Volume 82 Biographies 52: Chen Shou; Wang Changwen; Yu Pu; Sima Biao; Wang Yin; Yu Yu; Sun Sheng; Gan Bao; Deng Can; Xie Chen; Xi Zuochi; Xu Guang

陳壽

Chen Shou

陳壽，字承祚，巴西安漢人也。少好學，師事同郡譙周，仕蜀為觀閣令史。宦人黃皓專弄威權，大臣皆曲意附之，壽獨不為之屈，由是屢被譴黜。遭父喪，有疾，使婢丸藥，客往見之，鄉黨以為貶議。及蜀平，坐是沈滯者累年。司空張華愛其才，以壽雖不遠嫌，原情不至貶廢，舉為孝廉，除佐著作郎，出補陽平令。撰《蜀相諸葛亮集》，奏之。除著作郎，領本郡中正。撰魏、吳、蜀《三國志》，凡六十五篇。時人稱其善敘事，有良史之才。夏侯湛時著《魏書》，見壽所作，便壞己書而罷。張華深善之，謂壽曰：「當以《晉書》相付耳。」其為時所重如此。或云丁儀、丁暠有盛名于魏，壽謂其子曰：「可覓千斛米見與，當為尊公作佳傳。」丁不與之，竟不為立傳。壽父為馬謖參軍，謖為諸葛亮所誅，壽父亦坐被髡，諸葛瞻又輕壽。壽為亮立傳，謂亮將略非長，無應敵之才，言瞻惟工書，名過其實。議者以此少之。

Chen Shou, whose courtesy name was Chengzuo, came from Anhan in Baxi commandery. He loved books from boyhood and studied under Qiao Zhou of his commandery. In Shu-Han he served as a clerk in the imperial library. The eunuch Huang Hao monopolized power, and high officials fawned on him—except Chen Shou, who would not yield. He was repeatedly censured and demoted. During mourning for his father he fell ill and had a servant girl prepare his medicine. Visitors saw it, and local opinion condemned the breach of ritual. After Shu fell he remained in disgrace for years on that account. Minister of Works Zhang Hua admired his gifts. Though Chen Shou had not kept clear of scandal, Zhang judged his faults insufficient for permanent ruin, nominated him as Filial and Incorrupt, appointed him assistant drafter, and later sent him out as magistrate of Yangping. He compiled the collected works of Zhuge Liang, the Shu chancellor, and presented them to the throne. He was named a drafter and concurrently served as state appraiser for his home commandery. He wrote the Records of the Three Kingdoms for Wei, Wu, and Shu—sixty-five chapters in all. His contemporaries praised his narrative skill and called him a historian of the first rank. Xiahou Zhan was drafting a Wei history; when he read Chen Shou's work he tore up his own manuscript and quit. Zhang Hua thought it superb and told him, "The Jin history should be placed in your hands." Such was the regard he commanded. Some said that when Ding Yi and Ding Gao had been famous in Wei, Chen Shou told their sons, "Bring me a thousand hu of rice and I will write your fathers a fine biography." The Ding family refused, and he never gave them biographies. Chen Shou's father had been an adviser to Ma Su; when Ma Su was executed by Zhuge Liang, his father was shaven as an accomplice. Zhuge Zhan in turn despised Chen Shou. In Zhuge Liang's biography Chen Shou wrote that Liang was no master of strategy and lacked the gifts of a field commander, and that Zhuge Zhan was skilled only at calligraphy and more praised than deserved. Critics despised him for it.

張華將舉壽為中書郎，荀勖忌華而疾壽，遂諷吏部遷壽為長廣太守。辭母老不就。杜預將之鎮，復薦之於帝，宜補黃散。由是授御史治書。以母憂去職。母遺言令葬洛陽，壽遵其志。又坐不以母歸葬，竟被貶議。初，譙周嘗謂壽曰：「卿必以才學成名，當被損折，亦非不幸也。宜深慎之。」壽至此，再致廢辱，皆如周言。後數歲，起為太子中庶子，未拜，

Zhang Hua was about to recommend Chen Shou for the Palace Secretariat. Xun Xu, who resented Zhang, attacked Chen Shou as well and had the Ministry of Personnel move him to be Administrator of Changuang. He pleaded his mother's age and did not take up the post. When Du Yu was leaving for his frontier command, he recommended Chen Shou to the emperor again, arguing that he should fill a post as Yellow Gate or Palisade attendant. He was therefore named drafter to the imperial censor. He resigned to mourn his mother. Her last wish was to be buried in Luoyang, and Chen Shou obeyed. He was attacked again for not taking her body home for burial in the ancestral ground and suffered further disgrace. Long before, Qiao Zhou had told him, "You will make your name with learning, but you will also meet reversals—and that is not necessarily a bad thing. Guard yourself with care." Chen Shou's second round of ruin matched Qiao Zhou's warning exactly. Several years later he was appointed Palace Attendant to the heir apparent but never assumed the post.

元康七年，病卒，時年六十五。梁州大中正、尚書郎范頵等上表曰：「昔漢武帝詔曰：『司馬相如病甚，可遣悉取其書。』使者得其遺書，言封禪事，天子異焉。臣等案：故治書侍御史陳壽作《三國志》，辭多勸誡，明乎得失，有益風化，雖文豔不若相如，而質直過之，願垂採錄。」於是詔下河南尹、洛陽令，就家寫其書。壽又撰《古國志》五十篇、《益都耆舊傳》十篇，餘文章傳於世。

In the seventh year of Yuankang, he then died of illness at the age of sixty-five. Fan Ji, the grand state appraiser for Liang province and a Gentleman of the Masters of Writing, jointly memorialized: "Emperor Wu of Han once decreed, 'Sima Xiangru is gravely ill; send someone to collect all his writings. The envoy brought back his papers on the feng and shan sacrifices, and the emperor was astonished. We note that the late drafter-censor Chen Shou wrote the Records of the Three Kingdoms, a work rich in moral judgment that clarifies right and wrong and improves public morals. Its prose is less ornate than Sima Xiangru's, but its honest plainness surpasses him. We beg that it be copied into the imperial collection." An edict ordered the governor of Henan and the magistrate of Luoyang to copy the work at Chen Shou's house. Chen Shou also wrote fifty chapters of Records of Ancient States and ten chapters of Traditions of the Elders of Yidu; other essays of his circulated as well.

王長文

Wang Changwen

王長文，字德睿，廣漢郪人也。少以才學知名，而蕩不羈，州府辟命皆不就。州辟別駕，乃微服竊出，舉州莫知所之。後於成都市中蹲踞齧胡餅。刺史知其不屈，禮遣之。閉門自守，不交人事。著書四卷，擬《易》，名曰《通玄經》，有《文言》、《卦象》，可用卜筮，時人比之揚雄《太玄》。同郡馬秀曰：「揚雄作《太玄》，惟桓譚以為必傳後世。晚遭陸績，玄道遂明。長文《通玄經》未遭陸績、君山耳。」

Wang Changwen, courtesy name Derui, was a native of Qi in Guanghan commandery. Known young for his scholarship, he was also wild and unbent; he turned down every summons from the province or the commandery. When the province called him as aide-de-camp, he slipped away in disguise and vanished without a trace. Later he was seen squatting in the Chengdu market eating flatbread. The inspector, seeing that he would not be forced, dismissed him with courtesy. He shut his gate and kept to himself, avoiding the world. He wrote four volumes modeled on the Book of Changes, titled the Classic of Penetrating Mystery, with sections on the literary commentary and hexagram images usable in divination. Contemporaries likened it to Yang Xiong's Grand Mystery. Ma Xiu of his commandery said, "When Yang Xiong wrote the Grand Mystery, only Huan Tan believed it would survive the ages. Later Lu Ji appeared, and the teaching of the Mystery became clear. Changwen's Classic of Penetrating Mystery has not yet found its Lu Ji or Huan Junshan."

太康中，蜀土荒饉，開倉振貸。長文居貧，貸多，後無以償。郡縣切責，送長文到州。刺史徐幹舍之，不謝而去。後成都王穎引為江源令。或問：「前不降志，今何為屈？」長文曰：「祿以養親，非為身也。」梁王肜為丞相，引為從事中郎。在洛出行，輒著白旃小鄣以載車，當時異焉。後終於洛。

During the Taikang era famine struck Shu; the government opened the granaries for relief loans. Changwen was poor, borrowed heavily, and could not repay. The county pressed him and escorted him to the provincial capital. Inspector Xu Gan let him go; he left without a word of thanks. Later Prince Ying of Chengdu appointed him magistrate of Jiangyuan. Someone asked, "You once refused to humble yourself—why yield now?" Changwen replied, "I take office to support my parents, not for my own sake." When Prince Rong of Liang became chancellor, he named Changwen a retainer gentleman. In Luoyang he rode with a small white silk screen fixed to his carriage, which people found odd. He died in Luoyang.

虞溥

Yu Pu

虞溥，字允源，高平昌邑人也。父秘，為偏將軍。鎮隴西。溥從父之官，專心墳籍。時疆場閱武，人爭視之，溥未嘗寓目。郡察孝廉，除郎中，補尚書都令史。尚書令衛瓘、尚書褚䂮竝器重之。溥謂瓘曰：「往者金馬啓符，大晉應天，宜復先王五等之制，以綏久長。不可承暴秦之法，遂漢魏之失也。」瓘曰：「歷代歎此，而終未能改。」

Yu Pu, courtesy name Yuanyuan, came from Changyi in Gaoping commandery. His father Yu Mi was a general of the wings. He was stationed in Longxi. Yu Pu accompanied his father to the post and gave himself entirely to books. When the army drilled on the frontier, crowds rushed to watch; Yu Pu never looked. His commandery nominated him as Filial and Incorrupt; he became a gentleman of the interior and then a chief clerk in the Masters of Writing. Director Wei Guan of the Masters of Writing and Minister Chu Lü both thought highly of him. Yu Pu told Wei Guan, "When the golden-horse omen appeared, Great Jin received Heaven's mandate. You should restore the five ranks of the ancient kings to ensure lasting peace. Do not perpetuate the harsh laws of the Qin or repeat the mistakes of Han and Wei." Wei Guan answered, "Every age has lamented that, yet none has ever changed it."

