Volume 21 Treatises 1: Rites 1

唐禮：四時各以孟月享太廟，每室用太牢，季冬蠟祭之後，以辰日臘享於太廟，用牲如時祭。三年一祫，以孟冬。五年一禘，以孟夏。又時享之日，修七祀於太廟西門內之道南：司命，戶以春，灶以夏；門，厲以秋，行以冬，中溜則于季夏迎氣日祀之。若品物時新堪進御者，所司先送太常，與尚食相知，簡擇精好者，以滋味與新物相宜者配之。太常卿奉薦於太廟，不出神主。仲春薦冰，亦如之。

Tang ritual: each season's first month, offerings at the Great Temple—tai lao per chamber. After twelfth-month wax and la, a chen-day la feast at the temple used seasonal victims. A he rite every three years, in mid-winter's opening month. A di rite every five years, in mid-summer's opening month. On seasonal offering days the Seven Sacrifices were kept on the lane south of the temple's west gate—Spirit of Fate; Household Spirit in spring, Stove Spirit in summer; Gate and Pestilence Spirits in autumn, Road Spirit in winter; Central Gutter on the last-summer qi-reception day. Seasonal delicacies fit for the throne went first to the Court of Sacrifices and the Provisioners, who picked the best and matched flavor to the new offering. The Minister of Sacrifices presented at the Great Temple without removing the tablets. Mid-spring ice offerings followed the same rule.

五月，備法駕迎宣簡公，懿王、景皇帝、元皇帝神主，祔於太廟，始享四室。，高祖崩，將行遷祔之禮，太宗命有司詳議廟制。諫議大夫朱子奢建議曰：

Fifth month: full escort welcomed tablets of Duke Xuanjian, King Yi, Emperor Jing, and Emperor Yuan into the Great Temple; four chambers were offered to for the first time. Gaozu's death was to trigger relocation-enshrinement; Taizong ordered a full review of temple rules. Remonstrance Adviser Zhu Zisha proposed:

於是八座奏曰：

The Eight Ministers then submitted:

制從之。於是增修太廟，始崇祔弘農府君及高祖神主，並舊四室為六室。

Approved. The Great Temple was expanded; Hongnong Lord and Gaozu were first elevated to enshrinement, bringing the shrine to six chambers.

二十三年，太宗崩，將行崇祔之禮，禮部尚書許敬宗奏言：「弘農府君廟應迭毀。謹按舊儀，漢丞相韋玄成以為毀主瘞埋。但萬國宗饗，有所從來，一旦瘞埋，事不允愜。晉博士范宣意欲別立廟宇，奉征西等主安置其中。方之瘞埋，頗葉情理，事無典故，亦未足依。又議者或言毀主藏於天府，祥瑞所藏，本非斯意。今謹准量，去祧之外，猶有壇墠，祈禱所及，竊謂合宜。今時廟制，與古不同，共基別室，西方為首。若在西夾之中，仍處尊位，祈禱則祭，未絕祗享，方諸舊儀，情實可安。弘農府君廟遠親殺，詳據舊章，禮合迭毀。臣等參議，遷奉神主，藏於夾室，本情篤教，在理為弘。」從之。其年八月庚子，太宗文皇帝神主祔於太廟。

Year 23: Taizong died; elevated enshrinement was due. Xu Jingzong of Rites wrote: "The Hongnong Lord's temple should rotate out. Former rites: Han Chancellor Wei Xuancheng said destroyed tablets should be buried. Yet all realms honor a lineage with roots—sudden burial would not satisfy. Jin scholar Fan Xuan wanted a separate shrine for the Pacified-West commander and others. That beats burial in reason, but lacks precedent and cannot be followed. Others urged storing tablets in the Celestial Repository—but that treasury held omens, not ancestors. We weigh the case: beyond the remote ancestors, prayer altars still stand—we deem that fitting. Today's temples differ from antiquity—one foundation, separate chambers, west ranked first. If western side chambers keep honored rank and prayer offerings continue, old rite and present need both align. Hongnong Lord is a distant relation—old statutes require his temple to rotate out. We jointly advise moving the tablets into side chambers—deep in piety, broad in principle. The quote ended." Approved. That year, eighth month, day gengzi: Taizong's tablet entered the Great Temple.

八月，奉高宗神主祔於太廟中，始遷宣皇帝神主于夾室。正月，又於東都立高祖、太宗、高宗三廟，四時享祀，如京廟之儀。別立崇先廟以享武氏祖考。則天尋又令所司議立崇先廟室數，司禮博士、崇文館學士周忭希旨，請立崇先廟為七室，其皇室太廟，減為五室。春官侍郎賈大隱奏曰：「臣竊准秦、漢皇太后臨朝稱制，並據禮經正文，天子七廟，諸侯五廟。蓋百王不易之義，萬代常行之法，未有越禮違古而擅裁儀注者也。今周悰別引浮議，廣述異文，直崇臨朝權儀，不依國家常度，升崇先之廟而七，降國家之廟而五。臣聞皇圖廣辟，實崇宗社之尊；帝業弘基，實等山河之固。伏以天步多艱，時逢遏密，代天理物，自古有之。伏惟皇太后親承顧托，憂勤黎庶，納孝慈之請，垂矜撫之懷，實所謂光顯大猷，恢崇聖載。其崇先廟室，合同諸侯之數，國家宗廟，不合輒有移變。臣之愚直，並依正禮，周忭之請，實乖古儀。」則天由是且止。

Eighth month: Gaozong's tablet was enshrined; Xuan's tablet moved to the side chambers for the first time. First month: eastern capital gained three temples to Gaozu, Taizong, and Gaozong, with seasonal rites matching the capital. A separate Chongxian Temple was built for Wu clan ancestors. Zetian soon ordered debate on Chongxian's chamber count; Zhou Ping of Spring Rites, courting her wish, urged seven chambers for Chongxian and five for the imperial temple. Jia Dayin of Spring Rites wrote: "Qin and Han dowagers who ruled from court all cited canon—the Son of Heaven keeps seven temples, lords five. That is the immovable rule of kings and ages—none has broken ritual to rewrite ceremony at will. Zhou Cong now cites loose opinion and stray texts, exalting a regent's provisional rite over state norm—seven for Chongxian, five for the realm. I have heard: when the throne's design is wide, the altars of state gain honor; when its foundation is vast, it matches mountains and rivers in firmness. Heaven's course has been hard; times of mourning seclusion came; regents who govern for Heaven are ancient. The Dowager took the trust, toiled for the people, heard pleas of filial mercy, and soothed the realm—truly glorifying the great design and widening the sage charge. Chongxian should match a lord's count; the state temple must not be casually altered. My blunt counsel follows orthodox rite; Zhou Ping's plea breaches ancient ceremony. The quote ended." Zetian held off for the moment.

，則天既革命稱帝，於東都改制太廟為七廟室，奉武氏七代神主，祔於太廟。改西京太廟為享德廟，四時唯享高祖已下三室，餘四室令所司閉其門，廢其享祀之禮。又改西京崇先廟為崇尊廟，其享祀如太廟之儀。臘月，封嵩山回，親謁太廟。明年七月，又改京崇尊廟，為太廟，仍改太廟署為清廟臺，加官員，崇其班秩。四月，又親祀太廟，曲赦東都城內。

After Zetian's revolution and enthronement, the eastern capital Great Temple became seven chambers; seven generations of Wu tablets were enshrined there. Western capital's Great Temple became Virtue-Enjoying Temple—only three chambers from Gaozu down were offered; four chambers were closed and their rites ended. Western Chongxian became Chongzun Temple, with rites like the Great Temple. Twelfth month: returning from Song's feng rite, she visited the Great Temple in person. Next year, seventh month: Chongzun was restored as Great Temple; the temple office became Qingmiao Terrace with added staff and higher rank. Fourth month: she sacrificed at the Great Temple again and granted amnesty within the eastern capital.

