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卷二十一 志第一: 禮儀一

Volume 21 Treatises 1: Rites 1

Chapter 25 of 舊唐書 · Old Book of Tang
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1
西
Tang ritual: each season's first month, offerings at the Great Temple—tai lao per chamber. After twelfth-month wax and la, a chen-day la feast at the temple used seasonal victims. A he rite every three years, in mid-winter's opening month. A di rite every five years, in mid-summer's opening month. On seasonal offering days the Seven Sacrifices were kept on the lane south of the temple's west gate—Spirit of Fate; Household Spirit in spring, Stove Spirit in summer; Gate and Pestilence Spirits in autumn, Road Spirit in winter; Central Gutter on the last-summer qi-reception day. Seasonal delicacies fit for the throne went first to the Court of Sacrifices and the Provisioners, who picked the best and matched flavor to the new offering. The Minister of Sacrifices presented at the Great Temple without removing the tablets. Mid-spring ice offerings followed the same rule.
2
In Wude 1, fifth month, full ceremonial escort welcomed the tablets of Duke Xuanjian, King Yi, Emperor Jing, and Emperor Yuan into the Grand Temple; offerings then began in four chambers. In Zhenguan 9, after Gaozu died and removal-enshrinement rites were due, Taizong ordered the offices to review the temple system in detail.
3
駿 使便 使
Remonstrance Grandee Zhu Zishe proposed that Han Chancellor Wei Xuancheng had memorialized for five temples, with regional lords also having five. Liu Zijun argued for seven ancestral temples, with state lords reduced by two. Zheng Sinong followed Xuancheng, while Wang Ziyong promoted the other school; each side followed its own teachers, clinging to habit and favoring what matched its learning. Thus temple removals across the dynasties varied in number and judgment, never reaching a single standard. 《Tradition》 says, "When names and ranks differ, ritual numbers differ as well." 《Changes》 says, "Low and high are arrayed, and noble and base take their places." This distinguishes doubtful ranks, guards against overstepping, honors the ruler and lowers the assistants, and keeps ascent and descent correct; this is precisely why ritual matters! If emperor and lords both had five temples, low would equal high and ministers would intrude on the ruler; names and ranks would lose all standard. Where then could ritual meaning stand? 《Dai Records》 also says, "Some rites honor greater number: the Son of Heaven has seven temples, the regional lords five." If the emperor had only five temples, he would equal viscounts and barons; if number marks honor, what would that show? In my view, a regional lord has five temples: from the great-great-grandfather downward, plus the Grand Ancestor, matching the honor of one state. The Son of Heaven has seven temples, extending above the great-great-grandfather and including the Grand Ancestor, matching the honor of all under Heaven. Reducing by two marks the proper ritual distinction. This is what earlier histories mean by, "Deep virtue flows in brightness; thin virtue flows downward." Now the Sagely Ancestor is in Heaven and the mausoleum date is set; solemn enshrinement is the great matter before us. The seven-temple system should be followed to honor the great rite. When beyond the exhausted kinship line there is someone on whom royal rule was founded, such as Xuan Wang of Yin or Hou Ji of Zhou, he is honored as founding ancestor. If there is no such founder, then set tablets for the three zhao and three mu, reserve one Grand Ancestor chamber, and leave the father's position vacant after examination. Only after the dynasty has lasted through successive removals should the positions settle; this would follow Jin and Song precedent and satisfy human sentiment. The Eight Ministers then memorialized: since antiquity, founders who received the mandate and created new institutions have honored kinship, respected the honored, served the ancestors reverently, and shown respect in suburban and temple rites. After Confucian learning was disrupted and Qin destroyed the schools, refined scholarship was lost and the classics were buried. Although Han restored broken learning and Wei and Jin honored the classics, temple institutions and regulations had scattered; scholars clung to inherited partial theories and produced divergent claims. Across the ages, the debate in broad terms has had only two schools. Followers of Zheng Xuan set out the four-temple system, while followers of Wang Su cite the seven-temple texts; rank becomes confused and the right answer remains unsettled. Your Majesty's virtue and filial feeling are boundless, and your institutions reach the sages' Way; you should set the grand rule for this age and the enduring model for all later generations. Examining past records in light of Your Majesty's intent, we find many references to seven temples and few to four ancestors. Their merits and faults are plain. 《Chunqiu Guliang zhuan》, 《Liji》, 《Wang System》, 《Sacrificial Regulations》, 《Ritual Vessels》, and 《Kongzi jiayu》 all say: "The Son of Heaven has seven temples; regional lords, five; great officers, three; and knights, two." 《Documents》 says: "Through seven generations of temples, one may observe virtue." Sun Qing, Kong Anguo, Liu Xin, Ban Biao and his son, Kong Chao, Yu Xi, Gan Bao, and others were either eminent classicists or broadly learned men, and all agreed after comparing ancient and later practice. Thus the text says: "The Son of Heaven has three zhao and three mu, plus the Grand Ancestor's temple, making seven." Jin, Song, Qi, and Liang all followed this principle and established six kin temples. Was this not a splendid state canon and lasting achievement? To reject the clear classics, follow generations of doubtful debate, abandon Ziyong, and honor Zheng Kangcheng's old theory would lower the emperor's rites toward those of ministers and let regional lords usurp royal form. That is not ordered hierarchy or distinct rank. Ritual arises from human feeling, not from Heaven alone. In filial piety nothing is greater than honoring kin, and in strengthening the root nothing comes before solemn enshrinement. Stopping at four temples is not the way to honor greater number; extending sacrifice to seven generations expresses the wish to magnify honor. Thus "deep virtue flows in brightness" is an enduring high principle; and "thin virtue flows downward" is an unchanging model. After deliberation, we request following Jin and Song precedent by establishing six kin temples and keeping the old canon for ancestors and zong. Then the way of continuing the ancestral line may flourish when principle is settled; and the meaning of honoring ancestors will be fulfilled in an age of filial rule.
4
Approved. The Great Temple was expanded; Hongnong Lord and Gaozu were first elevated to enshrinement, bringing the shrine to six chambers.
5
西 西 西
Year 23: Taizong died; elevated enshrinement was due. Xu Jingzong of Rites wrote: "The Hongnong Lord's temple should rotate out. Former rites: Han Chancellor Wei Xuancheng said destroyed tablets should be buried. Yet all realms honor a lineage with roots—sudden burial would not satisfy. Jin scholar Fan Xuan wanted a separate shrine for the Pacified-West commander and others. That beats burial in reason, but lacks precedent and cannot be followed. Others urged storing tablets in the Celestial Repository—but that treasury held omens, not ancestors. We weigh the case: beyond the remote ancestors, prayer altars still stand—we deem that fitting. Today's temples differ from antiquity—one foundation, separate chambers, west ranked first. If western side chambers keep honored rank and prayer offerings continue, old rite and present need both align. Hongnong Lord is a distant relation—old statutes require his temple to rotate out. Your subjects jointly deliberated: moving and enshrining the spirit tablets, storing them in the side chambers—in native feeling, profound teaching; in principle, expansive." Approved. That year, eighth month, day gengzi: Taizong's tablet entered the Great Temple.
6
Wenming 1, eighth month: Gaozong's tablet was enshrined in the Grand Temple, and Xuan's tablet was moved to the side chamber for the first time. Chuigong 4, first month: the eastern capital gained temples to Gaozu, Taizong, and Gaozong, with seasonal rites matching the capital. A separate Chongxian Temple was built for Wu clan ancestors. Zetian soon ordered debate on Chongxian's chamber count; Zhou Ping of Spring Rites, courting her wish, urged seven chambers for Chongxian and five for the imperial temple. Jia Dayin of Spring Rites wrote: "Qin and Han dowagers who ruled from court all cited canon—the Son of Heaven keeps seven temples, lords five. That is the immovable rule of kings and ages—none has broken ritual to rewrite ceremony at will. Zhou Cong now cites loose opinion and stray texts, exalting a regent's provisional rite over state norm—seven for Chongxian, five for the realm. I have heard: when the throne's design is wide, the altars of state gain honor; when its foundation is vast, it matches mountains and rivers in firmness. Heaven's course has been hard; times of mourning seclusion came; regents who govern for Heaven are ancient. The Dowager took the trust, toiled for the people, heard pleas of filial mercy, and soothed the realm—truly glorifying the great design and widening the sage charge. Chongxian should match a lord's count; the state temple must not be casually altered. Your subject's stubborn directness wholly follows orthodox ritual; Zhou Ping's request truly contravenes ancient ceremony." Zetian held off for the moment.
7
西 西
Tianshou 2: after Zetian's revolution and enthronement, the eastern-capital Grand Temple became seven chambers, where seven generations of Wu tablets were enshrined. Western capital's Great Temple became Virtue-Enjoying Temple—only three chambers from Gaozu down were offered; four chambers were closed and their rites ended. Western Chongxian became Chongzun Temple, with rites like the Great Temple. Wansui Dengfeng 1, twelfth month: returning from the feng rite on Mount Song, she personally visited the Grand Temple. Next year, seventh month: Chongzun was restored as Great Temple; the temple office became Qingmiao Terrace with added staff and higher rank. Shengli 2, fourth month: she sacrificed at the Grand Temple again and granted amnesty within the eastern capital.