稍遷公車司馬令，除鄱陽內史。大修庠序，廣詔學徒，移告屬縣曰：「學所以定情理性而積眾善者也。情定于內而行成於外，積善於心而名顯於教，故中人之性隨教而移，積善則習與性成。唐虞之時，皆比屋而可封，及其廢也，而雲可誅，豈非化以成俗，教移人心者哉！自漢氏失御，天下分崩，江表寇隔，久替王教，庠序之訓，廢而莫修。今四海一統，萬里同軌，熙熙兆庶，咸休息乎太和之中，宜崇尚道素，廣開學業，以贊協時雍，光揚盛化。」乃具為條制。於是至者七百餘人。溥乃作誥以獎訓之，曰：文學諸生皆冠帶之流，年盛志美，始涉學庭，講修典訓，此大成之業，立德之基也。夫聖人之道淡而寡味，故始學者不好也。及至期月，所觀彌博，所習彌多，日聞所不聞，日見所不見，然後心開意朗，敬業樂群，忽然不覺大化之陶己，至道之入神也。故學之染人，甚于丹青。丹青吾見其久而渝矣，未見久學而渝者也。夫工人之染，先修其質，後事其色，質修色積，而染工畢矣。學亦有質，孝悌忠信是也。君子內正其心，外修其行，行有餘力，則以學文，文質彬彬，然後為德。夫學者不患才不及，而患志不立，故曰希驥之馬，亦驥之乘，希顏之徒，亦顏之倫也。又曰契而舍之，朽木不知；契而不舍，金石可虧。斯非其效乎！今諸生口誦聖人之典，體閑庠序之訓，比及三年，可以小成。而令名宣流，雅譽日新，朋友欽而樂之，朝士敬而歎之。於是州府交命擇官而仕，不亦美乎！若乃含章舒藻，揮翰流離，稱述世務，探賾究奇，使楊斑韜筆，仲舒結舌，亦惟才所居，固無常人也。然積一勺以成江河，累微塵以崇峻極，匪至匪勤，理無由濟也。諸生若絕人間之務，心專親學，累一以貫之，積漸以進之，則亦或遲或速，或先或後耳，何滯而不通，何遠而不至邪！

He rose to be marshal of the petition coaches and was then named internal historian of Poyang. He rebuilt the schools, summoned students widely, and sent a circular to his counties: "Study steadies the feelings, orders the nature, and heaps up every virtue. What is settled within becomes conduct without; goodness stored in the heart wins a name through instruction. Ordinary natures shift with teaching; pile up good deeds and habit becomes second nature. Under Yao and Shun every household deserved a noble rank; when virtue failed, common folk were marked for execution. Is that not proof that transformation makes custom and instruction moves the heart? Since the Han lost the reins, the realm shattered and the south was cut off by war. Royal teaching languished for ages; schools fell into ruin and none repaired them. Now the four seas are one, the cart tracks run unbroken for a thousand li, and the people bask in the Great Harmony. It is time to honor plain virtue, widen the path of learning, help perfect the age's peace, and spread this splendid transformation." He drew up detailed regulations. More than seven hundred students enrolled. Yu Pu then composed a proclamation of encouragement and instruction, saying: "The literary students are all of the girded-and-capped class, young in years and bright in ambition, just entering the academy to study canonical teachings—this is the great work of full cultivation and the foundation of establishing virtue." The sage's Way is bland and thin in flavor, so beginners do not like it. But after a full month one sees more broadly and practices more widely, daily hearing what was unheard and daily seeing what was unseen; then the heart opens and the mind brightens, one reverently takes up work and delights in company, and suddenly, without noticing, great transformation molds the self and the supreme Way enters the spirit. Therefore study dyes a person more deeply than cinnabar and lacquer. I have seen cinnabar and lacquer change with time, but never seen long study change away. In dyeing, the craftsman first refines the material and then applies the color; once the material is refined and the color layered, the dyeing is complete. Study also has its material: filial piety, fraternal duty, loyalty, and trustworthiness. The gentleman rectifies his heart within and cultivates his conduct without; when he has strength to spare in conduct, he studies literature; with culture and substance balanced, virtue is complete. The student does not worry that talent falls short but that ambition is not set—hence it is said: a horse that aspires to swift steeds is still among swift steeds' mounts, and disciples who aspire to Yan Hui are still among Yan Hui's kind. It is also said: "Carve and abandon it, and rotten wood will not take shape;" "carve and do not abandon, and metal and stone can be worn away." Is this not the effect! Now the students recite the sage's classics and embody the academy's teachings; in three years minor accomplishment can be achieved. Then fine repute spreads abroad, elegant praise renews daily, friends admire and delight in it, and court gentlemen respect and sigh over it. Then provinces and commanderies will jointly select officials for office—is this not splendid! If one embraces elegant form and unfolds literary ornament, wields the brush with flowing brilliance, describes affairs of the age, and probes mysteries and wonders—making Yang Xiong and Ban Gu sheathe the brush and Dong Zhongshu tongue-tied—that too depends on where talent lies; there is no fixed person for it. Yet heaping spoonfuls to form rivers and amassing dust to raise the highest peak—without reaching and without diligence, reason has no way to succeed. Students, if you cut off worldly affairs, focus your hearts on study, string one thing through to completion, and advance by gradual accumulation, then whether slow or fast, early or late, why should you stall without mastery, or find distance beyond reach!

時祭酒求更起屋行禮，溥曰：「君子行禮，無常處也，故孔子射於矍相之圃，而行禮於大樹之下。況今學庭庠序，高堂顯敞乎！」

When the libationer asked to erect another hall for ritual, Yu Pu said, "The gentleman performs ritual wherever he is: Confucius shot at the Juexiang garden and held ceremony beneath a great tree. How much more our present academy, with its high, open hall!"

溥為政嚴而不猛，風化大行，有白烏集於郡庭。注《春秋》經、傳，撰《江表傳》及文章詩賦數十篇。卒于洛，時年六十二。子勃，過江上《江表傳》於元帝，詔藏于秘書。

Yu Pu governed firmly but not harshly, and moral influence spread; white crows gathered in the commandery courtyard. He annotated the Spring and Autumn Annals and its commentaries, wrote the Traditions from South of the Yangzi, and left several dozen prose and verse pieces. He died in Luoyang at sixty-two. His son Yu Bo brought the Traditions from South of the Yangzi to Emperor Yuan after crossing the Yangzi; an edict placed it in the palace library.

司馬彪

Sima Biao

司馬彪，字紹統，高陽王睦之長子也。出後宣帝弟敏。少篤學不倦，然好色薄行，為睦所責，故不得為嗣，雖名出繼，實廢之也。彪由此不交人事，而專精學習，故得博覽群籍，終其綴集之務。初拜騎都尉。泰始中，為秘書郎，轉丞。注《莊子》，作《九州春秋》。以為「先王立史官以書時事，載善惡以為沮勸，撮教世之要也。是以《春秋》不修，則仲尼理之；《關雎》既亂，則師摯修之。前哲豈好煩哉？蓋不得已故也。漢氏中興，訖于建安，忠臣義土亦以昭著，而時無良史，記述煩雜，譙周雖已刪除，然猶未盡，安順以下，亡缺者多。」彪乃討論眾書，綴其所聞，起于世祖，終於孝獻，編年二百，錄世十二，通綜上下，旁貫庶事，為紀、志、傳凡八十篇，號曰《續漢書》。

Sima Biao, courtesy name Shaotong, was the eldest son of Sima Mu, the Prince of Gaoyang. He was adopted as heir to Sima Min, younger brother of Emperor Xuan. He studied tirelessly in youth but was lewd and dissolute. Mu censured him and barred him from the succession; though nominally adopted out, he was in effect cast aside. Thereafter Sima Biao shunned public life and devoted himself to scholarship, reading widely and completing his compilations. He first received appointment as a cavalry commandant. During the Taishi era he was a gentleman of the palace library and then its aide. He annotated the Zhuangzi and wrote the Spring and Autumn of the Nine Provinces. He held that "the ancient kings founded historiography to record events, inscribing good and evil to encourage and warn—this is the hinge of governing the age. Thus when the Spring and Autumn Annals fell into neglect, Confucius set them in order; when the "Guanju" ode was corrupted, Master Zhi restored it. Did the sages relish such toil? They had no choice. From the Han restoration to the Jian'an era, loyal men made shining names, yet there was no worthy historian; accounts grew tangled. Qiao Zhou pruned them but left the job unfinished, and from the An and Shun reigns onward much was lost." Sima Biao collated the sources and arranged what he had learned from Emperor Guangwu through Emperor Xian—two hundred years in annalistic form, twelve reigns, linking high policy with humble detail in annals, treatises, and biographies: eighty chapters titled the Continued Book of Han.

泰始初，武帝親祠南郊，彪上疏定議，語在《效祀志》。後拜散騎侍郎。惠帝末年卒，時所六十餘。

Early in Taishi, when Emperor Wu sacrificed at the southern suburb in person, Sima Biao memorialized with a settled opinion—the text appears in the treatise on suburban sacrifice. He was later appointed gentleman cavalier attendant. He died toward the end of Emperor Hui's reign, aged over sixty.

初，譙周以司馬遷《史記》書周秦以上，或采俗語百家之言，不專據正經，周於是作《古史考》二十五篇，皆憑舊典，以糾遷之謬誤。彪復以周為未盡善也，條《古史考》中凡百二十二事為不當，多據《汲塚紀年》之義，亦行於世。

Qiao Zhou had objected that Sima Qian's Records, in treating antiquity down through Zhou and Qin, sometimes drew on vulgar lore and the hundred schools rather than orthodox classics, so he wrote twenty-five chapters of Ancient History Examined, grounding each point in older texts to correct Sima Qian's mistakes. Sima Biao still found Qiao Zhou incomplete and listed 122 points in Ancient History Examined as wrong, relying chiefly on the Ji Tomb Bamboo Annals; his critique too circulated.

王隱

Wang Yin

王隱，字處叔，陳郡陳人也。世寒素。父銓，曆陽令，少好學，有著述之志，每私錄晉事及功臣行狀，未就而卒。隱以儒素自守，不交勢援，博學多聞，受父遺業，西都舊事多所諳究。

Wang Yin, courtesy name Shushu, was a native of Chen in Chen commandery. His family was of humble station. His father Wang Quan, magistrate of Liyang, loved learning and hoped to write a history; he privately noted Jin events and the deeds of eminent men but died before finishing. Wang Yin lived plainly as a scholar, shunned powerful patrons, read widely, inherited his father's project, and knew the old stories of the western capital in depth.

建興中，過江，丞相軍諮祭酒涿郡祖納雅相知重。納好博弈，每諫止之。納曰：「聊用忘憂耳。」隱曰：「蓋古人遭時，則以功達其道；不遇，則以言達其才，故否泰不窮也。當今晉未有書，天下大亂，舊事蕩滅，非凡才所能立。君少長五都，游宦四方，華夷成敗皆在耳目，何不述而裁之！應仲遠作《風俗通》，崔子真作《政論》，蔡伯喈作《勸學篇》，史遊作《急就章》，猶行於世，便為沒而不朽。當其同時，人豈少哉？而了無聞，皆由無所述作也。故君子疾沒世而無聞，《易》稱自強不息，況國史明乎得失之跡，何必博弈而後忘憂哉」納喟然歎曰：「非不悅子道，力不足也。」乃上疏薦隱。元帝以草創務殷，未遑史官，遂寢不報。

During Jianxing he crossed the Yangzi, and Zu Na of Zhuo commandery, the chancellor's army advisory libationer, became his close friend and patron. Zu Na loved board games, and Wang Yin often urged him to give them up. Zu Na said, "They help me forget my cares—that is all." Wang Yin replied, "The ancients, when the times favored them, realized the Way through achievement; when they were blocked, they showed their gifts in writing—so they were never left without recourse. Today there is no Jin history; the realm is in chaos and the past is being lost—no ordinary talent could set it down. You grew up in the great cities and served across the empire; the rise and fall of Chinese and barbarian alike has passed before your eyes—why not commit it to writing? Ying Shao wrote the Comprehensive Meaning of Customs, Cui Shi the Political Treatise, Cai Yong the essay urging study, Shi You the literacy primer—they still circulate and keep their authors alive after death. Were talented men rare in their day? Yet we hear nothing of them because they left no writings. The gentleman dreads leaving the world unknown; the Book of Changes praises unstriving effort—how much more a national history that sets gain and loss in clear light! Must you gamble to forget sorrow?" Zu Na sighed, "I do not reject your path—I lack the strength to follow it." He thereupon memorialized to recommend Wang Yin. Emperor Yuan was too busy founding the court to appoint historians and let the matter drop.

