1
唐禮:四時各以孟月享太廟,每室用太牢,季冬蠟祭之後,以辰日臘享於太廟,用牲如時祭。 三年一祫,以孟冬。 五年一禘,以孟夏。 又時享之日,修七祀於太廟西門內之道南:司命,戶以春,灶以夏; 門,厲以秋,行以冬,中溜則于季夏迎氣日祀之。 若品物時新堪進御者,所司先送太常,與尚食相知,簡擇精好者,以滋味與新物相宜者配之。 太常卿奉薦於太廟,不出神主。 仲春薦冰,亦如之。
Tang ritual: each season's first month, offerings at the Great Temple—tai lao per chamber. After twelfth-month wax and la, a chen-day la feast at the temple used seasonal victims. A he rite every three years, in mid-winter's opening month. A di rite every five years, in mid-summer's opening month. On seasonal offering days the Seven Sacrifices were kept on the lane south of the temple's west gate—Spirit of Fate; Household Spirit in spring, Stove Spirit in summer; Gate and Pestilence Spirits in autumn, Road Spirit in winter; Central Gutter on the last-summer qi-reception day. Seasonal delicacies fit for the throne went first to the Court of Sacrifices and the Provisioners, who picked the best and matched flavor to the new offering. The Minister of Sacrifices presented at the Great Temple without removing the tablets. Mid-spring ice offerings followed the same rule.
2
武德元年五月,備法駕迎宣簡公,懿王、景皇帝、元皇帝神主,祔於太廟,始享四室。 貞觀九年,高祖崩,將行遷祔之禮,太宗命有司詳議廟制。
In Wude 1, fifth month, full ceremonial escort welcomed the tablets of Duke Xuanjian, King Yi, Emperor Jing, and Emperor Yuan into the Grand Temple; offerings then began in four chambers. In Zhenguan 9, after Gaozu died and removal-enshrinement rites were due, Taizong ordered the offices to review the temple system in detail.
3
諫議大夫朱子奢建議曰:按漢丞相韋玄成奏立五廟,諸侯亦同五。 劉子駿議開七祖,邦君降二。 鄭司農踵玄成之轍,王子雍揚國師之波,分塗並驅,各相師祖,鹹玩共所習,好同惡異。 遂令歷代祧祀,多少參差,優劣去取,曾無畫一。 《傳》稱「名位不同,禮亦異數。」 《易》云「卑高以陳,貴賤位矣」。 豈非別嫌疑,慎微遠,防陵僭,尊君卑佐,陞降無舛,所貴禮者,義在茲乎! 若使天子諸侯,俱立五廟,便是賤可以同貴,臣可以濫主,名器無准,冠屨同歸,禮亦異數,義將安設? 《戴記》又稱:「禮有以多為貴者,天子七廟,諸侯五廟。」 若天子五廟,才與子男相埒,以多為貴,何所表乎? 愚以為諸侯立高祖以下,並太祖五廟,一國之貴也。 天子立高祖以上,並太祖七廟,四海之尊也。 降殺以兩,禮之正焉。 前史所謂「德厚者流光,德薄者流卑」,此其義也。 伏惟聖祖在天,山陵有日,祔祖嚴配,大事在斯。 宜依七廟,用崇大禮。 若親盡之外,有王業之所基者,如殷之玄王,周之后稷,尊為始祖。 倘無其例,請三昭三穆,各置神主,太祖一室,考而虛位。 將待七百之祚,遞遷方處,庶上依晉、宋,傍愜人情。 於是八座奏曰:臣聞揖讓受終之後,革命創制之君,何嘗不崇親親之義,篤尊尊之道,虔奉祖宗,致敬郊廟。 自義乖闕里,學滅秦庭,儒雅既喪,經籍湮殄。 雖兩漢纂修絕業,魏、晉敦尚斯文,而宗廟制度,典章散逸,習所傳而競偏說,執淺見而起異端。 自昔迄茲,多歷年代,語其大略,兩家而已。 祖鄭玄者則陳四廟之制,述王肅者則引七廟之文,貴賤混而莫辯,是非紛而不定。 陛下至德自然,孝思罔極,孺慕逾匹夫之志,製作窮聖人之道,誠宜定一代之宏規,為萬世之彝則。 臣奉述睿旨,討論往載,紀七廟者實多,稱四祖者蓋寡。 校其得失,昭然可見。 《春秋谷梁傳》及《禮記》、《王制》、《祭法》、《禮器》《孔子家語》,並云:「天子七廟,諸侯五廟,大夫三廟,士二廟。」 《尚書》曰:「七世之廟,可以觀德。」 至於孫卿、孔安國、劉歆、班彪父子、孔晁、虞喜、幹寶之徒,或學推碩儒,或才稱博物,商較今古,鹹以為然。 故其文曰:「天子三昭三穆,與太祖之廟而七。」 晉、宋、齊、梁,皆依斯義,立親廟六,豈非有國之茂典,不刊之休烈乎? 若使違群經之明文,從累代之疑議,背子雍之篤論,尊康成之舊學,則天子之禮,下逼於人臣,諸侯之制,上僭于王者,非所謂尊卑有序,名位不同者也。 況復禮由人情,自非天墜,大孝莫重於尊親,厚本莫先于嚴配。 數盡四廟,非貴多之道; 祀逮七世,得加隆之心。 是知德厚者流光,乃可久之高義; 德薄者流卑,實不易之令範。 臣等參議,請依晉、宋故事,立親廟六,其祖宗之制,式遵舊典。 庶承宗之道,興於理定之辰; 尊祖之義,成於孝治之日。
Remonstrance Grandee Zhu Zishe proposed that Han Chancellor Wei Xuancheng had memorialized for five temples, with regional lords also having five. Liu Zijun argued for seven ancestral temples, with state lords reduced by two. Zheng Sinong followed Xuancheng, while Wang Ziyong promoted the other school; each side followed its own teachers, clinging to habit and favoring what matched its learning. Thus temple removals across the dynasties varied in number and judgment, never reaching a single standard. 《Tradition》 says, "When names and ranks differ, ritual numbers differ as well." 《Changes》 says, "Low and high are arrayed, and noble and base take their places." This distinguishes doubtful ranks, guards against overstepping, honors the ruler and lowers the assistants, and keeps ascent and descent correct; this is precisely why ritual matters! If emperor and lords both had five temples, low would equal high and ministers would intrude on the ruler; names and ranks would lose all standard. Where then could ritual meaning stand? 《Dai Records》 also says, "Some rites honor greater number: the Son of Heaven has seven temples, the regional lords five." If the emperor had only five temples, he would equal viscounts and barons; if number marks honor, what would that show? In my view, a regional lord has five temples: from the great-great-grandfather downward, plus the Grand Ancestor, matching the honor of one state. The Son of Heaven has seven temples, extending above the great-great-grandfather and including the Grand Ancestor, matching the honor of all under Heaven. Reducing by two marks the proper ritual distinction. This is what earlier histories mean by, "Deep virtue flows in brightness; thin virtue flows downward." Now the Sagely Ancestor is in Heaven and the mausoleum date is set; solemn enshrinement is the great matter before us. The seven-temple system should be followed to honor the great rite. When beyond the exhausted kinship line there is someone on whom royal rule was founded, such as Xuan Wang of Yin or Hou Ji of Zhou, he is honored as founding ancestor. If there is no such founder, then set tablets for the three zhao and three mu, reserve one Grand Ancestor chamber, and leave the father's position vacant after examination. Only after the dynasty has lasted through successive removals should the positions settle; this would follow Jin and Song precedent and satisfy human sentiment. The Eight Ministers then memorialized: since antiquity, founders who received the mandate and created new institutions have honored kinship, respected the honored, served the ancestors reverently, and shown respect in suburban and temple rites. After Confucian learning was disrupted and Qin destroyed the schools, refined scholarship was lost and the classics were buried. Although Han restored broken learning and Wei and Jin honored the classics, temple institutions and regulations had scattered; scholars clung to inherited partial theories and produced divergent claims. Across the ages, the debate in broad terms has had only two schools. Followers of Zheng Xuan set out the four-temple system, while followers of Wang Su cite the seven-temple texts; rank becomes confused and the right answer remains unsettled. Your Majesty's virtue and filial feeling are boundless, and your institutions reach the sages' Way; you should set the grand rule for this age and the enduring model for all later generations. Examining past records in light of Your Majesty's intent, we find many references to seven temples and few to four ancestors. Their merits and faults are plain. 