8
西 西 · 西
After Zhongzong's accession, Shenlong 1, first month restored Xiangde Temple as the capital Grand Temple. Fifth month: seven Wu tablets went to western Chongzun; a new Great Temple rose at the eastern capital. Grand Ritual Erudite Zhang Qixian cited Xunzi: "The ruler of All Under Heaven serves seven generations; the ruler of one state serves five." Thus the emperor has seven temples, a ritual standard accepted across antiquity and the present. 《Documents》 says, "Through seven generations of temples, one may observe virtue." 《Sacrificial Regulations》 says, "The king establishes seven temples, one altar, and one open ground." The 《Wang System》 says, "The Son of Heaven has seven temples: three zhao, three mu, and the Grand Ancestor's temple." All such systems honor the first enfeoffed lord as Grand Ancestor. The Grand Ancestor's temple remains unmoved for a hundred generations. At the xia sacrifice, removed temple tablets are arrayed at the Grand Ancestor, while unremoved tablets are raised to share offerings in the Grand Ancestor's chamber. The Grand Ancestor faces east; zhao face south, and mu face north. The Grand Ancestors are exemplified by Xuan Wang of Shang and Hou Ji of Zhou. Beyond the Grand Ancestor there is no additional founding ancestor. From Shang's Xuan Wang to Tang's possession of the realm lay fourteen generations. From Zhou's Hou Ji to King Wu's possession of the realm lay seventeen generations. Since those lines were remote, both removed temples and kin temples stood after the Grand Ancestor, so joint offerings had proper order and rank was not confused. When Han Gaozu received the mandate without a first-enfeoffed ancestor, he himself became Grand Ancestor. Gaozu's father, the Grand Supreme Emperor, received a temple and sacrifices but was not included in the zhao-mu shared offerings, because he was honored above the Grand Ancestor. Cao Cao founded Wei's enterprise, so when Emperor Wen received the mandate, Emperor Wu likewise became Grand Ancestor. Gao Huang, Tai Huang, Waichu Jun, and the others were honored as kin and not included in the zhao-mu shared offerings. Sima Yi founded Jin's enterprise, so when Emperor Wu received the mandate, Emperor Xuan likewise became Grand Ancestor. The Zhengxi, Yuzhang, Yingchuan, Jingzhao, and other lords were honored as kin and excluded from the zhao-mu shared offerings. From those dynasties through Sui, the ancestral-temple rule remained unchanged. Thus Northern Zhou treated Emperor Wen as Grand Ancestor, and Sui treated Emperor Wuyuan as Grand Ancestor. Our dynasty received the mandate, and successive generations have renewed its brilliance. Emperor Jing, first enfeoffed as Duke of Tang, is truly the Grand Ancestor. Because the line is still close and Emperor Jing falls within the three zhao and three mu, the Tang Grand Temple has only six chambers. The Hongnong Lord, Emperor Xuan, and Emperor Guang stand in honor above the Grand Ancestor; once kinship is exhausted they are moved and are not part of the zhao-mu shared offerings. Now the imperial order has been restored, and filial concern remains unsettled. The edict of the twenty-ninth day of the second month said, "For the seven chambers and below, keep the old titles and honors." The edict of the first day of the third month added, "Since seven temples are being established, the founding ancestor must be honored. Examine this quickly." Looking through the ritual classics, I find that the founding ancestor is the Grand Ancestor, and outside the Grand Ancestor there is no separate founder. For Zhou to set King Wen as a founding ancestor beyond the Grand Ancestor does not fit the ritual classics. Some explain this by citing 《Baihu tongyi》, "Hou Ji was founding ancestor, King Wen Grand Ancestor, and King Wu Grand Zong," and Zheng Xuan's note to the 《Shi: Yong》 preface, "Grand Ancestor means King Wen." That interpretation is wrong. Why? They call King Wen Grand Ancestor because ritual says, "Rulers make ancestors of those with merit and zong of those with virtue; Zhou made King Wen ancestor and King Wu zong." But this is not the Grand Ancestor who receives all rulers in shared xia offerings. Some now wish to make Liang Wuzhao Wang the founding ancestor, but this is especially wrong. Why? In Shang and Zhou, Xie and Hou Ji were the first enfeoffed ancestors. Tang and Wu rose from their fortune, so Xie and Hou Ji became Grand Ancestors. For our imperial house, that role belongs to Emperor Jing. Liang Wuzhao Wang's merit was limited, his successor lost the state, and the territory did not continue. Emperor Jing's first enfeoffment truly founded the Tang mandate. To abandon the great enfeoffment in Tang and exalt distant Western Liang violates ancient ritual precedent. Wei did not ancestralize Cao Can, Jin did not ancestralize the King of Yin, Song did not ancestralize King Yuan of Chu, Qi and Liang did not ancestralize Xiao He, and Chen and Sui did not ancestralize Duke Hu or Yang Zhen. How could Tang make Liang Wuzhao Wang Grand Ancestor? In Eastern Han, a major debate over suburban sacrifice held that because Zhou offered to Hou Ji, Han should offer to Yao. The court sent the issue to the ministers; most agreed, and the emperor was inclined to agree as well. Only Du Lin argued correctly: "The rise of Zhou came through Hou Ji. Han arose on its own; its merit did not derive from Yao. The old precedents for ancestors and zong should be followed." The court ultimately followed Du Lin. Another tradition says, "To know Heaven, ask the elders," because they stand closer to it. The Wude and Zhenguan rulers were sagely and their ministers worthy, and they were closer to Liang Wuzhao Wang's time than we are. If they did not establish him then, he surely should not be established now. To establish him only after so many years would violate the intent behind the three ancestors and two zong. I fear Emperor Jing would be displaced and angered, while Wuzhao would hold an empty position and give no response; this would not benefit the state. Temple affairs are weighty, and the di and xia rites are exalted; through them the former kings observed virtue. Some fail to understand this. Confucius himself did not wish to watch after the libation had passed. Now that the dynasty's mandate has been renewed, ritual must be handled carefully. Sacrifice is performed as if the spirits were present; it cannot be falsified. I request that the Grand Temple be expanded to seven chambers and Emperor Xuan be sacrificed to as the seventh generation; no separate honor should be given to another founding ancestor.
9
滿 沿
Grand Ritual Erudites Liu Chengqing and Yin Zhizhang also cited the 《Wang System》: "The Son of Heaven has seven temples: three zhao, three mu, and the Grand Ancestor's temple." This is the clear written rule and the common system of antiquity and later ages. Tang examined earlier models, drew carefully on past rulers, built up the ancestral spirits, and followed this canon. Yet founders and mandate-receiving rulers differ: royal traces may be deep or shallow, and Grand Ancestors may be remote or near. Tang and King Wen were rooted in Xie and Hou Ji; because those Grand Ancestors were remote and stood above the zhao-mu line, the full seven temples were possible. Xia succeeded Tang and Yu, but its merit did not derive from Gun; Han destroyed Qin and Xiang, but its power did not come from Yao. Wei, Jin, Zhou, and Sui won their achievements in recent generations, not through remote ancestral enterprises; their mandate-receiving founders still lay within the zhao-mu kinship line, so their first temple systems were rarely complete. The Grand Ancestor rests on merit; zhao and mu rest on kinship. Merit keeps a tablet unmoved for a hundred generations, while exhausted kinship after seven leaves requires removal. To force the seven-temple wording by adding a remote but movable ruler above the zhao-mu line, merely because the Grand Ancestor is near, would badly violate the rule of successive removal. The imperial house opened a thousand-year dawn and renewed the brightness of a hundred generations. Emperor Jing founded Tang in deep virtue, but his generation is still near. Though honored as Grand Ancestor, by kinship he remains within the zhao-mu line and one of the six chambers, not yet creating the honor of seven generations. Thus the Grand Temple should have six chambers and not yet seven. The former court therefore had only six generations of kin temples: Xuan, Guang, Jing, Yuan, Shenyao, and Wenwu. When the Great Emperor died and his tablet was enshrined, Emperor Xuan's generations were complete, so ritual moved him out again. Now there are only six generations of kin temples from Emperor Guang down. This does not mean the emperor should not have seven temples; it means the number at establishment varies because Grand Ancestors may be remote or near. The three former reigns had many learned classicists, and temple affairs were weighty. Their ritual model was not empty; it can be followed, and principle does not favor changing it. Emperor Xuan is not the founder, and his temple has no zu or zong title. Since his kinship line was exhausted and he was moved, he should not be restored. To exalt him again after the ritual order has moved on would violate the 《Wang System》 and the former court's intent. We request following Zhenguan precedent, preserving the grand rule of the Three Sages, and honoring the six chambers without impairing the ancient judgment.
10
An edict sent chancellors to refine the question; Zhu Qinming of Rites reported: "Three erudites split two ways—Zhang Qixian said they were already Great Founder and King Zhao should not be added as ancestor; Liu Chengqing cited the 《Wang System》's three zhao and three mu: no double honor for Emperor Xuan. Your subjects deliberated and request: follow Zhang Qixian in taking Emperor Jing as Great Founder, follow Liu Chengqing in honoring with six chambers." Approved. Soon an edict made the Filial and Respectful Emperor the Righteous Ancestor and elevated him into the Great Temple. That eighth month at the eastern Great Temple: elevated enshrinement for Guang, Jing as Great Founder, Yuan as dynastic ancestor, Shenyao Gaozu, sage Taizong, heavenly Gaozong, and Righteous Ancestor Filial and Respectful—the emperor offered in person.