太興初，典章稍備，乃召隱及郭璞俱為著作郎，令撰晉史。豫平王敦功，賜爵平陵鄉侯。時著作郎虞預私撰《晉書》，而生長東南，不知中朝事，數訪於隱，並借隱所著書竊寫之，所聞漸廣。是後更疾隱，形於言色。預既豪族，交結權貴，共為朋黨，以斥隱，竟以謗免，黜歸於家。貧無資用，書遂不就，乃依征西將軍庾亮于武昌。亮供其紙筆，書乃得成，詣闕上之。隱雖好著述，而文辭鄙拙，蕪舛不倫。其書次第可觀者，皆其父所撰；文體混漫義不可解者，隱之作也。年七十餘，卒於家。

Early in Taixing, as institutions took shape, the throne summoned Wang Yin and Guo Pu as drafters and ordered them to compile the Jin history. For his part in suppressing Wang Dun he was enfeoffed as village marquis of Pingling. Yu Yu, another drafter, was privately writing a Jin history. Raised in the southeast, he knew little of the old central court; he often questioned Wang Yin and copied his manuscripts in secret, widening his knowledge. Afterward he turned against Wang Yin and showed it openly. Yu Yu was a magnate with ties to the mighty; he formed a clique to drive Wang Yin out and had him dismissed on a slander charge and sent home. Destitute, he could not finish the book until he attached himself to Yu Liang, the General Who Conquers the West, at Wuchang. Yu Liang supplied paper and ink; the work was completed and presented at court. Wang Yin loved to write, but his prose was crude and confused. Whatever in the book reads well came from his father's pen; the muddled, unintelligible passages are Wang Yin's own. He died at home in his seventies.

隱兄瑚，字處仲。少重武節，成都王穎舉兵向洛，以為冠軍參軍，積功，累遷遊擊將軍，與司隸滿奮、河南尹周馥等俱屯大司馬門，以衛宮掖。時上官已縱暴，瑚與奮等共謀除之，反為所害。

Wang Yin's elder brother Wang Hu, courtesy name Zhongchu He honored military duty from youth. When Prince Ying of Chengdu marched on Luoyang, Wang Hu became an army adviser to the champion general, won promotion to mobile-corps general, and with Metropolitan Governor Man Fen, Henan Governor Zhou Fu, and others held the gate of the Grand Marshal's compound to defend the palace. When Shangguan Ji ran amok, Wang Hu and Man Fen plotted to kill him but were killed instead.

虞預

Yu Yu

虞預，字叔甯，征士喜之弟也，本名茂，犯明穆皇后母諱，故改焉。預十二而孤，少好學，有文章。余姚風俗，各有朋黨，宗人共薦預為縣功曹，欲使沙汰穢濁。預書與其從叔父曰：「近或聞諸君以預入寺，便應委質，則當親事，不得徒已。然預下愚，過有所懷。邪党互瞻，異同蜂至，一旦差跌，眾鼓交鳴。毫釐之失，差以千里，此古人之炯戒，而預所大恐也。」卒如預言，未半年，遂見斥退。

Yu Yu, courtesy name Shuning, was the younger brother of the recluse Yu Xi. His original name was Mao, but he changed it to avoid the personal name of Empress Mingmu's mother. Orphaned at twelve, he loved learning and wrote well. Yuyao was ridden with factions; his kinsmen jointly nominated him county merit clerk hoping he would purge corruption. Yu wrote his uncle: "I hear you mean to bring me into office; if I accept, I must take real responsibility—I cannot serve in name only. I am a dull man, yet I have grave doubts. Rival cliques watch one another; agreement and strife swarm in; one misstep and every drum will beat against you. A hair's-breadth error becomes a thousand-li blunder—the ancients warned us sharply, and that is what I dread." Events unfolded as he predicted: within half a year he was cashiered.

太守庾琛命為主簿，預上記陳時政所失，曰：「軍寇以來，賦役繁數，兼值年荒，百姓失業，是輕徭薄斂，寬刑省役之時也。自頃長吏輕多去來，送故迎新，交錯道路。受迎者惟恐船馬之不多，見送者惟恨吏卒之常少。窮奢竭費謂之忠義，省煩從簡呼為薄俗，轉相放效，流而不反，雖有常防，莫肯遵修。加以王途未夷，所在停滯，送者經年，永失播植。一夫不耕，十夫無食，況轉百數，所妨不訾。愚謂宜勒屬縣，若令、尉先去官者，人船吏侍皆具條列，到當依法減省，使公私允當。又今統務多端，動加重制，每有特急，輒立督郵。計今直兼三十餘人，人船吏侍皆當出官，益不堪命，宜復減損，嚴為之防。」琛善之，即皆施行。太守紀瞻到，預復為主簿，轉功曹史。察孝廉，不行。安東從事中郎諸葛恢、參軍庾亮等薦預，召為丞相行參軍兼記室。遭母憂，服竟，除佐著作郎，

Administrator Yu Chen made him chief clerk. Yu submitted a report on policy failures: "Since the wars, taxes and labor service have multiplied while famine has thrown people out of work—this is the moment to ease levies, lighten punishments, and cut corvée. Magistrates lately change post at whim; send-offs and welcomes choke the roads. Incoming officials want ever more boats and horses; outgoing parties complain there are never enough attendants. Extravagance is hailed as loyalty, thrift mocked as stinginess; the fashion spreads unchecked and even standing rules go unheeded. The royal highways are still unsafe; processions stall for years while farmers abandon their fields. If one man does not till, ten go hungry; when hundreds are tied up in escorts, the waste is beyond reckoning. Order every county: when a magistrate or captain departs, list every man, boat, and attendant required for the escort and cut the totals by law so public need and private burden stay fair. Administration grows ever more complex with extra controls; every emergency spawns another supervising courier. Some thirty-odd posts now overlap; each demands clerks, boats, and runners from the offices—the people cannot bear it. Slash the numbers and enforce strict limits." Yu Chen approved and put the proposals into effect. When Ji Zhan became administrator, Yu Yu again served as chief clerk, then as merit assessor. He was nominated Filial and Incorrupt but declined to take up the post. Zhuge Hui, the retainer gentleman of the Eastern Pacification general, and Yu Liang the army adviser recommended him; he was called to serve as a mobile army adviser to the chancellor and concurrently as secretary. After mourning his mother he became assistant drafter.

太興二年，大旱，詔求讜言直諫之士，預上書諫曰：大晉受命，於今五十餘載。自元康以來，王德始闕，戎翟及於中國，宗廟焚為灰燼，千里無煙爨之氣，華夏無冠帶之人，自天地開闢，書籍所載，大亂之極，未有若茲者也。陛下以聖德先覺，超然遠鑒，作鎮東南，聲教遐被，上天眷顧，人神贊謀，雖云中興，其實受命，少康、宣王誠未足喻。然《南風》之歌可著，而陵遲之俗未改者，何也？臣愚謂為國之要在於得才，得才之術在於抽引。苟其可用，仇賤必舉。高宗、文王思佐發夢，拔岩徒以為相，載釣老而師之。下至列國，亦有斯事，故燕重郭隗而三士競至，魏式幹木而秦兵退舍。今天下雖弊，人士雖寡，十室雖寡，十室之邑，必有忠信，世不乏驥，求則可致。而束帛未賁於丘園，蒲輪頓轂而不駕，所以大化不洽而用雍熙有闕者也。預以寇賊未平，當須良將，又上疏曰：臣聞承平之世，其教先文，撥亂之運，非武不克；故牧野之戰，呂望杖鉞；淮夷作難，召伯專征；玁狁為暴，衛霍長驅。故陰陽不和，擢士為相；三軍不勝，拔卒為將。漢帝既定天下，猶思猛士以守四方；孝文志存钜鹿，馮唐進說，魏尚復守。《詩》稱「赳赳武夫，公侯幹城」，折沖之佐，豈可忽哉！況今中州荒弊，百無一存，牧守官長非戎貊之族類，即寇竊之幸脫。陛下登阼，威暢四遠，故令此等反善向化。然狼子獸心，輕薄易動，羯虜未殄，益使難安。周撫、陳川相系背叛；徐龕驕黠，無所拘忌，放兵侵掠，罪已彰灼。昔葛伯違道，湯獻之牛；吳濞失禮，錫以几杖，惡成罪著，方復加戮。龕之小丑，可不足滅。然豫備不虞，古之善教，矧乃有虞，可不為防！為防之術，宜得良將。將不素簡，難以應敵。壽春無鎮，祖逖孤立，前有勁虜，後無系援，雖有智力，非可持久。願陛下諮之群公，博舉於眾。若當局之才，必允其任，則宜獎厲，使不顧命。旁料冗猥。或有可者，厚加寵待，足令忘身。昔英布見慢，恚欲自裁，出觀供置，然後致力。禮遇之恩，可不隆哉！誠知山河之量非塵露可益，神鑒之慮非愚淺所測；然匹夫嫠婦猶有憂國之言，況臣得廁朝堂之末，蒙冠帶之榮者乎！