《Chunqiu Guliang zhuan》, 《Liji》, 《Wang System》, 《Sacrificial Regulations》, 《Ritual Vessels》, and 《Kongzi jiayu》 all say: "The Son of Heaven has seven temples; regional lords, five; great officers, three; and knights, two." 《Documents》 says: "Through seven generations of temples, one may observe virtue." Sun Qing, Kong Anguo, Liu Xin, Ban Biao and his son, Kong Chao, Yu Xi, Gan Bao, and others were either eminent classicists or broadly learned men, and all agreed after comparing ancient and later practice. Thus the text says: "The Son of Heaven has three zhao and three mu, plus the Grand Ancestor's temple, making seven." Jin, Song, Qi, and Liang all followed this principle and established six kin temples. Was this not a splendid state canon and lasting achievement? To reject the clear classics, follow generations of doubtful debate, abandon Ziyong, and honor Zheng Kangcheng's old theory would lower the emperor's rites toward those of ministers and let regional lords usurp royal form. That is not ordered hierarchy or distinct rank. Ritual arises from human feeling, not from Heaven alone. In filial piety nothing is greater than honoring kin, and in strengthening the root nothing comes before solemn enshrinement. Stopping at four temples is not the way to honor greater number; extending sacrifice to seven generations expresses the wish to magnify honor. Thus "deep virtue flows in brightness" is an enduring high principle; and "thin virtue flows downward" is an unchanging model. After deliberation, we request following Jin and Song precedent by establishing six kin temples and keeping the old canon for ancestors and zong. Then the way of continuing the ancestral line may flourish when principle is settled; and the meaning of honoring ancestors will be fulfilled in an age of filial rule.
4
制從之。 於是增修太廟,始崇祔弘農府君及高祖神主,並舊四室為六室。
Approved. The Great Temple was expanded; Hongnong Lord and Gaozu were first elevated to enshrinement, bringing the shrine to six chambers.
5
二十三年,太宗崩,將行崇祔之禮,禮部尚書許敬宗奏言:「弘農府君廟應迭毀。 謹按舊儀,漢丞相韋玄成以為毀主瘞埋。 但萬國宗饗,有所從來,一旦瘞埋,事不允愜。 晉博士范宣意欲別立廟宇,奉征西等主安置其中。 方之瘞埋,頗葉情理,事無典故,亦未足依。 又議者或言毀主藏於天府,祥瑞所藏,本非斯意。 今謹准量,去祧之外,猶有壇墠,祈禱所及,竊謂合宜。 今時廟制,與古不同,共基別室,西方為首。 若在西夾之中,仍處尊位,祈禱則祭,未絕祗享,方諸舊儀,情實可安。 弘農府君廟遠親殺,詳據舊章,禮合迭毀。 臣等參議,遷奉神主,藏於夾室,本情篤教,在理為弘。」 從之。 其年八月庚子,太宗文皇帝神主祔於太廟。
Year 23: Taizong died; elevated enshrinement was due. Xu Jingzong of Rites wrote: "The Hongnong Lord's temple should rotate out. Former rites: Han Chancellor Wei Xuancheng said destroyed tablets should be buried. Yet all realms honor a lineage with roots—sudden burial would not satisfy. Jin scholar Fan Xuan wanted a separate shrine for the Pacified-West commander and others. That beats burial in reason, but lacks precedent and cannot be followed. Others urged storing tablets in the Celestial Repository—but that treasury held omens, not ancestors. We weigh the case: beyond the remote ancestors, prayer altars still stand—we deem that fitting. Today's temples differ from antiquity—one foundation, separate chambers, west ranked first. If western side chambers keep honored rank and prayer offerings continue, old rite and present need both align. Hongnong Lord is a distant relation—old statutes require his temple to rotate out. Your subjects jointly deliberated: moving and enshrining the spirit tablets, storing them in the side chambers—in native feeling, profound teaching; in principle, expansive." Approved. That year, eighth month, day gengzi: Taizong's tablet entered the Great Temple.
6
文明元年八月,奉高宗神主祔於太廟中,始遷宣皇帝神主于夾室。 垂拱四年正月,又於東都立高祖、太宗、高宗三廟,四時享祀,如京廟之儀。 別立崇先廟以享武氏祖考。 則天尋又令所司議立崇先廟室數,司禮博士、崇文館學士周忭希旨,請立崇先廟為七室,其皇室太廟,減為五室。 春官侍郎賈大隱奏曰:「臣竊准秦、漢皇太后臨朝稱制,並據禮經正文,天子七廟,諸侯五廟。 蓋百王不易之義,萬代常行之法,未有越禮違古而擅裁儀注者也。 今周悰別引浮議,廣述異文,直崇臨朝權儀,不依國家常度,升崇先之廟而七,降國家之廟而五。 臣聞皇圖廣辟,實崇宗社之尊; 帝業弘基,實等山河之固。 伏以天步多艱,時逢遏密,代天理物,自古有之。 伏惟皇太后親承顧托,憂勤黎庶,納孝慈之請,垂矜撫之懷,實所謂光顯大猷,恢崇聖載。 其崇先廟室,合同諸侯之數,國家宗廟,不合輒有移變。 臣之愚直,並依正禮,周忭之請,實乖古儀。」 則天由是且止,
Wenming 1, eighth month: Gaozong's tablet was enshrined in the Grand Temple, and Xuan's tablet was moved to the side chamber for the first time. Chuigong 4, first month: the eastern capital gained temples to Gaozu, Taizong, and Gaozong, with seasonal rites matching the capital. A separate Chongxian Temple was built for Wu clan ancestors. Zetian soon ordered debate on Chongxian's chamber count; Zhou Ping of Spring Rites, courting her wish, urged seven chambers for Chongxian and five for the imperial temple. Jia Dayin of Spring Rites wrote: "Qin and Han dowagers who ruled from court all cited canon—the Son of Heaven keeps seven temples, lords five. That is the immovable rule of kings and ages—none has broken ritual to rewrite ceremony at will. Zhou Cong now cites loose opinion and stray texts, exalting a regent's provisional rite over state norm—seven for Chongxian, five for the realm. I have heard: when the throne's design is wide, the altars of state gain honor; when its foundation is vast, it matches mountains and rivers in firmness. Heaven's course has been hard; times of mourning seclusion came; regents who govern for Heaven are ancient. The Dowager took the trust, toiled for the people, heard pleas of filial mercy, and soothed the realm—truly glorifying the great design and widening the sage charge. Chongxian should match a lord's count; the state temple must not be casually altered. Your subject's stubborn directness wholly follows orthodox ritual; Zhou Ping's request truly contravenes ancient ceremony." Zetian held off for the moment.