中宗即位，正月，改享德廟依舊為京太廟。五月，遷武氏七廟神主於西京之崇尊廟，東都創置太廟。太常博士張齊賢建議曰：

Zhongzong's first month: Virtue-Enjoying Temple reverted to the capital Great Temple. Fifth month: seven Wu tablets went to western Chongzun; a new Great Temple rose at the eastern capital. Sacrifices Erudite Zhang Qixian submitted:

太常博士劉承慶、尹知章又議云：

Erudites Liu Chengqing and Yin Zhizhang also argued:

時有制令宰相更加詳定，禮部尚書祝欽明等奏言：「博士三人，自分兩議：張齊賢以始同太祖，不合更祖昭王；劉承慶以《王制》三昭三穆，不合重崇宣帝。臣等商量，請依張齊賢以景皇帝為太祖，依劉承慶尊崇六室。」制從之。尋有制以孝敬皇帝為義宗，升祔於太廟。其年八月，崇祔光皇帝、太祖景皇帝、代祖元皇帝、高祖神堯皇帝、太宗文武聖皇帝、皇考高宗天皇大帝、皇兄義宗孝敬皇帝于東都之太廟，躬行享獻之禮。

An edict sent chancellors to refine the question; Zhu Qinming of Rites reported: "Three erudites split two ways—Zhang Qixian said they were already Great Founder and King Zhao should not be added as ancestor; Liu Chengqing cited the Wang System's three zhao and three mu—no double honor for Emperor Xuan. We advise: take Zhang Qixian's Jing as Great Founder and Liu Chengqing's six-chamber arrangement. The quote ended." Approved. Soon an edict made the Filial and Respectful Emperor the Righteous Ancestor and elevated him into the Great Temple. That eighth month at the eastern Great Temple: elevated enshrinement for Guang, Jing as Great Founder, Yuan as dynastic ancestor, Shenyao Gaozu, sage Taizong, heavenly Gaozong, and Righteous Ancestor Filial and Respectful—the emperor offered in person.

二年，駕還京師，太廟自是亦崇享七室，仍改武氏崇尊廟為崇恩廟。明年二月，復令崇恩廟一依天授時享祭。時武三思用事，密令安樂公主諷中宗，故有此制。尋又特令武氏崇恩廟齋郎取五品子充。太常博士楊孚奏言：「太廟齋郎，承前只七品已下子。今崇恩廟齋郎既取五品子，即太廟齋郎作何等級？」上曰：「太廟齋郎亦准崇恩廟置。」孚奏曰：「崇恩廟為太廟之臣，太廟為崇恩廟之君，以臣准君，猶為僭逆，以君准臣，天下疑懼。孔子曰：『名不正則言不順，言不順則事不成，事不成則禮樂不興，禮樂不興則刑罰不中，刑罰不中則人無所措手足。故君子名之必可言也。』伏願無惑邪言，以為亂始。」其事乃寢。崇恩廟至睿宗踐祚，乃廢毀之。

Year 2: back in the capital, the Great Temple too kept seven chambers; Wu Chongzun became Chong'en Temple. Next year's second month: Chong'en was again ordered to follow Tian'shou offerings. Wu Sansi then held sway; Princess Anle quietly swayed Zhongzong—hence the edict. Soon Wu's Chong'en Fast Youths were specially filled with fifth-rank sons. Yang Fu wrote: "Great Temple Fast Youths were formerly sons of seventh rank and below. If Chong'en takes fifth-rank sons, what rank should Great Temple youths hold? The emperor said: "Match the Great Temple to Chong'en." Fu replied: "Chong'en is the Great Temple's subject, the Great Temple its lord—equating subject to lord is usurpation; equating lord to subject breeds fear. Confucius said: 'Wrong names unbalance speech; unbalanced speech fails affairs; failed affairs stall rites and music; stalled rites skew punishments; skewed punishments leave the people without footing. So the noble man's names must be sayable. Do not heed crooked words and start disorder. The quote ended." The plan died. Chong'en lasted until Ruizong's accession, then was abolished.

冬，將葬中宗孝和皇帝于定陵，中書令姚元之、吏部尚書宋璟奏言：「准禮，大行皇帝山陵事終，即合祔廟。其太廟第七室，先祔皇兄義宗孝敬皇帝、哀皇后裴氏神主。伏以義宗未登大位，崩後追尊，神龍之初，乃特令遷祔。《春秋》之義，國君即位未逾年者，不合列敘昭穆。又古者祖宗各別立廟，孝敬皇帝恭陵既在洛州，望於東都別立義宗之廟，遷祔孝敬皇帝、哀皇后神主，命有司以時享祭，則不違先旨，又協古訓，人神允穆，進退得宜。在此神主，望入夾室安置。伏願陛下以禮斷恩。」制從之。及既葬，祔中宗孝和皇帝、和思皇后趙氏神主於太廟。其義宗即於東都從善裏建廟享祀。時又追尊昭成、肅明二皇后，于親仁裏別置儀坤廟，四時享祭。

Winter: Zhongzong Xiaohui was to be buried at Ding; Yao Yuanzhi and Song Jing wrote: "When the great tomb rites end, enshrinement should follow immediately. The seventh chamber already held Righteous Ancestor Filial and Respectful and Lamenting Empress Pei. Righteous Ancestor never reigned; he was honored after death and specially moved in early Shenlong. Spring and Autumn rule: a ruler enthroned less than a year is not ranked in zhao and mu. Antiquity gave each forebear a separate temple. Filial and Respectful lies at Gong in Luozhou—build a Righteous Ancestor temple in the east, move both tablets, and offer by season: prior intent kept, ancient rule met, spirits and men aligned. Place these tablets in the side chambers. Let ritual trim private favor. The quote ended." Approved. After burial, Zhongzong Xiaohui and Empress Zhaosi Zhao were enshrined in the Great Temple. Righteous Ancestor was served at a new temple in Congshan Lane, eastern capital. Empresses Zhaocheng and Suming were also posthumously honored; Yikun Temple at Qinren Lane received seasonal rites.

，睿宗崩，及行祔廟之禮，太常博士陳貞節、蘇獻等奏議曰：「謹按孝和皇帝在廟，七室已滿。今睿宗大聖真皇帝是孝和之弟，甫及仲冬，禮當祔遷。但兄弟入廟，古則有焉，遞遷之禮，昭穆須正。謹按《禮論》，太常賀循議云：『兄弟不相為後也。故殷之盤庚，不序于陽甲，而上繼於先君；漢之光武，不嗣于孝成，而上承於元帝。』又曰：『晉惠帝無後，懷帝承統，懷帝自繼于世祖，而不繼于惠帝。其惠帝當同陽甲、孝成，別出為廟。』又曰：『若兄弟相代，則共是一代，昭穆位同。至其當遷，不可兼毀二廟。』此蓋禮之常例也。《荀卿子》曰，『有天下者事七代』，謂從禰已上也。尊者統廣，故恩及遠祖。若旁容兄弟，上毀祖考，此則天子有不得全事於七代之義矣。孝和皇帝有中興之功，而無後嗣，請同殷之陽甲、漢之成帝，出為別廟，時祭不虧，大祫之辰，合食太祖。奉睿宗神主升祔太廟，上繼高宗，則昭穆永貞，獻祼長序。」制從之。初令以儀坤廟為中宗廟，尋又改造中宗廟於太廟之西。貞節等又以肅明皇后不合與昭成皇后配祔睿宗，奏議曰：「禮，宗廟父昭子穆，皆有配座，每室一帝一后，禮之正儀。自夏、殷而來，無易茲典。伏惟昭成皇后，有太姒之德，已配食于睿宗；則肅明皇后無啟母之尊，自應別立一廟。謹按《周禮》云『奏夷則，歌小呂，以享先妣』者，姜嫄是也。姜嫄是帝嚳之妃，后稷之母，特為立廟，名曰閟宮。又《禮論》云，晉伏系之議云：『晉簡文鄭宣后既不配食，乃築宮於外，歲時就廟享祭而已。』今肅明皇后無祔配之位，請同姜嫄、宣后，別廟而處，四時享祭如舊儀。」制從之。於是遷昭成皇后神主祔于睿宗之室，惟留肅明神主於儀坤廟。