In the second year of Taixing, during a great drought, an edict sought candid remonstrators. Yu Yu submitted a memorial, saying: "Great Jin received the mandate more than fifty years ago." Since Yuanchang, royal virtue has waned; barbarians reached the Middle Kingdom; ancestral temples burned to ash; for a thousand li there was no smoke of cooking; Huaxia had no girded-and-capped persons—since Heaven and Earth opened, what books record shows no greater extremity of disorder. Your Majesty, with sage virtue awakened before others and far-seeing judgment, established rule in the southeast and spread civilizing influence afar; Heaven favors you and human and spirit assist your plans—though called restoration, it is in reality a new mandate; Shaokang and Emperor Xuan are truly not enough for comparison. Yet the "Southern Winds" song could be composed, while declining customs remain unchanged—why? In my humble view, the key to governing a state lies in obtaining talent, and the method of obtaining talent lies in drawing forth and promoting it. If they can be used, even enemies and base persons must be raised. Gaozong and King Wen sought aides from dreams, pulled cave dwellers to be chancellor, and carried the old angler to be teacher. Down to the feudal states there was also this matter—therefore Yan valued Guo Kui and three gentlemen raced to arrive; Wei honored Gan Mu and Qin troops withdrew camp. Now though the realm is exhausted and gentlemen few—in a hamlet of ten houses there must be loyalty and trust; the age does not lack swift steeds; seek and they can be obtained. Yet silken bundles are not honored at garden and grove, and rush-wheeled carriages stop their wheels undriven—therefore great transformation is not harmonized and flourishing peace is incomplete. Because bandits and rebels were not yet pacified and good generals were needed, Yu Yu submitted another memorial, saying: "I have heard that in prolonged peace ages culture comes first, but in times of stirring disorder martial force is indispensable;" therefore at the battle of Muye, Lv Wang wielded the battle-axe; when the Huai Yi made trouble, the Duke of Shao undertook sole campaign; when the Xianyun were violent, Wei Qing and Huo Qubing drove far. Therefore when yin and yang are not harmonized, raise a scholar to be chancellor; when the three armies are not victorious, pull a soldier to be general. The Han emperor, having settled the realm, still thought of fierce warriors to guard the four quarters; Emperor Xiaowen's intent preserved Julu; Feng Tang advanced persuasion; Wei Shang again guarded. The Odes says, "Sturdy, sturdy martial man, bulwark of duke and marquis"—foe-repelling aides, how can they be neglected! Moreover the central provinces are now desolate and exhausted, with scarcely one in a hundred surviving; prefects and guards are either barbarian tribesmen or lucky escapees from banditry. Your Majesty ascended the throne and awe spread to the four distances, causing such men to turn toward goodness and transformation. Yet they have wolfish hearts and beastly minds, are frivolous and easily stirred; the Jie captives are not exterminated, making settlement harder still. Zhou Fu and Chen Chuan rebelled in succession; Xu Kan was arrogant and cunning, without restraint or fear, released troops to invade and plunder—his crimes already blazing clear. Formerly when Ge Earl violated the Way, Tang presented his ox; when Wu Pi lost ritual, he was bestowed with armrest and staff—only when evil formed and crime was manifest was execution added. Kan is a petty clown, scarcely worth destroying. Yet to prepare against the unexpected is ancient good teaching—how much more when there are warning signs; can one not make defense! The method of defense is to obtain good generals. If generals are not selected beforehand, it is hard to respond to the enemy. Shouchun has no garrison; Zu Ti is isolated; with a strong foe before and no tied relief behind—though he has wisdom and strength, he cannot endure long. I wish Your Majesty to consult the group of dukes and broadly raise candidates from the multitude. If those in office have talent and certainly fit their posts, they should be encouraged and urged to spare no effort. On the side, survey the redundant and base. If there are those who can be used, richly favor and treat them, sufficient to make them forget themselves. Formerly when Ying Bu was slighted, angry, he wished to kill himself; only after going out and viewing supply arrangements did he devote his strength. The grace of courtesy and treatment—how can it not be lofty! I truly know that mountains and rivers' measure is not something dust and dew can increase, and the spirit mirror's consideration is not something the foolish and shallow can fathom; yet even common men and widows still have words of concern for the state—how much more I, who have obtained a place at court's end and received the glory of girded-and-capped office!

轉琅邪國常侍，遷秘書丞、著作郎。

He became a regular attendant in the Langye princedom, then palace secretary aide and drafter.

咸和初，夏旱，詔眾官各陳致雨之意。預議曰：臣聞天道貴信，地道貴誠。誠信者，蓋二儀所以生植萬物，人君所以保乂黎蒸。是以殺伐擬於震電，推恩象于雲雨。刑罰在於必信，慶賞貴於平均。臣聞間者以來，刑獄轉繁，多力者則廣牽連逮，以稽年月；無援者則嚴其檟楚，期於入重。是以百姓嗷然，感傷和氣。臣愚以為輕刑耐罪，宜速決遣，殊死重囚，重加以請。寬徭息役，務遵節儉，砥礪朝臣，使各知禁。蓋老牛不犧，禮有常制，而自頃眾官拜授祖贈，轉相誇尚，屠殺牛犢，動有十數，醉酒流湎，無復限度，傷財敗俗，所虧不少。昔殷宗修德以消桑穀之異，宋景善言以退熒惑之變，楚國無災，莊王是懼。盛德之君，未嘗無眚，應以信順，天佑乃隆。臣學見淺暗，言不足采。

Early in Xianhe a summer drought led the throne to ask every official how to bring rain. Yu Yu offered his view: "I have heard that Heaven values trustworthiness and Earth values sincerity." Sincerity and trust are what the two cosmic forces use to nurture all things, and what a ruler uses to protect and settle the people. Hence punishments should resemble thunder and lightning, and the bestowal of grace should resemble clouds and rain. Punishments must be certain, and rewards and gifts should be even-handed. I have heard that lately criminal cases have grown more numerous: the well-connected are swept into broad chains of arrest and detention that drag on for years; while the unsupported are harshly beaten with the rod in hopes of heavier charges. The people cry out in distress, and harmonious qi is harmed. In my humble view, light penalties and penal servitude should be decided and dispatched quickly, while those facing death or heavy punishment should receive repeated judicial review. Ease corvee and halt forced labor, insist on frugality, and sharpen court officials so that each knows what is forbidden. Old oxen are not sacrificed—rites have fixed rules—yet lately, when officials receive appointments and posthumous honors for ancestors, they compete to outdo one another, slaughtering calves by the dozen and drinking without limit, wasting wealth and ruining custom at no small cost. In antiquity the Shang ruler cultivated virtue to dispel the mulberry-and-grain omen; Duke Jing of Song spoke well to turn back the Mars portent; and when Chu had no disaster, King Zhuang was alarmed. Sovereigns of great virtue have never been without warning signs; they respond with trust and obedience, and Heaven's favor then flourishes. My learning is shallow and my words unworthy of adoption.

從平王含，賜爵西鄉侯。蘇峻作亂，預先假歸家，太守王舒請為諮議參軍。峻平，進爵平康縣侯，遷散騎侍郎，著作如故。除散騎常侍，仍領著作。以年老歸，卒於家。

For helping to crush Wang Han he was enfeoffed as marquis of Xixiang. When Su Jun rebelled, Yu Yu was on leave at home; Administrator Wang Shu engaged him as advisory army adviser. After Su Jun fell he was advanced to county marquis of Pingkang and promoted gentleman cavalier attendant while keeping his drafting duties. He was named regular cavalier attendant and continued to supervise the history office. He retired with age and died at home.

預雅好經史，憎疾玄虛，其論阮籍裸袒，比之伊川被髮，所以胡虜遍於中國，以為過衰周之時。著《晉書》四十餘卷、《會稽典錄》二十篇、《諸虞傳》十二篇，皆行於世。所著詩賦碑誄論難數十篇。

Yu Yu loved the classics and histories and detested empty Daoist talk. He likened Ruan Ji's nakedness to the disheveled hair that foretold barbarian invasion in the Book of Changes, and blamed such conduct for the spread of non-Chinese power across China—worse, he thought, than the late Zhou decay. He wrote more than forty chapters of a Jin history, twenty essays of Kuaiji Standard Records, and twelve chapters of Traditions of the Yu Clan—all of which circulated. He also left several dozen poems, rhapsodies, inscriptions, dirges, essays, and polemics.

孫盛

Sun Sheng

孫盛，字安國，太原中都人。祖楚，馮翊太守。父恂，潁川太守。恂在郡遇賊，被害。盛年十歲，避難渡江。及長，博學，善言名理。于時殷浩擅名一時，與抗論者，惟盛而已。盛嘗詣浩談論，對食，奮擲麈尾，毛悉落飯中，食冷而復暖者數四，至暮忘餐，理竟不定。盛又著醫卜及《易象妙於見形論》，浩等竟無以難之，由是遂知名。

Sun Sheng, courtesy name Anguo, came from Zhongdu in Taiyuan. His grandfather Sun Chu was Administrator of Fengyi. His father Sun Xun was Administrator of Yingchuan. Sun Xun was killed by bandits while in office. At ten Sun Sheng fled south across the Yangzi. Grown, he was widely read and skilled in arcane philosophy. Yin Hao then dominated intellectual fashion; only Sun Sheng could argue him to a standstill. Once Sun Sheng debated Yin Hao over a meal, gesticulating so wildly that the hairs of his fly-whisk fell into the rice. The food cooled and was reheated four times; by nightfall they had forgotten to eat and still reached no conclusion. He also wrote on medicine, divination, and the thesis that the images of the Changes are subtler than outward form—Yin Hao could not refute him, and his reputation was made.

起家佐著作郎，以家貧親老，求為小邑，出補瀏陽令。太守陶侃請為參軍。庾亮代侃，引為征西主簿，轉參軍。時丞相王導執政，亮以元舅居外，南蠻校尉陶稱讒構其間，導、亮頗懷疑貳。盛密諫亮曰：「王公神情朗達，常有世外之懷，豈肯為凡人事邪！此必佞邪之徒欲間內外耳。」亮納之。庾翼代亮，以盛為安西諮議參軍，尋遷廷尉正。會桓溫代翼，留盛為參軍，與俱伐蜀，軍次彭模，溫自以輕兵入蜀，盛領贏老輜重在後，賊數千忽至，眾皆遑遽。盛部分諸將，並力距之，應時敗走。蜀平，賜爵安懷縣侯，累遷溫從事中郎。從入關平洛，以功進封吳昌縣侯，出補長沙太守。以家貧，頗營資貨，部從事至郡察知之，服其高名而不劾之。盛與溫箋，而辭旨放蕩，稱州遣從事觀采風聲，進無威鳳來儀之美，退無鷹鸇搏擊之用，徘徊湘川，將為怪鳥。溫得盛箋，復遣從事重案之，髒私鋃籍，檻車收盛到州，舍而不罪。累遷秘書監，加給事中。年七十二卒。

He began as assistant drafter but, being poor with aged parents, asked for a minor post and became magistrate of Liuyang. Administrator Tao Kan took him on as army adviser. When Yu Liang succeeded Tao Kan, Sun Sheng became his chief clerk, then army adviser. Chancellor Wang Dao held power while Yu Liang, the emperor's uncle by marriage, commanded the frontier. Tao Cheng, the South Man colonel, sowed discord, and Wang Dao and Yu Liang grew mutually suspicious. Sun Sheng urged Yu Liang in private: "His Grace Wang Dao is open-minded and lives above petty quarrels—why would he stoop to ordinary intrigue? This is surely slander meant to split court from camp." Yu Liang took the advice. When Yu Yi succeeded Yu Liang, Sun Sheng became advisory army adviser to the General Who Pacifies the West and soon rectifier at the commandant of justice. Huan Wen kept him as army adviser for the Shu campaign. At Pengmo, Huan Wen took light troops forward while Sun Sheng shepherded the baggage train of veterans. Thousands of enemy suddenly appeared and the column panicked. Sun Sheng rallied the officers, held the line, and the enemy broke and ran. After Shu fell he was enfeoffed as county marquis of Anhuai and rose to retainer gentleman under Huan Wen. He followed Huan Wen through the passes to secure Luoyang, was advanced to county marquis of Wuchang for merit, and became Administrator of Changsha. Poor, he dabbled in trade for profit. The regional investigator found out but, respecting his reputation, brought no charges. Sun Sheng wrote Huan Wen a letter in reckless vein, saying the province had sent an investigator who was neither a phoenix of good omen nor a hunting hawk—only a odd bird flapping along the Xiang. Huan Wen ordered a second investigation, turned up Sun Sheng's irregular profits, and had him carted to headquarters in a prison wagon—then let him go without sentence. He rose to supervisor of the palace library with additional appointment as palace attendant. He died at seventy-two.