7
天授二年,則天既革命稱帝,於東都改制太廟為七廟室,奉武氏七代神主,祔於太廟。 改西京太廟為享德廟,四時唯享高祖已下三室,餘四室令所司閉其門,廢其享祀之禮。 又改西京崇先廟為崇尊廟,其享祀如太廟之儀。 萬歲登封元年臘月,封嵩山回,親謁太廟。 明年七月,又改京崇尊廟,為太廟,仍改太廟署為清廟臺,加官員,崇其班秩。 聖曆二年四月,又親祀太廟,曲赦東都城內。
Tianshou 2: after Zetian's revolution and enthronement, the eastern-capital Grand Temple became seven chambers, where seven generations of Wu tablets were enshrined. Western capital's Great Temple became Virtue-Enjoying Temple—only three chambers from Gaozu down were offered; four chambers were closed and their rites ended. Western Chongxian became Chongzun Temple, with rites like the Great Temple. Wansui Dengfeng 1, twelfth month: returning from the feng rite on Mount Song, she personally visited the Grand Temple. Next year, seventh month: Chongzun was restored as Great Temple; the temple office became Qingmiao Terrace with added staff and higher rank. Shengli 2, fourth month: she sacrificed at the Grand Temple again and granted amnesty within the eastern capital.
8
中宗即位,神龍元年正月,改享德廟依舊為京太廟。 五月,遷武氏七廟神主於西京之崇尊廟,東都創置太廟。 太常博士張齊賢建議曰:昔孫卿子云:「有天下者事七代,有一國者事五代。」 則天子七廟,古今達禮。 故《尚書》稱「七代之廟,可以觀德」。 《祭法》稱「王立七廟,一壇一墠」。 《王制》云:「天子七廟,三昭三穆,與太祖之廟而七。」 莫不尊始封之君,謂之太祖。 太祖之廟,百代不遷。 袷祭之禮,毀廟之主陳於太祖,未毀廟之主,皆升合食于太祖之室。 太祖東向,昭南向,穆北向。 太祖者,商之玄王、周之后稷是也。 太祖之外,更無始祖。 但商自玄王以後,十有四代,至湯而有天下。 周自后稷已後,十有七代,至武王而有天下。 其間代數既遠,遷廟親廟,皆出太祖之後,故得合食有序,尊卑不差。 其後漢高祖受命,無始封祖,即以高皇帝為太祖。 太上皇高帝之父,立廟享祀,不在昭穆合食之列,為尊于太祖故也。 魏武創業,文帝受命,亦即以武帝為太祖。 其高皇、太皇、外處君等並為屬尊,不在昭穆合食之列。 晉宣創業,武帝受命,亦即以宣帝為太祖。 其征西、豫章、潁川、京兆府君等並為屬尊,不在昭穆合食之列。 歷茲已降,至於有隋,宗廟之制,斯禮不改。 故宇文氏以文皇帝為太祖,隋室以武元皇帝為太祖。 國家誕受在命,累葉重光。 景皇帝始封唐公,實為太祖。 中間代數既近,列在三昭三穆之內,故皇家太廟,唯有六室。 其弘農府君、宣、光二帝,尊于太祖,親盡則遷,不在昭穆合食之數。 今皇極再造,孝思匪寧。 奉二月二十九日敕:「七室已下,依舊號尊崇。」 又奉三月一日敕:「既立七廟,須尊崇始祖,速令詳之」者。 伏尋禮經,始祖即是太祖,太祖之外,更無始祖。 周朝太祖之外,以周文王為始祖,不合禮經。 或有引《白虎通義》云「后稷為始祖、文王為太祖、武王為太宗」,及鄭玄注《詩·雍》序云「太祖謂文王」以為說者。 其義不然。 何者? 彼以禮「王者祖有功,宗有德,周人祖文王而宗武王」,故謂文王為太祖耳,非袷祭群主合食之太祖。 今之議者,或有欲立涼武昭王為始祖者,殊為不可。 何者? 昔在商、周,契、稷始封,湯、武之興,祚由契、稷,故以契、稷為太祖,即皇家之景帝是也。 涼武昭王勳業未廣,後主失國,土宇不傳。 景皇始封,實基明命。 今乃舍封唐之盛烈,崇西涼之遠構,考之前古,實乖典禮。 魏氏不以曹參為太祖,晉氏不以殷王仰為太祖,宋氏不以楚元王為太祖,齊、梁不以蕭何為太祖,陳、隋不以胡公、楊震為太祖,則皇家安可以涼武昭王為太祖乎? 漢之東京,大議郊祀,多以周郊后稷,漢當郊堯。 制上公卿議,議者多同,帝亦然之。 杜林正議,獨以為「周室之興,祚由后稷。 漢業特起,功不緣堯。 祖宗故事,所宜因循。」 竟從林議。 又傳稱,「欲知天上,事問長人」,以其近之。 武德、貞觀之時,主聖臣賢,其去涼武昭王蓋亦近於今矣。 當時不立者,必不可立故也。 今既年代浸遠,方復立之,是非三祖二宗之意。 實恐景皇失職而震怒,武昭虛位而不答,非社稷之福也。 宗廟事重,禘祫禮崇,先王以之觀德。 或者不知其說,既灌而往,孔子不欲觀之。 今朝命惟新,宜應慎禮,祭如神在,理不可誣。 請准敕加太廟為七室,享宣皇帝以備七代,其始祖不合別有尊崇。
After Zhongzong's accession, Shenlong 1, first month restored Xiangde Temple as the capital Grand Temple. Fifth month: seven Wu tablets went to western Chongzun; a new Great Temple rose at the eastern capital. Grand Ritual Erudite Zhang Qixian cited Xunzi: "The ruler of All Under Heaven serves seven generations; the ruler of one state serves five." Thus the emperor has seven temples, a ritual standard accepted across antiquity and the present. 《Documents》 says, "Through seven generations of temples, one may observe virtue." 《Sacrificial Regulations》 says, "The king establishes seven temples, one altar, and one open ground." The 《Wang System》 says, "The Son of Heaven has seven temples: three zhao, three mu, and the Grand Ancestor's temple." All such systems honor the first enfeoffed lord as Grand Ancestor. The Grand Ancestor's temple remains unmoved for a hundred generations. At the xia sacrifice, removed temple tablets are arrayed at the Grand Ancestor, while unremoved tablets are raised to share offerings in the Grand Ancestor's chamber. The Grand Ancestor faces east; zhao face south, and mu face north. The Grand Ancestors are exemplified by Xuan Wang of Shang and Hou Ji of Zhou. Beyond the Grand Ancestor there is no additional founding ancestor. From Shang's Xuan Wang to Tang's possession of the realm lay fourteen generations. From Zhou's Hou Ji to King Wu's possession of the realm lay seventeen generations. Since those lines were remote, both removed temples and kin temples stood after the Grand Ancestor, so joint offerings had proper order and rank was not confused. When Han Gaozu received the mandate without a first-enfeoffed ancestor, he himself became Grand Ancestor. Gaozu's father, the Grand Supreme Emperor, received a temple and sacrifices but was not included in the zhao-mu shared offerings, because he was honored above the Grand Ancestor. Cao Cao founded Wei's enterprise, so when Emperor Wen received the mandate, Emperor Wu likewise became Grand Ancestor. Gao Huang, Tai Huang, Waichu Jun, and the others were honored as kin and not included in the zhao-mu shared offerings. Sima Yi founded Jin's enterprise, so when