left him stranded. Tao Kan's officer Wu Ji relieved him, so Zhou Yi escaped to Wang Dun in Yuzhang. Wang Dun kept him at headquarters. Dai Miao urged, "Zhou Yi lost a battle but never betrayed his command; his prestige is intact—send him back. Wang Dun refused. The emperor named him general who displays might and inspector of Yan. When Zhou Yi reached Jiankang, the emperor kept him at court as deliberation libationer, then senior clerk on the right. At the founding of the eastern Jin he became minister of personnel. Soon a drinking bout brought a censor's charge; he kept his duties while demoted to commoner status. When a client of his household wounded someone, he was stripped of office again.
42
退 使 便 便
Early in Taixing he was named junior tutor to the crown prince while keeping his secretariat post. Zhou Yi begged off: "I have mastered no single classic and proved myself in no single post; I cannot stay within my limits, yet I hold high rank—far beyond my weight. Now you would have me judge men within and teach the heir without—my talent is lighter than a cicada's wing, the burden heavier than a thousand stone weights; the mismatch is obvious. If I accept and fail, I will disgrace the court; I am terrified and see no way forward." The emperor replied, "The crown prince is young; he needs a model to clear his mind. Your dignified presence teaches without lessons—like the ancients who forgot low desires in good company. Accept the post; do not refuse. He was promoted to left vice director of the secretariat while remaining minister of personnel.
43
西 西
Yu Liang told him, "Everyone likens you to Yue Guang." Zhou Yi answered, "That is like painting Wuyan the ugly and calling her Xi Shi. At a western-hall banquet the emperor asked tipsily how his court compared to Yao and Shun." Zhou Yi, drunk, snapped, "We may share a throne, but we are no sage-kings!" The emperor nearly had him executed, then relented after several days. When friends visited him in disgrace, he said, "I knew I would not die for that. Soon he succeeded Dai Ruosi as general of the guards army. Ji Zhan hosted Zhou Yi and Wang Dao; Zhou Yi drank himself into another scandal. An edict rebuked him: "As vice director and minister of personnel you must exemplify decorum for every official. Wine has brought you before the censors again and again. I grant your passions run deep, but this is also the warning of the sodden head. If you can master yourself, we will not dismiss you."
44
使
Once famed for dignity, he later ruined himself with drink. As vice director he was seldom sober; men called him the "three-day vice director." Yu Liang said, "Zhou Yi in his last years showed the waning of phoenix virtue." In Luoyang he could down a full dan; south of the river he boasted while drunk that no one could match his cup. When an old drinking friend arrived from the north, Zhou Yi hauled out two dan and they drank themselves under. When Zhou Yi woke, his guest had died of drink.
45
His brother Zhou Song once snarled drunk, "You are less able than I—how dare you outrank me in fame? He threw the burning candle at him. Zhou Yi only said calmly, "Brother, fire attacks are a low tactic." Wang Dao admired him, once rested on his knee and asked what lay in his belly." Zhou Yi said, "Nothing at all—yet room enough for hundreds like you." Wang Dao laughed it off. Once he whistled loudly at Wang Dao's party; Wang Dao asked if he meant to imitate Ji Kang and Ruan Ji." Zhou Yi replied, "I would not neglect my host to mimic long-dead eccentrics."
46
使
When Wang Dun rose, Wen Qiao asked Zhou Yi if the coup had a limited aim." Zhou Yi answered, "You are young and inexperienced. No ruler is flawless as Yao or Shun; still, no minister may raise arms to bully his sovereign! We have hailed this throne only a few years—how is this not treason? Wang Dun is ruthless, defiant, and respects no one above him—his ambition knows no bound! When the imperial army broke, Zhou Yi was sent to Wang Dun, who accused him: "Boren, you betrayed me!" Zhou Yi replied, "You turned rebel; I commanded the imperial armies and failed—that is how I failed you. Wang Dun, stung by his candor, had no reply. The emperor took Zhou Yi aside: "The coup is over; the palaces are safe—do you think the grand general has done what we wished?" Zhou Yi said, "The palaces are safe by your grace; as for us ministers, who can tell? Friends urged him to hide from Wang Dun; he refused: "I am a high minister; I will not skulk in the grass or flee to barbarians. Seized with Dai Ruosi and marched past the imperial shrine, he shouted, "Spirits of Heaven and our late kings! The traitor Wang Dun has ruined the state and murdered loyal men—if you have power, strike him down before he destroys the dynasty! Guards rammed a halberd into his mouth before he finished; blood ran to his heels, yet his face never changed, and the crowd wept. They killed him on the stone outside Stone Citadel's south gate; he was fifty-four.