11
Year 2: back in the capital, the Great Temple too kept seven chambers; Wu Chongzun became Chong'en Temple. Next year's second month: Chong'en was again ordered to follow Tian'shou offerings. Wu Sansi then held sway; Princess Anle quietly swayed Zhongzong—hence the edict. Soon Wu's Chong'en Fast Youths were specially filled with fifth-rank sons. Yang Fu wrote: "Great Temple Fast Youths were formerly sons of seventh rank and below. Now that Chong'en Temple Fast Youths take fifth-rank sons, what rank should Great Temple Fast Youths be?" The emperor said: "Match the Great Temple to Chong'en." Fu replied: "Chong'en is the Great Temple's subject, the Great Temple its lord—equating subject to lord is usurpation; equating lord to subject breeds fear. Confucius said: 'Wrong names unbalance speech; unbalanced speech fails affairs; failed affairs stall rites and music; stalled rites skew punishments; skewed punishments leave the people without footing. So the noble man's names must be sayable. Your subject wishes no confusion from heterodox words as the beginning of disorder." The plan died. Chong'en lasted until Ruizong's accession, then was abolished.
12
退
Winter: Zhongzong Xiaohui was to be buried at Ding; Yao Yuanzhi and Song Jing wrote: "When the great tomb rites end, enshrinement should follow immediately. The seventh chamber already held Righteous Ancestor Filial and Respectful and Lamenting Empress Pei. Righteous Ancestor never reigned; he was honored after death and specially moved in early Shenlong. The 《Spring and Autumn Annals》 rule is that a ruler enthroned less than a year is not ranked in zhao and mu. Antiquity gave each forebear a separate temple. Filial and Respectful lies at Gong in Luozhou—build a Righteous Ancestor temple in the east, move both tablets, and offer by season: prior intent kept, ancient rule met, spirits and men aligned. Place these tablets in the side chambers. Your subject wishes Your Majesty to cut favor with ritual." Approved. After burial, Zhongzong Xiaohui and Empress Zhaosi Zhao were enshrined in the Great Temple. Righteous Ancestor was served at a new temple in Congshan Lane, eastern capital. Empresses Zhaocheng and Suming were also posthumously honored; Yikun Temple at Qinren Lane received seasonal rites.
13
滿 西
Kaiyuan 4: after Ruizong died, Chen Zhenjie and Su Xian argued over his enshrinement: "Xiaohe is already in the temple, and the seven chambers are full. Ruizong the Great Sagely True Emperor is Xiaohui's younger brother—mid-winter demands his enshrinement. Brothers did enter temples in antiquity, but succession rules require correct zhao and mu. The 《Ritual Treatises》 cite He Xun: 'Brothers do not succeed one another. Yin's Pan Geng is not listed after Yang Jia but continues the prior lord; Han's Guangwu does not follow Xiaocheng but inherits from Emperor Yuan. Jin Hui had no heir; Huai took the line from Shizu, not from Hui. Hui should join Yang Jia and Xiaocheng in a separate shrine. If brothers alternate, they share one generation and one zhao-mu slot. When rotation comes, two temples cannot both be destroyed. That is ritual's standing rule. The 《Xunzi》 says, 'He who holds the realm serves seven generations'--from honored father up. The exalted reach wide, so grace reaches distant forebears. Admit brothers sideways and remove ancestors above—the Son of Heaven cannot fully keep seven generations. Xiaohui restored the dynasty but left no heir—treat him like Yang Jia and Cheng: separate temple, unbroken seasonal rites, joint feast at the Great Founder on great he days. Receive Emperor Ruizong's spirit tablet, elevated enshrinement in Great Temple, succeeding above Emperor Gaozong—then zhao and mu forever stable, libation and blessing long in order." Approved. Yikun was first made Zhongzong's temple, then Zhongzong's shrine was rebuilt west of the Great Temple. Zhenjie et al. also argued Suming should not pair with Zhaocheng at Ruizong's shrine: "Rite sets father-zhao, son-mu, one consort per chamber—one emperor, one empress: the orthodox form. Since Xia and Yin, this institution has never been altered. It is submitted that Empress Zhaocheng possessed Tai Si's virtue and already shares sacrifice with Ruizong; whereas Empress Suming did not have Qi's mother's rank and should have a temple of her own. The 《Zhou Rites》 state that playing Yi ze and singing Xiao lu to honor a former consort refers to Jiang Yuan. Jiang Yuan was Emperor Ku's consort and Hou Ji's mother; she was given a separate temple called Bi Palace. The 《Ritual Disquisitions》 also cite Fu Xi on Jin: when Empress Xuande of Emperor Jianwen was denied shared sacrifice, a palace was built outside and seasonal offerings were made there alone. Now Empress Suming has no position for complementary enshrinement; we ask, following Jiang Yuan and Empress Xuande, to have a separate temple and placement, the four seasons' sacrifices as the old observances." Approved. The tablet of Empress Zhaocheng was then moved to Ruizong's chamber, leaving only Suming's tablet in Yikun Temple.
14
使
Director Jiang Jiao and the ritual officials again memorialized: "We hear that revering ancestors and exalting grace require correct titles to honor the age's laws—that is ritual. In the Grand Temple Empress Zetian shares sacrifice with Emperor Gaozong, inscribed as "Holy Emperor Wu of the Heavenly Empress." She once held favored rank, received the late emperor's trust, and took power as an expedient measure. At the start of Shenlong her imperial title had already been removed. Cen Xi and others, ignorant of governance, restored an imperial title on the inscription. To let an imperial title stand again would violate court precedent. The seven temples are those of the High Ancestor, Emperor Shen Yao. Father-zhao, son-mu, ancestral merit—only imperial sons and heaven's grandsons who received the mandate may be enshrined there. Yet as consort sharing Gaozong's sacrifices, her old titles should not include "emperor." With her enshrinement near, we ask to perform the announcement rite, drop "Holy Emperor," and inscribe only "Empress Zetian Wu." The emperor approved. A separate Yizong Temple had been built; Master of Works Wei Cou wrote: "A king's institutions are his model; and models must learn from antiquity; which requires correct names; name and fact must agree. In the ancestral temple, the greatest rite—how can it be neglected! Ritual holds that ancestors have merit and clan lords have virtue. Ancestor and clan-lord temples stand for a hundred generations. Yin's Tai Jia was styled Taizong, Tai Wu Zhongzong, and Wu Ding Gaozong. Zhou honored Kings Wen and Wu. Han styled Emperor Wen Taizong and Emperor Wu Shizong. Later rulers styled "zong" when their virtue filled the realm and merited lasting place in the zhao-mu sequence. The weight of "ancestor" and "zong" is immense! Emperor Xiaojing never ruled; though his virtue surpassed other heirs, his teaching did not reach the realm—calling him "zong" does not fit ritual. A separate shrine outside the zhao-mu line: how can it be called "zong" under the sacrifice canon? Yet the temple name Yizong would stand for ages. In my humble view it should not be done. I hope you will further order the relevant offices to examine in detail and ensure conformity with ritual." The Court of Imperial Sacrifices then proposed "Xiaojing," his posthumous title, as the temple name. Approved.
15
殿 殿殿 使 宿殿 宿
In the fifth year's first month Xuanzong planned to visit the eastern capital; when the Grand Temple collapsed, he moved all seven tablets to Taiji Hall. He wore mourning dress, avoided the main hall, suspended court for three days, visited the tablets in Taiji Hall, then traveled east. He ordered repairs to the Grand Temple. When the temple was finished the next year, he returned and performed the enshrinement rite in person. When officials drafted the rite to have the emperor leave the palace on the enshrinement day, Xuanzong told Song Jing and Su Ting: "Sacrifice must be preceded by fasting, so the mind may be purified. The draft has us leave Daming Palace on the day itself and perform the rite at dawn. Even setting out before the stars fade, we would arrive only after the hour had passed; how could that be a dawn rite? Nor do I dare avoid lodging in the fasting palace while resting in the main hall. Set up a fasting palace at the temple. On the fifth day I will go there to fast overnight, and on the sixth perform the rite at dawn; only then may it accord with ritual." Song Jing and the others praised the depth of his devotion and asked to implement the change at once. An edict ordered the rites revised. On the sixth day he walked from the fasting palace to the Grand Temple, entered the east gate, and took his place. The Nine Completes were played; he ascended the east steps and offered libation. At Ruizong's chamber he prostrated himself and wept, and his attendants wept with him.