Emperor Wu received the mandate, Emperor Xuan likewise became Grand Ancestor. The Zhengxi, Yuzhang, Yingchuan, Jingzhao, and other lords were honored as kin and excluded from the zhao-mu shared offerings. From those dynasties through Sui, the ancestral-temple rule remained unchanged. Thus Northern Zhou treated Emperor Wen as Grand Ancestor, and Sui treated Emperor Wuyuan as Grand Ancestor. Our dynasty received the mandate, and successive generations have renewed its brilliance. Emperor Jing, first enfeoffed as Duke of Tang, is truly the Grand Ancestor. Because the line is still close and Emperor Jing falls within the three zhao and three mu, the Tang Grand Temple has only six chambers. The Hongnong Lord, Emperor Xuan, and Emperor Guang stand in honor above the Grand Ancestor; once kinship is exhausted they are moved and are not part of the zhao-mu shared offerings. Now the imperial order has been restored, and filial concern remains unsettled. The edict of the twenty-ninth day of the second month said, "For the seven chambers and below, keep the old titles and honors." The edict of the first day of the third month added, "Since seven temples are being established, the founding ancestor must be honored. Examine this quickly." Looking through the ritual classics, I find that the founding ancestor is the Grand Ancestor, and outside the Grand Ancestor there is no separate founder. For Zhou to set King Wen as a founding ancestor beyond the Grand Ancestor does not fit the ritual classics. Some explain this by citing 《Baihu tongyi》, "Hou Ji was founding ancestor, King Wen Grand Ancestor, and King Wu Grand Zong," and Zheng Xuan's note to the 《Shi: Yong》 preface, "Grand Ancestor means King Wen." That interpretation is wrong. Why? They call King Wen Grand Ancestor because ritual says, "Rulers make ancestors of those with merit and zong of those with virtue; Zhou made King Wen ancestor and King Wu zong." But this is not the Grand Ancestor who receives all rulers in shared xia offerings. Some now wish to make Liang Wuzhao Wang the founding ancestor, but this is especially wrong. Why? In Shang and Zhou, Xie and Hou Ji were the first enfeoffed ancestors. Tang and Wu rose from their fortune, so Xie and Hou Ji became Grand Ancestors. For our imperial house, that role belongs to Emperor Jing. Liang Wuzhao Wang's merit was limited, his successor lost the state, and the territory did not continue. Emperor Jing's first enfeoffment truly founded the Tang mandate. To abandon the great enfeoffment in Tang and exalt distant Western Liang violates ancient ritual precedent. Wei did not ancestralize Cao Can, Jin did not ancestralize the King of Yin, Song did not ancestralize King Yuan of Chu, Qi and Liang did not ancestralize Xiao He, and Chen and Sui did not ancestralize Duke Hu or Yang Zhen. How could Tang make Liang Wuzhao Wang Grand Ancestor? In Eastern Han, a major debate over suburban sacrifice held that because Zhou offered to Hou Ji, Han should offer to Yao. The court sent the issue to the ministers; most agreed, and the emperor was inclined to agree as well. Only Du Lin argued correctly: "The rise of Zhou came through Hou Ji. Han arose on its own; its merit did not derive from Yao. The old precedents for ancestors and zong should be followed." The court ultimately followed Du Lin. Another tradition says, "To know Heaven, ask the elders," because they stand closer to it. The Wude and Zhenguan rulers were sagely and their ministers worthy, and they were closer to Liang Wuzhao Wang's time than we are. If they did not establish him then, he surely should not be established now. To establish him only after so many years would violate the intent behind the three ancestors and two zong. I fear Emperor Jing would be displaced and angered, while Wuzhao would hold an empty position and give no response; this would not benefit the state. Temple affairs are weighty, and the di and xia rites are exalted; through them the former kings observed virtue. Some fail to understand this. Confucius himself did not wish to watch after the libation had passed. Now that the dynasty's mandate has been renewed, ritual must be handled carefully. Sacrifice is performed as if the spirits were present; it cannot be falsified. I request that the Grand Temple be expanded to seven chambers and Emperor Xuan be sacrificed to as the seventh generation; no separate honor should be given to another founding ancestor.