Ruizong's death brought enshrinement debate; Chen Zhenjie and Su Xian wrote: "Xiaohui already fills seven chambers. Ruizong the Great Sagely True Emperor is Xiaohui's younger brother—mid-winter demands his enshrinement. Brothers did enter temples in antiquity, but succession rules require correct zhao and mu. Ritual treatises cite He Xun: 'Brothers do not succeed one another. Yin's Pan Geng is not listed after Yang Jia but continues the prior lord; Han's Guangwu does not follow Xiaocheng but inherits from Emperor Yuan. Jin Hui had no heir; Huai took the line from Shizu, not from Hui. Hui should join Yang Jia and Xiaocheng in a separate shrine. If brothers alternate, they share one generation and one zhao-mu slot. When rotation comes, two temples cannot both be destroyed. That is ritual's standing rule. Xunzi: 'He who holds the realm serves seven generations'—from honored father up. The exalted reach wide, so grace reaches distant forebears. Admit brothers sideways and remove ancestors above—the Son of Heaven cannot fully keep seven generations. Xiaohui restored the dynasty but left no heir—treat him like Yang Jia and Cheng: separate temple, unbroken seasonal rites, joint feast at the Great Founder on great he days. Enshrine Ruizong above Gaozong—zhao and mu stay fixed, libations and blessings in long order. The quote ended." Approved. Yikun was first made Zhongzong's temple, then Zhongzong's shrine was rebuilt west of the Great Temple. Zhenjie et al. also argued Suming should not pair with Zhaocheng at Ruizong's shrine: "Rite sets father-zhao, son-mu, one consort per chamber—one emperor, one empress: the orthodox form. Since Xia and Yin, this institution has never been altered. It is submitted that Empress Zhaocheng possessed Tai Si's virtue and already shares sacrifice with Ruizong; whereas Empress Suming did not have Qi's mother's rank and should have a temple of her own. The Zhou Rites state that playing Yi ze and singing Xiao lü to honor a former consort refers to Jiang Yuan. Jiang Yuan was Emperor Ku's consort and Hou Ji's mother; she was given a separate temple called Bi Palace. The Ritual Disquisitions also cites Fu Xi on Jin: when Empress Xuande of Emperor Jianwen was denied shared sacrifice, a palace was built outside and seasonal offerings were made there alone. Empress Suming likewise has no place for enshrinement; we ask that she, like Jiang Yuan and Empress Xuande, have a separate temple with seasonal sacrifices as before. The emperor approved. The tablet of Empress Zhaocheng was then moved to Ruizong's chamber, leaving only Suming's tablet in Yikun Temple.

時太常卿姜皎復與禮官上表曰：「臣聞敬宗尊祖，享德崇恩，必也正名，用光時憲，禮也。伏見太廟中則天皇后配高宗天皇大帝，題云『天后聖帝武氏』。伏尋昔居寵秩，親承顧托，因攝大政，事乃從權。神龍之初，已去帝號。岑羲等不閑政體，復題帝名。若又使帝號長存，恐非聖朝通典。夫七廟者，高祖神堯皇帝之廟也。父昭子穆，祖德宗功，非夫帝子天孫，乘乾出震者，不得升祔於斯矣。但皇后祔廟，配食高宗，位號舊章，無宜稱帝。今山陵日近，陞祔非遙，請申陳告之儀，因除『聖帝』之字，直題云『則天皇后武氏』。」詔從之。時既另造義宗廟，將作大匠韋湊上疏曰：「臣聞王者制體，是曰規模；規模之興，實資師古；師古之道，必也正名；惟名與實，固當相副。其在宗廟，禮之大者，豈可失哉！禮，祖有功而宗有德。祖宗之廟，百代不毀。故殷太甲曰太宗，太戊曰中宗，武丁曰高宗。周宗文王、武王。漢則文帝為太宗，武帝為世宗。其後代有稱宗，皆以方制海內，德澤可宗，列于昭穆，期於不毀。祖宗之義，不亦大乎！況孝敬皇帝位止東宮，未嘗南面，聖道誠冠于儲副，德教不被於寰瀛，立廟稱宗，恐非合體。況別起寢廟，不入昭穆，稽諸祀典，何義稱宗？而廟號義宗，稱之萬代。以臣庸識，竊謂不可。望更令有司詳定，務合於禮。」於是太常請以本諡「孝敬」為廟稱。從之。

Director Jiang Jiao and the ritual officials again memorialized: "We hear that revering ancestors and exalting grace require correct titles to honor the age's laws—that is ritual. In the Grand Temple Empress Zetian shares sacrifice with Emperor Gaozong, inscribed as "Holy Emperor Wu of the Heavenly Empress." She once held favored rank, received the late emperor's trust, and took power as an expedient measure. At the start of Shenlong her imperial title had already been removed. Cen Xi and others, ignorant of governance, restored an imperial title on the inscription. To let an imperial title stand again would violate court precedent. The seven temples are those of the High Ancestor, Emperor Shen Yao. Father-zhao, son-mu, ancestral merit—only imperial sons and heaven's grandsons who received the mandate may be enshrined there. Yet as consort sharing Gaozong's sacrifices, her old titles should not include "emperor." With her enshrinement near, we ask to perform the announcement rite, drop "Holy Emperor," and inscribe only "Empress Zetian Wu." The emperor approved. A separate Yizong Temple had been built; Master of Works Wei Cou wrote: "A king's institutions are his model; and models must learn from antiquity; which requires correct names; name and fact must agree. In the ancestral temple, the greatest rite—how can it be neglected! Ritual holds that ancestors have merit and clan lords have virtue. Ancestor and clan-lord temples stand for a hundred generations. Yin's Tai Jia was styled Taizong, Tai Wu Zhongzong, and Wu Ding Gaozong. Zhou honored Kings Wen and Wu. Han styled Emperor Wen Taizong and Emperor Wu Shizong. Later rulers styled "zong" when their virtue filled the realm and merited lasting place in the zhao-mu sequence. The weight of "ancestor" and "zong" is immense. Emperor Xiaojing never ruled; though his virtue surpassed other heirs, his teaching did not reach the realm—calling him "zong" does not fit ritual. A separate shrine outside the zhao-mu line cannot be called "zong" under the sacrifice canon. Yet the temple name Yizong would stand for ages. In my humble view it should not be done. Please have the offices review this and align it with ritual. The Court of Imperial Sacrifices then proposed his posthumous title Xiaojing as the temple name. The emperor agreed.

五年正月，玄宗將行幸東都，而太廟屋壞，乃奉七廟神主於太極殿。玄宗素服避正殿，輟朝三日，親謁神主於太極殿，而後發幸東都。乃敕有司修太廟。明年，廟成，玄宗還京，行親祔之禮。時有司撰儀注，以祔祭之日車駕發宮中，玄宗謂宋璟、蘇頲曰：「」璟等稱聖情深至，請即奉行。詔有司改定儀注。六日，玄宗自齋宮步詣太廟，入自東門，就立位。樂奏九成，陞自阼階，行祼獻之禮。至睿宗室，俯伏鳴咽，侍臣莫不流涕。

In the fifth year's first month Xuanzong planned to visit the eastern capital; when the Grand Temple collapsed, he moved all seven tablets to Taiji Hall. He wore mourning dress, avoided the main hall, suspended court for three days, visited the tablets in Taiji Hall, then traveled east. He ordered repairs to the Grand Temple. When the temple was finished the next year, he returned and performed the enshrinement rite in person. The offices drafted rites requiring the emperor to leave the palace on the enshrinement day. Xuanzong told Song Jing and Su Ting: "Rites require fasting first, to align the mind. Per the observances, on the day of sacrifice the carriage sets out from Daming Palace, and the rite is performed at dawn; even if one sets out before the stars fade, one still arrives only after the hour has shifted—how can a dawn rite be kept? Moreover I dare not lodge in the fasting palace yet rest in the main hall. A fasting palace should be set up at the temple; on the fifth day go to the traveling palace to keep fast, on the sixth perform the rite at dawn—then it may accord with ritual." They praised his devotion and asked to follow the revised plan immediately. An edict ordered the rites revised. On the sixth day he walked from the fasting palace to the Grand Temple, entered the east gate, and took his place. The Nine Completes were played; he ascended the east steps and offered libation. At Ruizong's chamber he prostrated himself and wept, and his attendants wept with him.

