1
昔周德既衰，諸侯力政，禮經廢缺，雅頌陵夷。 夫子將聖多能，固天攸縱，歎鳳鳥之不至，傷麟出之非時，於是乃刪《詩》《書》，定禮樂，贊《易》道，修《春秋》，載籍逸而復存，風雅變而還正。 其後卜商、衛賜、田、吳、孫、孟之儔，或親稟微言，或傳聞大義，猶能強晉存魯，籓魏卻秦，既抗禮於邦君，亦馳聲於海內。 及嬴氏慘虐，棄德任刑，煬墳籍於埃塵，填儒林於坑阱，嚴是古之法，抵挾書之罪，先王徽烈，靡有孑遺。 漢祖勃興，救焚拯溺，粗修禮律，未遑俎豆。 逮于孝武，崇尚文儒。 爰及東京，斯風不墜。 於是傍求蠹簡，博訪遺書，創甲乙之科，擢賢良之舉，莫不紆青拖紫，服冕乘軒，或徒步而取公卿，或累旬以膺臺鼎。 故縉紳之士，靡然向風，餘芳遺烈，煥乎可紀者也。 洎當塗草創，深務兵權，而主好斯文，朝多君子，鴻儒碩學，無乏于時。
Long ago, as Zhou’s moral authority ebbed, the regional lords ruled by arms, the rites and their texts were neglected, and the high poetic tradition enshrined in the Odes fell away. Confucius, touched with sage-like gifts and versatile learning, was Heaven’s chosen instrument; he mourned the phoenix that never came and the untimely unicorn. He then shaped the Poetry and the Documents, set the rites and music to order, opened the meaning of the Changes, and gave final form to the Spring and Autumn—restoring what had been lost to the written tradition and bringing the literary styles of the Odes back to their proper standard. Later disciples in the line of Zixia, Zigong, and others akin to the masters Tian, Wu, Sun, and Meng—whether they heard the Master’s subtle words firsthand or received his larger meanings at one remove—still performed feats such as shoring up Jin, saving Lu, protecting Wei, and turning back Qin; they faced regional rulers as peers in ritual and won fame across the realm. Under the Qin tyranny, moral government was abandoned for harsh law; books were reduced to dust and scholars buried in execution pits; statutes condemned those who looked to the past, and owning a text became a crime—so that the legacy of the ancient kings was all but erased. When the Han founder seized power amid fire and flood, he patched together rites and laws, but there was as yet little room for the finer observances of the ancestral cult. Under Emperor Wu of Han, letters and classical scholarship came into their own. Through the Later Han, that cultural momentum never quite died. Courts then ransacked archives and hunted down stray texts, devised graded examinations and "worthy and good" recommendations; graduates wrapped themselves in high rank—some leapt from common status to the summit of the bureaucracy in a single bound, others climbed to chief minister within a few short years. Silk-girdled scholars flocked to the trend; what they left behind still shines brightly enough to merit remembrance. When the Wei regime was still taking shape, power rested on the army, yet the sovereign cherished classical culture, the capital teemed with principled men, and first-rate scholars were never absent.
2
武帝受終，憂勞軍國，時既初並庸蜀，方事江湖，訓卒厲兵，務農積穀，猶復修立學校，臨幸辟雍。 而荀顗以制度贊惟新，鄭沖以儒宗登保傅，茂先以博物參朝政，子真以好禮居秩宗，雖愧明揚，亦非遐棄。 既而荊揚底定，區寓乂安，群公草封禪之儀，天子發謙沖之詔，未足比靈斯三代，固亦擅美一時。 惠帝纘戎，朝昏政弛，釁起宮掖，禍成籓翰。 惟懷逮湣，喪亂弘多，衣冠禮樂，掃地俱盡。 元帝運鐘百六，光啟中興，賀、荀、刁、杜諸賢並稽古博文，財成禮度。 雖尊儒勸學，亟降於綸言，東序西膠，未聞於弦誦。 明皇聰睿，雅愛流略，簡文玄嘿，敦悅丘墳，乃招集學徒，弘獎風烈，並時艱祚促，未能詳備。 有晉始自中朝，迄于江左，莫不崇飾華競，祖述虛玄，擯闕里之典經，習正始之餘論，指禮法為流俗，目縱誕以清高，遂使憲章弛廢，名教頹毀，五胡乘間而競逐，二京繼踵以淪胥，運極道消，可為長歎息者矣。 鄭沖等名位既隆，自有列傳，其餘編之于左，以續前史《儒林》云。
Emperor Wu of Jin, inheriting the throne from Wei, bore the burdens of war and administration: Yongzhou and Bashu had only lately been subdued, and the lower Yangzi still demanded attention, so he trained soldiers, encouraged agriculture, and built granaries—even so, he founded schools and went in person to the ritual hall of learning. Xun Yi helped frame the new dynasty’s regulations; Zheng Chong, doyen of classical studies, became a tutor to the heir; Zhang Hua brought his wide learning into policy; the man known as Zi Zhen, esteemed for ritual, headed the cult of ancestors—they may not have been perfect choices, but they were hardly neglected talent. Once the southeast was quiet and the empire rested easy, ministers drew up plans for the grand Feng and Shan offerings while the emperor answered with self-effacing refusals—far short of the sage-kings of antiquity, perhaps, but still a high-water mark for that age. Emperor Hui inherited a throne won by arms, yet day and night government grew lax; intrigue flared in the harem, and catastrophe brewed in the quarrels of the princely fiefs. Through the reigns of Huai and Min, chaos spread without measure—courtly dress, ceremony, and music were utterly destroyed. Emperor Yuan, though Heaven had decreed a time of disaster, launched the Eastern Jin restoration; He, Xun, Diao, Du, and others steeped themselves in the classics and letters, shaping the forms of public ritual. Imperial rhetoric still urged respect for scholars and the pursuit of learning, yet the schools stood largely silent—no steady hum of students at their texts. Mingdi loved books and catalogues; Jianwen, though retiring, cherished the classics; both summoned scholars and rewarded integrity, yet troubled times and brief reigns left their projects unfinished. From Western Jin through the court-in-exile, fashion chased hollow brilliance and aped the abstruse talk of Zhengshi; the Analects and classics of Qufu were spurned while idle metaphysics flourished; ritual was mocked as pedestrian and wanton conduct praised as transcendence—so institutions rotted, ethical teaching failed, barbarian leaders poured through the breach, Luoyang and Chang’an fell in turn, and the age slid past recovery. Figures such as Zheng Chong, prominent enough to warrant separate chapters, appear elsewhere; those gathered here carry on the tradition of the "Ru Scholars" biographies of earlier dynastic histories.
3
范平
Fan Ping
4
范平，字子安，吳郡錢塘人也。 其先銍侯馥，避王莽之亂適吳，因家焉。 平研覽墳素，遍該百氏，姚信、賀邵之徒皆從受業。 吳時舉茂才，累遷臨海太守，政有異能。 孫皓初，謝病還家，敦悅儒學。 吳平，太康中，頻征不起，年六十九卒。 有詔追加諡號曰文貞先生，賀循勒碑紀其德行。
Fan Ping, courtesy Zi’an, came from Qiantang in Wu commandery. His forebear was the Marquis of Zhi, Fu, who crossed south to Wu to escape Wang Mang’s upheaval and settled there. Fan Ping pored over classical texts until he commanded the major schools of thought; scholars like Yao Xin and He Shao studied under him. Under Eastern Wu he rose on a maocai recommendation to governor of Linhai, where his rule was conspicuously effective. When Sun Hao took the throne, Fan claimed ill health, retired, and immersed himself in classical studies. Once Wu surrendered, the court called for him repeatedly during the Taikang era, but he refused every summons; he died at sixty-nine. The throne granted him the posthumous name Wenzhen, and He Xun had a stele carved celebrating his character.
5
三子：奭、咸、泉，並以儒學至大官。 泉子蔚，關內侯。 家世好學，有書七千餘卷。 遠近來讀者恆有百餘人，蔚為辦衣食。 蔚子文才，亦幼知名。
His three sons—Shi, Xian, and Quan—each climbed to senior rank through scholarly reputation. Quan’s son Wei held the title of marquis within the passes. The household had long cherished books and kept a library of over seven thousand fascicles. More than a hundred readers habitually gathered from the region; Wei supplied their board and lodging. Wei’s son Wencai won notice while still a boy.