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太常博士劉承慶、尹知章又議云:謹按《王制》:「天子七廟,三昭三穆,與太祖之廟而七。」 此載籍之明文,古今之通制。 皇唐稽考前範,詳采列辟,崇建宗靈,式遵斯典。 但以開基之主,受命之君,王跡有淺深,太祖有遠近。 湯、文祚基契、稷,太祖代遠,出乎昭穆之上,故七廟可全。 若夏繼唐、虞,功非由鯀; 漢除秦、項,力不因堯。 及魏、晉經圖,周、隋撥亂,皆勳隆近代,祖業非遠,受命始封之主,不離昭穆之親,故肇立宗祊,罕聞全制。 夫太祖以功建,昭穆以親崇,有功百代而不遷,親盡七葉而當毀。 或以太祖代淺,廟數非備,更于昭穆之上,遠立合遷之君,曲從七廟之文,深乖迭毀之制。 皇家千齡啟旦,百葉重光。 景皇帝浚德基唐,代數猶近,號雖崇于太祖,親尚列于昭穆,且臨六室之位,未申七代之尊。 是知太廟當六,未合有七。 故先朝惟有宣、光、景、元、神、堯、文武六代親廟。 大帝登遐,神主升祔於廟室,以宣皇帝代數當滿,准禮復遷。 今止有光皇帝已下六代親廟,非是天子之廟數不當有七,要由太祖有遠近之異,故初建有多少之殊。 敬惟三后臨朝,代多儒雅,神祊事重,禮豈虛存,規模可沿,理難變革。 宣皇既非始祖,又廟無祖宗之號,親盡既遷,其在不合重立。 若禮終運往,建議復崇,實違《王制》之文,不合先朝之旨。 請依貞觀之故事,無改三聖之宏規,光崇六室,不虧古議。
Grand Ritual Erudites Liu Chengqing and Yin Zhizhang also cited the 《Wang System》: "The Son of Heaven has seven temples: three zhao, three mu, and the Grand Ancestor's temple." This is the clear written rule and the common system of antiquity and later ages. Tang examined earlier models, drew carefully on past rulers, built up the ancestral spirits, and followed this canon. Yet founders and mandate-receiving rulers differ: royal traces may be deep or shallow, and Grand Ancestors may be remote or near. Tang and King Wen were rooted in Xie and Hou Ji; because those Grand Ancestors were remote and stood above the zhao-mu line, the full seven temples were possible. Xia succeeded Tang and Yu, but its merit did not derive from Gun; Han destroyed Qin and Xiang, but its power did not come from Yao. Wei, Jin, Zhou, and Sui won their achievements in recent generations, not through remote ancestral enterprises; their mandate-receiving founders still lay within the zhao-mu kinship line, so their first temple systems were rarely complete. The Grand Ancestor rests on merit; zhao and mu rest on kinship. Merit keeps a tablet unmoved for a hundred generations, while exhausted kinship after seven leaves requires removal. To force the seven-temple wording by adding a remote but movable ruler above the zhao-mu line, merely because the Grand Ancestor is near, would badly violate the rule of successive removal. The imperial house opened a thousand-year dawn and renewed the brightness of a hundred generations. Emperor Jing founded Tang in deep virtue, but his generation is still near. Though honored as Grand Ancestor, by kinship he remains within the zhao-mu line and one of the six chambers, not yet creating the honor of seven generations. Thus the Grand Temple should have six chambers and not yet seven. The former court therefore had only six generations of kin temples: Xuan, Guang, Jing, Yuan, Shenyao, and Wenwu. When the Great Emperor died and his tablet was enshrined, Emperor Xuan's generations were complete, so ritual moved him out again. Now there are only six generations of kin temples from Emperor Guang down. This does not mean the emperor should not have seven temples; it means the number at establishment varies because Grand Ancestors may be remote or near. The three former reigns had many learned classicists, and temple affairs were weighty. Their ritual model was not empty; it can be followed, and principle does not favor changing it. Emperor Xuan is not the founder, and his temple has no zu or zong title. Since his kinship line was exhausted and he was moved, he should not be restored. To exalt him again after the ritual order has moved on would violate the 《Wang System》 and the former court's intent. We request following Zhenguan precedent, preserving the grand rule of the Three Sages, and honoring the six chambers without impairing the ancient judgment.
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時有制令宰相更加詳定,禮部尚書祝欽明等奏言:「博士三人,自分兩議:張齊賢以始同太祖,不合更祖昭王; 劉承慶以《王制》三昭三穆,不合重崇宣帝。 臣等商量,請依張齊賢以景皇帝為太祖,依劉承慶尊崇六室。」 制從之。 尋有制以孝敬皇帝為義宗,升祔於太廟。 其年八月,崇祔光皇帝、太祖景皇帝、代祖元皇帝、高祖神堯皇帝、太宗文武聖皇帝、皇考高宗天皇大帝、皇兄義宗孝敬皇帝于東都之太廟,躬行享獻之禮。
An edict sent chancellors to refine the question; Zhu Qinming of Rites reported: "Three erudites split two ways—Zhang Qixian said they were already Great Founder and King Zhao should not be added as ancestor; Liu Chengqing cited the 《Wang System》's three zhao and three mu: no double honor for Emperor Xuan. Your subjects deliberated and request: follow Zhang Qixian in taking Emperor Jing as Great Founder, follow Liu Chengqing in honoring with six chambers." Approved. Soon an edict made the Filial and Respectful Emperor the Righteous Ancestor and elevated him into the Great Temple. That eighth month at the eastern Great Temple: elevated enshrinement for Guang, Jing as Great Founder, Yuan as dynastic ancestor, Shenyao Gaozu, sage Taizong, heavenly Gaozong, and Righteous Ancestor Filial and Respectful—the emperor offered in person.
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二年,駕還京師,太廟自是亦崇享七室,仍改武氏崇尊廟為崇恩廟。 明年二月,復令崇恩廟一依天授時享祭。 時武三思用事,密令安樂公主諷中宗,故有此制。 尋又特令武氏崇恩廟齋郎取五品子充。 太常博士楊孚奏言:「太廟齋郎,承前只七品已下子。 今崇恩廟齋郎既取五品子,即太廟齋郎作何等級?」 上曰:「太廟齋郎亦准崇恩廟置。」 孚奏曰:「崇恩廟為太廟之臣,太廟為崇恩廟之君,以臣准君,猶為僭逆,以君准臣,天下疑懼。 孔子曰:『名不正則言不順,言不順則事不成,事不成則禮樂不興,禮樂不興則刑罰不中,刑罰不中則人無所措手足。 故君子名之必可言也。』 伏願無惑邪言,以為亂始。」 其事乃寢。 崇恩廟至睿宗踐祚,乃廢毀之。
Year 2: back in the capital, the Great Temple too kept seven chambers; Wu Chongzun became Chong'en Temple. Next year's second month: Chong'en was again ordered to follow Tian'shou offerings. Wu Sansi then held sway; Princess Anle quietly swayed Zhongzong—hence the edict. Soon Wu's Chong'en Fast Youths were specially filled with fifth-rank sons. Yang Fu wrote: "Great Temple Fast Youths were formerly sons of seventh rank and below. Now that Chong'en Temple Fast Youths take fifth-rank sons, what rank should Great Temple Fast Youths be?" The emperor said: "Match the Great Temple to Chong'en." Fu replied: "Chong'en is the Great Temple's subject, the Great Temple its lord—equating subject to lord is usurpation; equating lord to subject breeds fear. Confucius said: 'Wrong names unbalance speech; unbalanced speech fails affairs; failed affairs stall rites and music; stalled rites skew punishments; skewed punishments leave the people without footing. So the noble man's names must be sayable. Your subject wishes no confusion from heterodox words as the beginning of disorder." The plan died. Chong'en lasted until Ruizong's accession, then was abolished.
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冬,將葬中宗孝和皇帝于定陵,中書令姚元之、吏部尚書宋璟奏言:「准禮,大行皇帝山陵事終,即合祔廟。 其太廟第七室,先祔皇兄義宗孝敬皇帝、哀皇后裴氏神主。 伏以義宗未登大位,崩後追尊,神龍之初,乃特令遷祔。 《春秋》之義,國君即位未逾年者,不合列敘昭穆。 又古者祖宗各別立廟,孝敬皇帝恭陵既在洛州,望於東都別立義宗之廟,遷祔孝敬皇帝、哀皇后神主,命有司以時享祭,則不違先旨,又協古訓,人神允穆,進退得宜。 在此神主,望入夾室安置。 伏願陛下以禮斷恩。」 制從之。 及既葬,祔中宗孝和皇帝、和思皇后趙氏神主於太廟。 其義宗即於東都從善裏建廟享祀。 時又追尊昭成、肅明二皇后,于親仁裏別置儀坤廟,四時享祭,
Winter: Zhongzong Xiaohui was to be buried at Ding; Yao Yuanzhi and Song Jing wrote: "When the great tomb rites end, enshrinement should follow immediately. The seventh chamber already held Righteous Ancestor Filial and Respectful and Lamenting Empress Pei. Righteous Ancestor never reigned; he was honored after death and specially moved in early Shenlong. The 《Spring and Autumn Annals》 rule is that a ruler enthroned less than a year is not ranked in zhao and mu. Antiquity gave each forebear a separate temple. Filial and Respectful lies at Gong in Luozhou—build a Righteous Ancestor temple in the east, move both tablets, and offer by season: prior intent kept, ancient rule met, spirits and men aligned. Place these tablets in the side chambers. Your subject wishes Your Majesty to cut favor with ritual." Approved. After burial, Zhongzong Xiaohui and Empress Zhaosi Zhao were enshrined in the Great Temple. Righteous Ancestor was served at a new temple in Congshan Lane, eastern capital. Empresses Zhaocheng and Suming were also posthumously honored; Yikun Temple at Qinren Lane received seasonal rites.