有河南府人孫平子詣闕上言：「中宗孝和皇帝既承大統，不合遷於別廟。」玄宗令宰相召平子與禮官對定可否，太常博士蘇獻等固執前議。平子口辯，所引咸有經據，獻等不能屈。時蘇頲知政事，以獻是其從祖之兄，頗党助之，平子之議竟不得行。平子論竟不已，遂謫平子為康州都城尉，仍差使領送至任，不許東西。平子之任，尋卒。時雖貶平子，議者深以其言為是。至十年正月，下制曰：「」

Sun Pingzi of Henan memorialized: "Emperor Xiaojing of Zhongzong succeeded the throne and should not be kept in a separate temple. Xuanzong had the chancellor convene Pingzi and the ritualists; Su Xian and others clung to the earlier decision. Pingzi argued forcefully with scriptural citations the ritualists could not refute. Su Ting, then in power, favored his cousin Su Xian, and Pingzi's proposal was rejected. When Pingzi persisted, he was exiled as magistrate of Kang and escorted to his post under guard. He died soon after arriving. Despite his punishment, most officials thought him right. In the tenth year's first month the emperor issued an edict: "I have heard that kings take the times to establish teaching and shape ritual according to affairs; modification and preservation take fitness as root, selection and rejection take timeliness as foremost. Thus the way of increase and decrease has distinctions, and the use of substance and ornament differs. Moreover utmost virtue is called filial piety, whereby one reaches the spirits; the great affair is sacrifice, whereby one reverence the ancestral temple. The state holds the calendar and mandate, repeated glory and heaped splendor; the four quarters take their succession from its illumination, and seven generations can display its virtue. I inherit and guard the great enterprise, reverently uphold the sagely design, always mindful of bright service, never failing in sacrifice. I have reviewed the classics and inquired into old institutions: far off, Xia and Yin differed in affairs; near at hand, Han and Jin differed in the Way. Though ritual texts are not one, solemn reverence is not two. I hold that to establish love beginning with kin teaches people harmony; to establish respect beginning with elders teaches people order. Thus I lead by ritual and follow feeling; sometimes teaching is preserved in the Way, sometimes ritual follows the times. I will create institutions according to fitness—how can I be bound by antiquity and limited to today? Moreover as affection diminishes with descent in mourning grades, temples are abolished with removal and destruction. Though one looks to ancient instruction and ritual is not violated, yet when I speak forever of filial thought, feeling is not yet satisfied. Seasonal offerings then stop—how can love and honor be complete in ritual? Having prayers yet sacrificing is not virtue overflowing in lasting transmission. The removed chambers should be ranked as main chambers, so kin is not exhausted yet distant is not abolished; the temple preserves the appearance, the ancestor is still honored in establishment. Thus the four seasons may be offered without gap for destroyed tablets; for a hundred generations without removal, not only at the founding temple. This is called changing to fit ritual, acting to hit the center; the solemn matching rite can be exalted, the dignified harmony is here. Moreover brother succeeding brother has clear text in antiquity. Now Zhongzong's tablet still dwells in a separate place; searching the old facts, the court is not at ease—move it to the main temple to display the great canon. Still create nine chambers; order the relevant offices to choose a day, announce, and move."

十一年春，玄宗還京師，下制曰：「」於是追尊宣皇帝為獻祖，復列於正室，光皇帝為懿祖，並還中宗神主於太廟。及將親祔，會雨而止。乃令所司行事。其京師中宗舊廟，便毀拆之。東都舊廟，始移孝敬神主祔焉。其從善裏孝敬舊廟，亦令毀拆。二十一年，玄宗又特令遷肅明皇后神主祔于睿宗之室，仍以舊儀坤廟為肅明觀。

That spring Xuanzong returned and decreed: "To exalt and build the ancestral temple is the greatest of rites; to pursue filial sacrifice is the utmost of virtue. Now the ancestor is established to honor, kin have no removal order; ever mindful of solemn matching, utmost purity is applied; rafters and beams are exalted, libation and offering are then bestowed. Looking on this slight virtue, I have received the suburban sacrifice—not personally, not in person—how can I display sincere reverence? The nineteenth day of the eighth month should be used to reverently behold the nine chambers." Xuandi was then honored as Xianzu in the main hall, Guangdi as Yizu, and Zhongzong's tablet was restored to the Grand Temple. Rain halted the planned personal enshrinement. He had the offices carry out the rite instead. Zhongzong's former capital temple was demolished. Xiaojing's tablet was first enshrined in the eastern capital's old temple. The Xiaojing shrine in Congshan Lane was also torn down. In year twenty-one he moved Suming's tablet to Ruizong's chamber and converted Yikun Temple into Suming Abbey.

十月，代宗神主將祔，禮儀使顏真卿以元皇帝代數已遠，准禮合祧，請遷於西夾室。其奏議曰：

When Daizong's tablet was to be installed, Yan Zhenqing argued that the Yuan Emperor was too remote by generation and should be moved to the western side chamber. His memorial read:

，升祔玄宗、肅宗，則獻祖、懿祖已從迭毀。伏以代宗睿文孝皇帝卒哭而祔，則合上遷一室。元皇帝代數已遠，其神主准禮當祧，至禘祫之時，然後享祀。

When Xuanzong and Suzong were enshrined, Xianzu and Yizu had already been removed in turn. Daizong's enshrinement after mourning requires shifting one chamber upward. The Yuan Emperor is too remote; his tablet should be removed and honored only at the great di and cha sacrifices.

於是祧元皇帝于西夾室，祔代宗神主焉。

The Yuan Emperor was moved to the western side chamber and Daizong was enshrined.

十一月，德宗神主將祔，禮儀使杜黃裳與禮官王涇等請遷高宗神主於西夾室。其議曰：「自漢、魏已降，沿革不同。古者祖有功，宗有德，皆不毀之名也。自東漢、魏、晉，迄于陳、隋，漸違經意，子孫以推美為先，光武已下，皆有祖宗之號。故至於迭毀親盡，禮亦迭遷，國家九廟之尊，皆法周制。伏以太祖景皇帝受命于天，始封元本，德同周之后稷也。高祖神堯皇帝國朝首祚，萬葉所承，德同周之文王也。太宗文皇帝應天靖亂，垂統立極，德同周武王也。周人郊后稷而祖文王、宗武王，聖唐郊景皇帝、祖高祖而宗太宗，皆在不遷之典。高宗皇帝今在三昭三穆之外，謂之親盡，新主入廟，禮合迭遷，藏於從西第一夾室，每至禘祫之月，合食如常。」於是祧高宗神主於西夾室，祔德宗神主焉。

When Dezong's tablet was to be installed, Du Huangchang and Wang Jing proposed moving Gaozong to the western side chamber. They argued: "Since Han and Wei, practice has varied. Antiquity held that meritorious ancestors and virtuous clan lords were never removed. From Eastern Han through Sui, courts increasingly praised forebears for flattery; after Guangwu nearly every emperor received "ancestor" or "zong" titles. As kinship lapsed, tablets were removed in turn; the nine-temple system follows Zhou. Great Ancestor Jing received Heaven's mandate and founded the line, like Zhou's Hou Ji. High Ancestor Shen Yao began the dynasty, like Zhou's King Wen. Taizong pacified the realm and established the succession, like Zhou's King Wu. Zhou sacrificed to Hou Ji and honored Wen and Wu in the temple; Tang sacrifices to Jing, with Shen Yao as ancestor and Taizong as zong—all never removed. Gaozong now stands outside the zhao-mu line; when Dezong enters, Gaozong should move to the westernmost side chamber and still share in di and cha offerings. Gaozong was moved to the western side chamber and Dezong was enshrined.