16
使西 沿 沿 使
A man of Henan prefecture, Sun Pingzi, came to the gate and stated: "Emperor Xiaojing of Zhongzong, having succeeded the great succession, ought not be moved to a separate temple." Xuanzong had the chancellor convene Pingzi and the ritualists; Su Xian and others clung to the earlier decision. Pingzi argued forcefully with scriptural citations the ritualists could not refute. Su Ting, then in power, favored his cousin Su Xian, and Pingzi's proposal was rejected. When Pingzi persisted, he was exiled as magistrate of Kang and escorted to his post under guard. He died soon after arriving. Despite his punishment, most officials thought him right. In the first month of the tenth year, an edict said: "I have heard that kings establish teaching according to the times and create rites according to events; reform and continuity must be based on what is fitting, and choices must suit the moment. Thus the ways of adding and reducing differ, and simplicity and ornament are used differently. Filial piety is the highest virtue, the means of communicating with the spirits; and sacrifice is the great affair, the way to show reverence in the ancestral temple. The dynasty holds the mandate and calendar; its brightness and prosperity have continued, the four quarters depend on its light, and seven generations reveal its virtue. In inheriting this great enterprise and reverently upholding the ancestral plan, I keep solemn service in mind and neglect no sacrifice. I have reviewed ancient texts and old institutions: Xia and Yin differed in antiquity, Han and Jin in later times. Ritual forms vary, but solemn reverence does not. I believe love begins with kinship and teaches people harmony; reverence begins with elders and teaches people obedience. Thus I follow ritual while giving due place to feeling: teaching may preserve the Way, and ritual may change with the time. I will establish a system suited to the occasion, not bind the present by antiquity. Affection grows distant through graded reduction, and temples disappear through removal and destruction. Even while observing the ancient instructions and not violating ritual; my filial feeling remains unsatisfied. If regular offerings merely cease, how can love be honored and ritual made complete; and if sacrifice is made only for petitions, virtue cannot flourish and endure. The removed chambers should be made regular chambers, preserving kinship without confusing distant ancestors with the immediate father, keeping the temple form intact and the honored line standing. Let seasonal offerings continue by rule, without interruption for tablets otherwise removed; and let tablets remain unmoved for a hundred generations, not only in the founder's temple. This is change that accords with ritual and action that reaches the mean; it exalts solemn enshrinement and preserves reverent harmony. Ancient texts also clearly address succession among brothers. Zhongzong's tablet still remains elsewhere. Examining the precedents, I am uneasy on the throne; it should be moved into the main temple to display the great canon. Establish nine chambers, and order the offices to choose a day, announce the move, and transfer the tablets." In the spring of the eleventh year, Xuanzong returned to the capital and issued an edict: "Building up the ancestral temple is one of ritual's greatest matters; nothing in virtue is greater than carrying out filial offerings. Now honored temples have been established and kin are no longer ordered for removal. I constantly think on solemn enshrinement: service must be pure, the halls honored, and libations and offerings presented. With my slight virtue I have inherited these sacrifices; if I do not attend them personally, how can I show sincere reverence? On the nineteenth day of the eighth month I shall reverently visit the nine chambers." Emperor Xuan was then honored as Xianzu and restored to a main chamber, Emperor Guang as Yizu, and Zhongzong's tablet was returned to the Grand Temple.
17
便
Rain halted the planned personal enshrinement. He had the offices carry out the rite instead. Zhongzong's former capital temple was demolished. Xiaojing's tablet was first enshrined in the eastern capital's old temple. The Xiaojing shrine in Congshan Lane was also torn down. In year twenty-one he moved Suming's tablet to Ruizong's chamber and converted Yikun Temple into Suming Abbey.
18
使西
Dali 14, tenth month: when Daizong's tablet was to be installed, Yan Zhenqing argued that Emperor Yuan was too remote by generation and should be moved to the western side chamber.
19
His memorial cited the 《Wang System》: "The Son of Heaven has seven temples: three zhao, three mu, plus the Grand Ancestor." The 《Ritual Vessels》 likewise says that when number marks honor, the Son of Heaven has seven temples. The 《Yi Yin》 adds: "Seven generations of temples let one observe virtue." These classics give clear evidence. Beyond the seven temples, the rule is: "removed from the tiao shrine, it becomes an altar; removed from the altar, it becomes an open ground." Thus Confucian scholars through the ages set the rite of successive removal: once kinship is exhausted, removal is proper. I submit: Taizong, Emperor Wen, is seven generations back; Gaozu, Emperor Shenyao, founded the dynasty's fortune, carried through all later generations; Taizu, Emperor Jing, received Heaven's mandate and first held Tang; these founding roots all belong among those never removed. Daizu, Emperor Yuan, did not found the line and by kinship falls outside the seven temples. With Daizong's enshrinement at hand, ritual requires Emperor Yuan's tablet to be removed. Some argued that titles such as "ancestor" and "zong" made removal difficult. The Han, still near antiquity, did not let private feeling override public rule; of twelve Former Han emperors, only four were named Zu or Zong. Later Han gradually strayed from the classics, with descendants intent on praise. From Guangwu on, every emperor had a temple name; Zu and Zong titles became universal. Emperor An trusted slander, killed ministers, and deposed the heir; no one memorialized to honor him as Zong, but since no temple had been removed since Jianwu, he was styled Zong by mausoleum name. Even Emperor Huan, despite his loss of virtue, still received a Zong title. Thus in Chuping, Cai Yong argued that from Emperor He down, their merit and virtue were undistinguished and their faults real, so they should not be Zong. For the remaining non-Zong temples, including three posthumously honored generations, he memorialized removal. Thus Zu means merit and Zong means virtue; public principle requires that only the proper person hold the place. This was the ritual foundation of the Three Dynasties. Since Eastern Han, that principle declined. Ming of Wei called himself Liezu; critics saw this as arrogating an ancestral title to himself. In recent ages these titles all became temple names; no descendant took the throne without making earlier rulers Zu or Zong. So the two titles alone cannot prove that removal is ritually improper. If the throne passed through a hundred generations, could exalting all hundred be called filial piety? I ask that the three zhao and three mu principle become the permanent rule.
20
Baoying 2: when Xuanzong and Suzong were enshrined, Xianzu and Yizu had already been removed in turn. Daizong's enshrinement after mourning requires shifting one chamber upward. The Yuan Emperor is too remote; his tablet should be removed and honored only at the great di and xia sacrifices.
21
西
The Yuan Emperor was moved to the western side chamber and Daizong was enshrined.
22
使西 沿 西 西
Yongzhen 1, eleventh month: when Dezong's tablet was to be installed, Du Huangchang and Wang Jing proposed moving Gaozong to the western side chamber. They argued: "Since Han and Wei, practice has varied. Antiquity held that meritorious ancestors and virtuous clan lords were never removed. From Eastern Han through Sui, courts increasingly praised forebears for flattery; after Guangwu nearly every emperor received "ancestor" or "zong" titles. As kinship lapsed, tablets were removed in turn; the nine-temple system follows Zhou. Great Ancestor Jing received Heaven's mandate and founded the line, like Zhou's Hou Ji. High Ancestor Shen Yao began the dynasty, like Zhou's King Wen. Taizong pacified the realm and established the succession, like Zhou's King Wu. Zhou sacrificed to Hou Ji and honored Wen and Wu in the temple; Tang sacrifices to Jing, with Shen Yao as ancestor and Taizong as zong—all never removed. Emperor Gaozong is now outside the three zhao and three mu—called kin exhausted; with a new tablet entering the temple, ritual requires successive removal, stored in the first side chamber from the west; each di and xia month he is jointly offered as usual." Gaozong was moved to the western side chamber and Dezong was enshrined.
23
祿
In Yuanhe 1, seventh month, as Shunzong's tablet was to be enshrined, officials were uncertain which tablet should be removed. Grand Ritual Erudite Wang Jing argued that the ritual classics say, "Ancestors have merit, and zong have virtue," both names for tablets never removed. Only the Three Dynasties truly followed this rule. From Han and Wei onward, even rulers called zu or zong were moved when kinship ended, and those without merit were removed; the ancient standard was no longer kept. The Xia rulers counted fifteen generations, honoring Zhuanxu as ancestor and Yu as zong. The Yin counted seventeen generations, honoring Xie as ancestor and Tang as zong. The Zhou had thirty-six kings, with Hou Ji as Grand Ancestor, King Wen as ancestor, and King Wu as zong. Our Tang, rich in virtue and broad in succession, follows Yin and Zhou: Emperor Jing is Grand Ancestor, Gaozu is ancestor, and Taizong is zong, all within the canon of tablets never moved. Thus Daizu was moved when Daizong was enshrined; and Gaozong was moved when Dezong was enshrined. Now that Shunzong is being enshrined, Zhongzong falls outside the three zhao and three mu. His kinship line is exhausted, so ritual requires moving him to a Grand Temple side chamber. Some object that because Empress Zetian changed the dynasty and Zhongzong restored it, he should not be treated as a tablet to be moved and stored. I do not understand this argument. When Gaozong died, Zhongzong followed the testamentary edict and ascended from heir apparent to sovereign. When Empress Dowager Zetian took court power, she deposed him as Prince of Luling. In Shengli 1 she restored him as crown prince by edict. Because the empress dowager lived and ruled for so long, wicked ministers seized authority and disrupted the order of government. Jing Hui, Huan Yanfan, and the other five ministers were old Tang servants who supported the royal house and helped Zhongzong resume the succession. This was a son inheriting his father's work: Zhongzong gained the throne and then lost it; then his mother returned the position to her son, so Zhongzong regained what he had lost. Over twenty years he twice became crown prince and returned to the imperial throne. The loss and recovery both belonged to his own line, so this differs from true dynastic restoration. The Zhou example is first: after King You was destroyed by the Quanrong and King Ping moved east, Zhou did not make King Ping an unmoved restoration temple. The Han example is second: when Empress Lü monopolized power and Lü Chan and Lü Lu governed, Emperor Wen came from Dai to take the throne, yet Han did not give him an unmoved restoration temple. The third example is Huo Guang's support of Emperor Xuan, which renewed the dynasty but still did not make Xuan an unmoved temple. Zhongzong, Emperor Xiaohe, is a sixth-generation collateral ancestor to the present emperor, not in the direct line, and his temple kinship is exhausted. By the precedents of Zhou and Han, he is not a restoration ruler of enduring merit. There is no doubt that his tablet should be moved to the side chamber.
24
使 西 西
On the twenty-fourth Du Huangchang reported: "Shunzong is already in the Grand Temple; after the removal announcement his predecessors should shift. Emperor Zhongzong's tablet is now outside the three zhao and three mu; per ritual he should be moved to the Grand Temple's first side chamber from the west; on each di and xia day he is jointly offered as usual." Zhongzong was moved to the western side chamber and Shunzong was enshrined.