6
文立
Wen Li
7
文立，字廣休，巴郡臨江人也。 蜀時遊太學，專《毛詩》、《三禮》，師事譙周，門人以立為顏回，陳壽、李虔為游夏，羅憲為子貢。 仕至尚書。 蜀平，舉秀才，除郎中。 泰始初，拜濟陰太守，入為太子中庶子。 上表請以諸葛亮、蔣琬、費禕等子孫流徙中畿，宜見敘用，一以慰巴蜀之心，其次傾吳人之望，事皆施行。 詔曰：「太子中庶子文立忠貞清實，有思理器幹。 前濟在陰，政事修明。 後事東宮，盡輔導之節。 昔光武平隴蜀，皆收其賢才以敘之，蓋所以拔幽滯而濟殊方也。 其以立為散騎常侍。」 蜀故尚書犍為程瓊雅有德業，與立深交。 武帝聞其名，以問立，對曰：「臣至知其人，但年垂八十，稟姓謙退，無復當時之望，不以上聞耳。」 瓊聞之曰：「廣休可謂不黨矣，故吾善夫人也。」 時西域獻馬，帝問立：「馬何如？」 對曰：「乞問太僕。」 帝善之。 遷衛尉。 咸寧末，卒。 所著章奏詩賦數十篇行於世。
Wen Li, courtesy Guangxiu, hailed from Linjiang in Ba commandery. Under Shu he attended the Imperial Academy, focusing on the Mao Poetry and the three Rites, with Qiao Zhou as his teacher; classmates likened him to Yan Hui, paired Chen Shou and Li Qian with Ziyou and Zixia, and compared Luo Xian to Zigong. His official career culminated in the position of imperial secretary. After the conquest of Shu he earned a xiucai nomination and became a palace gentleman. Early in the Taishi era he became governor of Jiyin, then returned to the capital as junior tutor to the crown prince. He petitioned that the exiled descendants of Shu luminaries such as Zhuge Liang, Jiang Wan, and Fei Yi be found posts—partly to console former Shu subjects, partly to win goodwill in Wu—and the throne approved each recommendation. The edict read: "Junior Tutor Wen Li is steadfast, honest, and capable, with a clear mind for affairs. In his earlier tenure at Jiyin he governed with conspicuous competence. At the heir’s residence he carried out the full responsibilities of a tutor. Long ago Emperor Guangwu, after conquering Long and Shu, enrolled their best men to office—precisely to lift the obscure and strengthen the frontiers. Appoint Li cavalier attendant-in-ordinary." The edict continued: Cheng Qiong of Qianwei, Shu’s former imperial secretary, was a man of sterling character and Li’s intimate friend. The emperor, hearing Cheng’s name, questioned Li, who answered, "I know him intimately, but he is almost eighty, modest and withdrawn, and past the age when men expect preferment—so I never brought him to Your Majesty’s attention." Cheng Qiong remarked, "Guangxiu is proof that one can be fair-minded—that is why I have always respected him." When tribute horses arrived from the Western Regions, the sovereign asked Wen Li, "What do you make of these horses?" Li answered, "You should put that question to the grand groom." The emperor praised his discretion. He advanced to commandant of the guards. He died toward the end of the Xianning era. Several dozen of his memorials, poems, and fu survive in circulation.
8
陳邵
Chen Shao
9
陳邵，字節良，東海襄賁人也。 郡察孝廉，不就。 以儒學徵為陳留內史，累遷燕王師。 撰《周禮評》，甚有條貫，行於世。 泰始中，詔曰：「燕王師陳邵清貞潔靜，行著邦族，篤志好古，博通六籍，耽悅典誥，老而不倦，宜在左右以篤儒教。 可為給事中。」 卒於官。
Chen Shao, courtesy Jieliang, came from Xiangben in Donghai commandery. The local administration recommended him as filial and incorrupt, yet he declined appointment. Classical scholarship brought him a summons to interior secretary of Chenliu, after which he climbed to tutor to the Prince of Yan. His Zhou Rites Commentary was tightly organized and widely read. During Taishi an edict declared: Chen Shao, tutor to the Prince of Yan, is chaste, retiring, and noted in his lineage; devoted to antiquity and fluent in the six classics, he still burns with scholarly zeal in age—keep him at court to strengthen Confucian teaching. Let him take office as palace attendant." He died while holding the post.
10
虞喜
Yu Xi
11
虞喜，字仲寧，會稽余姚人，光祿潭之族也。 父察，吳征虜將軍。 喜少立操行，博學好古。 諸葛恢臨郡，屈為功曹。 察孝廉，州舉秀才，司徒辟，皆不就。 元帝初鎮江左，上疏薦喜。 懷帝即位，公車徵拜博士，不就。 喜邑人賀循為司空，先達貴顯，每詣喜，信宿忘歸，自云不能測也。
Yu Xi, courtesy Zhongning, was a native of Yuyao in Kuaiji and belonged to the lineage of Guangluxun Yu Tan. His father Cha had been Wu’s general who campaigns against invaders. Xi formed his character early, combining wide learning with a passion for the past. Zhuge Hui, on becoming governor, conscripted him as merit assessor. Filial-and-incorrupt nomination, provincial xiucai selection, and summons from the minister of education all came his way; he refused them all. As soon as Emperor Yuan secured the southeast, he memorialized to recommend Yu Xi. Emperor Huai’s accession brought a summons to the erudite chair; Xi stayed home. He Xun of his own county, already a powerful minister, would visit and linger for days, confessing that he could not plumb Xi’s mind.
12
太寧中，與臨海任旭俱以博士徵，不就。 復下詔曰：「夫興化致政，莫尚乎崇道教，明退素也。 喪亂以來，儒雅陵夷，每覽《子衿》之詩，未嘗不慨然。 臨海任旭、會稽虞喜並潔靜其操，歲寒不移，研精墳典，居今行古，志操足以勵俗，博學足以明道，前雖不至，其更以博士徵之。」 喜辭疾不赴。 咸和末，詔公卿舉賢良方正直言之士，太常華恆舉喜為賢良。 會國有軍事，不行。 咸康初，內史何充上疏曰：「臣聞二八舉而四門穆，十亂用而天下安，徽猷克闡，有自來矣。 方今聖德欽明，思恢遐烈，旌輿整駕，俟賢而動。 伏見前賢良虞喜天挺貞素，高尚邈世，束脩立德，皓首不倦，加以傍綜廣深，博聞強識，鑽堅研微有弗及之勤，處靜味道無風塵之志，高枕柴門，怡然自足。 宜使蒲輪紆衡，以旌殊操，一則翼贊大化，二則敦勵薄俗。」 疏奏，詔曰：「尋陽翟湯、會稽虞喜並守道清貞，不營世務，耽學高尚，操擬古人。 往雖徵命而不降屈，豈素絲難染而搜引禮簡乎！ 政道須賢，宜納諸廊廟，其並以散騎常侍徵之。」 又不起。
During Taining he and Ren Xu of Linhai were jointly summoned as erudites; both declined. A follow-up edict declared: "To improve morals and administration, nothing tops promoting the Way and honoring quiet integrity. Since the wars, classical culture has withered; each time I read the 'Zi Jin' ode, I am moved to sorrow. Ren Xu and Yu Xi maintain spotless lives and unwavering resolve, mine the classics, live in the present yet embody ancient virtue, and possess both the character to shame the mediocre and the knowledge to clarify principle; summon them once more as erudites even though they stayed away the first time. Xi pleaded illness and again refused. Late in Xianhe the court called for candid men of talent; Hua Heng, minister of sacrifices, put forward Yu Xi as worthy and good. Wartime needs prevented the appointment. Early in Xiankang Interior Secretary He Chong wrote: "I am told that when Shun chose eight men the four approaches grew still, and when the Zhou kings used the 'ten disordered' ministers the world found peace—such enlightened measures reach deep into antiquity. Today Your Majesty’s virtue is luminous and your mind set on reviving great deeds; the court stands ready, chariots hitched, until worthy men appear. The former nominee Yu Xi is by nature honest and retiring, aloof from vulgar ambition; he has pursued learning from youth to white hair, commands vast erudition, probes the subtlest questions, prefers reclusion to career, and finds peace behind a humble gate. Dispatch the honor carriage of state to mark his uniqueness—both to aid your grand civilizing project and to shame a shallow generation into better conduct. The throne replied: Di Tang of Xunyang and Yu Xi of Kuaiji both cleave to a spotless path, shun worldly entanglements, love learning, and model themselves on antiquity. Though earlier calls failed to move them, is it because integrity cannot be bought, or because our invitations lacked proper respect? The realm requires such men; install them at court—summon both as cavaliers attendant-in-ordinary." Again they stayed away.
13
永和初，有司奏稱十月殷祭，京兆府君當遷祧室，征西、豫章、潁川三府君初毀主，內外博議不能決。 時喜在會稽，朝廷遣就喜諮訪焉。 其見重如此。
In early Yonghe officials noted that for the autumn Yin offering the tablet of the metropolitan ancestor should shift to the remote shrine while new "destruction" rules applied to three lineage tablets; court and countryside debated without resolution. Yu Xi was then in Kuaiji, and the government dispatched officers to seek his judgment. Such was the weight the court placed on his opinion.
14
喜專心經傳，兼覽讖緯，乃著《安天論》以難渾、蓋，又釋《毛詩略》，注《孝經》，為《志林》三十篇。 凡所注述數十萬言，行於世。 年七十六卒，無子。 弟豫，自有傳。
He concentrated on the classics and apocrypha, wrote the Treatise Securing Heaven to debate cosmological models, produced a short exegesis of the Mao Poetry, a commentary on the Filial Piety, and thirty chapters of the Records of Intent. His scholarly works totaled several hundred thousand graphs and circulated widely. He died at seventy-six, leaving no male heir. His brother Yu is treated in another chapter.
15
劉兆
Liu Zhao
16
劉兆，字延世，濟南東平人，漢廣川惠王之後也。 兆博學洽聞，溫篤善誘，從受業者數千人。 武帝時五辟公府，三征博士，皆不就。 安貧樂道，潛心著述，不出門庭數十年。 以《春秋》一經而三家殊塗，諸儒是非之議紛然，互為仇敵，乃思三家之異，合而通之。 《周禮》有調人之官，作《春秋調人》七萬餘言，皆論其首尾，使大義無乖，時有不合者，舉其長短以通之。 又為《春秋左氏》解，名曰《全綜》，《公羊》、《谷梁》，解詁皆納經傳中，硃書以別之。 又撰《周易訓注》，以正動二體互通其文。 凡所贊述百餘萬言。
Liu Zhao, courtesy Yanshi, hailed from Dongping in Jinan commandery and traced descent from Han’s Prince Hui of Guangchuan. Liu Zhao combined encyclopedic knowledge with a gentle, inspiring manner; thousands sat at his feet. Emperor Wu summoned him five times to high ministerial posts and thrice to an erudite chair; he declined every time. He embraced poverty for the sake of learning, wrote without cease, and rarely left home for decades. The Spring and Autumn existed in three rival traditions whose partisans attacked one another; Liu Zhao studied their disagreements and sought a synthesis. Since the Zhou Rites names a "harmonizer" for public disputes, he wrote the Spring and Autumn Harmonizer—over seventy thousand characters tracing each passage so the overarching message cohered, smoothing residual conflicts by weighing rival readings. He also produced a commentary on the Zuo Commentary to the Spring and Autumn under the title Comprehensive Synthesis, weaving Gongyang and Guliang glosses into the text of the classic and its commentaries and marking them in red for clarity. He also wrote a training commentary on the Book of Changes that correlated the static and dynamic aspects of the hexagrams to explain their lines. His scholarly writings altogether ran to more than a million graphs.