七月，順宗神主將祔，有司疑於遷毀，太常博士王涇建議曰：

When Shunzong's tablet was to be installed, the offices debated removal; Academician Wang Jing proposed:

是月二十四日，禮儀使杜黃裳奏曰：「順宗皇帝神主已升祔太廟，告祧之後，即合遞遷。中宗皇帝神主，今在三昭三穆之外，准禮合遷於太廟從西第一夾室，每至禘祫之日，合食如常。」於是祧中宗神主於西夾室，祔順宗神主焉。

On the twenty-fourth Du Huangchang reported: "Shunzong is already in the Grand Temple; after the removal announcement his predecessors should shift. Zhongzong's tablet is outside the zhao-mu line and should move to the first western side chamber, sharing di and cha offerings as before. Zhongzong was moved to the western side chamber and Shunzong was enshrined.

有司先是以山陵將畢，議遷廟之禮。有司以中宗為中興之君，當百代不遷之位。宰臣召史官蔣武問之，武對曰：「中宗以于高宗柩前即位，時春秋已壯矣。及母后篡奪，神器潛移。其後賴張柬之等同謀，國祚再復。此蓋同於反正，恐不得號為中興之君。凡非我失之，自我復之，謂之中興，漢光武、晉元帝是也。自我失之，因人復之，晉孝惠、孝安是也。今中宗于惠、安二帝事同，即不可為不遷之主也。」有司又云：「五王有再安社稷之功，今若遷中宗廟，則五王永絕配享之例。」武曰：凡配享功臣，每至禘祫年方合食太廟，居常即無享禮。今遷中宗神主，而禘祫之年，毀廟之主並陳於太廟，此同五王配食，與前時如一也。」有司不能答。

Earlier, as the imperial tomb neared completion, the offices had debated temple removal. They argued Zhongzong was a restoration emperor who should never be removed. The chancellor asked historiographer Jiang Wu, who replied: "Zhongzong took the throne at Gaozong's death when already mature. When the empress dowager seized power, the throne was lost. Later Zhang Jianzhi and his allies restored him—twice. That resembles mere restoration, not the "restoration emperor" of ritual theory. True restoration means regaining what one lost oneself, as with Guangwu or Jin's Yuandi. Losing the throne and recovering it through others, as with Jin's Hui and An, is different. Zhongzong matches Hui and An and cannot be a permanently enshrined ruler. The offices added: "Moving Zhongzong would end the Five Kings' shared sacrifice forever." Wu replied: Merit-sharing ministers are fed in the Grand Temple only at di and cha; otherwise they receive no regular offerings. Moving Zhongzong still leaves the Five Kings honored at di and cha when removed rulers are assembled—no change for them. The offices had no reply.

十五年四月，禮部侍郎李建奏上大行皇帝諡曰聖神章武孝皇帝，廟號憲宗。先是，河南節度使李夷簡上議曰：「王者祖有功，宗有德。大行皇帝戡翦寇逆，累有武功，廟號合稱祖。陛下正當決在宸斷，無信齷齪書生也。」遂詔下公卿與禮官議其可否。太常博士王彥威奏議：「大行廟號，不宜稱祖，宜稱宗。」從之。其月，禮部奏：「准貞觀故事，遷廟之主，藏於夾室西壁南北三間。第一間代祖室，第二間高宗室，第三間中宗室。伏以山陵日近，睿宗皇帝祧遷有期，夾室西壁三室外，無置室處。准《江都集禮》：『古者遷廟之主，藏於太室北壁之中。』今請於夾室北壁，以西為上，置睿宗皇帝神主石室。」制從之。

In the fourth month of the fifteenth year Li Jian proposed the posthumous title Sheng Shen Zhang Wu Xiao and temple name Xianzong for the late emperor. Earlier Li Yijian of Henan had argued: "Kings honor meritorious ancestors and virtuous clan lords. The late emperor suppressed rebellion with repeated military success; his temple name should be zu, not zong. The decision belongs to Your Majesty alone; do not heed narrow pedants. An edict then ordered the chief ministers and ritual officers to debate the proposal. Erudite Wang Yanwei argued that the late emperor's temple name should be Zong, not Zu. The court approved. That month the Ministry of Rites cited Zhenguan precedent: removed tablets go in three chambers on the west wall of the side rooms. The first room was for the dynastic founder, the second for Gaozong, the third for Zhongzong. With Ruizong's enshrinement imminent, no room remained on the west side-chamber wall beyond the three existing chambers. The Jiangdu Collected Rites say ancient removed tablets were kept in the Grand Chamber's north wall. They asked to place Ruizong's tablet chamber on the north wall of the side rooms, west taking precedence. The emperor approved.

正月，禮儀使奏：「謹按《周禮》：『天子七廟，三昭三穆，與太祖之廟而七。』《荀卿子》曰：『有天下者祭七代，有一國者祭五代。』則知天子上祭七廟，典籍通規。祖功宗德，不在其數。國朝九廟之制，法周之文。太祖景皇帝，始為唐公，肇基天命，義同周之后稷。高祖神堯皇帝，創業經始，代隋為唐，義同周之文王。太宗文皇帝，神武應期，造有區夏，義同周之武王。其下三昭三穆，謂之親廟，四時常饗，自如禮文。今以新主入廟，玄宗明皇帝在三昭三穆之外，是親盡之祖，雖有功德，禮合祧遷，禘祫之歲，則從合食。」制從之。

First month: the ritual commissioner cited the Zhou Rites on the Son of Heaven's seven temples—three zhao, three mu, plus the Grand Ancestor. Xunzi says a ruler of the realm sacrifices to seven generations, a feudal lord to five. So seven ancestral temples for the Son of Heaven is the classical norm. Meritorious ancestors and dynastic founders lie outside that count. The dynasty's nine-shrine system follows the Zhou model. Grand Ancestor Emperor Jing, first Duke of Tang and founder of the Mandate, matches Zhou's Hou Ji. Gaozong the Divine Yao, who founded the dynasty, matches King Wen. Taizong the Cultured, who pacified the realm, matches King Wu. Below them the three zhao and three mu are the "intimate" shrines with regular seasonal offerings. With a new tablet enshrined, Xuanzong stood outside the zhao-mu line—an exhausted line despite his merit—and would be removed, joining the combined di and cha feast. The emperor approved.

，禮儀使奏：「謹按天子七廟，祖功宗德，不在其中。國朝制度，太廟九室。伏以太祖景皇帝受封于唐，高祖、太宗，創業受命，有功之主，百代不遷。今文宗元聖昭獻皇帝升祔有時，代宗睿文孝武皇帝是親盡之祖，禮合祧遷，每至禘祫，合食如常。」從之。

The ritual commissioner again noted that meritorious ancestors and dynastic founders are outside the seven-temple count. Under dynastic practice the Grand Temple has nine chambers. Grand Ancestor Jing, Gaozong, and Taizong—founders with merit—are never removed. Wenzong was to be enshrined; Daizong, an exhausted-line ancestor, would be removed yet share the di and cha feast as before. The court approved.

六月，制曰：「」

Sixth month: an edict was issued, but its wording is lost in the source.

五月，禮儀使奏：

Fifth month: the Commissioner of Ritual Protocol submitted a memorial.

敕曰：「」尚書左丞鄭涯等奏議曰：「夫禮經垂則，莫重于嚴配，必參損益之道，則合典禮之文。況有明徵，是資折衷。伏自敬宗、文宗、武宗三朝嗣位，皆以兄弟，考之前代，理有顯據。今謹詳禮院所奏，並上稽古文，旁摭史氏，協於通變，允謂得宜。臣等商議，請依禮官所議。」從之。

An edict (text lost) ordered debate; Vice Minister Zheng Ya and others said ritual norms above all govern the great matching sacrifice and must follow the classics with due adjustment. Clear precedents supported a balanced ruling. Jingzong, Wenzong, and Wuzong had succeeded as brothers—a pattern with clear precedent in earlier dynasties. They reviewed the Ritual Institute's proposal against classics and history and found it a timely, fitting compromise. The ministers asked to follow the ritual officers' recommendation. The court approved.