盛篤學不倦，自少至老，手不釋卷。著《魏氏春秋》、《晉陽秋》，並造詩賦論難復數十篇。《晉陽秋》詞直而理正，咸稱良史焉。既而桓溫見之，怒謂盛子曰：「枋頭誠為失利，何至乃如尊君所說！若此史遂行，自是關君門戶事。」其子遽拜謝，謂請刪改之。時盛年老還家，性方嚴有軌憲，雖子孫白，而庭訓愈峻。至此，諸子乃共號泣稽顙，請為百口切計。盛大怒。諸子遂爾改之。盛寫兩定本，寄于慕容俊。太元中，孝武帝博求異聞，始於遼東得之，以相考校，多有不同，書遂兩存。子潛、放。

Sun Sheng studied tirelessly from youth to old age and never laid a book aside. He wrote the Spring and Autumn of Wei and the Jin Yangqiu, plus several dozen poems, rhapsodies, essays, and polemics. The Jin Yangqiu was blunt yet fair, and everyone hailed it as the work of a true historian. When Huan Wen read it he was furious and told Sun Sheng's son, "The Fangtou campaign was a setback, but how could it be as bad as your father wrote! If this history goes out, it will be your family's neck on the line." The son kowtowed and begged leave to revise the text. Sun Sheng was old and home by then, stern and principled; even when his grandchildren were gray, his household discipline grew harsher. At that his sons wept and kowtowed, pleading for the whole clan's safety. Sun Sheng exploded with rage. His sons altered the text anyway. Sun Sheng made two fair copies of the original and sent them to Murong Jun. Under Taiyuan, Emperor Xiaowu cast a wide net for rare texts and recovered a copy from Liaodong. Compared with the court version, the two differed widely, so both were kept. His sons were Sun Qian and Sun Fang.

子潛、放

Sons: Sun Qian and Sun Fang

=潛字齊由，為豫章太守。殷仲堪之討王國寶也，潛時在郡，仲堪逼以為諮議參軍，固辭不就，以憂卒。

Sun Qian, courtesy name Qiyou, served as Administrator of Yuzhang. During Yin Zhongkan's campaign against Wang Guobao, Sun Qian was in his post. Yin Zhongkan pressed him to serve as advisory army adviser; he refused steadfastly and died of distress.

放字齊莊，幼稱令慧。年七八歲，在荊州，與父俱從庾亮獵，亮謂曰：「君亦來邪？」應聲答曰：「無小無大，從公於邁。」亮又問：「欲齊何莊邪？」放曰：「欲齊莊周。」亮曰：「不慕仲尼邪？」答曰：「仲尼生而知之，非希企所及。」亮大奇之，曰：「王輔嗣弗過也。」庾翼子爰客嘗候盛，見放而問曰：「安國何在？」放答曰：「庾稚恭家。」爰客大笑曰：「諸孫太盛，有兒如此也！」放又曰：「未若諸庾翼翼。」既而語人曰：「我故得重呼奴父也。」終於長沙相。

Sun Fang, courtesy name Qizhuang, was celebrated as a bright child. At seven or eight, in Jing province, he went hunting with his father and Yu Liang. Yu Liang said, "You came along too?" He answered at once, "Young or old, we follow our lord on the road." Yu Liang asked, "Whose 'Zhuang' do you wish to match?" Sun Fang said, "Zhuang Zhou." Yu Liang said, "Do you not admire Confucius?" He answered, "Confucius was born knowing; no one can aspire that high." Yu Liang was astonished. "Wang Bi himself would not surpass this child." Yu Aike, son of Yu Yi, once called on Sun Sheng, saw Sun Fang, and asked, "Where is Anguo?" Sun Fang answered, "At Zhigong's house." Yu Aike roared with laughter: "The Sun clan is thriving—to raise a boy like this!" Sun Fang added, "Still not as fine as the Yu cousins, wing beside wing." Later he told someone, "So I got to call him 'slave's father' a second time." He ended his career as chancellor of Changsha princedom.

干寶

Gan Bao

干寶，字令升，新蔡人也。祖統，吳奮武將軍、都亭侯。父瑩，丹陽丞。寶少勤學，博覽書記，以才器召為著作郎。平杜弢有功，賜爵關內侯。

Gan Bao, courtesy name Lingsheng, came from Xincai. His grandfather Gan Tong was Wu's General Who Rouses Might and marquis of Metropolitan Village. His father Gan Ying was an aide in Danyang. Gan Bao studied hard and read widely; for his ability he was summoned as a drafter. For helping to defeat Du Tao he was enfeoffed as marquis within the passes.

中興草創，未置史官，中書監王導上疏曰：「夫帝王之跡，莫不必書，著為令典，垂之無窮。宣皇帝廓定四海，武皇帝受禪于魏，至德大勳，等蹤上聖，而紀傳不存於王府，德音未被乎管弦。陛下聖明，當中興之盛，宜建立國史，撰集帝紀，上敷祖宗之烈，下紀佐命之勳，務以實錄，為後代之准，厭率土之望，悅人神之心，斯誠雍熙之至美，王者之弘基也。宜備史官，敕佐著作郎干寶等漸就撰集。」元帝納焉。寶於是始領國史。以家貧，求補山陰令，遷始安太守。王導請為司徒右長史，遷散騎常侍，著《晉紀》，自宣帝迄於湣帝五十三年，凡二十卷，奏之。其書簡略，直而能婉，咸稱良史。

Early in the restoration no history office existed. Wang Dao, the palace secretariat supervisor, memorialized: "The deeds of emperors must all be recorded, set down as a lasting code for endless ages. Emperor Xuan pacified the realm and Emperor Wu received the Wei abdication—virtue and achievement matching the ancient sages—yet their annals do not fill the royal archive and their praise is not sung in music. Your Majesty rules in the full flower of the restoration: found a national history, compile the reign annals, glorify the ancestors above and the founding ministers below, aim at truthful record as a model for posterity, answer the hopes of the land and gladden gods and men—that is the crown of peace and the true foundation of kingship. Appoint historians and instruct assistant drafter Gan Bao and his colleagues to begin the compilation." Emperor Yuan agreed. Gan Bao thereupon took charge of the national history. Poor, he asked for appointment as magistrate of Shanyin and later became Administrator of Shian. Wang Dao had him named chief clerk to the minister of education; he rose to regular cavalier attendant and wrote the Jin Annals in twenty scrolls from Emperor Xuan through Emperor Min—fifty-three years—which he presented to the throne. The work is concise, forthright yet tactful, and was praised as a master history.

性好陰陽術數，留思京房、夏侯勝等傳。寶父先有所寵侍婢，母甚妒忌，及父亡，母乃生推婢於墓中。寶兄弟年小，不之審也。後十餘年，母喪，開墓，而婢伏棺如生，載還，經日乃蘇。言其父常取飲食與之，恩情如生，在家中吉凶輒語之，考校悉驗，地中亦不覺為惡。既而嫁之，生子。又寶兄嘗病氣絕，積日不冷，後遂悟，雲見天地間鬼神事，如夢覺，不自知死。寶以此遂撰集古今神祇靈異人物變化。名為《搜神記》，凡三十卷。以示劉惔，惔曰：「卿可謂鬼之董狐。」寶既博采異同，遂混虛實，因作序以陳其志曰：雖考先志於載籍，收遺逸于當時，蓋非一耳一目之所親聞睹也，亦安敢謂無失實者哉！衛朔失國，二傳互其所聞；呂望事周，子長存其兩說，若此比類，往往有焉。從此觀之，聞見之難一，由來尚矣。夫書赴告之定辭，據國史之方策，猶尚若茲，況仰述千載之前，記殊俗之表，綴片言于殘闕，訪行事於故老，將使事不二跡，言無異途，然後為信者，固亦前史之所病。然而國家不廢注記之官，學士不絕誦覽之業，豈不以其所失者小，所存者大乎！今之所集，設有承於前載者，則非餘之罪也。若使採訪近世之事，苟有虛錯，願與先賢前儒分其譏謗。及其著述，亦足以明神道之不誣也。群言百家不可勝覽，耳目所受不可勝載，今粗取足以演八略之旨，成其微說而已。幸將來好事之士錄其根體，有以遊心寓目而無尤焉。

He loved cosmology and numerology and pondered the traditions of Jing Fang, Xiahou Sheng, and their school. Gan Bao's father had favored a concubine; his jealous mother, when the father died, had the girl sealed alive in the tomb. Gan Bao and his brothers were young and knew nothing of it. More than a decade later, when his mother died and the tomb was opened, the girl was found crouched on the coffin as if alive. She was carried home and revived after a day. She said the father had brought her food in the tomb and treated her as when he lived; back in the house she foretold fortune and misfortune and was always right, and she had not suffered underground. She was married off and bore a child. Gan Bao's elder brother once lay breathless for days without growing cold, then woke and described visions of spirits between heaven and earth like a dream—unaware he had died. On that basis Gan Bao collected tales of gods, marvels, and strange transformations past and present. He titled it In Search of the Supernatural—thirty scrolls. He showed it to Liu Tan, who said, "You are the Dong Hu of the spirit world." Gan Bao had broadly gathered similarities and differences and mingled fact with fable; he wrote a preface explaining his purpose: "Although I examine former records in texts and gather lost accounts of the present age, this is assuredly not what one ear and one eye personally heard and saw—how dare I claim there is nothing untrue!" When Wei and Shuo lost their states, the two traditions exchanged what they had heard; when Lv Wang served Zhou, Sima Qian preserved both versions—such cases are often found. From this it is seen that what is heard and seen is hard to unify—this has been so from antiquity. Even for written reports with fixed wording, relying on state histories' records, it is still thus—how much more when looking up to narrate a thousand years before, recording foreign customs, patching fragmentary words onto damaged lacunae, and inquiring of affairs from old elders, to make events without double tracks and words without diverging paths and only then call it trustworthy—is indeed what former histories also found afflicting. Yet states do not abolish the office of record-keepers, and scholars do not cut off the work of reciting and reading—is it not because what is lost is small and what is preserved is great! What is now collected—if there are those inheriting from former records—that is not my fault. If in gathering recent affairs there should be empty errors, I wish to share with former worthies and earlier scholars their ridicule and blame. As for his writing, it also suffices to show that the spirit Way is not false. The crowd of sayings and hundred schools cannot be fully read; what ear and eye receive cannot be fully recorded—now I roughly take what suffices to unfold the Eight Categories' intent and complete this brief discourse only. I hope future persons fond of the matter will record its root substance, having something to roam the heart and lodge the eye on without reproach.

寶又為《春秋左氏義外傳》，注《周易》、《周官》凡數十篇，及雜文集皆行於世。

He also wrote an Outer Tradition on the Meaning of the Zuo Commentary, annotated the Zhou Changes and the Offices of Zhou in several dozen chapters, and left a collection of miscellaneous essays—all of which circulated.

鄧粲

Deng Can

鄧粲，長沙人。少以高潔著名，與南陽劉驎之、南郡劉尚公同志友善，並不應州郡辟命。荊州刺史桓沖卑辭厚禮請粲為別駕，粲嘉其好賢，乃起應召。驎之、尚公謂之曰：「卿道廣學深，眾所推懷，忽然改節，誠失所望。」粲笑答曰：「足下可謂有志於隱而未知隱。夫隱之為道，朝亦可隱，市亦可隱。隱初在我，不在於物。」尚公等無以難之，然粲亦於此名譽減半矣，後患足疾，不能朝拜，求去職，不聽，令臥視事。後以病篤，乞骸骨，許之。粲以父騫有忠信言而世無知者，著《元明紀》十篇，注《老子》，並行於世。

Deng Can was a native of Changsha. Known young for lofty integrity, he was friends with Liu Linzhi of Nanyang and Liu Shanggong of Nanjun; none would accept provincial or commandery appointments. Inspector Huan Chong of Jing province wooed him with humble words and rich gifts for the post of aide-de-camp. Deng Can honored his respect for talent and accepted. Liu Linzhi and Liu Shanggong told him, "Your learning is wide and admired by all; to change course so suddenly disappoints us." Deng Can smiled: "You wish to be recluses but do not understand reclusion. The Way of reclusion may be practiced at court or in the marketplace. Reclusion is in the mind, not in the place." They could not refute him, but Deng Can's reputation was cut in half. Later, crippled by foot trouble, he could not attend court and asked to resign; permission was denied, and he was told to conduct business from bed. When his illness worsened he asked to retire and was allowed. Because his father Deng Qian had spoken with loyalty and good faith but was forgotten, Deng Can wrote ten chapters of Yuan–Ming Annals and a commentary on the Laozi—both circulated.