25
Earlier, as the imperial tomb neared completion, the offices had debated temple removal. They argued Zhongzong was a restoration emperor who should never be removed. The chancellor asked historiographer Jiang Wu, who replied: "Zhongzong took the throne before Gaozong's coffin in Hongdao 1, when already mature. When the empress dowager seized power, the throne was lost. Later Zhang Jianzhi and his allies restored him—twice. That resembles mere restoration, not the "restoration emperor" of ritual theory. True restoration means regaining what one lost oneself, as with Guangwu or Jin's Yuandi. Losing the throne and recovering it through others, as with Jin's Hui and An, is different. Now Zhongzong's affair is the same as the two emperors Hui and An; he cannot be a ruler not removed." The offices added: "Moving Zhongzong would end the Five Kings' shared sacrifice forever." Wu replied: Merit-sharing ministers are fed in the Grand Temple only at di and xia; otherwise they receive no regular offerings. Moving Zhongzong still leaves the Five Kings honored at di and xia when removed rulers are assembled—no change for them. The offices had no reply.
26
使 西 西 西
In the fourth month of the fifteenth year Li Jian proposed the posthumous title Sheng Shen Zhang Wu Xiao and temple name Xianzong for the late emperor. Earlier Li Yijian of Henan had argued: "Kings honor meritorious ancestors and virtuous clan lords. The late emperor suppressed rebellion with repeated military success; his temple name should be zu, not zong. Your Majesty should decide this at the imperial throne; do not trust pedantic bookish scholars." An edict then ordered the chief ministers and ritual officers to debate the proposal. Erudite Wang Yanwei argued: "The late emperor's temple name should be Zong, not Zu." Approved. That month the Ministry of Rites memorialized: "According to the Zhenguan precedent, removed temple tablets are stored in the three north–south chambers on the west wall of the side chambers. The first room was for the dynastic founder, the second for Gaozong, the third for Zhongzong. With Ruizong's enshrinement imminent, no room remained on the west side-chamber wall beyond the three existing chambers. The 《Jiangdu Collected Rites》 say ancient removed tablets were kept in the Grand Chamber's north wall. Now we request on the north wall of the side chambers, taking west as superior, to place the stone chamber for Emperor Ruizong's spirit tablet." Approved.
27
使
Changqing 4, first month: the ritual commissioner cited the 《Zhou Rites》 on the Son of Heaven's seven temples: three zhao, three mu, plus the Grand Ancestor. The 《Xunzi》 says a ruler of the realm sacrifices to seven generations, a feudal lord to five. So seven ancestral temples for the Son of Heaven is the classical norm. Meritorious ancestors and dynastic founders lie outside that count. The dynasty's nine-shrine system follows the Zhou model. Grand Ancestor Emperor Jing, first Duke of Tang and founder of the Mandate, matches Zhou's Hou Ji. Gaozong the Divine Yao, who founded the dynasty, matches King Wen. Taizong the Cultured, who pacified the realm, matches King Wu. Below them the three zhao and three mu are the "intimate" shrines with regular seasonal offerings. Now with a new tablet entering the temple, Emperor Xuanzong the Brilliant lies outside the three zhao and three mu; he is an ancestor whose line of descent is exhausted. Though he has merit and virtue, ritual requires removal; in the years of di and xia he joins the combined feast." Approved.
28
使
In the fifth year of Kaicheng, the Ritual Commissioner memorialized: "We respectfully note that the Son of Heaven's seven temples do not include meritorious ancestors and virtuous founders. Under dynastic practice the Grand Temple has nine chambers. Grand Ancestor Jing, Gaozong, and Taizong—founders with merit—are never removed. Now Emperor Wenzong the Sagely Illustrious is due to ascend; Emperor Daizong the Sagely Cultured and Martial is an exhausted-line ancestor whom ritual requires to remove; at each di and xia he joins the combined feast as usual." Approved.
29
使使西西西
In the sixth month of the first year of Huichang, an edict said: "Recently, on the day of my birth anniversary, when I displayed the reverence of attending upon her countenance, the Grand Empress Dowager told me: 'Of the filial duty of the Son of Heaven, nothing is greater than grandly continuing the succession; of the obligations of human relations, nothing is greater than heirs continuing the line. Emperor Muzong, the Sagely, Cultured, Benevolent, and Filial, has long since left the age, and years and seasons have repeatedly passed. His paternal temple chamber lacks the rite of sharing food, and only the emperor deeply feels the grief of dew and frost. Empress Dowager Xuanyi, in the Changqing era, surpassed the rear palace in virtue, early displayed the auspicious sign of Shalu, and truly flourished in the model of Hezhou. In the former reign the thickness of grace and ritual had no equal within the inner palace. How much more, since she gave birth to our sage ruler and continued the prosperous fortune, already sharing splendor with the former emperor and about to extend blessing to later descendants. Thinking to broaden the plans left to posterity and hoping to enlarge universal love, follow the old canon and so comfort filial thoughts. Empress Dowager Xuanyi should be attached in the Great Temple to the chamber of Emperor Muzong, the Sagely, Cultured, Benevolent, and Filial. Take this constant instruction as your model, and reverently carry it out.' I have respectfully received the compassionate command and am deeply moved and choked with feeling. Let it be proclaimed inside and outside, so that all may hear and know it." In the fifth month of the sixth year of Huichang, the Commissioner of Ritual Protocol memorialized that when Emperor Wuzong, the Illustrious and Solemn, was attached to the temple, the tablets to be removed should also be considered together. Respectfully, since Jingzong, Wenzong, and Wuzong succeeded one another as brothers, three reigns have already passed. Their zhao and mu positions differ from the former pattern. There are four matters that may be doubted. First, brothers occupy the same zhao-mu position and do not become successors to one another. Second, a tablet already removed may again enter the old temple. Third, the number of temple chambers is limited, and a tablet without a successor should be taken out and placed in a separate temple. Fourth, since brothers do not become successors to one another, zhao is the way of the father and mu is the way of the son; if zhao and mu are in the same rank, they should not occupy different positions. According to the Spring and Autumn Annals, "In the second year of Duke Wen, Duke Xi was raised." He Xiu says, "Raised means promoted, meaning westward precedence. Duke Hui and Duke Zhuang should face south together, with the westward place highest; Duke Yin, Duke Huan, Duke Min, and Duke Xi should face north together, with the westward place highest." Kong Yingda also cited this meaning in explaining the classic. He Xun also said, "Pangeng of Yin did not arrange Yangjia in sequence; Guangwu of Han continued upward from Emperor Yuan." Emperor Yuan and Emperor Jianwen of Jin both used this principle in removing temples, probably because when zhao and mu positions are the same, two temples cannot both be removed. The Book of Documents says, "In the temples of seven generations, virtue may be observed." Moreover, in the Yin house brothers succeeded one another, at times with four emperors not reaching grandfather or father; how could one then further speak of seven generations? In principle this is impossible. Second, now that brothers have succeeded one another and together form one generation, correcting the former error means that Emperor Daizong's spirit tablet should again be attached in the Great Temple. Some may doubt that a tablet already removed should again enter the Great Temple. But in the Jin, during the times of Yuan and Ming, Yuzhang and Yingchuan had already been moved out; when Jianwen ascended the throne, he was Emperor Yuan's son, and so the two spirit tablets of Yuzhang and Yingchuan were restored to the temple. Also, in our dynasty Zhongzong had already been attached in the Great Temple; in the fourth year of Kaiyuan he was taken out and placed in a separate temple, but in the tenth year, when nine temples were established, Zhongzong's spirit tablet was again attached in the Great Temple. Thus there should also be no doubt about restoring a tablet that has already been moved. Third, as for the temple having a fixed number and placing a tablet without a successor in a separate temple: at the beginning of Wei and Jin many shared the same temple, probably taking the ancient meaning of one clear temple hall and honoring remote deities. Afterward, in the temple established by Emperor Wu of Jin, though it was called seven tablets, it was in fact six generations, because Jing and Wen shared one temple. Again, Lu established temples for Jiang Yuan and King Wen without counting zhao and mu, in order to honor merit and virtue. Emperor Yuan of Jin continued upward from Emperor Wu, while for the three emperors Hui, Huai, and Min, the scholars He Xun and others debated at the time and considered that separate temples should be established; with kinship distant and obligation sparse, and with capital city and territory changed, there was no impropriety in principle. Now Wenzong has left the age only six or seven years ago, and Wuzong has only just recently returned to the earth; suddenly moving them to separate temples and not ranking them among the ancestors is not something the responsible offices should discuss. Fourth, as to adding temple chambers: according to the Discussion of Rites, He Xun, Chamberlain for Ceremonials of Jin, said, "A temple is limited by its capacity to hold tablets and is not bound to a constant number." Therefore, in Emperor Wu of Jin's time, the temple had seven tablets and six generations. By the time of Emperors Yuan and Ming, the temples both had ten chambers. With Emperors Cheng, Kang, and Mu, they all reached eleven chambers. Afterward, although old tablets were moved and new ones attached, in general seven generations served as the standard, but the number of chambers was not limited. Respectfully, the great scholars south of the Yangzi understood subtlety and saw what was profound; since the matter has clear evidence, it may certainly be carried out. If this proposal is not now carried out, and alternating removal is instead made the rule, then above it will fail to reach the not-yet-exhausted kinship of great-grandfather and grandfather, and below there will be the way of a minister and son enduring the loss of grace and obligation. Having now fully examined ancient and recent cases and compared classics and histories, we request above that Emperor Daizong's spirit tablet be restored to the Great Temple, preserving the kinship of great-grandfather and grandfather. Below, with Jingzong, Wenzong, and Wuzong together forming one generation, add two chambers in the eastern bay of the Great Temple and fix the system as nine generations and eleven chambers, in order to complete the obligation of grace and reverence owed by ministers and sons. This will nearly accord with the propriety of great obedience, obtain the correctness of adapting ritual, settle the disputes of ancient and recent times, and establish a handle and guide for all doubts. It will let filial piety broaden from the heart and forever shine in imperial brightness; it will manifest virtue in serving the spirits and leave no deficiency in the sage age. An edict said: "The matter of the ancestral temple is weighty and truly requires joint deliberation. Let the Department of State Affairs, the two Secretariats, officials of the fourth rank and above in the Censorate, the Minister of the Court of Judicial Review, the Intendant of Jingzhao, and others assemble and debate it for report." Vice Minister of the Left in the Department of State Affairs Zheng Ya and others memorialized in deliberation, saying: "The ritual classics hand down standards, and nothing is weightier than solemnly pairing the ancestors. One must consult the principle of adding and reducing; then it accords with the texts of canonical ritual.