47
便 使 祿
During the chupu game at Wang Dun's table a piece horse was removed; a player quipped that the Zhou clan, always eminent, never reached ducal rank—like that doomed horse." Wang Dun said, "Boren and I were boys together in the heir's palace; I swore three promises—never that the law would take him. Wang Dun feared Zhou Yi so deeply that his face burned even in winter and he fanned himself without cease. Wang Dun's men searched his home and found only old padding in baskets, a few jars of wine, and a little rice—officials marveled at his austerity. After Wang Dun's death Zhou Yi was canonized as left household grandee with Three Dukes parity, posthumous name "Kang," and a lesser beast sacrifice.
48
便
When Wang Dun rebelled, Liu Kui urged executing the Sima princes; Wang Dao led his clan to beg mercy at the gate; seeing Zhou Yi arrive, he cried, "Boren, my family's hundred lives rest with you!" Zhou Yi walked past without a word. Before the throne he pleaded Wang Dao's loyalty until the emperor relented. He celebrated with wine and left drunk. Wang Dao still waited at the gate and called after him. Zhou Yi ignored him and muttered to attendants about killing "bandit slaves" and winning great seals—drunk boasting. Sober, he filed a sober memorial strongly defending Wang Dao. Wang Dao never knew Zhou Yi had saved him and nursed a bitter grudge. After his victory Wang Dun asked Wang Dao whether Zhou Yi and Dai Ruosi should be given the Three Dukes' rank. Wang Dao stayed silent. Wang Dun pressed, "If not the Three Dukes, then vice director? Again no answer. "Then I must kill them," Wang Dun said. Wang Dao still said nothing—consent by silence. Later Wang Dao found Zhou Yi's memorial in the archives and saw how fervently he had pleaded for him. He wept and told his sons, "I did not strike the blow, yet Boren died through me. In the world below I owe him that debt. Zhou Yi left three sons: Zhou Min, Zhou Tian, and Zhou Yi (junior).
49
祿
Zhou Min, courtesy name Ziqian, was as blunt and upright as his father. He governed several commanderies, served as palace attendant, central commander, minister of personnel, left vice director, central army general, general of the guards, and palace librarian. He died and was canonized golden purple grandee with posthumous name "Lie" (Ardent). Childless, he adopted his brother's son Zhou Lin. Zhou Lin rose to governor of Dongyang. Zhou Tian and the younger Zhou Yi both held ministerial and provincial posts. Zhou Lin's youngest son Zhou Wen served as deliberation adviser on the swift cavalry staff.
50
使
The chroniclers say: excess rigidity snaps; hyper-criticism wins no allies—rule that way and the state suffers; live that way and your house comes to grief. Such temperaments cannot embrace the many; they are not the way of the ancient kings. Liu Kui enforced the code while reading the emperor's every mood; in a time of harsh justice he urged even posthumous punishment. Diao Xie was willful and abrasive; though he meant to strengthen the throne, he ground men down—petty minds in league, they shifted the court's fate. Good ministers were driven off and the realm's heart broke; a warlord seized on their names to muster his hosts. They plotted for the realm yet, when danger came, saved themselves; trusted by the throne, they fled when the throne was shamed. Their banishment was no accident. Dai Ruosi was magnanimous and acute, a subtle reasoner. Zhou Yi was stern and honest, austere even amid plenty. All three brought high gifts and refinement to the council chamber. When the capital fell they spoke without flinching and went to death with honor—true servants of the throne. Zhou Yi drew gossip for his drinking, yet as the Rites say, a flaw does not hide the jade—his virtues still shine.
51
The verdict reads: Liu Kui and Diao Xie were blunt loyalists who served the restoration. Vice turned virtue upside down and ended in exile. Zhou Yi and Dai Ruosi were gallant and true, their counsel full of integrity. The age was dark and cruel fortune struck them down.
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