謝沈

Xie Chen

謝沈，字行思，會稽山陰人也。曾祖斐，吳豫章太守。父秀，吳翼正都尉。沈少孤，事母至孝，博學多識，明練經史。郡命為主簿、功曹，察孝廉，太尉郗鑒辟，並不就。會稽內史何充引為參軍，以母老去職。平西將軍庾亮命為功曹，征北將軍蔡謨版為參軍，皆不就。閒居養母，不交人事，耕耘之暇，研精墳籍。康帝即位，朝議疑七廟迭毀，乃以太學博士徵，以質疑滯。以母憂去職。服闋，除尚書度支郎。何充、庾冰並稱沉有史才，遷著作郎，撰《晉書》三十餘卷。會卒，時年五十二。沉先著《後漢書》百卷及《毛詩》、《漢書外傳》，所著述及詩賦文論皆行於世。其才學在虞預之右云。

Xie Chen, courtesy name Xingsi, came from Shanyin in Kuaiji. His great-grandfather Xie Fei was Wu's Administrator of Yuzhang. His father Xie Xiu was Wu's capital commandant of the rectifying wing. Orphaned young, he was devoted to his mother, learned widely, and mastered the classics and histories. The commandery made him chief clerk and merit assessor, nominated him Filial and Incorrupt, and Grand Commandant Xi Jian summoned him—he refused every post. He Chong, internal historian of Kuaiji, took him as army adviser; he resigned when his mother aged. Yu Liang, the General Who Pacifies the West, named him merit clerk; Cai Mo, the General Who Conquers the North, offered him an army advisership on emergency commission—he took neither. He lived quietly, cared for his mother, shunned office, and between farm chores studied the classics. When Emperor Kang took the throne, court debate stalled on the rite of cycling destruction among seven ancestral temples; Xie Chen was summoned as an Imperial Academy erudite to settle the doubts. He left office to mourn his mother. When mourning ended he became a revenue gentleman in the Masters of Writing. He Chong and Yu Bing both pronounced Xie Chen a born historian; he was promoted drafter and wrote more than thirty chapters of a Jin history. He died at fifty-two. Earlier he had written a hundred-chapter Later Han history, works on the Mao Odes and an outer commentary to the Han history; his essays, poems, and treatises all circulated. His scholarship was reckoned superior to Yu Yu's.

習鑿齒

Xi Zuochi

習鑿齒，字彥威，襄陽人也。宗族富盛，世為鄉豪。鑿齒少有志氣，博學洽聞，以文筆著稱。荊州刺史桓溫辟為從事，江夏相袁喬深器之，數稱其才于溫，轉西曹主簿，親遇隆密。

Xi Zuochi, courtesy name Yanwei, was from Xiangyang. His clan was wealthy and for generations had been local magnates. Ambitious from youth, widely read, he was famed for his pen. Inspector Huan Wen of Jing province took him as a retainer. Yuan Qiao, chancellor of Jiangxia, thought the world of him and praised him repeatedly to Huan Wen. Xi Zuochi became chief clerk of the western bureau and enjoyed the warmest confidence.

時溫有大志，追蜀人知天文者至，夜執手問國家祚運修短。答曰：「世祀方永。」疑其難言，乃飾辭云：「如君言，豈獨吾福，乃蒼生之幸。然今日之語自可令盡，必有小小厄運，亦宜說之。」星人曰：「太微、紫微、文昌三宮氣候如此，決無憂虞。至五十年外不論耳。」溫不悅，乃止。異日，送絹一匹、錢五千文以與之。星人乃馳詣鑿齒曰：「家在益州，被命遠下，今受旨自裁，無由致其骸骨。緣君仁厚，乞為標碣棺木耳。」鑿齒問其故，星人曰：「賜絹一匹，令僕自裁，惠錢五千，以買棺耳。」鑿齒曰：「君幾誤死！君嘗聞前知星宿有不覆之義乎？此以絹戲君，以錢供道中資，是聽君去耳。」星人大喜，明便詣溫別。溫問去意，以鑿齒言答。溫笑曰：「鑿齒憂君誤死，君定是誤活。然徒三十年看儒書，不如一詣習主簿。」

Huan Wen harbored great designs. He summoned a Shu stargazer and by night took his hand, asking how long the dynasty would last. The man answered, "The house will endure for ages." Huan Wen suspected he was holding back and coaxed him: "If that is so, it is not my fortune alone but the blessing of the people. Speak plainly: if there is any minor ill omen, you should say so." The astrologer said, "The configurations of the Grand Tenuity, Purple Palace, and Civil Office stars show no cause for fear. Beyond fifty years I will not speak." Huan Wen was displeased and dropped the subject. Another day he sent the man one bolt of silk and five thousand cash. The astrologer rushed to Xi Zuochi: "My home is in Yizhou; I was ordered south. Now I am commanded to kill myself and cannot bring my bones home. You are kind—please mark my grave and supply a coffin." Xi Zuochi asked what he meant. The man said, "One bolt of silk means I am to hang myself; five thousand cash buys the coffin." Xi Zuochi cried, "You nearly killed yourself for nothing! Surely you have heard that a true star reader does not go back on his own reading. The silk was his joke; the cash is travel money. He is letting you go." The astrologer was overjoyed and next day took leave of Huan Wen. Huan Wen asked why he was leaving; he repeated Xi Zuochi's explanation. Huan Wen laughed: "Xi Zuochi feared you would die by mistake—you nearly died of stupidity. Thirty years of Confucian books are worth less than one talk with Chief Clerk Xi."

累遷別駕。溫出征伐，鑿齒或從或守，所在任職，每處機要，蒞事有績，善尺牘論議，溫甚器遇之。時清談文章之士韓伯、伏滔等並相友善，後使至京師。簡文亦雅重焉。既還，溫問：「相王何似？」答曰：「生平所未見。」以此大忤溫旨，左遷戶曹參軍。時有桑門釋道安，俊辯有高才，自北至荊州，與鑿齒初相見。道安曰：「彌天釋道安。」鑿齒曰：「四海習鑿齒。」時人以為佳對。

He rose to become aide-de-camp. On Huan Wen's campaigns Xi Zuochi either went with the army or held the rear; every post was sensitive, and he performed well. Skilled at memorials and debate, he enjoyed Huan Wen's deepest favor. He befriended pure-conversation men of letters such as Han Bo and Fu Tao, and later went on mission to the capital. Emperor Jianwen thought highly of him as well. Back from the capital, Huan Wen asked, "What is the minister-king like?" He answered, "I have never seen his like." That answer deeply offended Huan Wen, who demoted him to army adviser in the revenue bureau. The monk Shi Daoan, a brilliant debater, came from the north to Jing province and met Xi Zuochi for the first time. Daoan introduced himself: "I am Shi Daoan, who fills heaven." Xi Zuochi replied: "I am Xi Zuochi, who fills the four seas." Contemporaries praised the exchange as a perfect riposte.

初，鑿齒與其二舅羅崇、羅友俱為州從事。及遷別駕，以坐越舅右，屢經陳請。溫後激怒既盛，乃超拔其二舅，相繼為襄陽都督，出鑿齒為滎陽太守。溫弟秘亦有才氣，素與鑿齒相親善。鑿齒既罷郡歸，與秘書曰：吾以去五三日來達襄陽，觸目悲感，略無歡情，痛惻之事，故非書言之所能具也。每定省家舅，從北門入，西望隆中，想臥龍之吟；東眺白沙，思鳳雛之聲；北臨樊墟，存鄧老之高；南眷城邑，懷羊公之風；縱目檀溪，念崔徐之友；肆睇魚梁，追二德之遠，未嘗不徘徊移日，惆悵極多，撫乘躊躇，慨爾而泣。曰若乃魏武之所置酒，孫堅之所隕斃，裴杜之故居，繁王之舊宅，遺事猶存，星列滿目。瑣瑣常流，碌碌凡士，焉足以感其方寸哉！夫芬芳起于椒蘭，清響生乎琳琅。命世而作佐者，必垂可大之餘風；高尚而邁德者，必有明勝之遺事。若向八君子者，千載猶使義想其為人，況相去不遠乎！彼一時也，此一時也，焉知今日之才不如疇辰，百年之後，吾與足下不並為景升乎！

Xi Zuochi and his maternal uncles Luo Chong and Luo You all served as provincial retainers. When promoted aide-de-camp he outranked his uncles in seating—a breach he repeatedly tried to excuse. When Huan Wen's rage peaked, he leapfrogged both uncles to command Xiangyang in turn and posted Xi Zuochi away as Administrator of Yingyang. Huan Wen's brother Huan Mi was talented and had long been close to Xi Zuochi. After leaving his command Xi Zuochi wrote to Huan Mi: "I reached Xiangyang on the fifth day after departing. Everywhere I look brings grief; there is almost no joy. Matters of piercing sorrow cannot fully be set forth in writing." Each time I visit my maternal uncle's household and enter from the north gate, looking west to Longzhong I think of Sleeping Dragon's song; gazing east to White Sand I remember Phoenix Fledgling's voice; facing north to Fan ruins I preserve Old Deng's loftiness; cherishing the walled towns to the south I hold Shepherd Duke's manner; letting my eyes roam to Tan Brook I recall the friendship of Cui and Xu; gazing freely at Fish Beam I pursue the two worthies' distance—never failing to linger for hours, filled with sorrow and regret, stroking my carriage and hesitating, sighing as I weep. Then as for where Cao Cao set wine, where Sun Jian fell and died, Pei and Du's former residences, and King Fan's old mansion—vestiges remain, stars arrayed before the eyes. Petty commonplace men and mediocre ordinary gentlemen—how can they move the inch of the heart! Fragrance arises from pepper and orchid; clear sound is born from tinkling gems. He who meets the age to serve as aide must leave a lasting great afterwind; He who is lofty and surpasses in virtue must have bright triumphs left as legacy. If those eight gentlemen of the past—even after a thousand years righteous men still imagine their persons—how much more when the distance is not far! That was one age, this is another—who knows whether talent today is not inferior to former days? A hundred years hence, you and I will both be like Jing Sheng!

其風期俊邁如此。

Such was the lofty tone of that letter.