13
開元四年,睿宗崩,及行祔廟之禮,太常博士陳貞節、蘇獻等奏議曰:「謹按孝和皇帝在廟,七室已滿。 今睿宗大聖真皇帝是孝和之弟,甫及仲冬,禮當祔遷。 但兄弟入廟,古則有焉,遞遷之禮,昭穆須正。 謹按《禮論》,太常賀循議云:『兄弟不相為後也。 故殷之盤庚,不序于陽甲,而上繼於先君; 漢之光武,不嗣于孝成,而上承於元帝。』 又曰:『晉惠帝無後,懷帝承統,懷帝自繼于世祖,而不繼于惠帝。 其惠帝當同陽甲、孝成,別出為廟。』 又曰:『若兄弟相代,則共是一代,昭穆位同。 至其當遷,不可兼毀二廟。』 此蓋禮之常例也。 《荀卿子》曰,『有天下者事七代』,謂從禰已上也。 尊者統廣,故恩及遠祖。 若旁容兄弟,上毀祖考,此則天子有不得全事於七代之義矣。 孝和皇帝有中興之功,而無後嗣,請同殷之陽甲、漢之成帝,出為別廟,時祭不虧,大祫之辰,合食太祖。 奉睿宗神主升祔太廟,上繼高宗,則昭穆永貞,獻祼長序。」 制從之。 初令以儀坤廟為中宗廟,尋又改造中宗廟於太廟之西。 貞節等又以肅明皇后不合與昭成皇后配祔睿宗,奏議曰:「禮,宗廟父昭子穆,皆有配座,每室一帝一后,禮之正儀。 自夏、殷而來,無易茲典。 伏惟昭成皇后,有太姒之德,已配食于睿宗; 則肅明皇后無啟母之尊,自應別立一廟。 謹按《周禮》云『奏夷則,歌小呂,以享先妣』者,姜嫄是也。 姜嫄是帝嚳之妃,后稷之母,特為立廟,名曰閟宮。 又《禮論》云,晉伏系之議云:『晉簡文鄭宣后既不配食,乃築宮於外,歲時就廟享祭而已。』 今肅明皇后無祔配之位,請同姜嫄、宣后,別廟而處,四時享祭如舊儀。」 制從之。 於是遷昭成皇后神主祔于睿宗之室,惟留肅明神主於儀坤廟。
Kaiyuan 4: after Ruizong died, Chen Zhenjie and Su Xian argued over his enshrinement: "Xiaohe is already in the temple, and the seven chambers are full. Ruizong the Great Sagely True Emperor is Xiaohui's younger brother—mid-winter demands his enshrinement. Brothers did enter temples in antiquity, but succession rules require correct zhao and mu. The 《Ritual Treatises》 cite He Xun: 'Brothers do not succeed one another. Yin's Pan Geng is not listed after Yang Jia but continues the prior lord; Han's Guangwu does not follow Xiaocheng but inherits from Emperor Yuan. Jin Hui had no heir; Huai took the line from Shizu, not from Hui. Hui should join Yang Jia and Xiaocheng in a separate shrine. If brothers alternate, they share one generation and one zhao-mu slot. When rotation comes, two temples cannot both be destroyed. That is ritual's standing rule. The 《Xunzi》 says, 'He who holds the realm serves seven generations'--from honored father up. The exalted reach wide, so grace reaches distant forebears. Admit brothers sideways and remove ancestors above—the Son of Heaven cannot fully keep seven generations. Xiaohui restored the dynasty but left no heir—treat him like Yang Jia and Cheng: separate temple, unbroken seasonal rites, joint feast at the Great Founder on great he days. Receive Emperor Ruizong's spirit tablet, elevated enshrinement in Great Temple, succeeding above Emperor Gaozong—then zhao and mu forever stable, libation and blessing long in order." Approved. Yikun was first made Zhongzong's temple, then Zhongzong's shrine was rebuilt west of the Great Temple. Zhenjie et al. also argued Suming should not pair with Zhaocheng at Ruizong's shrine: "Rite sets father-zhao, son-mu, one consort per chamber—one emperor, one empress: the orthodox form. Since Xia and Yin, this institution has never been altered. It is submitted that Empress Zhaocheng possessed Tai Si's virtue and already shares sacrifice with Ruizong; whereas Empress Suming did not have Qi's mother's rank and should have a temple of her own. The 《Zhou Rites》 state that playing Yi ze and singing Xiao lu to honor a former consort refers to Jiang Yuan. Jiang Yuan was Emperor Ku's consort and Hou Ji's mother; she was given a separate temple called Bi Palace. The 《Ritual Disquisitions》 also cite Fu Xi on Jin: when Empress Xuande of Emperor Jianwen was denied shared sacrifice, a palace was built outside and seasonal offerings were made there alone. Now Empress Suming has no position for complementary enshrinement; we ask, following Jiang Yuan and Empress Xuande, to have a separate temple and placement, the four seasons' sacrifices as the old observances." Approved. The tablet of Empress Zhaocheng was then moved to Ruizong's chamber, leaving only Suming's tablet in Yikun Temple.