17
嘗有人著靴騎驢至兆門外，曰：「吾欲見劉延世。」 兆儒德道素，青州無稱其字者，門人大怒。 兆曰：「聽前。」 既進，踞床問兆曰：「聞君大學，比何所作？」 兆答如上事，末云：「多有所疑。」 客問之。 兆說疑畢，客曰：「此易解耳。」 因為辯釋疑者是非耳。 兆別更立意，客一難，兆不能對。 客去，已出門，兆欲留之，使人重呼還。 客曰：「親親在此營葬，宜赴之，後當更來也。」 既去，兆令人視葬家，不見此客，竟不知姓名。 兆年六十六卒。 有五子：卓、炤、耀、育、臍。
Someone once rode up to Liu Zhao’s door in boots on a donkey, announcing that he wanted an audience with Liu Yanshi. Liu Zhao’s scholarly character was modest and retiring—so much so that people in Qingzhou never used his polite name—and his students took deep offense at the visitor’s bluntness. Liu Zhao said, "Show him in." The man came in, lounged on a seat, and demanded, "They say you are a great scholar—what is it you actually do?" Liu Zhao outlined his projects and added that many points still puzzled him. The stranger pressed him on those doubts. After Liu Zhao had laid out every question, the visitor replied, "That is all quite simple." He then walked through each crux and showed which readings held up and which did not. Liu Zhao tried a fresh approach; the visitor countered once, and Zhao had no reply. As the man was leaving, Liu Zhao thought better of letting him go and sent servants to hurry him back. The stranger answered, "I must bury a relative nearby; I will return another day." Liu Zhao sent men to the supposed funeral site, but no such guest appeared; his identity remained a mystery. Liu Zhao died at sixty-six. He left five sons: Zhuo, Zhao, Yao, Yu, and Qi.
18
氾毓
Fan Yu
19
氾毓，字稚春，濟北盧人也。 奕世儒素，敦睦九族，客居青州，逮毓七世，時人號其家「兒無常父，衣無常主，」毓少履高操，安貧有志業。 父終，居於墓所三十餘載，至晦朔，躬掃墳壟，循行封樹，還家則不出門庭。 或薦之武帝，召補南陽王文學、秘書郎、太傅參軍，並不就。 于時青土隱逸之士劉兆、徐苗等皆務教授，惟毓不蓄門人，清靜自守。 時有好古慕德者諮詢，亦傾懷開誘，以一隅示之。 合《三傳》為之解注，撰《春秋釋疑》、《肉刑論》，凡是述造七萬餘言。 年七十一卒。
Fan Yu, courtesy Zhichun, came from Lu in northern Ji commandery. The clan had long been devoted to classical learning and mutual care among kinsmen; resident in Qingzhou for seven generations, outsiders said of them that no child lacked a father figure and no robe lacked an owner—such was their communal charity. Fan Yu, still young, embraced high standards, accepted want, and cherished clear goals. After his father’s death he lived beside the grave for over thirty years, sweeping the burial mounds himself at every month’s beginning and midpoint, and on returning home he never left the inner gate. The throne called him to serve as tutor in letters to the Prince of Nanyang, palace secretary, and adviser to the grand tutor; he refused every appointment. Other Qingzhou hermits like Liu Zhao and Xu Miao ran schools, whereas Fan Yu took no formal students and lived in studious seclusion. Yet when sincere seekers knocked, he shared his mind freely and pointed them toward the right path. He merged the three Spring and Autumn commentaries into one annotated edition, wrote Spring and Autumn Doubts Dispelled and a treatise On Corporal Punishment, and produced over seventy thousand characters of scholarship. He died at seventy-one.
20
徐苗
Xu Miao
21
徐苗，字叔胄，高密淳於人也。 累世相承，皆以博士為郡守。 曾祖華，有至行。 嘗宿亭舍，夜有神人告之「亭欲崩」，遽出，得免。 祖邵，為魏尚書郎，以廉直見稱。 苗少家貧，晝執鋤耒，夜則吟誦。 弱冠，與弟賈就博士濟南宋鈞受業，遂為儒宗。 作《五經同異評》，又依道家著《玄微論》，前後所造數萬言，皆有義味。 性抗烈，輕財貴義，兼有知人之鑒。 弟患口癰，膿潰，苗為吮之。 其兄弟皆早亡，撫養孤遺，慈愛聞於州里，田宅奴婢盡推與之。 鄉鄰有死者，便輟耕助營棺槨，門生亡于家，即斂於講堂。 其行己純至，類皆如此。 遠近咸歸其義，師其行焉。 郡察孝廉，州辟從事、治中、別駕、舉異行，公府五辟博士，再徵，並不就。 武惠時計吏至台，帝輒訪其安不。 卒，遺命濯巾浣衣，榆棺雜磚，露車載屍，葦席瓦器而已。
Xu Miao, courtesy Shuzhou, hailed from Chunyu in Gaomi commandery. For generations the family had produced classical scholars who went on to govern commanderies as erudite officials. His great-grandfather Hua was a man of consummate virtue. While staying at a courier inn he was warned in a dream that the roof would fall; he fled and survived. His grandfather Shao had been a Wei court secretary renowned for honesty and bluntness. As a boy he was destitute, farming by daylight and chanting classics after dark. At twenty he and his brother Jia studied under the erudite Song Jun in southern Ji and emerged as a leading Confucian voice. He authored a comparative study of the five classics and, in a Daoist vein, the Subtle Treatise on the Dark—tens of thousands of thoughtful characters in all. He was fiery and principled, scorned riches, prized duty, and could read character shrewdly. When his brother’s mouth ulcer suppurated, Xu Miao drew out the poison with his mouth. His brothers died early; he reared their children and gave them every scrap of property, winning countywide renown for compassion. He halted farming to help neighbors bury their dead, and embalmed a student who died on his premises in the school hall. Such unstinting integrity marked everything he did. People from every quarter honored his example and copied his ways. Filial-and-incorrupt nomination, provincial staff posts, special recommendation for outstanding virtue, five erudite summonses from the ministries, and two imperial calls—all went unanswered. Whenever tribute clerks from the provinces arrived at court under Emperors Wu and Hui, the sovereign inquired after Xu Miao’s health. His testament called for simple washed clothes, a humble elm coffin, an uncovered hearse, and only rush mats and pottery for grave goods.
22
崔遊
Cui You
23
崔遊，字子相，上黨人也。 少好學，儒術甄明，恬靖謙退，自少及長，口未嘗語及財利。 魏末，察孝廉，除相府舍人，出為氐池長，甚有惠政。 以病免，遂為廢疾。 泰始初，武帝祿敘文帝故府僚屬，就家拜郎中。 年七十餘，猶敦學不倦，撰《喪服圖》，行於世。 及劉元海僭位，命為御史大夫，固辭不就。 卒于家，時年九十三。
Cui You, courtesy Zixiang, came from Shangdang. He studied eagerly, mastered classical doctrine, lived in quiet humility, and never mentioned money. Late in Wei he earned a filial-and-incorrupt nomination, served as a chancellery clerk, then governed Dichi county with a reputation for kindness. Illness forced him out of office, after which he was treated as permanently disabled. Early in Taishi, Emperor Wu granted stipends to Sima Zhao’s old staff and, calling at Cui You’s house, named him a palace gentleman. Beyond seventy he kept studying without flagging and published Diagrams of Mourning Dress, which was widely read. Liu Yuan, having proclaimed himself ruler, named him censor-in-chief; Cui You steadfastly refused. He died at home at ninety-three.
24
范隆
Fan Long
25
范隆，字玄嵩，雁門人。 父方，魏雁門太守。 隆在孕十五月，生而父亡。 年四歲，又喪母，哀號之聲，感慟行路。 單孤無緦功之親，疏族范廣湣而養之，迎歸教書，為立祠堂。 隆好學修謹，奉廣如父。 博通經籍，無所不覽，著《春秋三傳》，撰《三禮吉凶宗紀》，甚有條義。 惠帝時，天下將亂，隆隱跡不應州郡之命，晝勤耕稼，夜誦書典。 頗習秘曆陰陽之學，知并州將有氛祲之祥，故彌不復出仕。 與上党朱紀友善，嘗共紀遊山，見一父老於窮澗之濱。 父老曰：「二公何為在此？」 隆等拜之，仰視則不見。 後與紀依于劉元海，元海以隆為大鴻臚，紀為太常，並封公。 隆死于劉聰之世，聰贈太師。
Fan Long, courtesy Xuansong, was a native of Yanmen. His father Fang had governed Yanmen under Wei. He gestated fifteen months and was born only after his father had died. At four he lost his mother as well, and his cries wrung tears from strangers on the road. With no kin even in the outer mourning grades, a cousin Fan Guang took pity, adopted him, taught him letters, and erected a lineage temple. Fan Long studied diligently and treated Fan Guang like a father. He read every canonical text, wrote on the three Spring and Autumn commentaries, and produced ritual digests for the three Rites, each tightly reasoned. When Emperor Hui’s reign neared collapse, he vanished from public life, ignored every appointment, farmed by day, and read by night. His knowledge of astrology and portents told him Bingzhou would soon see war, so he doubled his resolve to stay out of government. He and his Shangdang friend Zhu Ji were hiking when they met an elder by a secluded brook. The stranger asked, "What are you two gentlemen doing here?" They bowed, but when they raised their eyes the figure had vanished. Later both served Liu Yuan, who made Fan Long grand herald and Zhu Ji minister of sacrifices, each with a ducal fief. Fan Long died during Liu Cong’s rule, and Liu Cong awarded him the posthumous title of grand preceptor.