十一月，制追尊憲宗、順宗諡號，事下有司。太常博士李稠奏請別造憲宗、順宗神主，改題新諡。上疑其事，詔都省集議。右司郎中楊發、都官員外郎劉彥模等奏：「考尋故事，無別造神主改題之例。」事在《楊發傳》。時宰臣奏：「改造改題，並無所據，酌情順理，題則為宜。況今士族之家，通行此例，雖尊卑有異，而情理則同。望就神主改題，則為通允。」依之。

Eleventh month: edict raised Xianzong's and Shunzong's posthumous titles and referred implementation to the relevant offices. Erudite Li Chou asked to carve new tablets for Xianzong and Shunzong bearing the new titles. The emperor doubted this and ordered a joint deliberation at the Department of State Affairs. Yang Fa and Liu Yanmo found no precedent for new tablets and retitled inscriptions. The full debate is recorded in Yang Fa's biography. The chief ministers argued remaking lacked precedent but retitling the existing tablets was reasonable. Gentry families commonly retitled tablets; rank differed, but the principle was the same. They asked to retitle the existing tablets, which would be broadly acceptable. The court approved.

黃巢犯長安，僖宗避狄於成都府。夏四月，有司請享太祖已下十一室，詔公卿議其儀。太常卿牛叢與儒者同議其事。或曰：「王者巡狩，以遷廟主行。如無遷廟之主，則祝奉幣帛皮珪告于祖禰，遂奉以出，載于齋車，每舍奠焉。今非巡狩，是失守宗廟。夫失守宗廟，則當罷宗廟之事。」叢疑之。將作監王儉、太子賓客李匡乂、虞部員外郎袁皓建議同異。及左丞崔厚為太常卿，遂議立行廟。以玄宗幸蜀時道宮玄元殿之前，架幄幕為十一室。又無神主，題神版位而行事。達禮者非之，以為止之可也。明年，乃特造神主以祔行廟。

When Huang Chao took Chang'an, Xizong fled to Chengdu. Fourth month: officers sought to sacrifice at all eleven shrines from the Grand Ancestor down; the court ordered debate on the rites. Director Niu Cong and the ritual scholars debated the matter. Some cited the rule that a touring king carried removed ancestral tablets. Without removed tablets, invokers would announce to the ancestors with silks and jade, then carry the tablets in the fasting carriage, offering at each stop. This was not a royal tour but the loss of the capital temple. When the temple was lost, its rites should cease. Niu Cong was uncertain. Wang Jian, Li Kuangyi, and Yuan Hao offered conflicting proposals. When Cui Hou became director, they resolved to set up a traveling temple. They had once framed eleven curtained chambers before the Hall of the Mysterious Origin when Xuanzong fled to Shu. Without tablets they used inscribed boards and performed the rites. Ritual experts criticized the practice and said it should simply stop. The next year they specially carved tablets for the traveling temple.

十二月二十五日，僖宗再幸寶雞。其太廟十一室並祧廟八室及孝明太皇太后等別廟三室等神主，緣室法物，宗正寺官屬奉之隨駕鄠縣，為賊所劫，神主、法物皆遺失。三年二月，車駕自興元還京，以宮室未備，權駐鳳翔。禮院奏：「皇帝還宮，先謁太廟。今宗廟焚毀，神主失墜，請准禮例修奉者。」禮院獻議曰：「按《春秋》：『新宮災，三日哭。』《傳》曰：『新宮，宣公廟也。三日哭，禮也。』按《國史》，正月二日，太廟四室摧毀，時神主皆存，迎奉於太極殿安置，玄宗素服避正殿。，肅宗還京師，以宗廟為賊所焚，於光順門外設次，向廟哭。歷檢故事，不見百官奉慰之儀。然上既素服避殿，百官奉慰，亦合情禮。竊循故事，比附參詳，恐須宗正寺具宗廟焚毀及神主失墜事由奏，皇帝素服避殿，受慰訖，輟朝三日，下詔委少府監擇日依禮新造列聖神主。如此方似合宜。伏緣采栗須十一月，漸恐遲晚。」修奉使宰相鄭延昌具議，中書門下奏曰：「伏以前年冬再有震驚，俄然巡寺，主司宗祝，迫以蒼黃。伏緣移蹕鳳翔，未敢陳奏。今則將回鑾輅，皆舉典章，清廟再營，孝思咸備。伏請降敕，命所司參詳典禮修奉。」敕曰：「」又修奉太廟使宰相鄭延昌奏：「太廟大殿十一室、二十三間、十一架，功績至大，計料支費不少。兼宗廟制度有數，難為損益。今不審依元料修奉，為復更有商量？請下禮官詳議。」太常博士殷盈孫奏議言：「如依元料，難以速成，況幣藏方虛，須資變禮。竊以，以新修太廟未成，其新造神主，權于長安殿安置，便行饗告之禮，如同宗廟之儀，以俟廟成，方為遷祔。今京城除充大內及正衙外，別無殿宇。伏聞先有詔旨，欲以少府監大廳權充太廟。其廳五間，伏緣十一室於五間之中陳設隘狹，請更接續修建，成十一間，以備十一室薦饗之所。其三太后廟，即於少府監取西南屋三間，以備三室告饗所。」敕旨從之。

On the twenty-fifth of the twelfth month Xizong again reached Baoji. Eleven Grand Temple tablets, eight removed-shrine tablets, three empress-dowager shrine tablets, and ritual gear—escorted by the clan court to Hao County—were looted and lost. Third year, second month: the court returned from Xingyuan but lodged at Fengxiang while palaces were rebuilt. The Ritual Institute said the emperor should visit the Grand Temple first on returning. With the temple burned and tablets lost, they asked to restore worship by precedent. The institute cited the Spring and Autumn: when the new palace burned, three days of mourning were prescribed. The commentary explains the "new palace" was Duke Xuan's temple. Three days of weeping was proper ritual. National History records: four Grand Temple chambers collapsed in the first month; tablets were saved to the Hall of Supreme Ultimate and Xuanzong mourned in plain dress. When Suzong returned, the rebels had burned the temple; he wept toward it from a station outside Guangshun Gate. Precedents show no rite of officials offering formal condolence. Yet with the emperor in mourning dress, officials' condolence was still fitting. They proposed: the clan court should report the disaster; the emperor mourn, receive officials' condolences, halt court three days, and order new sage tablets made on an auspicious day. Only thus would the rites be proper. Chestnut wood for tablets required the eleventh month—they feared delay. Restoration commissioner Zheng Yanchang and the Secretariat recalled last winter's shocks and the hasty flight that scattered the ritual officers. They had not yet reported while lodged at Fengxiang. Now the throne was returning, canon would be restored, and filial rebuilding of the temple could proceed. They asked for an edict ordering offices to restore the temple by canonical rites. An edict (text lost); Zheng Yanchang added that rebuilding the eleven-chamber hall—twenty-three bays—would be vast and costly. Ancestral temple dimensions were fixed and hard to alter. Should restoration follow original plans or be renegotiated? They asked ritual officers to deliberate. Erudite Yin Yingsun said original plans could not be finished in time and empty treasuries required ritual adaptation. Until the new temple was done, new tablets should lodge in the Hall of Everlasting Peace for offering rites, then move when the temple stood. Apart from palace and audience halls, the capital had no spare halls. An edict had proposed the Palace Workshops' great hall as a temporary temple. Five bays could not hold eleven shrines; they asked to extend the hall to eleven bays. Three southwest rooms in the same compound would serve the three empress-dowager shrines. The emperor approved.

，將行禘祭，有司請以三太后神主祔饗於太廟。三太后者，孝明太皇太后鄭氏，宣宗之母也；恭僖皇太后王氏，敬宗之母也；貞獻皇太后蕭氏，文宗之母也。三后之崩，皆作神主，有故不當入太廟。當時禮官建議並置別廟，每年五享，及三年一祫，五年一禘，皆於本廟行事，無奉神主入太廟之文。至是亂離之後，舊章散失，禮院憑《曲臺禮》，欲以三太后祔享太廟。博士殷盈孫獻議非之，曰：

Before the di rite, officers proposed bringing the three empress-dowager tablets into the Grand Temple. The three were Grand Empress Dowager Xiaoming (Zheng), Xuanzong's mother; Grand Empress Dowager Gongxi (Wang), Jingzong's mother; and Grand Empress Dowager Zhenxian (Xiao), Wenzong's mother. Each had a tablet at death but should not enter the Grand Temple. Ritual officers had placed them in separate temples with their own seasonal and cha/di rites, never bringing tablets into the Grand Temple. After the rebellion the Ritual Institute, citing the Quetai Rites, sought to joint-offer the three empress dowagers in the Grand Temple. Erudite Yin Yingsun objected in a memorial (text lost in the source).