14
時太常卿姜皎復與禮官上表曰:「臣聞敬宗尊祖,享德崇恩,必也正名,用光時憲,禮也。 伏見太廟中則天皇后配高宗天皇大帝,題云『天后聖帝武氏』。 伏尋昔居寵秩,親承顧托,因攝大政,事乃從權。 神龍之初,已去帝號。 岑羲等不閑政體,復題帝名。 若又使帝號長存,恐非聖朝通典。 夫七廟者,高祖神堯皇帝之廟也。 父昭子穆,祖德宗功,非夫帝子天孫,乘乾出震者,不得升祔於斯矣。 但皇后祔廟,配食高宗,位號舊章,無宜稱帝。 今山陵日近,陞祔非遙,請申陳告之儀,因除『聖帝』之字,直題云『則天皇后武氏』。」 詔從之。 時既另造義宗廟,將作大匠韋湊上疏曰:「臣聞王者制體,是曰規模; 規模之興,實資師古; 師古之道,必也正名; 惟名與實,固當相副。 其在宗廟,禮之大者,豈可失哉! 禮,祖有功而宗有德。 祖宗之廟,百代不毀。 故殷太甲曰太宗,太戊曰中宗,武丁曰高宗。 周宗文王、武王。 漢則文帝為太宗,武帝為世宗。 其後代有稱宗,皆以方制海內,德澤可宗,列于昭穆,期於不毀。 祖宗之義,不亦大乎! 況孝敬皇帝位止東宮,未嘗南面,聖道誠冠于儲副,德教不被於寰瀛,立廟稱宗,恐非合體。 況別起寢廟,不入昭穆,稽諸祀典,何義稱宗? 而廟號義宗,稱之萬代。 以臣庸識,竊謂不可。 望更令有司詳定,務合於禮。」 於是太常請以本諡「孝敬」為廟稱。 從之。
Director Jiang Jiao and the ritual officials again memorialized: "We hear that revering ancestors and exalting grace require correct titles to honor the age's laws—that is ritual. In the Grand Temple Empress Zetian shares sacrifice with Emperor Gaozong, inscribed as "Holy Emperor Wu of the Heavenly Empress." She once held favored rank, received the late emperor's trust, and took power as an expedient measure. At the start of Shenlong her imperial title had already been removed. Cen Xi and others, ignorant of governance, restored an imperial title on the inscription. To let an imperial title stand again would violate court precedent. The seven temples are those of the High Ancestor, Emperor Shen Yao. Father-zhao, son-mu, ancestral merit—only imperial sons and heaven's grandsons who received the mandate may be enshrined there. Yet as consort sharing Gaozong's sacrifices, her old titles should not include "emperor." With her enshrinement near, we ask to perform the announcement rite, drop "Holy Emperor," and inscribe only "Empress Zetian Wu." The emperor approved. A separate Yizong Temple had been built; Master of Works Wei Cou wrote: "A king's institutions are his model; and models must learn from antiquity; which requires correct names; name and fact must agree. In the ancestral temple, the greatest rite—how can it be neglected! Ritual holds that ancestors have merit and clan lords have virtue. Ancestor and clan-lord temples stand for a hundred generations. Yin's Tai Jia was styled Taizong, Tai Wu Zhongzong, and Wu Ding Gaozong. Zhou honored Kings Wen and Wu. Han styled Emperor Wen Taizong and Emperor Wu Shizong. Later rulers styled "zong" when their virtue filled the realm and merited lasting place in the zhao-mu sequence. The weight of "ancestor" and "zong" is immense! Emperor Xiaojing never ruled; though his virtue surpassed other heirs, his teaching did not reach the realm—calling him "zong" does not fit ritual. A separate shrine outside the zhao-mu line: how can it be called "zong" under the sacrifice canon? Yet the temple name Yizong would stand for ages. In my humble view it should not be done. I hope you will further order the relevant offices to examine in detail and ensure conformity with ritual." The Court of Imperial Sacrifices then proposed "Xiaojing," his posthumous title, as the temple name. Approved.
15
五年正月,玄宗將行幸東都,而太廟屋壞,乃奉七廟神主於太極殿。 玄宗素服避正殿,輟朝三日,親謁神主於太極殿,而後發幸東都。 乃敕有司修太廟。 明年,廟成,玄宗還京,行親祔之禮。 時有司撰儀注,以祔祭之日車駕發宮中,玄宗謂宋璟、蘇頲曰:「祭必先齋,所以齊心也。 據儀注,祭之日發大明宮,又以質明行事,縱使侵星而發,猶是移辰方到,質明之禮,其可及乎? 又朕不宿齋宮,即安正殿,情所不敢。 宜於廟所設齋宮,五日赴行宮宿齋,六日質明行事,庶合於禮。」 璟等稱聖情深至,請即奉行。 詔有司改定儀注。 六日,玄宗自齋宮步詣太廟,入自東門,就立位。 樂奏九成,陞自阼階,行祼獻之禮。 至睿宗室,俯伏鳴咽,侍臣莫不流涕。
In the fifth year's first month Xuanzong planned to visit the eastern capital; when the Grand Temple collapsed, he moved all seven tablets to Taiji Hall. He wore mourning dress, avoided the main hall, suspended court for three days, visited the tablets in Taiji Hall, then traveled east. He ordered repairs to the Grand Temple. When the temple was finished the next year, he returned and performed the enshrinement rite in person. When officials drafted the rite to have the emperor leave the palace on the enshrinement day, Xuanzong told Song Jing and Su Ting: "Sacrifice must be preceded by fasting, so the mind may be purified. The draft has us leave Daming Palace on the day itself and perform the rite at dawn. Even setting out before the stars fade, we would arrive only after the hour had passed; how could that be a dawn rite? Nor do I dare avoid lodging in the fasting palace while resting in the main hall. Set up a fasting palace at the temple. On the fifth day I will go there to fast overnight, and on the sixth perform the rite at dawn; only then may it accord with ritual." Song Jing and the others praised the depth of his devotion and asked to implement the change at once. An edict ordered the rites revised. On the sixth day he walked from the fasting palace to the Grand Temple, entered the east gate, and took his place. The Nine Completes were played; he ascended the east steps and offered libation. At Ruizong's chamber he prostrated himself and wept, and his attendants wept with him.
16
有河南府人孫平子詣闕上言:「中宗孝和皇帝既承大統,不合遷於別廟。」 玄宗令宰相召平子與禮官對定可否,太常博士蘇獻等固執前議。 平子口辯,所引咸有經據,獻等不能屈。 時蘇頲知政事,以獻是其從祖之兄,頗党助之,平子之議竟不得行。 平子論竟不已,遂謫平子為康州都城尉,仍差使領送至任,不許東西。 平子之任,尋卒。 時雖貶平子,議者深以其言為是。 至十年正月,下制曰:「朕聞王者乘時以設教,因事以制禮,沿革以從宜為本,取捨以適會為先。 故損益之道有殊,質文之用斯異。 且夫至德之謂孝,所以通乎神明; 大事之謂祀,所以虔乎宗廟。 國家握紀命曆,重光累盛,四方由其繼明,七代可以觀德。 朕嗣守丕業,祗奉睿圖,聿懷昭事,罔不恤祀。 嘗覽古典,詢諸舊制,遠則夏、殷事異,近則漢、晉道殊,雖禮文之不一,固嚴敬之無二。 朕以為立愛自親始,教人睦也; 立敬自長始,教人順也。 是知朕率於禮,緣於情,或教以道存,或禮從時變,將因宜以創制,豈沿古而限今。 況恩以降殺而疏,廟以遷毀而廢。 雖式瞻古訓,禮則不違; 而永言孝思,情所未足。 享嘗則止,豈愛崇而禮備; 有禱而祭,非德盛而流永。 其祧室宜列為正室,使親而不盡,遠而不禰,廟以貌存,宗猶尊立。 俾四時式薦,不間於毀主; 百代靡遷,匪惟於始廟。 所謂變以合禮,動而得中,嚴配之典克崇,肅雍之美茲在。 又兄弟繼及,古有明文。 今中宗神主,猶居別處,詳求故實,當寧不安,移就正廟,用章大典。 仍創立九室,宜令所司擇日啟告移遷。」 十一年春,玄宗還京師,下制曰:「崇建宗廟,禮之大者; 聿追孝饗,德莫至焉。 今宗以立尊,親無遷序,永惟嚴配,致用蠲潔,棟宇式崇,祼奠斯授。 顧茲薄德,獲承禋祀,不躬不親,曷展誠敬? 宜用八月十九日祗見九室。」 於是追尊宣皇帝為獻祖,復列於正室,光皇帝為懿祖,並還中宗神主於太廟。