26
杜夷
Du Yi
27
杜夷，字行齊，廬江灊人也。 世以儒學稱，為郡著姓。 夷少而恬泊，操尚貞素，居甚貧窘，不營產業，博覽經籍百家之書，算曆圖緯靡不畢究。 寓居汝潁之間，十載足不出門。 年四十餘，始還鄉里，閉門教授，生徒千人。 惠帝時三察孝廉，州命別駕，永嘉初，公車徵拜博士，太傅、東海王越辟，並不就。 懷帝詔王公舉賢良方正，刺史王敦以賀循為賢良，夷為方正，乃上疏曰：「臣聞有唐疇咨，元凱時登； 漢武欽賢，俊彥回應，故能允協時雍，敷崇盛化。 伏見太孫舍人會稽賀循、處士盧江杜夷履道彌高，清操絕俗，思學融通，才經王務。 循宰二縣，皆有名績，備僚東宮，忠恪允著。 夷清虛沖淡，與俗異軌，考槃空谷，肥遁匿跡。 蓋經國之良寶，聘命之所急。 若得待詔公車，承對冊問，必有忠讜良謨，弘益政道矣。」 敦於是逼夷赴洛。 夷遁于壽陽。 鎮東將軍周馥，傾心禮接，引為參軍，夷辭之以疾。 馥知不可屈，乃自詣夷，為起宅宇，供其醫藥。 馥敗，夷歸舊居，道遇兵寇。 刺史劉陶告盧江郡曰：「昔魏文侯軾幹木之閭，齊相曹參尊崇蓋公，皆所以優賢表德，敦勵末俗。 徵士杜君德懋行潔，高尚其志，頃流離道路，聞其頓躓，刺史忝任，不能崇飾有道，而使高操之士有此艱屯。 今遣吏宣慰，郡可遣一吏，縣五吏，恆營恤之，常以市租供給家人糧廩，勿令闕乏。」 尋以胡寇，又移渡江，王導遣吏周贍之。 元帝為丞相，教曰：「今大義頹替，禮典無宗，朝廷滯義莫能攸正，宜特立儒林祭酒官，以弘其事。 處士杜夷棲情遺遠，確然絕俗，才學精博，道行優備，其以夷為祭酒。」 夷辭疾，未嘗朝會。 帝常欲詣夷，夷陳萬乘之主不宜往庶人之家。 帝乃與夷書曰：「吾與足下雖情在忘言，然虛心歷載。 正以足下羸疾，故欲相省，甯論常儀也！」 又除國子祭酒。 建武中，令曰：「國子祭酒杜夷安貧樂道，靜志衡門，日不暇給，雖原憲無以加也。 其賜穀二百斛。」 皇太子三至夷第，執經問義。 夷雖逼時命，亦未嘗朝謁，國有大政，恆就夷諮訪焉。 明帝即位，夷自表請退。 詔曰：「先王之道將墜於地，君下帷研思，今之劉、楊。 搢紳之徒景仰軌訓，豈得高退，而朕靡所取則焉！」 太甯元年卒，年六十六。 贈大鴻臚，諡曰貞子。 夷臨終，遺命子晏曰：「吾少不出身，頃雖見羈錄，冠舄之飾，未嘗加體，其角巾素衣，斂以時服，殯葬之事，務從簡儉，亦不須苟取矯異也。」 夷所著《幽求子》二十篇行於世。
Du Yi, courtesy Xingqi, came from Qian in Lujiang commandery. The Du were known for classical scholarship and ranked among the commandery’s great clans. Du Yi was calm and austere from boyhood, spurned wealth, and devoured every branch of learning—classics, philosophers, mathematics, calendars, and apocrypha. He lived between the Ru and Ying valleys and stayed indoors for a full decade. After forty he went home, taught behind closed doors, and drew a thousand students. Emperor Hui thrice nominated him filial and incorrupt, the province named him chief clerk, Yongjia brought an erudite summons, and Sima Yue called him to staff—he turned them all down. Emperor Huai asked nobles to recommend candid talent; Wang Dun put forward He Xun as worthy and Du Yi as incorrupt, then memorialized: "When sage-kings like Yao sought men in the countryside, the eight paragons rose to serve. Han Wudi’s respect for talent drew brilliant men to court, letting him align the times and extend a golden age of culture. I see that He Xun, attendant to the imperial grandson, and Du Yi of Lujiang, though living as a commoner, pursue the highest virtue, shun worldliness, marry thought to erudition, and have the skill to govern. He Xun’s two county magistracies won praise, and his service in the heir’s residence showed conspicuous loyalty. Du Yi lives in lucid detachment far from fashion, like the recluse of the Classic of Poetry, effacing himself in the hills. Such men are jewels for the realm and should be summoned without delay. Let them present themselves at the capital examination hall; they will supply straight advice and sound strategy to improve policy. Wang Dun then bullied Du Yi toward Luoyang. Du Yi escaped to Shouyang. Zhou Fu, general who stabilizes the east, treated him with reverence and offered a staff post; Du Yi pleaded sickness. Seeing he could not compel him, Zhou Fu visited him directly, erected a dwelling, and paid his medical bills. After Zhou Fu’s fall Du Yi headed home and ran into raiders. Inspector Liu Tao wrote Lujiang: "Wei Wenhou once slowed his chariot before Duan Ganmu’s lane, and Han Chancellor Cao Shen revered Master Gai—both gestures meant to exalt the virtuous and shame a coarse age. The recluse Du Yi bears weighty character and spotless honor, yet wanders destitute; I blush that I have not upheld the rites for recluses and have let a man of his stature fall into want. I am sending officers to comfort him: the commandery will detail one clerk and each county five, to sustain his family on market-tax grain without interruption. Barbarian raids soon drove him south of the river, where Wang Dao detailed Zhou Shan to help. As chief minister, Emperor Yuan ordered: "With moral order collapsed and ritual without anchor, someone must settle disputed precedents—establish a Forest-of-Ru libationer to lead the effort. The gentleman Du Yi, aloof from the world, learned and upright in equal measure, shall be named libationer." Du Yi cited ill health and skipped every court session. The sovereign wished to call on him; Du Yi protested that an emperor should not darken a subject’s door. The ruler answered in a letter: "Though we need not speak to understand each other, I have long honored you in silence. Precisely because you are weak and sick I mean to visit—surely stiff ceremony should not stand in the way!" He was also named libationer of the national university. During Jianwu the court proclaimed: "Du Yi, libationer of the academy, embraces poverty for the sake of learning and keeps to his humble gate with never a free hour—not even Yuan Xian could outdo such devotion. Grant him two hundred hu of grain." The crown prince visited Du Yi’s home three times, classic in hand, to discuss doctrine. Though office nominally bound him, Du Yi never attended court; on weighty affairs the government still sought his counsel. Emperor Ming’s accession brought Du Yi’s personal petition to step down. The throne replied: "The sages’ teaching is failing; you study behind closed doors like a latter-day Liu Xiang or Yang Xiong. Officials everywhere take you as their beacon—how can you withdraw and leave me without a standard?" He died in Taining year one at sixty-six. The court posthumously named him grand herald with the style Zhenzi. Du Yi’s deathbed words to Du Yan: "I shunned office in youth; even when later pressed into service I never truly wore court regalia—bury me in a plain cap and robe with timely, modest rites, neither lavish nor ostentatiously harsh." His twenty-chapter Seeking Stillness in Obscurity circulated widely.
28
晏仕至蒼梧太守。 夷兄弟三人。 兄崧，字行高，亦有志節。 惠帝時，俗多浮偽，著《任子春秋》以刺之。 弟援，高平相。 援子潛，右衛將軍。
Du Yan became governor of Cangwu. Du Yi was one of three brothers. His elder brother Du Song, courtesy Xinggao, showed the same moral fiber. When Emperor Hui’s court ran to vanity, Du Song composed the Spring and Autumn of Appointing Sons as a satire. Younger brother Yuan served as chancellor of Gaoping. Yuan’s son Qian became general of the right guard.
29
董景道
Dong Jingdao
30
董景道，字文博，弘農人也。 少而好學，千里追師，所在惟晝夜讀誦，略不與人交通。 明《春秋三傳》、《京氏易》、《馬氏尚書》、《韓詩》，皆精究大義。 《三禮》之義，專遵鄭氏，著《禮通論》非駁諸儒，演廣鄭旨。 永平中，知天下將亂，隱於商洛山，衣木葉，食樹果，彈琴歌笑以自娛，毒蟲猛獸皆繞其傍，是以劉元海及聰屢征，皆礙而不達。 至劉曜時出山，廬於渭汭。 曜徵為太子少傅、散騎常侍，並固辭，竟以壽終。
Dong Jingdao, courtesy Wenbo, hailed from Hongnong. He studied fanatically, crossing great distances to find masters, and buried himself in texts night and day with little social contact. He mastered the three Spring and Autumn commentaries, Jing Fang’s Changes, the Ma family Documents, and the Han version of the Poetry down to their core arguments. On the three ritual classics he stood with Zheng Xuan, writing Comprehensive Discourse on the Rites to elaborate Zheng rather than attack other schools. During the Yongping era he foresaw collapse, fled to Mount Shangluo, dressed in leaves, lived on wild fruit, and passed time with lute and song; venomous creatures and beasts haunted his hut, so Liu Yuan and Liu Cong’s repeated summons never got through. Under Liu Yao he emerged and dwelt by the Wei’s shore. Liu Yao offered him tutor to the crown prince and cavalier attendant; he refused steadfastly and died in peace.