30
Clear precedents supported a balanced ruling. Jingzong, Wenzong, and Wuzong had succeeded as brothers—a pattern with clear precedent in earlier dynasties. They reviewed the Ritual Institute's proposal against classics and history and found it a timely, fitting compromise. Your subjects deliberated and request following what the ritual officers proposed." Approved.
31
Dazhong 3, eleventh month: an edict raised Xianzong's and Shunzong's posthumous titles and referred implementation to the offices concerned. Erudite Li Chou asked to carve new tablets for Xianzong and Shunzong bearing the new titles. The emperor doubted this and ordered a joint deliberation at the Department of State Affairs. Yang Fa and Liu Yanmo memorialized: "There is no precedent for new tablets and retitled inscriptions." The full debate is recorded in the 《Biography of Yang Fa》. At the time the chief ministers memorialized: "Remaking and retitling both lack authority; weighing sentiment and reason, retitling is fitting. Gentry families commonly retitled tablets; rank differed, but the principle was the same. We hope to retitle on the existing spirit tablets—then it will be broadly acceptable." The court approved.
32
殿
When Huang Chao took Chang'an, Xizong fled to Chengdu. Zhonghe 1, summer, fourth month: officers sought to sacrifice at all eleven chambers from the Grand Ancestor down, and the court ordered debate on the rite. Director Niu Cong and the ritual scholars debated the matter. Someone said: "When the king tours the regions, he takes the removed temple tablets on the journey. Without removed tablets, invokers would announce to the ancestors with silks and jade, then carry the tablets in the fasting carriage, offering at each stop. This was not a royal tour but the loss of the capital temple. When the ancestral temple is lost, ancestral temple affairs should be suspended." Niu Cong was uncertain. Wang Jian, Li Kuangyi, and Yuan Hao offered conflicting proposals. When Cui Hou became director, they resolved to set up a traveling temple. They had once framed eleven curtained chambers before the Hall of the Mysterious Origin when Xuanzong fled to Shu. Without tablets they used inscribed boards and performed the rites. Ritual experts criticized the practice and said it should simply stop. The next year they specially carved tablets for the traveling temple.
33
殿殿 殿 殿 使 輿 使殿 殿便 殿 西
Guangqi 1, twelfth month, twenty-fifth day: Xizong again reached Baoji. Eleven Grand Temple tablets, eight removed-shrine tablets, three empress-dowager shrine tablets, and ritual gear—escorted by the clan court to Hao County—were looted and lost. Third year, second month: the court returned from Xingyuan but lodged at Fengxiang while palaces were rebuilt. The Ritual Institute memorialized: "When the emperor returns to the palace, he first visits the Grand Temple. Now the ancestral temple is burned and destroyed and the spirit tablets are lost; we request following ritual precedent to restore and maintain them." The institute cited the 《Spring and Autumn Annals》: when the new palace burned, three days of mourning were prescribed. The 《Commentary》 explains the "new palace" was Duke Xuan's temple. Three days of weeping was proper ritual. The 《National History》 records: Kaiyuan 5, first month, second day, four Grand Temple chambers collapsed; the tablets were saved to the Hall of Supreme Ultimate, and Xuanzong mourned in plain dress. Baoying 1: when Suzong returned, rebels had burned the temple, so he wept toward it from a station outside Guangshun Gate. Precedents show no rite of officials offering formal condolence. Yet with the emperor in mourning dress, officials' condolence was still fitting. They proposed: the clan court should report the disaster; the emperor mourn, receive officials' condolences, halt court three days, and order new sage tablets made on an auspicious day. Only thus would the rites be proper. Chestnut wood for tablets required the eleventh month, and they feared delay." The restoration commissioner, Chancellor Zheng Yanchang, fully deliberated; the Secretariat memorialized, saying: "We note that last winter there were again shocks; suddenly the court moved to monasteries; the masters of sacrifice were pressed in haste. They had not yet reported while lodged at Fengxiang. Now the throne was returning, canon would be restored, and filial rebuilding of the temple could proceed. They asked for an edict ordering offices to restore the temple by canonical rites." The edict said: "With meager virtue I inherited the throne, yet failed above to receive Heaven's favor and below to set human order right. War rose across the realm, the imperial carriage twice crossed the frontiers, the ancestral temple was shaken, and the seasonal sacrifices lapsed. As we reverently restore the rites, the grief is doubly sharp. Refer this to the responsible offices." Zheng Yanchang, the chancellor supervising restoration of the Grand Temple, also memorialized: "The main hall has eleven chambers, twenty-three bays, and eleven roof frames; the work is enormous, and the costs will be substantial. Ancestral temple dimensions were fixed and hard to alter. Should restoration follow original plans or be renegotiated? They requested that ritual officers be ordered to deliberate in detail." Erudite Yin Yingsun memorialized, saying: "If we follow the original estimates, it will be hard to complete quickly; moreover the treasury of silks is empty—we must rely on altered ritual. Until the new temple was done, new tablets should lodge in the Hall of Everlasting Peace for offering rites, then move when the temple stood. Apart from palace and audience halls, the capital had no spare halls. An edict had proposed the Palace Workshops' great hall as a temporary temple. Five bays could not hold eleven shrines; they asked to extend the hall to eleven bays. The three empress-dowager temples should take three rooms in the southwest of the Director of the Palace Workshops as places for the three chambers' announcement offerings." The emperor approved.
34
:::::
Dashun 1: before the di rite, officers proposed bringing the three empress-dowager tablets into the Grand Temple for joint offering. The three were Grand Empress Dowager Xiaoming of the Zheng clan, Xuanzong's mother; Grand Empress Dowager Gongxi of the Wang clan, Jingzong's mother; and Grand Empress Dowager Zhenxian of the Xiao clan, Wenzong's mother. Each had a tablet at death but should not enter the Grand Temple. Ritual officers had placed them in separate temples with their own seasonal and cha/di rites, never bringing tablets into the Grand Temple. After the rebellion, the Ritual Institute, citing the 《Quetai Rites》, sought to joint-offer the three empress dowagers in the Grand Temple. Erudite Yin Yingsun presented a memorial opposing it, saying: Your servant has carefully examined the three empress dowagers: they are the consorts of Xianzong and Muzong. The two emperors have already been attached in the Great Temple. The reason separate temples were established for the three empress dowagers was that they could not enter the Great Temple. This differs from a separate temple for an empress while the emperor is on the throne. Now the responsible offices have mistakenly used Wang Yanwei's Qutai Rites and would perform the di sacrifice for empress dowagers of separate temples in the Great Temple; this is extremely perverse. Your servant has privately investigated the substance of the matter, and there are five reasons it cannot be done. First, the Qutai Rites says: "For an empress of a separate temple, at the di and xia sacrifices in the Great Temple, she is attached and feasted below the ancestral mother." This refers to an empress who died first and whose spirit tablet had already been made while her husband was on the imperial throne, such as Zhaocheng, Suming, Yuanxian, and Zhaode. When Zhaocheng and Suming died, Ruizong was on the throne. When Yuanxian died, Xuanzong was on the throne. When Zhaode died, Suzong was on the throne. These four empresses did not yet have their proper chambers in the Great Temple, so separate temples were created for them. They were to be tablets that would share food in the Great Temple, and therefore at di and xia they were brought in for the feast. Their spirit tablets were simply inscribed "Empress with such-and-such posthumous title," making clear that once they later had proper chambers in the Great Temple, they should be moved and attached there. Because the emperor was still on the throne, an empress only temporarily had a separate temple. She was originally an ancestor meant to share food in the Great Temple, and so she was raised at di and xia; since the Great Temple did not yet have a place for her, she was attached below the ancestral mother. Now Empress Dowagers Gongxi and Zhenxian are both consorts of Muzong. For Gongxi, a spirit tablet was made in the fourth year of Huichang, and she should have been attached in Muzong's temple chamber. At that time, Muzong's temple had already attached the spirit tablet of Wuzong's mother, Empress Xuanyi, and therefore a separate temple was established for Gongxi. Her spirit tablet was directly inscribed Empress Dowager, making clear that she would finally rest in a separate temple and would not enter the Great Temple. For Empress Dowager Zhenxian, a spirit tablet was made in the first year of Dazhong and a separate temple was established; her spirit tablet was also inscribed as Empress Dowager, and her meaning is the same as Gongxi's. For Xiaoming, a spirit tablet was made in the fifth year of Xiantong, and she should have been attached in Xianzong's temple chamber. Xianzong's temple had already attached the spirit tablet of Muzong's mother, Empress Yi'an, and therefore Xiaoming also had a separate temple. Since she was Yizong's grandmother, her tablet was inscribed as Grand Empress Dowager. This is also the same as Gongxi and Zhenxian, and not the precedent of an empress whose spirit tablet is made first while the emperor is on the throne. Now to take the spirit tablets of empress dowagers of separate temples and raise them to share in the di sacrifice in the Great