宰相孔緯曰：「博士之言是也。昨禮院所奏儀注，今已敕下，大祭日迫，不可遽改，且依行之。」於是遂以三太后祔祫太廟。達禮者譏其大謬，至今未正。

Chancellor Kong Wei said Yin Yingsun was right. Kong Wei conceded the institute's rite was already ordered and the sacrifice was imminent—execute it for now. The three empress dowagers were nonetheless enshrined in the Grand Temple cha rite. Ritual experts condemned the blunder, still uncorrected.

十一月，太常博士任疇上言：「去月十七日，饗德明、興聖廟，得廟直候論狀，稱懿祖室在獻祖室之上，當時雖以為然，便依行事，猶牒報監察使及宗正寺，請過示詳窺玉牒，如有不同，即相知聞奏。爾後伏檢《高祖神堯皇帝本紀》，伏審獻祖為懿祖之昭，懿祖為獻祖之穆，昭穆之位，天地極殊。今廟室奪倫，不即陳奏，然尚為苟且，罪不容誅。仍敕修撰朱儔、檢討王皞研精詳復，得報稱：『，制追尊咎繇為德明皇帝，涼武昭王為興聖皇帝。十載，立廟。至，制從給事中陳京、右僕射姚南仲等一百五十人之議，以為禘、袷是祖宗以序之祭，凡有國者必尊太祖。今國家以景皇帝為太祖，太祖之上，施於禘、袷，不可為位。請按德明、興聖廟共成四室，祔遷獻、懿二祖。』謹尋儔等所報，即當時表奏，並獻居懿上。伏以國之大事，宗廟為先，禘、祫之禮，不當失序。四十餘載，理難尋詰。伏祈聖鑒，即垂詔敕，具禮遷正。」其月，疇又奏曰：「伏聞今月十三日敕，以臣所奏獻、懿祖二室倒置事，宜令禮官集議聞奏者。臣去月十七日，緣遇太廟祫饗太祖景皇帝已下群主，准所祔獻、懿祖於德明廟，共為四室。准元敕，各於本室行享禮。審知獻祖合居懿祖之上，昭穆方正。其時親見獻祖之室，倒居懿祖之下。於後遍校圖籍，實見差殊，遂敢聞奏。今奉敕宜令禮官集議聞奏者。臣得奉禮郎李岡、太祝柳仲年、協律郎諸葛畋李潼、檢討官王皞、修撰朱儔、博士閔慶之等七人伏稱：『謹按《高祖神堯皇帝本紀》及皇室圖譜，並武德、貞觀、永徽、開元已來諸禮著在甲令者，並云獻祖宣皇帝是神堯之高祖，懿祖光皇帝是神堯皇帝之曾祖，以高曾辨之，則獻祖是懿祖之父，懿祖是獻祖之子。即博士任疇所奏倒祀不虛。臣等伏乞即垂詔敕，具禮遷正。』」。其事遂行。

Eleventh month: Erudite Ren Chou reported that at last month's offering at Deming and Xingsheng temples, attendants said Yi's shrine stood above Xian's—done provisionally but referred to genealogy for verification. Your subject found that the Ancestor of Offerings was zhao to the Ancestor of Eminence and the Ancestor of Eminence was mu to the Ancestor of Offerings—zhao and mu stand as far apart as heaven and earth. The shrine order is violated yet was not reported; to temporize is unpardonable. Zhu Chou and Wang Hao were ordered to review; the reply cited Zhide 2: Gao Yao was made Emperor Deming and the Liang Martial Illustrious King Emperor Xingsheng. In the tenth year temples were set up. In Yuanhe the court followed Chen Jing, Yao Nanzong, and 150 others: di and xia are ordered ancestral rites; every state honors its Grand Ancestor. The state takes Emperor Jing as Grand Ancestor; above him no place may be made in di and xia. Let the Deming and Xingsheng shrines form four chambers and receive the relocated Offerings and Eminence ancestors. Chou’s report was the original memorial: Offerings was always above Eminence. State affairs begin with the ancestral temple; di and xia must keep their order. Forty years have passed—too late to trace easily. We beg an edict to correct the rites at once. That month Zhou again wrote: on the thirteenth an edict ordered ritual officers to debate his report that Offerings and Eminence were reversed. On the seventeenth last month, at the Grand Temple xia for tablets from Emperor Jing down, Offerings and Eminence were placed in the Deming shrine as four chambers. By the original edict each tablet was served in its own chamber. Offerings should stand above Eminence—zhao and mu in proper order. He saw Offerings’ chamber placed below Eminence’s. Registers later confirmed the error; he reported it. Now the edict required ritual officers to debate and report. Seven officers—Li Gang, Liu Zhongnian, Zhuge Tian, Li Tong, Wang Hao, Zhu Chou, Min Qingzhi—cited annals and genealogy: Offerings Xuan was Gaozu’s great-grandfather, Eminence Guang his great-great-grandfather; Offerings was Eminence’s father. Ren Zhou’s charge of inverted worship was true. They asked for an edict to correct the placement. It was done.

僖宗自興元還京，夏四月，將行禘祭，有司引舊儀：「禘德明、興聖二廟，及懿祖、獻祖神主祔興聖、德明廟，通為四室。」黃巢之亂，廟已焚毀，及是將禘，俾議其儀。博士殷盈孫議曰：「臣以德明等四廟，功非創業，義止追封，且於今皇帝年代極遙，昭穆甚遠。可依晉韋泓『屋毀乃已』之例，因而廢之。」敕下百僚都省會議，禮部員外薛昭緯奏議曰：

Xizong returned from Xingyuan; in summer’s fourth month, before the di rite, offices cited old practice: di at Deming and Xingsheng, with Offerings and Eminence in four chambers. Huang Chao had burned the temples; rites for the coming di had to be reworked. Yin Yingsun argued the four shrines lacked founding merit, were only posthumous honors, and were too remote in descent. Follow Wei Hong’s Jin rule: when the building is gone, cease—and abolish them. The edict went to the Department of State Affairs; Xue Zhaowei of Rites memorialized:

奉敕敬依典禮，付所司。

The court followed the canon and referred execution to the offices.

正月，制以籩、豆之薦，或未能備物，宜令禮官學士詳議具奏。太常卿韋縚請「宗廟之奠，每室籩、豆各加十二。又今之酌獻酒爵，制度全小，僅無一合，執持甚難，請稍令廣大。其郊祀奠獻，亦准此。仍望付尚書省集眾官詳議，務從折衷。」於是兵部侍郎張均及職方郎中韋述等建議曰：

First month: an edict said basket-and-bean offerings might be incomplete and ordered ritual scholars to report. Wei Zou asked twelve more baskets and twelve more beans per ancestral chamber. Libation cups were tiny—barely one he—and hard to hold; he asked they be enlarged. Suburban offerings should follow the same rule. He asked the Department of State Affairs to gather officials and find a middle course. Zhang Jun and Wei Shu then offered recommendations:

禮部員外郎楊仲昌議曰：「謹按《禮》曰：『夫祭不欲煩，煩則黷；亦不欲簡，簡則怠。』又鄭玄云：『人生尚褻食，鬼神則不然。神農時雖有黍稷，猶未有酒醴。及後聖作為醴酪，猶存玄酒，求不忘古。』《春秋》曰：『蘋蘩、蘊藻之菜，潢汙行潦之水，可羞于王公，可薦於鬼神。』又曰：『大羹不和，粢食不鑿。』此明君人者，有國奉先，敬神嚴享，豈肥濃以為尚，將儉約以表誠。則陸海之物，鮮肥之類，既乖禮文之情，而變作者之法，皆充祭用，非所詳也。《易》曰：『樽酒簋貳，用缶，納約自牖。』此明祭存簡易，不在繁奢。所以一樽之酒，貳簋之奠，為明祀也。抑又聞之，夫義以出禮，禮以體政，違則有紊，是稱不經。薦肥濃則褻味有登，加籩爵則事非師古。與其別行新制，寧如謹守舊章？」時太子賓客崔沔、戶部郎中楊伯成、左衛兵曹劉秩等皆建議以為請依舊禮，不可改易。於是宰臣等具沔、述等議以奏。玄宗曰：「」以是更令太常量加品味。韋縚又奏：「請每室加籩、豆各六，每四時異品，以當時新果及珍羞同薦。」則可之。又酌獻酒爵，玄宗令用龠升一升，合于古義，而多少適中。自是常依行焉。

Yang Zhongchang cited the Rites: sacrifice must not be burdensome or it becomes irreverent; nor too simple, or it becomes negligent. Zheng Xuan said the living eat coarsely but spirits do not. In Shennong’s age there was grain but no wine. Later sages made ale yet kept dark liquor to remember antiquity. The Annals say pondweed and ditch water may honor kings and spirits. It also says great broth is unseasoned and millet left unpolished. Rulers honor ancestors by frugality, not by rich food. Sea and land delicacies violate ritual and should not all enter sacrifice. The Changes prescribe one wine vessel and two gui in an earthen jar. Sacrifice should be simple, not lavish. One wine and two gui suffice for clear sacrifice. Righteousness begets ritual; ritual embodies government—violation is disorder. Rich offerings vulgarize taste; added baskets and cups abandon antiquity. Better keep the old statutes than invent new ones. Cui Mian, Yang Bocheng, Liu Zhi, and others all urged keeping the old rites. The chief ministers submitted Mian’s and Shu’s views. Xuanzong said he wished offerings rich yet excluded what was impure or uncanonical, then ordered the Court of Sacrifices to add flavors. Wei Zou asked six more baskets and beans per chamber plus seasonal fruit. Approved. Libation cups were set at one sheng by the yue measure—ancient and moderate. Thereafter this practice stood.

後漢世祖光武皇帝葬于原陵，其子孝明帝追思不已。，乃率諸侯王、公卿，正月朝于原陵，親奉先后陰氏妝奩篋笥悲慟，左右侍臣，莫不嗚咽。梁武帝父丹陽尹順之，追尊為太祖文帝，先葬丹徒，亦尊為建陵。武帝即大位後，，亦朝於建陵，有紫雲廕覆陵上，食頃方滅。梁主著單衣介幘，設次而拜，望陵流哭，淚之所沾，草皆變色。陵傍有枯泉，至時而水流香潔。因謂侍臣曰：「陵陰石虎，與陵俱創二百餘年，恨小，可更造碑石柱麟，並二陵中道門為三闥。園陵職司，並賜一級。」奉辭諸陵，哭踴而拜。周太祖文帝葬于成陵，其子明帝初立，元年十二月，謁於成陵。

Guangwu of Later Han was buried at Yuanling; his son Ming long mourned him. Zhongyuan 2: Ming led princes and ministers to Yuanling in the first month, weeping over Yin’s toilet goods while attendants sobbed. Liang Wudi’s father Shunzhi, made Grand Ancestor Wen, lay at Dantu and Jianling. After his accession Wudi visited Jianling; purple clouds covered the mound briefly. He wore plain dress, bowed at a tent, wept until the grass changed color where tears fell. A dry spring beside the tomb briefly flowed sweet and clear. He ordered larger steles, pillars, and qilin and three gates for the spirit path—the old stone tigers were too small. Mausoleum staff were promoted one rank. He took leave of each tomb with weeping and the mourning leap. Zhou Grand Ancestor Wen lay at Chengling; Ming visited in the twelfth month of his first year.

高祖神堯葬於獻陵，正月乙巳，太宗朝於獻陵。先是日，宿衛設黃麾仗周衛陵寢，至是質明，七廟子孫及諸侯百僚、蕃夷君長皆陪列于司馬門內。皇帝至小次，降輿納履，哭于闕門，西面再拜，慟絕不能興。禮畢，改服入于寢宮，親執饌，閱視高祖及先后服御之物，匍匐床前悲慟。左右侍御者莫不歔欷。初，甲辰之夜，大雨雪。及皇帝入陵院，悲號哽咽，百辟哀慟，是時雪益甚，寒風暴起，有蒼雲出於山陵之上，俄而流布，天地晦冥。至禮畢，皇帝出自寢宮，步過司馬門北，泥行二百餘步，於是風靜雪止，雲氣歇滅，天色開霽。觀者竊議，以為孝感之所致焉。是日曲赦三原縣及從官衛士等，大辟已下，已發覺，未發覺，皆釋其罪。免民一年租賦。有八十已上，及孝子順孫、義夫節婦、鰥寡孤獨、有篤疾者，賜物各有差。宿衛陵邑中郎將、衛士齋員及三原令以下，各賜爵一級。丁未，至自獻陵。己酉，朝於太極殿。庚子，會群臣，奏《功成慶善》及《破陣》之樂。

Gaozu lay at Xianling; Taizong visited on the first month’s yisi day. The day before, guards ringed the tomb; at dawn imperial kin, nobles, officials, and chieftains lined the Sima Gate. The emperor wept twice west of the gate tower and could not rise. He entered the sleeping palace, inspected Gaozu’s and the empress’s goods, and wept before the bed. Attendants all wept. The night before jiachen brought heavy snow. As he entered the precinct all wailed; snow thickened, wind rose, dark clouds spread from the mound. After the rites he walked two hundred paces in mud north of the Sima Gate; then wind and snow ceased and the sky cleared. Onlookers called it filial piety moving heaven. That day Sanyuan and the guard received partial amnesty through capital crimes. A year’s land tax was remitted. The aged, the filial, the chaste, widows, orphans, and the gravely ill received graded gifts. Tomb guards and officials through the magistrate of Sanyuan gained one rank. On dingwei he returned from Xianling. On jiyou he held court at the Hall of Supreme Ultimate. On gengzi he had ministers hear Achievement Complete and Breaking the Battle Line.

玄宗十一月丙申，親謁橋陵。皇帝望陵涕泣，左右並哀感。進奉先縣同赤縣，以所管萬三百戶供陵寢，三府兵馬供衛，曲赦縣內大辟罪已下。戊戌，謁定陵。己亥，謁獻陵。壬寅，謁昭陵。己巳，謁乾陵。戊申，車駕還宮。大赦天下，流移人並放還，左降官移近處，百姓無出今年地稅之半。每陵取側近六鄉以供陵寢。皇帝初至橋陵，質明，柏樹甘露降，曙後祥煙遍空。皇帝謁昭陵，陪葬功臣盡來受饗，鳳吹釭釭，若神祇之所集。陪位文武百僚皆聞先聖歎息、功臣蹈舞之聲，皆以為至孝所感。八月，制：「」十三載，改獻、昭、乾、定、橋五陵署為臺，其署令改為臺令，加舊一級。

Eleventh month bingchen: Xuanzong visited Qiaoling. He wept at the mound; attendants grieved with him. Fengxian became a red county; 103,000 households supplied the tomb; three prefectures guarded; the county was partially amnestied. On wuxu he visited Dingling. On jihai he visited Xianling. On renyin he visited Zhaoling. On jisi he visited Qianling. On wushen the emperor returned to the palace. He amnestied the realm, sent exiles home, moved demoted officials nearer, and halved the land tax. Six townships near each tomb supplied the mausoleum. At Qiaoling dawn brought dew on cypresses and auspicious mist after sunrise. At Zhaoling companion ministers received offerings; phoenix music rang as if spirits gathered. Attending officials heard sighs and dancing—they called it utmost filial piety. Eighth month: edicts for annual ninth-month garment offerings at the tombs; in year 13 five mausoleum offices became directorates with higher-ranked chiefs.

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