31
續咸
Xu Xian
32
續咸，字孝宗，上黨人也。 性孝謹敦重，履道貞素。 好學，師事京兆杜預，專《春秋》、《鄭氏易》、教授常數十人，博覽群言，高才善文論。 又修陳杜律，明達刑書。 永嘉中，曆廷尉平、東安太守。 劉琨承制於并州，以為從事中郎。 後遂沒石勒，勒以為理曹參軍。 持法平詳，當時稱其清裕，比之於公。 著《遠遊志》、《異物志》、《汲塚古文釋》皆十卷，行於世。 年九十七，死于石季龍之世，季龍贈儀同三司。
Xu Xian, courtesy Xiaozong, came from Shangdang. He was dutiful, grave, and lived plainly by principle. A student of Du Yu, he taught dozens of disciples, focused on the Spring and Autumn and Zheng’s Changes, read omnivorously, and wrote brilliant essays. He revised the legal codes associated with Chen and Du and knew criminal law inside out. During Yongjia he rose to assistant magistrate of the supreme court and governor of Dong’an. Liu Kun, ruling Bingzhou on emergency authority, named him staff adviser. Captured by Shi Le, he became an adjutant in the legal section of Shi’s regime. His judgments were balanced and meticulous; contemporaries likened his fairness to the legendary upright judge. He wrote Records of Far Roaming, Records of Strange Things, and Exegesis of the Ji Tomb Texts—ten scrolls each—all of which circulated. He died at ninety-seven under Shi Hu, who posthumously granted him the honorific "three offices of equal rank" to the throne.
33
徐邈
Xu Miao
34
徐邈，東莞姑幕人也。 祖澄之為州治中，屬永嘉之亂，遂與鄉人臧琨等率子弟並閭里士庶千餘家，南渡江，家於京口。 父藻，都水使者。 邈姿性端雅，勤行勵學，博涉多聞，以慎密自居。 少與鄉人臧壽齊名，下帷讀書，不遊城邑。 及孝武帝始覽典籍，招延儒學之士，邈既東州儒素，太傅謝安舉以應選。 年四十四，始補中書舍人，在西省侍帝。 雖不口傳章句，然開釋文義，標明指趣，撰正五經音訓，學者宗之。 遷散騎常侍，猶處西省，前後十年，每被顧問，輒有獻替，多所匡益，甚見寵待。 帝宴集酣樂之後，好為手詔詩章以賜侍臣，或文詞率爾，所言穢雜，邈每應時收斂，還省刊削，皆使可觀，經帝重覽，然後出之。 是時侍臣被詔者，或宣揚之，故時議以此多邈。 及謝安薨，論者或有異同，邈固勸中書令王獻之奏加殊禮，仍崇進謝石為尚書令，玄為徐州。 邈轉祠部郎，上南北郊宗廟迭毀禮，皆有證據。
Xu Miao came from Gumu in Dongguan commandery. His grandfather had served as provincial chief clerk; at the Yongjia upheaval he joined Zang Kun and others in shepherding over a thousand households of kin and neighbors south to Jingkou. His father Zao held the post of commissioner of waterways. Xu Miao was dignified, industrious, widely read, and guarded his tongue. As a young man he matched the local reputation of Zang Shou, studied behind closed doors, and avoided urban distractions. Once Emperor Xiaowu began patronizing classics, Grand Tutor Xie An nominated the respected eastern scholar Xu Miao. At forty-four he entered office as secretariat gentleman, serving in the Western Bureau beside the throne. He seldom lectured line by line, yet his explanations of meaning and his corrected pronunciations for the five classics became the standard for scholars. As cavalier attendant he remained in the Western Office a decade, and each imperial consultation brought sound emendations that earned deep trust. When feasts left the sovereign tipsy, his handwritten poems and orders could be crude; Xu Miao collected them, polished the language at his desk, and held them until the emperor approved a clean text. Recipients sometimes leaked those drafts, which made court opinion esteem Xu Miao all the more. After Xie An’s death opinion split; Xu Miao pressed Wang Xianzhi to grant extraordinary honors and helped advance Xie Shi and Xie Xuan to key posts. As director of sacrifices he memorialized on the cycling removal of spirit tablets at suburban and temple rites, citing chapter and verse.
35
豫章太守范甯欲遣十五議曹下屬城采求風政，並使假還，訊問官長得失。 邈與寧書曰：
Fan Ning of Yuzhang planned to send fifteen staff investigators into his counties to gauge local government, then recall them to report on magistrates. Xu Miao wrote to Fan Ning:
36
知足下遣十五議曹各之一縣，又吏假歸，白所聞見，誠是足下留意百姓，故廣其視聽。 吾謂勸導以實不以文，十五議曹欲何所敷宣邪？ 庶事辭訟，足下聽斷允塞，則物理足矣。 上有理務之心，則物理足矣。 上有理務之心，則下之求理者至矣。 日昃省覽，庶事無滯，則吏慎其負而入聽不惑，豈須邑至里詣，飾其遊聲哉！ 非徒不足致益，乃是蠶漁之所資，又不可縱小吏為耳目也。 豈有善人君子而幹非其事，多所告白者乎！ 君子之心，誰毀誰譽？ 如有所譽，必由歷試； 如有所毀，必以著明。 托社之鼠，政之其害。 自古以來，欲為左右耳目者，無非小人，皆先因小忠而成其大不忠，先藉小信而成其大不信，遂使君子道消，善人輿屍，前史所書，可為深鑒。
You have posted fifteen advisers to the counties and debrief returning clerks—clearly you care for the people and want broader intelligence. Yet honest leadership rests on deeds, not spectacle—what message will those fifteen envoys preach? If you hear cases with consistent justice, the realm’s business is already well served. When the chief magistrate truly governs, principle takes care of itself. When you show resolve to administer, capable men will come forward on their own. Review dossiers daily so work does not pile up; clerks will then fear negligence and litigants see clearly—there is no need to tour every lane burnishing a false reputation. Such busywork invites extortion and trains informers; lowly clerks must not become your spies. What true gentleman pries into others’ duties and peddles gossip? The Analects asks whom the noble man praises or blames—he does neither lightly. Any praise must rest on proven performance; any blame must rest on clear evidence. Rats hiding under the state altar—classic parasites of good rule. History shows that rulers who recruit petty informants breed great treason from small favors—virtue fades and worthies die in disgrace; past annals are warning enough.
37
足下選綱紀必得國士，足以攝諸曹； 諸曹皆是良吏，則足以掌文案； 又擇公方之人以為監司，則清濁能否，與事而明。 足下但平心居宗，何取於耳目哉！ 昔明德馬後未嘗顧與左右言，可謂遠識，況大丈夫而不能免此乎！
Pick national-caliber overseers and they will hold every department in line; fill those desks with honest clerks and paperwork stays sound; add impartial inspectors and merit becomes obvious case by case. Keep a calm center and you need no network of spies. Empress Ma of Han refused palace whispers—far-sighted indeed; surely a statesman can shun petty eavesdroppers.
38
遷中書侍郎，專掌綸詔，帝甚親昵之。
Raised to secretariat gentleman, he drafted edicts alone and stood among the sovereign’s closest advisers.
39
初，范寧與邈皆為帝所任使，共補朝廷之闕。 甯才素高而措心正直，遂為王國寶所讒，出守遠郡。 邈孤宦易危，而無敢排強族，乃為自安之計。 會帝頗疏會稽王道子，邈欲和協之，因從容言於帝曰：「昔淮南、齊王，漢晉成戒。 會稽王雖有酣媟之累，而奉上純一，宜加弘貸，消散紛議，外為國家之計，內慰太后之心。」 帝納焉。 邈嘗詣東府，遇眾賓沈湎，引滿喧嘩。 道子曰：「君時有暢不？」 邈對曰：「邈陋巷書生，惟以節儉清修為暢耳。」 道子以邈業尚道素，笑而不以為忤也。 道子將用為吏部郎，邈以波競成俗，非己所能節制，苦辭乃止。
Early on Fan Ning and Xu Miao together repaired institutional gaps for the throne. Fan Ning’s brilliance and blunt honesty drew Wang Guobao’s malice and exile to a remote post. Xu Miao, isolated and vulnerable, avoided challenging great families and schemed for self-preservation. Noting tension between the emperor and Prince Kuaiji, Sima Daozi, Xu Miao sought reconciliation: "The princes of Huainan and Qi taught Han and Jin hard lessons. Kuaiji may drink too much, yet his loyalty is pure—indulge him, silence backbiting, serve the realm abroad and the empress dowager at home." The emperor agreed. Visiting Daozi’s eastern bureau, he found a roaring, drunken party. Daozi asked, "Don’t you ever let yourself go?" Xu Miao answered, "I am a poor scholar—my idea of abandon is thrift and moral discipline." Daozi, knowing Xu Miao’s austere values, laughed without taking offense. Daozi meant to name him personnel director; Xu Miao, seeing appointment wars as beyond his control, begged off until the idea died.