Temple is the first reason it cannot be done. Second, the Ritual Notes for Di and Xia in the Great Temple for Empresses of Separate Temples in the Qutai Rites says: "The Palace Regular Attendant reverently carries the spirit tablet of the empress of the separate temple and sets it in the temple court on a red-yellow mat. He announces, 'The empress with such-and-such posthumous title is attached to share in the di and xia feast in the Great Temple,' and only afterward raises the spirit tablet." Now one would have to announce "the Grand Empress Dowager with such-and-such posthumous title." Moreover, within the Great Temple there are twenty-one chambers of empresses' spirit tablets; suddenly placing a Grand Empress Dowager in the zhao-mu sequence is the second reason it cannot be done. Third, if one merely says "Empress with such-and-such posthumous title," then it differs entirely from what is inscribed on the tablet; on what could the spirit rely? This is the third reason it cannot be done. Fourth, the Essentials of Ancient and Modern Ritual says: "The old canon says that Zhou established a separate temple for Jiang Yuan, with seasonal sacrifices and offerings, and that at di and xia in the seven temples she was sacrificed to in all of them, only not entering the temple of the Grand Ancestor as a separate consort. Empress Wensi Zhen of Wei, mother of Emperor Ming, had her temple and sleeping hall according to Jiang Yuan's temple; seasonal rites and di were all the same as in the other temples." This old ritual has clear text and may be used as evidence. Now to perform di and xia for empress dowagers of separate temples in the Great Temple is the fourth reason it cannot be done. Fifth, the reason separate temples were established for the empress dowagers was that Xiaoming could not be attached together with Yi'an in Xianzong's chamber. Now in the di feast, Yi'an would be placed above her husband's parents. This is the fifth reason it cannot be done. Moreover xia is a combined sacrifice. If even in combining they do not enter the temple of the Grand Ancestor, how much less should they do so at di? I privately consider that all of them should perform di in their separate temples. Also, the two temples of Gongxi and Zhenxian were nearby in Zhuyang Ward; when di and xia went to the Great Temple, full imperial processions had to be prepared, the ritual was very weighty, and the ceremonial guards were extremely numerous. In Xiantong, great feasts were repeatedly encountered; eyes and ears were connected to them, the years and generations are not remote, and people all saw and heard it. The matter can be investigated by inquiry; I do not dare decide it from private conjecture. Someone may say: "Because there are three temples, performing di and xia in the separate temples may be acceptable, but there will be a doubtful matter in the future. Carefully considering that Ruizong's kinship is exhausted and he has already been removed, now Empresses Zhaocheng and Suming are both in the side chamber. If in later generations Xianzong's and Muzong's kinship is exhausted and they are removed, can the spirit tablets of the three empress dowagers fail to enter the side chamber? If di or xia occurs, what then?" I answer: this too is a great error. If the three empress-dowager temples reach the point where kinship is exhausted and they should be removed, they should simply be closed and not feasted; how could they be placed in the side chamber? Di and xia should be performed at the separate temples. Since the successive dynasties, when has there ever been a case of spirit tablets from separate temples again entering the side chambers of the Great Temple? Di and xia are great matters of ritual, and they must not be wrongly handled.
35
Chancellor Kong Wei said: "The erudite's words are correct. Yesterday the Ritual Institute's submitted protocol has now been issued an edict down; the great sacrifice day presses—it cannot be suddenly changed; for the time being let it be carried out as submitted." The three empress dowagers were nonetheless enshrined in the Grand Temple cha rite. Ritual experts condemned the blunder, still uncorrected.
36
便使
In the eleventh month, Erudite Ren Chou submitted, saying: "On the seventeenth of last month, offering at the Deming and Xingsheng temples, we received a report from the temple attendant Hou Lun's petition, stating that the chamber of Emperor Yi was above the chamber of Emperor Xian; though it was then deemed correct and the rite was performed, we still dispatched notice to the surveillance commissioner and the Court of the Imperial Clan, requesting examination of the imperial genealogy; if there is any difference, inform each other and memorialize. Your subject found in the 《Basic Annals of the Divine Yao Emperor Gaozu》 that the Ancestor of Offerings was zhao to the Ancestor of Eminence and the Ancestor of Eminence was mu to the Ancestor of Offerings--zhao and mu stand as far apart as heaven and earth. The shrine order is violated yet was not reported; to temporize is unpardonable. Zhu Chou and Wang Hao were ordered to review; the reply cited Zhide 2: Gao Yao was made Emperor Deming and the Liang Martial Illustrious King Emperor Xingsheng. In the tenth year temples were set up. By Zhenyuan 19, the court followed Chen Jing, Yao Nanzhong, and 150 others: di and jia are ordered ancestral rites, and every state honors its Grand Ancestor. The state takes Emperor Jing as Grand Ancestor; above him no place may be made in the di and jia rites. Let the Deming and Xingsheng shrines form four chambers and receive the relocated Offerings and Eminence ancestors. Chou’s report was the original memorial: Offerings was always above Eminence. State affairs begin with the ancestral temple; di and xia must keep their order. Forty years have passed—too late to trace easily. Your subject prays the sacred discernment may at once issue an edict and complete the rites of relocation and correction." That month, Zhou again memorialized: "Your subject has heard that on the thirteenth of this month an edict, on your subject’s report of the inverted placement of the two chambers of the Ancestors of Offerings and Eminence, ordered the ritual officers to assemble for deliberation and report. On the seventeenth last month, the Grand Temple xia for tablets from Emperor Jing down followed the Zhenyuan 19 placement of Xianzu and Yizu in Deming Temple, making four chambers. By the original edict each tablet was served in its own chamber. Offerings should stand above Eminence—zhao and mu in proper order. He saw Offerings’ chamber placed below Eminence’s. Registers later confirmed the error; he reported it. Now the edict required ritual officers to debate and report. Seven officers--Li Gang, Liu Zhongnian, Zhuge Tian, Li Tong, Wang Hao, Zhu Chou, Min Qingzhi--cited the 《Basic Annals of the Divine Yao Emperor Gaozu》 and the genealogy: Offerings Xuan was Gaozu's great-grandfather, Eminence Guang his great-great-grandfather; Offerings was Eminence's father. Ren Zhou’s charge of inverted worship was true. Your subjects humbly beg that an edict be issued at once to complete the rites of relocation and correction.'" It was done.
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Xizong returned from Xingyuan; in summer's fourth month, before the di rite, offices cited old practice: "di at Deming and Xingsheng, with Offerings and Eminence in four chambers." Huang Chao had burned the temples; rites for the coming di had to be reworked. Erudite Yin Yingsun argued: "Your subject holds that the four temples of Deming and the rest achieved no founding merit and were posthumous ennoblements only; moreover they are extremely remote in date from the present emperor and very distant in zhao-mu. Follow Wei Hong’s Jin rule: when the building is gone, cease—and abolish them. The edict was referred to the officials in the Department of State Affairs. Xue Zhaowei of the Ministry of Rites memorialized that ritual must fit the occasion, neither exceeding nor falling short, and that sacrifice should follow the classics. He argued that the posthumous honoring of Deming was extraordinarily remote, with no parallel in earlier dynasties. Among ancient ritual systems, none was more complete than that of Zhou. Hou Ji was the first enfeoffed ancestor and King Wen the founder of royal order; no separate temples were proposed for ancestors before Hou Ji. The Han could trace themselves to Liu Lei, and Liang and Wei to the Xiao and Cao lines, yet their records show no such retroactive honorifics. The case for Xingsheng had no evidentiary basis. He was listed as an ancestor merely because he had first ruled in Liang. Comparable figures, such as Changsha for Later Han and Yuan of Chu for Emperor Gao of Song, received no such ritual honors; these cases supply the precedent. Xianzu and Yizu were neither meritorious ancestors nor virtuous temple founders; once their kinship line was exhausted, ritual required removal and burial, and their two temples were only a temporary measure. At the start of Wude, Gaozu and Taizong considered the temple system with many eminent classicists present, yet no one proposed temples for Gao Yao or Liang Wuzhao, because they knew such temples were improper. Taizu and Daizu were honored as emperors, while Xianzu remained Duke Xuanjian and Yizu King Yi; the lack of imperial titles shows they were meant to be removed when kinship ended. 《Chunqiu Zuoshi zhuan》 says: "When Confucius was in Chen, he heard that the Lu temple had burned. He asked, 'Was it Huan and Xi?' It later proved to be so." The point is that failing to remove temples after kinship ends can bring heavenly disaster; the evidence is clear and cannot be ignored. The Ritual Institute cited clear evidence: after the restoration in Zhide 2 no tablet was made for Duke Hongnong, and Wei Hong of Jin had argued, "when the building decays, then stop." These points accord with the ritual classics. He requested that the four chambers, including Xingsheng, follow the Ritual Institute's proposal.
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The court followed the canon and referred execution to the offices.