是時溫覬覦非望，鑿齒在郡，著《漢晉春秋》以裁正之。起漢光武，終於晉湣帝。于三國之時，蜀以宗室為正，魏武雖受漢禪晉，尚為篡逆，至文帝平蜀，乃為漢亡而晉始興焉。引世祖諱炎興而為禪受，明天心不可以勢力強也。凡五十四卷。後以腳疾，遂廢於里巷。

Huan Wen was nursing imperial ambitions. Xi Zuochi, still in his command, wrote the Han–Jin Spring and Autumn to set the moral record straight. It ran from Han Guangwu to Emperor Min of Jin. Among the Three Kingdoms he treated Shu, as heir to the Han house, as holding the true mandate. Wei had taken the Han abdication and Jin had succeeded Wei, yet both remained usurpation until Jin Wendi conquered Shu—only then did Han truly end and Jin's rise stand justified. He cited the Shu ruler's reign motto Yanxing and the peaceful handover to show that Heaven's intent cannot be forced by mere power. Fifty-four scrolls in all. Crippled by foot trouble, he lived out his days in retirement.

及襄陽陷於苻堅，堅素聞其名，與道安俱輿而致焉。既見，與語，大悅之，賜遺甚厚。又以其蹇疾，與諸鎮書：「昔晉氏平吳，利在二陸；今破漢南，獲士裁一人有半耳。」俄以疾歸襄陽。尋而襄鄧反正，朝廷欲徵鑿齒，使典國史，會卒，不果。臨終上疏曰：

When Xiangyang fell to Fu Jian, the king, who had long admired him, had him brought in a litter alongside Daoan. They talked; Fu Jian was delighted and showered him with gifts. Because Xi Zuochi was lame, Fu Jian wrote the garrisons: "When Jin conquered Wu, the prize was the two Lus; now that south of the Han is taken, I have gained one and a half worthy men." Soon he returned to Xiangyang on grounds of illness. When Xiangyang and Deng returned to Jin, the court meant to recall him to head the national history, but he died before it happened. On his deathbed he submitted a memorial:

臣每謂皇晉宜越魏繼漢，不應以魏後為三恪。而身微官卑，無由上達，懷抱愚情，三十餘年。今沈淪重疾，性命難保，遂嘗懷此，當與之朽爛，區區之情，切所悼惜，謹力疾著論一篇，寫上如左。願陛下考尋古義，求經常之表，超然遠覽，不以臣微賤廢其所言。論曰：或問：「魏武帝功蓋中夏，文帝受禪於漢，而吾子謂漢終有晉，豈實理乎？且魏之見廢，晉道亦病，晉之臣子寧可以同此言哉！」答曰：「此乃所以尊晉也，但絕節赴曲，非常耳所悲，見殊心異，雖奇莫察，請為子言焉。「昔漢氏失御，九州殘隔，三國乘間，鼎歭數世，干戈日尋，流血百載，雖各有偏平，而其實亂也，宣皇帝勢逼當年，力制魏氏，蠖屈從時，遂羈戎役，晦明掩耀，龍潛下位，俯首重足，鞠躬屏息，道有不容之難，躬蹈履霜之險，可謂危矣！魏武既亡，大難獲免，始南擒孟達，東蕩海隅，西抑勁蜀，旋撫諸夏，摧吳人入侵之鋒，掃曹爽見忌之黨，植靈根以跨中嶽，樹群才以翼子弟，命世之志既恢，非常之業亦固。景文繼之，靈武冠世，克伐貳違，以定厥庸，席捲梁益，奄征西極，功格皇天，勳侔古烈，豐規顯祚，故以灼如也。至於武皇，遂並強吳，混一宇宙，乂清四海，同軌二漢。除三國之大害，靜漢末之交爭，開九域之蒙晦，定千載之盛功者，皆司馬氏也。而推魏繼漢，以晉承魏，比義唐虞，自托純臣，豈不惜哉！」「今若以魏有代王之德，則其道不足；有靜亂之功，則孫劉鼎立。道不足則不可謂制當年，當年不制于魏，則魏未曾為天下之主；王道不足于曹，則曹未始為一日之王矣。昔共工伯有九州，秦政奄平區夏，鞭撻華戎，專總六合，猶不見序於帝王，淪沒于戰國，何況暫制數州之人，威行境內而已，便可推為一代者乎！」「若以晉嘗事魏，懼傷皇德，拘惜禪名，謂不可割，則惑之甚者也。何者？隗囂據隴，公孫帝蜀，蜀隴之人雖服其役，取之大義，于彼何有！且吳楚僭號，周室未亡，子文、延陵不見貶絕。宜皇帝官魏，逼於性命，舉非擇木，何虧德美，禪代之義，不同堯舜，校實定名，必彰於後，人各有心，事胡可掩！定空虛之魏以屈於己，孰若杖義而以貶魏哉！夫命世之人正情遇物，假之際會，必兼義勇。宣皇祖考立功於漢，世篤爾勞，思報亦深。魏武超越，志在傾主，德不素積，義險冰薄，宣帝與之，情將何重！雖形屈當年，意申百世，降心全己，憤慨於下，非道服北面，有純臣之節，畢命曹氏，忘濟世之功者也。」「夫成業者系於所為，不系所藉；立功者言其所濟，不言所起。是故漢高稟命于懷王，劉氏乘斃于亡秦，超二偽以遠嗣，不論近而計功，考五德於帝典，不疑道於力政，季無承楚之號，漢有繼周之業，取之既美，而己德亦重故也。凡天下事有可借喻于古以曉於今，定之往昔而足為來證者。當陽秋之時，吳楚二國皆僭號之王也，若使楚莊推鄢郢以尊有德，闔閭舉三江以奉命世，命世之君、有德之主或藉之以應天，或撫之而光宅，彼必自系于周室，不推吳楚以為代明矣。況積勳累功，靜亂寧眾，數之所錄，眾之所與，不資于燕噲之授，不賴於因藉之力，長轡廟堂，吳蜀兩斃，運奇二紀而平定天下，服魏武之所不能臣，蕩累葉之所不能除者哉！」「自漢末鼎沸五六十年，吳魏犯順而強，蜀人杖正而弱，三家不能相一，萬姓曠而無主。夫有定天下之大功，為天下之所推，孰如見推於暗人，受尊於微弱？配天而為帝，方駕於三代，豈比俯首于曹氏，側足於不正？即情而恆實，取之而無慚，何與詭事而托偽，開亂於將來者乎？是故故舊之恩可封魏後，三恪之數不宜見列。以晉承漢，功實顯然，正名當事，情體亦厭，又何為虛尊不正之魏而虧我道於大通哉！」「昔周人詠祖宗之德，追述翦商之功；仲尼明大孝之道，高稱配天之義。然後稷勤於所職，聿來未以翦商，異于司馬氏仕乎曹族，三祖之寓於魏世矣。且夫魏自君之道不正，則三祖臣魏之義未盡。義未盡，故假塗以運高略；道不正，故君臣之節有殊。然則弘道不以輔魏而無逆取之嫌，高拱不勞汗馬而有靜亂之功者，蓋勳足以王四海，義可以登天位，雖我德慚于有周，而彼道異于殷商故也。」「今子不疑共工之不得列於帝王，不嫌漢之系周而不系秦，何至於一魏猶疑滯而不化哉！夫欲尊其君而不知推之於堯舜之道，欲重其國而反厝之於不勝之地，豈君子之高義！若猶未悟，請於是止矣。」」

I have always held that legitimate Jin should bypass Wei to continue Han, and that Wei should not be honored among the three reverent former dynasties. Low in rank, I could not get a hearing; this conviction has burned in me for thirty years. Now I sink under mortal illness and may die with this unspoken—grief to me. Though sick I have drafted the essay below. I beg Your Majesty to search the classical precedents for the enduring standard, to see far beyond my low station, and not dismiss my words. The discussion says: Someone asked, "Cao Cao's achievement covered the Middle Kingdom, and Emperor Wen received abdication from Han—yet you, sir, say Han ultimately had Jin. Can this be real reason? Moreover Wei was abolished and Jin's Way is also afflicted—can Jin's ministers and sons speak thus!" He answered, "This is precisely what honors Jin. Only severing integrity to follow crookedness is not what common ears grieve; seeing different hearts differ, though strange none discerns—please let me speak to you, sir. 'Formerly the Han house lost control; the nine provinces were fragmented; the Three Kingdoms seized the interval; the tripod stood for generations; weapons were daily sought and blood flowed for a hundred years—although each had partial peace, in reality it was disorder. Emperor Xuan's power pressed the age, he controlled the Wei house by force, bent like a caterpillar to follow the times, and was bound in military service; dark and bright covered his glory; the dragon hid in low position; he bowed his head and walked on tiptoe, bent his body and held his breath—his Way had unbearable difficulty and he personally trod the danger of treading frost—this can be called perilous! After Cao Cao died, great difficulty was escaped; he first captured Meng Da in the south, swept the sea corner in the east, suppressed strong Shu in the west, then turned to soothe all Xia, crushed the Wu invaders' edge, swept Cao Shuang's envied faction, planted a spirit root to stride the central peak, and planted a crowd of talents to wing his sons and younger brothers—age-meeting ambition was restored and extraordinary enterprise was solidified. Emperor Jing succeeded him; spirit and martial crowned the age; he overcame and punished double defiance to settle his merit, swept Liang and Yi, suddenly campaigned to the western extreme; merit reached August Heaven and achievement matched ancient fierce ones; abundant plan and manifest fortune—therefore clearly so. As for Emperor Wu of Jin, he then merged strong Wu, unified the cosmos, governed and cleared the four seas, and matched the two Han in unity. Removing the Three Kingdoms' great harm, stilling Han end's mutual contention, opening the nine regions' obscured darkness, and settling a thousand years' flourishing achievement—all were the Sima house. Yet to push Wei to succeed Han and use Jin to inherit Wei, comparing righteousness to Tang and Yu and self-trusting as pure ministers—is this not regrettable!' 'Now if Wei is said to have the virtue of a substitute king, then its Way is insufficient; if it is said to have the achievement of stilling disorder, then Sun and Liu stood tripod. if the Way is insufficient it cannot be called controlling the age; if the age was not controlled by Wei, then Wei never was lord of the realm; if the kingly Way was insufficient in Cao, then Cao never began one day as king. Formerly Gong Gong lord had the nine provinces; Qin government suddenly pacified regional Xia, whipped Huaxia and Rong, and monopolized the six harmonies—still he was not ordered among emperors and kings and sank in the Warring States—how much more one who temporarily controlled several provinces' people and whose awe walked only within borders can be pushed as one generation!' 'If because Jin once served Wei, fearing to harm imperial virtue, restraining and cherishing the abdication name, and saying it cannot be cut off—then this is greatly confused. Why? Wei Xiao held Long and Gongsun declared himself emperor in Shu—though the people of Shu and Long served their corvee, taken in great righteousness, what is there to them! Moreover Wu and Chu usurped titles while the Zhou house had not yet perished—Ziwen and Yanling were not seen demoted and cut off. Emperor Xuan held office in Wei, pressed by life and fate, raised not choosing wood—what lacks virtue and beauty? Abdication succession's righteousness differs from Yao and Shun; compare reality and fix name, and it must be manifest in later ages—people each have heart, affairs how can be covered! Fixing empty Wei to bend to oneself—who is like upholding righteousness and thereby demoting Wei! Age-meeting persons rectify feeling when encountering things; borrowing the juncture, they must combine righteousness and courage. Emperor Xuan's ancestors and fathers established merit in Han; generations devoted such labor; thought of repayment was also deep. Cao Cao transcended; his intent aimed to overturn the lord; virtue was not beforehand accumulated; righteousness was perilous and ice thin—what feeling could Emperor Xuan have toward him! Although his form bent in that year, his intent extended a hundred generations; he lowered his heart and completed himself, indignant and aggrieved below—not by Way served facing north, having pure minister's integrity, exhausting life for the Cao house, forgetting saving-age achievement.' 'For accomplishing enterprise depends on what is done, not on what is borrowed; establishing achievement speaks what it crosses, not where it rose. Therefore Han Gaozu received mandate from King Huai; the Liu house rode collapse at perished Qin; surpassed two false to distant succession; not discussing near but counting achievement; examined five virtues in the emperor's canon; did not doubt the Way in forceful government; Ji had no inheriting Chu's title; Han had succeeding Zhou's enterprise—taking it was already beautiful, and self virtue was also heavy therefore. Generally realm affairs can borrow analogy from antiquity to clarify the present; fix them in former ages and they suffice as coming testimony. When in Spring and Autumn time, Wu and Chu were both usurping-title kings—if Chu Zhuang had pushed Yan and Ying to honor the virtuous, and Helu had raised the three rivers to receive the mandate of the age, age-meeting lords and virtuous sovereigns would either have borrowed them to respond to Heaven or soothed them and brightened dwelling—they must self-tie to the Zhou house, not push Wu and Chu as substitute—clear already. How much more accumulated merit and piled achievement, stilled disorder and settled the multitude—numbers' recorded, multitude's given—not relying on Yan Kuai's grant, not depending on borrowed strength's power; long reins in the temple hall, Wu and Shu both perished; wielded wonder for two reigns and pacified the realm—subdued what Cao Cao could not make subject and swept what many generations could not remove!' 'From Han end tripod boiling for five or six decades, Wu and Wei violated obedience and were strong, Shu people upheld orthodoxy and were weak—three houses could not mutually unify, myriad people desolate and without lord. For having settled the realm's great achievement and being what the realm pushes—who is like being pushed by dark persons and receiving honor from the weak and slight? Matching Heaven and being emperor, side-driving with the Three Ages—how compare bowing head to the Cao house and side feet to the not-orthodox? Approaching feeling yet always real, taking it without shame—why join crafty affairs and trust falsehood, opening disorder in coming ages? Therefore old friendship's grace can enfeoff Wei's descendants; the number of three reverences ought not be seen listed. Using Jin to inherit Han, achievement and reality are clearly manifest, rectifying name fits affairs, feeling and substance are also satisfied—why again make empty honor to not-orthodox Wei and harm our Way in great penetration!' 'Formerly Zhou people sang ancestors' virtue and traced and narrated cutting-Shang's achievement; Confucius clarified great filial piety's Way and highly praised matching Heaven's righteousness. Yet Hou Ji was diligent in his post and Weilai had not yet cut Shang—this differs from the Sima house serving in the Cao clan; the three ancestors lodged in the Wei age already. Moreover since Wei's lordly Way was not orthodox, the three ancestors' righteousness in ministering Wei was not complete. Righteousness was not complete, therefore they borrowed a path to wield high strategy; the Way was not orthodox, therefore lord and minister's integrity had difference. Then expanding the Way not by aiding Wei yet without rebellious-taking suspicion; high arching not laboring sweat-horse yet having still-disorder achievement—probably merit sufficient to king the four seas, righteousness can ascend the heaven throne—although our virtue is ashamed before having Zhou, yet their Way differed from Yin and Shang therefore.' 'Now you, sir, do not doubt Gong Gong's not obtaining listing among emperors and kings, do not dislike Han's tying to Zhou and not tying to Qin—how reach to one Wei still doubting stagnant and not transforming! For wishing to honor one's lord yet not knowing to push him to Yao and Shun's Way, wishing to weight one's state yet conversely placing it in not-victorious ground—is this gentleman's high righteousness! If you are still not awakened, please stop here.'"