40
時皇太子尚幼，帝甚鐘心，文武之選皆一時之後。 以邈為前衛率，領本郡大中正，授太子經。 帝謂邈曰：「雖未敕以師禮相待，然不以博士相遇也。」 古之帝王，受經必敬，自魏晉以來，多使微人教授，號為博士，不復尊以為師，故帝有云。 邈雖在東宮，猶朝夕入見，參綜朝政，修飾文詔，拾遺補闕，劬勞左右。 帝嘉其謹密，方之于金霍，有托重之意，將進顯位，未及行而帝暴崩。 安帝即位，拜驍騎將軍。 隆安元年，遭父憂。 邈先疾患，因哀毀增篤，不逾年而卒，年五十四，州里傷悼，識者悲之。
The crown prince was a child, deeply cherished; civil and military appointments around him were the day’s best talent. The emperor named Xu Miao forward-guard commandant, chief assessor for his native commandery, and tutor in the classics to the heir. "I may not give you full master’s rites," said the emperor, "but you are no ordinary erudite either." Ancient rulers honored their classicists; since Wei and Jin, low-born "erudites" lost that dignity—hence the emperor’s remark. Even while attached to the heir’s household he attended court daily, helped steer policy, edited state papers, and filled gaps beside the throne. The sovereign likened his prudence to Jin Midi and Huo Guang and planned higher office—then died abruptly. Emperor An named him general of fierce cavalry. In Longan year one he entered mourning for his father. Already sick, grief broke him; within the year he died at fifty-four, mourned locally and by every friend.
41
邈蒞官簡惠，達于從政，論議精密，當時多諮稟之，觸類辯釋，問則有對。 舊疑歲辰在卯，此宅之左則彼宅之右，何得俱忌於東。 邈以為太歲之屬，自是遊神，譬如日出之時，向東皆逆，非為藏體地中也。 所注《穀梁傳》，見重于時。
His administration was lean and kind, his judgment sharp; contemporaries constantly sought his opinion and he answered every query with lucid analysis. A standing puzzle: in a mao year the "left" of one dwelling is another’s "right"—how can both ban the east? Xu Miao argued the Grand Year deity moves like the sun at dawn—east is universally inauspicious for that hour, not a fixed spot underground. His Guliang commentary won wide respect.
42
邈長子豁，有父風，以孝聞，為太常博士、秘書郎。 豁弟浩，散騎侍郎。 鎮南將軍何無忌請為功曹，出補西陽太守，與無忌俱為盧循所害。 邈弟廣，別有傳。
Eldest son Huo inherited his father’s character, was noted for filial piety, and held posts as ritual erudite and palace secretary. Younger brother Hao was gentleman cavalier attendant. General He Wuji made him merit assessor, then governor of Xiyang; both fell to Lu Xun’s forces. Brother Guang appears in another chapter.
43
孔衍
Kong Yan
44
孔衍，字舒元，魯國人，孔子二十二世孫也。 祖文，魏大鴻臚。 父毓，征南軍司。 衍少好學，年十二，能通《詩》《書》。 弱冠，公府辟，本州舉異行直言，皆不就。 避地江東，元帝引為安東參軍，專掌記室。 書令殷積，而衍每以稱職見知。 中興初，與庚亮俱補中書郎。 明帝之在東宮，領太子中庶子。 于時庶事草創，衍經學深博，又練識舊典，朝儀軌制多取正焉。 由是元明二帝並親愛之。 王敦專權，衍私于太子曰：「殿下宜博延朝彥，搜揚才俊，詢謀時政，以廣聖聰。」 敦聞而惡之，乃啟出衍為廣陵郡。 時人為之寒心，而衍不形於色。 雖郡鄰接西賊，猶教誘後進，不以戎務廢業。 石勒嘗騎至山陽，敕其党以衍儒雅之士，不得妄入郡境。 視職期月，乙卒於官，年五十三。
Kong Yan, courtesy Shuyuan, of Lu, was twenty-two generations removed from Confucius. His grandfather Wen had been Wei’s grand herald. His father Kong Yu had been marshal on the staff of the southern campaign commander. Kong Yan loved books; by twelve he had mastered the Poetry and the Documents. He came of age to ministerial summons and a provincial nomination for exceptional candor, yet refused every post. Sheltering in the southeast, Emperor Yuan named him adviser on Sima Rui’s staff, in charge of the records office. Memoranda stacked high, but Kong Yan always proved equal to the workload. Early in the Eastern Jin revival he and Yu Liang jointly became secretariat gentlemen. While still crown prince, Emperor Ming kept him as junior tutor to the heir. With the new court still improvising, Kong Yan’s command of precedent shaped most ritual and bureaucracy. Both Yuan and Ming held him in affectionate esteem. Wang Dun’s dictatorship moved Kong Yan to urge the crown prince: "Summon worthy ministers, seek out talent, debate policy—widen the throne’s perspective. Wang Dun, hearing of it, banished him to Guangling. Onlookers trembled for him; Kong Yan’s face never changed. Even on a frontier with enemy territory he kept teaching and never let war cancel scholarship. Shi Le reached Shanyang but warned his men that Kong Yan was a gentleman scholar whose lands they must not violate. He died in office within a month of taking up the post, at fifty-three.
45
衍雖不以文才著稱，而博覽過於賀循，凡所撰述，百餘萬言。
He was no stylistic star, yet he out-read He Xun and left over a million graphs of writing.
46
子啟，盧陵太守。
His son Kong Qi governed Luling.
47
宗人夷吾，有美名，博學不及衍，涉世聲譽過之。 元帝以為主簿，轉參軍，稍遷侍中，徙太子左衛率，卒，追贈太僕。
Kinsman Kong Yiwu enjoyed a polished name—less learned than Kong Yan, better known in society. Emperor Yuan advanced him from chief clerk to attendant and left guard commander; at death he received the posthumous title of minister of works.
48
范宣
Fan Xuan
49
范宣，字宣子，陳留人也。 年十歲，能誦《詩》《書》。 嘗以刀傷手，捧手改容。 人問痛邪，答曰：「不足為痛，但受全之體而致毀傷，不可處耳。」 家人以其年幼而異焉。 少尚隱遁，加以好學，手不釋卷，以夜繼日，遂博綜眾書，尤善《三禮》。 家至貧儉，躬耕供養。 親沒，負土成墳，廬於墓側。 太尉郗鑒命為主簿，詔徵太學博士、散騎郎，並不就。 家于豫章，太守殷羨見宣茅茨不完，欲為改宅，宣固辭之。 庾爰之以宣素貧，加年荒疾疫，厚餉給之，宣又不受。 爰之問宣曰：「君博學通綜，何以太儒？」 宣曰：「漢興，貴經術，至於石渠之論，實以儒為弊。 正始以來，世尚老莊。 逮晉之初，競以裸裎為高。 僕誠太儒，然'丘不與易'。」 宣言談未嘗及《老》《莊》。 客有問人生與憂俱生，不知此語何出。 宣云：「出《莊子·至樂篇》。」 客曰：「君言不讀《老》《莊》，何由識此？」 宣笑曰：「小時嘗一覽。」 時人莫之測也。
Fan Xuan, courtesy Xuanzi, came from Chenliu. At ten he knew the Poetry and Documents by heart. He once gashed his hand with a knife and studied the wound gravely. Asked if it hurt, he said the pain was nothing, but mutilating the body his parents gave him was unbearable. His household marveled at such words from a child. Youthful love of seclusion and books kept him reading night and day until he commanded every corpus, above all the three ritual classics. Destitute, he farmed to feed his elders. He piled the burial mounds with his own hands and mourned in a hut at their side. Xi Jian wanted him as chief clerk; court summons to the academy and cavalier posts went unanswered. Living in Yuzhang under Yin Xian, he refused a new house when the governor saw his leaking roof. Yu Yuanshi sent generous relief during famine and plague; Fan Xuan still refused. Yu Yuanshi asked why, for so learned a man, he clung so stubbornly to old-style Confucianism. Fan Xuan answered: Han’s elevation of the classics culminated in the Shiqu conference—where Ru learning already showed its excesses. After Zhengshi, fashion chased Laozi and Zhuangzi. Early Jin society mistook shamelessness for sophistication. Call me old-fashioned; as Confucius said, this is not a trend I would join." He never brought up Daoist texts in discussion. A visitor quoted Zhuangzi’s line that sorrow attends every life and asked its source. Fan Xuan cited the "Utmost Joy" chapter of Zhuangzi. The guest protested: you claim to shun those books, yet you cite them. Fan Xuan smiled: "I skimmed them once as a boy." Contemporaries never quite pinned him down.
50
宣雖閒居屢空，常以講誦為業，譙國戴逵等皆聞風宗仰，自遠而至，諷誦之聲，有若齊、魯。 太元中，順陽范甯為豫章太守，甯亦儒博通綜，在郡立鄉校，教授恆數百人。 由是江州人士並好經學，化二范之風也。 年五十四卒。 著《禮》《易論難》皆行於世。
Despite poverty he taught endlessly; Dai Kui and others crossed counties to study, and the drone of students echoed like old Qi or Lu. Under Taiyuan, Fan Ning governed Yuzhang, founded rural schools, and taught hundreds at a time. Jiangzhou’s passion for the classics was the legacy of both Fans. He died at fifty-four. His Debates on the Rites and on the Changes were widely read.
51
子輯，曆郡守、國子博士、大將軍從事中郎。 自免歸，亦以講授為事。 義熙中，連徵不至。
Son Fan Ji was commandery governor, academy erudite, and grand-general’s adviser. After retiring he returned to teaching. Yixi-era summons never brought him back to office.