39
使
Kaiyuan 22, first month: an edict said basket-and-bean offerings might be incomplete and ordered ritual scholars to report. Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices Wei Zou requested: "For offerings in the ancestral temple, let each chamber have twelve baskets and twelve beans added. Libation cups were tiny—barely one he—and hard to hold; he asked they be enlarged. Suburban offerings should follow the same rule. We also hope the Department of State Affairs may gather all officials for detailed deliberation and seek a balanced mean." Zhang Jun, Wei Shu, and the others answered by citing 《Li Jitong》: "All things produced by Heaven and grown by Earth may be included when they are fit to offer. Water plants, goods of land and sea, sacrificial animals, grain vessels, unusual creatures, fruits, and all things of yin and yang are provided for the offering." The sages knew filial feeling was deep but the range of possible offerings was endless, so they regulated sacrifice with fixed rites, ranked offerings, and counted vessels. From the emperor down through the high ministers, rank determined what could be used, with no overstepping. This was the enduring rule of successive ages. 《Zhouli: Shanfu》 says: "The officer manages the king's foods, drinks, viands, and delicacies," with many grains, animals, drinks, delicacies, rarities, and sauces; this shows that royal meals and sacrificial offerings differed by nature in abundance and restraint. 《Zuozhuan》 says: "Formal offerings teach reverence and restraint; banquets display kindness and grace; reverence and restraint carry out ritual, and kindness and grace spread government." It also says: "Formal offerings present whole victims; banquets serve cut meat." Du Yu explains: "In formal offerings the cup is filled but not drunk, and the dishes are set out but not eaten; at banquets, the participants eat together." Since even the terminology separates offerings from banquets, sacrificial displays plainly should not be treated as ordinary meals. 《Zhouli》 also assigns separate basket and dish offerings for sacrifices and for guests, with different contents for each use. These passages show that sacrificial offerings have long been distinct from everyday food. Personal tastes have no stable rule, and private banquet fare changes from age to age. The sages therefore brought sacrifice back to ancient norms: even favorite foods from life were not offered if they did not accord with ritual; and even disliked foods were retained if ritual required them. 《Discourses of Chu》 records that Qu Dao loved water chestnuts and, when sick, told the clan elders, 'Use water chestnuts in my sacrifices.' After Qu Dao died, the elders prepared water chestnuts, but Qu Jian had them removed, explaining that the ritual canon assigns oxen, sheep, pigs and dogs, fish and roasted meat, baskets, and dishes according to rank. It does not present exotic delicacies or private extravagance, and it does not let personal desire disturb the state ritual. So the water chestnuts were not used." Thus earlier worthies would not offer foods outside the ritual code. If every sweet, rich, or savory food at hand is admitted into sacrifice, then once the old rules are exceeded there will be no limit. Even adding more baskets and dishes, how could the offerings ever be exhaustive? 《Tradition》 says: "The great soup is not richly seasoned, and the grain food is not finely polished, displaying frugality." 《Documents》 says: "Millet and panicled millet are not the fragrance; bright virtue alone is fragrant." Serving the spirits depends on sincerity, not on feeding them to fullness. The di sacrifice is held only once every three years to avoid irreverent overuse. The rite ends with three offerings because ritual must have a proper completion. The 《Airs》 have 《Gathering Duckweed》 and 《Gathering Artemisia》; the 《Ya》 has 《Walking Among the Reeds》 and 《Clear Libation》. If offerings are kept with loyalty and trust, surely the spirits would not reject them! If current delicacies and everyday habits are enough to seek the spirits, then there is no reason to follow antiquity at all. On that logic, ritual vessels could be thrown out and replaced with plates, bowls, cups, and trays. The ancient music 《Shao》 and 《Hu》 could likewise give way to harps, flutes, and pipes. Such things are not proper ritual objects. Some are recent innovations, others foreign imports, and pleasures for eye and ear have no ritual model; if used in the ancestral temple, what would descendants see? They should not be made a permanent rule. Since the Han, mausoleums have had halls where ordinary foods are offered seasonally and on new and full moons; this already satisfies the deepest filial feeling. The formal rites of the ancestral temple should follow precedent; changing them by emotion is hard to justify. The old system called a one-sheng vessel a jue and a five-sheng vessel a san. 《Ritual Vessels》 says: "In ancestral-temple sacrifices, the honored offer with the jue, and the lowly offer with the san." This shows that high rank is marked by smaller vessels, a lesson in restraint. 《Guoyu》 has Guan Shefu say: "The jiao and di sacrifices do not exceed cocoon and chestnut size; the zheng and chang sacrifices do not exceed what can be grasped." Spirits attend in pure clarity; they require the prescribed set of offerings, not lavish quantity or size. If ritual is lost, what use is abundance? One cannot abandon the former kings' rules, chase the fashion of the moment, and cast aside the ritual classics for passing desire. What use is a cap torn apart and a crown destroyed! A gentleman cares for others through ritual and does not seek easy compliance; in the ancestral temple, he certainly cannot forget the old rules. We request adherence to the ancient system, so the practice may endure.
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Vice Director of Rites Yang Zhongchang argued: "Respectfully according to the 《Rites》: 'Sacrifice should not be troublesome--if troublesome it becomes irreverent; Nor should it be too simple; if too simple, it becomes negligent.' Zheng Xuan also said: 'While the living esteem coarse food, spirits are not so. In Shennong’s age there was grain but no wine. When later sages made ale and cheese, they still kept the dark liquor, seeking not to forget antiquity.' The 《Annals》 say pondweed and ditch water may honor kings and spirits. It also says great broth is unseasoned and millet left unpolished. Rulers honor ancestors by frugality, not by rich food. Sea and land delicacies violate ritual and should not all enter sacrifice. The 《Changes》 prescribe one wine vessel and two gui in an earthen jar. Sacrifice should be simple, not lavish. One wine and two gui suffice for clear sacrifice. Righteousness begets ritual; ritual embodies government—violation is disorder. Rich offerings vulgarize taste; added baskets and cups abandon antiquity. Rather than separately put a new regulation into effect, would it not be better to respectfully keep the old statutes?" Cui Mian, Yang Bocheng, Liu Zhi, and others all urged keeping the old rites. The chief ministers submitted Mian’s and Shu’s views. Xuanzong said: "We inherit our ancestors' virtue and want the sacrificial grain offerings abundant and pure, with ritual vessels showing loyal reverence. Anything impure or uncanonical may not be used." He therefore ordered the Court of Sacrifices to add varieties of offerings in measured amounts. Wei Tao asked: "Add six more baskets and bean-vessels per chamber, with seasonal fruit and delicacies." Approved. Libation cups were set at one sheng by the yue measure—ancient and moderate. Thereafter this practice stood.
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Emperor Guangwu of Later Han was buried at Yuanling; his son Emperor Ming long mourned him. Yongping 1: Emperor Ming led princes and ministers to Yuanling in the first month, grieving over Empress Yin's toilet goods while attendants sobbed. Liang Wudi’s father Shunzhi, made Grand Ancestor Wen, lay at Dantu and Jianling. After Wudi's accession, Datong 15, he visited Jianling; purple clouds covered the mound briefly. He wore plain dress, bowed at a tent, wept until the grass changed color where tears fell. A dry spring beside the tomb briefly flowed sweet and clear. He therefore told his attendants: "The stone tigers by the mound were made with the mound more than two hundred years ago; regretting their small size, they may be remade as steles, stone pillars, and qilin, and the middle gate of the two mounds made into three gates. The staff of the park and tombs were all promoted one rank." He took leave of each tomb with weeping and the mourning leap. Zhou Grand Ancestor Wen lay at Chengling; Ming visited in the twelfth month of his first year.
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宿 輿西 宿 殿
Gaozu lay at Xianling; Zhenguan 13, first month, yisi day, Taizong visited the mausoleum. The day before, guards ringed the tomb; at dawn imperial kin, nobles, officials, and chieftains lined the Sima Gate. The emperor wept twice west of the gate tower and could not rise. He entered the sleeping palace, inspected Gaozu’s and the empress’s goods, and wept before the bed. Attendants all wept. The night before jiachen brought heavy snow. As he entered the precinct all wailed; snow thickened, wind rose, dark clouds spread from the mound. After the rites he walked two hundred paces in mud north of the Sima Gate; then wind and snow ceased and the sky cleared. Onlookers called it filial piety moving heaven. That day Sanyuan and the guard received partial amnesty through capital crimes. A year’s land tax was remitted. The aged, the filial, the chaste, widows, orphans, and the gravely ill received graded gifts. Tomb guards and officials through the magistrate of Sanyuan gained one rank. On dingwei he returned from Xianling. On jiyou he held court at the Hall of Supreme Ultimate. On gengzi he had ministers hear 《Achievement Complete》 and 《Breaking the Battle Line》.
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Kaiyuan 17, eleventh month, bingshen day: Xuanzong visited Qiaoling. He wept at the mound; attendants grieved with him. Fengxian became a red county; 103,000 households supplied the tomb; three prefectures guarded; the county was partially amnestied. On wuxu he visited Dingling. On jihai he visited Xianling. On renyin he visited Zhaoling. On jisi he visited Qianling. On wushen the emperor returned to the palace. He amnestied the realm, sent exiles home, moved demoted officials nearer, and halved the land tax. Six townships near each tomb supplied the mausoleum. At Qiaoling dawn brought dew on cypresses and auspicious mist after sunrise. At Zhaoling companion ministers received offerings; phoenix music rang as if spirits gathered. Attending officials heard sighs and dancing—they called it utmost filial piety. Tianbao 2, eighth month: an edict ordered, "Offer garments at the tomb halls every ninth month, first day." In year 13, the five mausoleum offices became directorates, and their chiefs gained one rank.
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