子辟強，才學有父風，位至驃騎從事中郎。

His son Xi Pijiang inherited his gifts and rose to retainer gentleman to the cavalry-in-attendant.

徐廣

Xu Guang

徐廣，字野民，東莞姑幕人，侍中邈之弟也。世好學，至廣尤為精純，百家數術無不研覽。謝玄為兗州，辟從事。譙王恬為鎮北，補參軍。孝武世，除秘書郎，典校秘書省。增置省職，轉員外散騎侍郎，仍領校書。尚書令王珣深相欽重，舉為祠部郎，會稽世子元顯時錄尚書，欲使百僚致敬，內外順之，使廣為議，廣常以為愧焉。元顯引為中軍參軍，遷領軍長史。桓玄輔政，以為大將軍文學祭酒，義熙初，奉詔撰車服儀注，除鎮軍諮議，領記室，封樂成侯，轉員外散騎常侍，領著作。尚書奏：「左史述言，右官書事，《乘》《志》顯于晉鄭，《春秋》著乎魯史。自聖代有造《中興記》者，道風帝典，煥乎史策。而太和以降，世曆三朝，玄風聖跡，倏為疇古。臣等參詳，宜敕著作郎徐廣撰成國史。」於是敕廣撰集焉。遷驍騎將軍，領徐州大中正，轉正員常侍、大司家、仍領著作如故。十二年，勒成《晉紀》，凡四十六卷，表上之。因乞解史任，不許。遷秘書監。

Xu Guang, courtesy name Yemin, came from Gumu in Dongguan and was the younger brother of Palace Attendant Xu Miao. His family were scholars; Guang was the most thorough, mastering every school and technical art. Xie Xuan, as Inspector of Yan province, took him as a retainer. Prince Tian of Qiao, the Defender of the North, appointed him army adviser. Under Emperor Xiaowu he became a gentleman of the palace library and collated texts there. When the office expanded he became supernumerary cavalier attendant and kept charge of collation. Director Wang Xun of the Masters of Writing prized him and named him to the sacrifices section. When Yuanxian, heir of Kuaiji, headed the Masters of Writing and ordered the bureaucracy to bow to him, the court complied and told Xu Guang to draft the protocol—Xu Guang was ashamed. Yuanxian took him as army adviser to the central army; he became chief clerk to the garrison general. Under Huan Xuan's regency he was literary libation to the grand general. Early in Yixi he was ordered to compile regulations for carriages and dress, became adviser to the garrison general with secretary duties, was enfeoffed marquis of Lecheng, then supernumerary regular cavalier attendant in charge of drafting. The Masters of Writing memorialized: "The left recorder sets down speeches, the right records events—the Sheng and Zhi made Jin and Zheng famous, and the Spring and Autumn was fixed in Lu's annals. Since this blessed age began, the Restoration Record has given imperial virtue radiant form in the histories. Yet from the Taihe era onward three reigns have passed; those lofty deeds are already distant memory. We therefore ask that drafter Xu Guang be charged to finish the national history." An edict ordered Xu Guang to compile it. He was promoted general of fierce cavalry and grand state appraiser for Xu province, then full regular attendant and grand minister of agriculture while keeping his drafting post. In the twelfth year he finished the Jin Annals in forty-six scrolls and presented them. He asked to be relieved of the history office; permission was denied. He became supervisor of the palace library.

初，桓玄篡位，帝出宮，廣陪列，悲動左右。及劉裕受禪，恭帝遜位，廣獨哀感，涕泗交流。謝晦見之，謂曰：「徐公將無小過也。」廣收淚而言曰：「君為宋朝佐命，吾乃晉室遺老，憂喜之事固不同時。」乃更歔欷。因辭衰老，乞歸桑梓。性好讀書，老猶不倦。年七十四，卒於家。廣《答禮問》行於世。

When Huan Xuan seized the throne and the emperor left the palace, Xu Guang stood in the cortège and wept so that all around were moved. When Liu Yu took the abdication and Emperor Gong stepped down, Xu Guang alone sobbed aloud. Xie Hui said, "Sir, are you not overdoing it a little?" Xu Guang dried his tears: "You serve the new Song; I am an old man of Jin—our reasons to weep or smile are not the same." He wept again. Citing age, he asked to retire to his home country. He loved books to the end of his life. He died at home at seventy-four. His Answers to Questions on Ritual circulated widely.

【史論】

Historical essay

史臣曰：古之王者咸建史臣，昭法立訓，莫近於此。若夫原始要終，紀情括性，其言微而顯，其義皎而明，然後可以茵藹緹油，作程遐世者也。丘明即沒，班馬迭興，奮鴻筆於西京，騁直詞於東觀。自斯已降，分明競爽，可以繼明先典者，陳壽得之乎！江漢英靈，信有之矣。允源將率之子，篤志典墳；紹統戚籓之胤，研機載籍。咸能綜緝文，垂諸不朽，豈必克傳門業，方擅箕裘者哉！處叔區區，勵精著述，混淆蕪舛，良不足觀。叔甯寡聞，穿窬王氏，雖勒成一家，未足多尚。令升、安國有良史之才，而所著之書惜非正典。悠悠晉室，斯文將墜。鄧粲、謝沈祖述前史，葺宇重軒之下，施床連榻之上，奇詞異義，罕見稱焉。習氏、徐公俱云筆削，彰善癉惡，以為懲勸。夫蹈忠履正，貞士之心；背義圖榮，君子不敢。而彥威跡淪寇壤，逡巡于偽國；野民運遭革命，流漣於舊朝。行不違言，廣得之矣。

The historians write: Every ancient king appointed official historians to clarify law and teach posterity—nothing comes closer to that duty. To trace beginnings and ends, capture motive and character, to speak subtly yet clearly and make meaning shine—then a work may ride the carriage of fame and set a distant model for the world. After Zuo Qiuiming came Ban and Sima, wielding mighty pens in the western capital and plain words in the Eastern Pavilion. Among later writers who could carry forward the great models, Chen Shou succeeded! The Yangzi and Han country truly breeds such genius. Yu Pu, son of a commander, devoted himself to the classics; Sima Biao, a kinsman of the blood princes, plumbed subtle learning in texts. Each wove lasting prose without needing to inherit a family office to master the craft. Wang Yin toiled at history, but his text is tangled and flawed—little to admire. Yu Yu stole from Wang Yin's materials; though he finished a book, it hardly deserves praise. Gan Bao and Sun Sheng had historian's gifts, yet their chief works stray from standard history. Long did the house of Jin drift; its literary culture nearly fell away. Deng Can and Xie Chen followed earlier models, writing under their eaves and couches—odd diction that won little praise. Xi Zuochi and Xu Guang wielded the historian's brush to praise good and blast evil for warning and example. Loyalty and rectitude are the steadfast man's way; to sell principle for favor the gentleman shuns. Yet Yanwei lingered in a usurper's court; Yemin clung to the fallen dynasty when heaven changed rulers. Xu Guang's deeds matched his words—there he succeeded.

贊曰：陳壽含章，岩岩孤峙。彪溥勵節，摛辭綜理。王恧雅才，虞慚惇史。幹孫撫翰，前良可擬。鄧謝懷鉛，異聞無紀。習亦研思，徐非絢美，咸被簡冊，共傳遙祀。

The judgment runs: Chen Shou holds his pattern aloft like a lone peak. Sima Biao and Yu Pu strove for integrity and ordered their prose. Wang Yin wasted fine gifts; Yu Yu falls short of a true historian. Gan Bao and Sun Sheng take up the brush in the track of the ancients. Deng and Xie carried their styluses but left marvels unrecorded. Xi Zuochi thought deeply; Xu Guang wrote plainly—yet all entered the chronicles and will be read in ages to come.

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