52
韋謏
Wei Sou
53
韋謏，字憲道，京兆人也。 雅好儒學，善著述，于群言秘要之義，無不綜覽。 仕于劉曜，為黃門郎。 後又入石季龍，署為散騎常侍，曆守七郡，咸以清化著名。 又徵為廷尉，識者擬之于、張。 前後四登九列，六在尚書，二為侍中，再為太子太傅，封京兆公。 好直諫，陳軍國之宜，多見允納。 著《伏林》三千餘言，遂演為《典林》二十三篇。 凡所述作及集記世事數十萬言，皆深博有才義。
Wei Sou, courtesy Xiandao, hailed from Jingzhao. He cultivated classical scholarship and writing, mastering every major text and esoteric tradition. Liu Yao employed him as a yellow-gate gentleman. Under Shi Hu he became cavalier attendant and governed seven commanderies, each noted for honest rule. Recalled as chief justice, experts likened him to the Han paragons Yu and Zhang. He rose to the top ministries four times, served six terms in the masters of writing, twice as palace attendant, twice as heir’s grand tutor, and held a Jingzhao ducal title. His blunt advice on civil and military policy usually won approval. He wrote three thousand graphs of The Hidden Forest, later enlarged into twenty-three chapters of The Canon Forest. His collected works and notes on public life exceed several hundred thousand characters of substance.
54
至冉閔，又署為光祿大夫。 時閔拜其子胤為大單于，而以降胡一千處之麾下。 謏諫曰：「今降胡數千，接之如舊，誠是招誘之恩。 然胡羯本為仇敵，今之款附，苟全性命耳。 或有刺客，變起須臾，敗而悔之，何所及也！ 古人有言，一夫不可狃，而況千乎！ 願誅屏降胡，去單于之號，深思聖五苞桑之誡也。」 閔志在綏撫，銳於澄定，聞其言，大怒，遂誅之，並殺其子伯陽。
Ran Min named him grand master of splendid happiness. Ran Min then made his son Yin grand chanyu and camped a thousand surrendered Hu troops under him. Wei Sou warned: treating thousands of surrendered tribesmen like old allies shows mercy, but Hu and Jie were blood foes; their submission is mere survival, and assassins could strike before you know it—then regret would be useless! The proverb says never despise even one man—let alone a thousand! Kill or expel them, strip the chanyu title, and heed the Classic of Changes’ warning about securing the realm." Ran Min wanted reconciliation; enraged by the advice, he executed Wei Sou and his son Boyang.
55
謏性不嚴重，好徇己之功，論者亦以是少之。 嘗謂伯陽曰：「我高我曾重光累徽，我祖我考父父子子，汝為我對，正值惡抵。」 伯陽曰：「伯陽之不肖，誠如尊教，尊亦正值軟抵耳。」 謏慚無言。 時人傳之，以為嗤笑。
Wei Sou was light-minded and vain of his feats—commentators faulted him for it. He quizzed his son on a couplet bragging of ancestors; Boyang’s answer sounded like "wicked prop." The boy shot back that his father’s line was no better—just "limp support." Wei Sou had no reply. The courtiers turned it into a standing joke.
56
范弘之
Fan Hongzhi
57
范弘之，字長文，安北將軍汪之孫也。 襲爵武興侯。 雅正好學，以儒術該明，為太學博士。 時衛將軍謝石薨，請諡，下禮官議。 弘之議曰：
Fan Hongzhi, courtesy Zhangwen, was grandson of Fan Wang, general who pacifies the north. He inherited the Wuxing marquisate. A polished scholar, he rose to academy erudite. Xie Shi’s death triggered a posthumous title debate among ritual officers. Fan Hongzhi argued:
58
石階藉門廕，屢登崇顯，總司百揆，翼贊三台，閑練庶事，勤勞匪懈，內外僉議，皆曰與能。 當淮肥之捷，勳拯危墜，雖皇威遐震，狡寇天亡，因時立功，石亦與焉。 又開建學校，以延胄子，雖盛化未洽，亦愛禮存羊。 然古之賢輔，大則以道事君，侃侃終日； 次則厲身奉國，夙夜無怠； 下則愛人惜力，以濟時務。 此數者，然後可以免惟塵之議，塞素餐之責矣。 今石位居朝端，任則論道，唱言無忠國之謀，守職則容身而已，不可謂事君； 貨黷京邑，聚斂無厭，不可謂厲身； 坐擁大眾，侵食百姓，《大東》流於遠近，怨毒結於眾心，不可謂愛人； 工徒勞於土木，思慮殫於機巧，紈綺盡於婢妾，財用縻於絲桐，不可謂惜力。 此人臣之大害，有國之所去也。
Xie Shi rode family privilege to high office, ran the bureaucracy, aided the three councils, knew every portfolio, and worked tirelessly—many called him competent. At Feishui he helped save the dynasty; heaven and the emperor’s prestige broke the enemy, yet he earned a share of the credit. He founded schools for noble heirs—imperfect reform, but like Confucius keeping the sheep to preserve ritual. True ministers of old served with the Way and spoke boldly without cease; the next rank gave body and soul to the state night and day; the humblest loved the people and saved their strength for the age’s needs. Only thus could they avoid the charge of trailing dust in the ruler’s train or eating free bread. Xie Shi reached the summit yet offered no loyal counsel—only self-preservation—that is not serving a lord. He sold offices in the capital and hoarded wealth—that is not self-discipline. He squeezed the commoners until the Poetry’s Great East seemed written for him—that is not loving the people. Labor wasted on palaces, wit on toys, silk on concubines, treasure on music—that is not husbanding strength. Such conduct is the worst in a minister and what any state should reject.
59
先王所以正風俗，理人倫者，莫尚乎節儉，故夷吾受謗乎三歸，平仲流美於約己。 自頃風軌陵遲，奢僭無度，廉恥不興，利競交馳，不可不深防原本，以絕其流。 漢文襲弋綈之服，諸侯猶侈； 武帝焚雉頭之裘，靡麗不息。 良由儉德雖彰，而威禁不肅； 道自我建，而刑不及物。 若存罰其違，亡貶其惡，則四維必張，禮義行矣。
Ancient kings reformed manners through thrift—Guan Zhong was mocked for excess, Yan Ying praised for restraint. Today fashion runs to waste and shameless greed; we must strike at the root. Han Wendi’s plain dress failed to stop noble excess; Han Wudi’s bonfire of luxuries never ended ostentation. Personal example alone lacks teeth; moral suasion without enforcement changes nothing. Punish the living, shame the dead, and the four social ties tighten—ritual revives.
60
案諡法，因事有功曰「襄」，貪以敗官曰「墨」，宜諡曰襄墨公。
By the naming code, "Xiang" marks battlefield success, "Mo" marks corrupt office—call him Duke Xiang-Mo.
61
又論殷浩宜加贈諡，不得因桓溫之黜以為國典，仍多敘溫移鼎之跡。 時謝族方顯，桓宗猶盛，尚書僕射王珣，溫故吏也，素為溫所寵，三怨交集，乃出弘之為余杭令。 將行，與會稽王道子箋曰：
He also demanded posthumous honors for Yin Hao, insisting Huan Wen’s disgrace of him must not set precedent, and recounted Huan Wen’s usurpation-minded career at length. The Xies were ascendant, the Huans still powerful, and Wang Xun—Huan Wen’s old protégé—resented Fan Hongzhi’s memorial alongside two other grudges, so the court banished him to Yuhang county. Before leaving he sent Prince Kuaiji this letter:
62
下官輕微寒士，謬得廁在俎豆，實懼辱累清流，惟塵聖世。 竊以人君居廟堂之上、智周四海之外者，非徒聰明內照，亦賴群言之助也。 是以舜之佐堯，以啟辟為首； 咎繇謨禹，以侃侃為先，故下無隱情之責，上收神明之功。 敢緣斯義，志在輸盡。 常以謝石黷累，應被清澄，殷浩忠貞，宜蒙褒顯，是以不量輕弱，先眾言之。 而惡直醜正。 其徒實繁，雖仰恃聖主欽明之度，俯賴明公愛物之隆，而交至之患，實有無賴。 下官與石本無怨忌，生不相識，事無相干，正以國體宜明，不應稍計強弱。 與浩年時邈絕，世不相及，無復藉聞，故老語其遺事耳，於下官之身有何痛癢，而當為之犯時幹主邪！
I am a nobody who stumbled into court ritual; I dread smearing the pure stream and clouding an enlightened reign. A sovereign needs more than native wit—he needs the chorus of honest advisers. Shun served Yao by speaking truth to power; Gao Yao aided Yu with blunt counsel, leaving no secrets below and winning clarity above. I mean to speak plainly on that model. I said Xie Shi deserved censure and Yin Hao posthumous honor, and spoke first though I am slight. But the powerful despise candor. Their party is huge; I trust the emperor’s wisdom and your fairness, yet coordinated malice knows no bounds. I had no feud with Xie Shi; I spoke for the state, not for private power. Yin Hao lived generations before me; I know him only by legend—why would I risk my neck except for public duty?
63
每觀載籍，志士仁人有發中心任直道而行者，有懷知陽愚負情曲從者，所用雖異，而並傳後世。 故比干處三仁之中，箕子為名賢之首。 後人用舍，參差不同，各信所見，率應而至，或榮名顯赫，或禍敗系踵，此皆不量時趣，以身嘗禍，雖有硜硜之稱，而非大雅之致，此亦下官所不為也。 世人乃雲下官正直，能犯艱難，斯談實過。 下官知主上聖明，明公虛己，思求格言，必不使盡忠之臣屈於邪枉之門也。 是以敢獻愚誠，布之執事，豈與昔人擬其輕重邪！ 亦以臣之事君，惟思盡忠而已，不應復計利鈍，事不允心則讜言悟主，義感于情則陳辭靡悔。 若懷情藏意，蘊而不言，此乃古人所以得罪于明君，明君所以致法於群下者也。
History honors both blunt martyrs and tactful survivors. Hence Bi Gan ranks among the three paragons, Jizi among the greatest sages. Later readers pick sides; some win fame, some ruin—those who misread their moment earn a stubborn name but not true greatness; that is not my path. They call me fearless; that flatters me. I trust the throne and you seek honest words—you will not let loyalty be crushed by crooks. So I lay out my heart—not matching antiquity’s heroes, only doing my duty. A minister owes full loyalty regardless of cost; if policy offends conscience, speak—even at peril. Silence is how subjects betrayed sage kings and kings punished silence.
64
桓溫事蹟，布在天朝，逆順之情，暴之四海。 在三者臣子，情豈或異！ 凡厥黔首，誰獨無心！ 舉朝嘿嘿，未有唱言者，是以頓筆按氣，不敢多雲。 桓溫于亡祖，雖其意難測，求之於事，止免黜耳，非有至怨也。 亡父昔為溫吏，推之情禮，義兼他人。 所以每懷憤發，痛若身首者，明公有以尋之。 王珣以下官議殷浩諡，不宜暴揚桓溫之惡。 珣感其提拔之恩，懷其入幕之遇，托以廢黜昏暗，建立聖明，自謂此事足以明其忠貞之節。 明公試復以一事觀之。 昔周公居攝，道致升平，禮樂刑政皆自己出。 以德言之，周公大聖，以年言之，成王幼弱，猶復遽避君位，復子明辭。 漢之霍光，大勳赫然，孝宣年未二十，亦反萬機。 故能君臣俱隆，道邁千歲。 若溫忠為社稷，誠存本朝，便當仰遵二公，式是令矩，何不奉還萬機，退守籓屏？ 方提勒公王，匡總朝廷，豈為先帝幼弱，未可親政邪？ 將德桓溫，不能聽政邪？ 又逼脅袁宏，使作九錫，備物光赫，其文具存，朝廷畏怖，莫不景從，惟謝安、王坦之以死守之，故得稽留耳。 會上天降怒，奸惡自亡，社稷危而復安，靈命墜而復構。
Huan Wen’s record is public; rebel or loyal, all know. Every man still bound by those duties feels the same! Which commoner lacks judgment? Yet the court stays mute, so I hesitate to add more. Huan Wen’s dealings with my grandfather went no further than demotion—no blood feud. My father was his clerk, so obligation runs deeper than for most. You can see why I burn with personal as well as public grief. Wang Xun resented my Yin Hao piece for exposing Huan Wen. Wang Xun, grateful for patronage, claims deposing the emperor proved loyalty. Judge the case by one test. The Duke of Zhou ruled as regent and perfected government. Though Cheng was a child, the duke returned power. Huo Guang’s greatness did not stop young Xuandi from resuming rule. Thus both sides prospered for the ages. Had Huan Wen truly served the state, he would have imitated Zhou and Huo and returned the regency. Instead he dominated lords and court—because the boy emperor could not rule? Or because you deferred to Huan Wen and could not govern yourself? He forced Yuan Hong to craft the nine-scepter petition; the text survives; the court quailed—only Xie An and Wang Tanzhi blocked him until Heaven struck him down. Heaven removed the traitor; the dynasty rose from the brink.
65
晉自中興以來，號令威權多出強臣，中宗、肅祖斂衽于王敦，先皇受屈於桓氏。 今主上親覽萬機，明公光贊百揆，政出王室，人無異望，復不於今大明國典，作制百代，不審復欲待誰？ 先王統物，必明其典誥，貽厥孫謀，故令問休嘉，千歲承風。 願明公遠覽殷周，近察漢魏，慮其所以危，求其所以安，如此而已。
Eastern Jin long bowed to strongmen—Wang Dun, then Huans. The emperor rules; you assist—if not now to codify justice for posterity, when? Ancient kings left clear precedents for heirs to follow. Study old dynasties’ falls and rises—that is all I ask.
66
又與王珣書曰：
He also wrote Wang Xun:
67
見足下答仲堪書，深具義發之懷。 夫人道所重，莫過君親，君親所系，忠孝而已。 孝以揚親為主，忠以節義為先。 殷侯忠貞居正，心貫人神，加與先帝隆布衣之好，著莫逆之契，契闊艱難，夷嶮以之，雖受屈奸雄，志達千載，此忠貞之徒所以義幹其心不獲以已者也。 既當時貞烈之徒所究見，亦後生所備聞，吾亦何敢苟避狂狡，以欺聖明。 足下不推居正之大致，而懷知己之小惠，欲以幕府之小節奪名教之重義，於君臣之階既以虧矣。 尊大君以殷侯協契忠規，同戴王室，志厲秋霜，誠貫一時，殷侯所以得宣其義聲，實尊大君協贊之力也。 足下不能光大君此之直志，乃感溫小顧，懷其曲澤，公在聖世，欺罔天下，使丞相之德不及三葉，領軍之基一構而傾，此忠臣所以解心，孝子所以喪氣，父子之道固若是乎？ 足下言臣則非忠，語子則非孝。 二者既亡，吾誰畏哉！
Your answer to Yin Zhongkan shows noble intent. Nothing outweighs sovereign and father; both demand loyalty and filial piety. Filial piety honors parents; loyalty demands moral courage. Yin Hao’s loyalty and his bond with the late emperor are legend—patriots cannot forget him. All honest men know his story; I will not lie to the throne. You prize private patronage over public ethics—you fail both ruler and minister. Your father and Yin Hao together served the Jin—Yin’s voice lived because your father backed him. You betray your father’s alliance with Yin for Huan Wen’s favors—you shame your house and the state. As minister you are disloyal; as son unfilial. With neither virtue left, I fear no one.
68
吾少嘗過庭，備聞祖考之言，未嘗不發憤沖冠，情見乎辭。 當爾之時，惟覆亡是懼，豈暇謀及國家。 不圖今日得操筆斯事，是以上憤國朝無正義之臣，次惟祖考有沒身之恨，豈得與足下同其肝膽邪！ 先君往亦嘗為其吏，于時危懼，恆不自保，仰首聖朝，心口憤歎，豈復得計策名昔日，自同在三邪！ 昔子政以五世純臣，子駿以下委質王莽，先典既已正其逆順，後人亦已鑒其成敗。 每讀其事，未嘗不臨文痛歎，憤愾交懷。 以今況古，乃知一揆耳。
I grew up hearing elders curse Huan Wen’s crimes. Then I thought only of survival, not policy. Now I write because the court lacks justice and my family died unavenged—I am no ally of yours. My father served Huan Wen in terror—do not equate him with willing clients. Liu Xiang’s purity did not stop Liu Xin from serving Wang Mang—history judges both. Each reading wrings my heart. Past and present follow the same pattern.
69
弘之詞雖亮直，終以桓、謝之故不調，卒于餘杭令，年四十七。
His candor cost him promotion; he died Yuhang magistrate at forty-seven, a victim of Huan and Xie politics.
70
王歡
Wang Huan
71
王歡，字君厚，樂陵人也。 安貧樂道，專精耽學，不營產業，常丐食誦《詩》，雖家無斗儲，意怡如也。 其妻患之，或焚毀其書而求改嫁，歡笑而謂之曰：「卿不聞朱買臣妻邪？」 時聞者多哂之。 歡守志彌固，遂為通儒。 至慕容晞襲偽號，署為國子博士，親就受經。 遷祭酒。 及晞為苻堅所滅，歡死于長安。
Wang Huan, courtesy Junhou, came from Leling. He embraced poverty for learning, begged meals while chanting the Odes, and stayed cheerful though his granary was empty. His wife burned his books to force divorce; he cited Zhu Maichen’s foolish wife. Listeners mostly sneered. He held his course and became a master scholar. Murong Xi made him academy erudite and attended his lectures in person. He rose to libationer. When Fu Jian overthrew Murong Xi, Wang Huan died in Chang’an.
72
史評
Historian’s appraisal
73
史臣曰：范平等學府儒宗，譽隆望重，或質疑是屬，或師範攸歸，雖為未及古人，故亦一時之俊。 若仲寧之清貞守道，抗志柴門； 行齊之居室屢空，棲心陋巷； 文博之漱流枕石，鏟跡銷聲； 宣子之樂道安貧，弘風闡教：斯並通儒之高尚者也。 而邈協和主相，刊削繁辭，可謂將順其美，匡救其惡。 舒元入參機務，明主賞其博聞； 出蒞邊隅，獷狄欽其明德。 弘之抗言立論，不避朝權，貶石抵溫，斯為當矣，遂乃厄三怨，以至陵遲，悲夫！
The historians: men like Fan Ping led the scholarly world—though not ancient sages, they were luminaries of their day. Yu Xi’s spotless reclusion; Du Yi’s bare rooms and humble lane; Dong Jingdao’s stream-side hermitage; Fan Xuan’s joyful poverty and teaching—all were noble Confucian lives. Xu Miao reconciled sovereign and regent and edited the emperor’s words—amplifying good, curbing harm. Kong Yan advised on statecraft and won the ruler’s esteem for his learning; posted to the frontier, he impressed even barbarians with his character. Fan Hongzhi spoke truth to power, indicting Xie Shi and Huan Wen rightly, yet three grudges ruined him—pitiful!
74
贊曰：鬱鬱周文，洋洋漢典。 炙輠流譽，解頤飛辯。 雅誥弗淪，微言復顯。 爰及晉代，斯風逾闡。
Encomium: Zhou’s culture flourished, Han’s canon flowed wide; wit won fame, eloquence soared; great instructions endured, subtle teachings returned; under Jin that spirit burned brighter still.