A man of Henan prefecture, Sun Pingzi, came to the gate and stated: "Emperor Xiaojing of Zhongzong, having succeeded the great succession, ought not be moved to a separate temple." Xuanzong had the chancellor convene Pingzi and the ritualists; Su Xian and others clung to the earlier decision. Pingzi argued forcefully with scriptural citations the ritualists could not refute. Su Ting, then in power, favored his cousin Su Xian, and Pingzi's proposal was rejected. When Pingzi persisted, he was exiled as magistrate of Kang and escorted to his post under guard. He died soon after arriving. Despite his punishment, most officials thought him right. In the first month of the tenth year, an edict said: "I have heard that kings establish teaching according to the times and create rites according to events; reform and continuity must be based on what is fitting, and choices must suit the moment. Thus the ways of adding and reducing differ, and simplicity and ornament are used differently. Filial piety is the highest virtue, the means of communicating with the spirits; and sacrifice is the great affair, the way to show reverence in the ancestral temple. The dynasty holds the mandate and calendar; its brightness and prosperity have continued, the four quarters depend on its light, and seven generations reveal its virtue. In inheriting this great enterprise and reverently upholding the ancestral plan, I keep solemn service in mind and neglect no sacrifice. I have reviewed ancient texts and old institutions: Xia and Yin differed in antiquity, Han and Jin in later times. Ritual forms vary, but solemn reverence does not. I believe love begins with kinship and teaches people harmony; reverence begins with elders and teaches people obedience. Thus I follow ritual while giving due place to feeling: teaching may preserve the Way, and ritual may change with the time. I will establish a system suited to the occasion, not bind the present by antiquity. Affection grows distant through graded reduction, and temples disappear through removal and destruction. Even while observing the ancient instructions and not violating ritual; my filial feeling remains unsatisfied. If regular offerings merely cease, how can love be honored and ritual made complete; and if sacrifice is made only for petitions, virtue cannot flourish and endure. The removed chambers should be made regular chambers, preserving kinship without confusing distant ancestors with the immediate father, keeping the temple form intact and the honored line standing. Let seasonal offerings continue by rule, without interruption for tablets otherwise removed; and let tablets remain unmoved for a hundred generations, not only in the founder's temple. This is change that accords with ritual and action that reaches the mean; it exalts solemn enshrinement and preserves reverent harmony. Ancient texts also clearly address succession among brothers. Zhongzong's tablet still remains elsewhere. Examining the precedents, I am uneasy on the throne; it should be moved into the main temple to display the great canon. Establish nine chambers, and order the offices to choose a day, announce the move, and transfer the tablets." In the spring of the eleventh year, Xuanzong returned to the capital and issued an edict: "Building up the ancestral temple is one of ritual's greatest matters; nothing in virtue is greater than carrying out filial offerings. Now honored temples have been established and kin are no longer ordered for removal. I constantly think on solemn enshrinement: service must be pure, the halls honored, and libations and offerings presented. With my slight virtue I have inherited these sacrifices; if I do not attend them personally, how can I show sincere reverence? On the nineteenth day of the eighth month I shall reverently visit the nine chambers." Emperor Xuan was then honored as Xianzu and restored to a main chamber, Emperor Guang as Yizu, and Zhongzong's tablet was returned to the Grand Temple.
17
及將親祔,會雨而止。 乃令所司行事。 其京師中宗舊廟,便毀拆之。 東都舊廟,始移孝敬神主祔焉。 其從善裏孝敬舊廟,亦令毀拆。 二十一年,玄宗又特令遷肅明皇后神主祔于睿宗之室,仍以舊儀坤廟為肅明觀。
Rain halted the planned personal enshrinement. He had the offices carry out the rite instead. Zhongzong's former capital temple was demolished. Xiaojing's tablet was first enshrined in the eastern capital's old temple. The Xiaojing shrine in Congshan Lane was also torn down. In year twenty-one he moved Suming's tablet to Ruizong's chamber and converted Yikun Temple into Suming Abbey.
18
大曆十四年十月,代宗神主將祔,禮儀使顏真卿以元皇帝代數已遠,准禮合祧,請遷於西夾室。
Dali 14, tenth month: when Daizong's tablet was to be installed, Yan Zhenqing argued that Emperor Yuan was too remote by generation and should be moved to the western side chamber.
19
其奏議曰:《王制》:「天子七廟,三昭三穆,與太祖之廟而七。」 又《禮器》云:有以多為貴者,天子七廟。」 又《伊尹》曰:「七代之廟,可以觀德。」 此經典之明證也。 七廟之外,則曰:「去祧為壇,去壇為墠」。 故歷代儒者,制迭毀之禮,皆親盡宜毀。 伏以太宗文皇帝,七代之祖; 高祖神堯皇帝,國朝首祚,萬葉所承; 太祖景皇帝,受命于天,始封于唐,元本皆在不毀之典。 代祖元皇帝,地非開統,親在七廟之外。 代宗皇帝升祔有日,元皇帝神主,禮合祧遷。 或議者以祖宗之名,難於迭毀。 昔漢朝近古,不敢以私滅公,故前漢十二帝,為祖宗者四而已。 至後漢漸違經意,子孫以推美為先。 自光武已下,皆有廟號,則祖宗之名,莫不建也。 安帝信讒,害大臣,廢太子,及崩,無上宗之奏,後自建武以來無毀者,因以陵號稱宗。 至桓帝失德,尚有宗號。 故初平中,左中郎蔡邕以和帝以下,功德無殊,而有過差,不應為宗。 余非宗者,追尊三代,皆奏毀之。 是知祖有功,宗有德,存至公之義,非其人不居,蓋三代立禮之本也。 自東漢已來,則此道衰矣。 魏明帝自稱烈祖,論者以為逆自稱祖宗。 故近代此名悉為廟號,未有子孫踐祚而不祖宗先王者。 以此明之,則不得獨據兩字而為不合祧遷之證。 假令傳祚百代,豈可上崇百代以為孝乎? 請依三昭三穆之義,永為通典。
His memorial cited the 《Wang System》: "The Son of Heaven has seven temples: three zhao, three mu, plus the Grand Ancestor." The 《Ritual Vessels》 likewise says that when number marks honor, the Son of Heaven has seven temples. The 《Yi Yin》 adds: "Seven generations of temples let one observe virtue." These classics give clear evidence. Beyond the seven temples, the rule is: "removed from the tiao shrine, it becomes an altar; removed from the altar, it becomes an open ground." Thus Confucian scholars through the ages set the rite of successive removal: once kinship is exhausted, removal is proper. I submit: Taizong, Emperor Wen, is seven generations back; Gaozu, Emperor Shenyao, founded the dynasty's fortune, carried through all later generations; Taizu, Emperor Jing, received Heaven's mandate and first held Tang; these founding roots all belong among those never removed. Daizu, Emperor Yuan, did not found the line and by kinship falls outside the seven temples. With Daizong's enshrinement at hand, ritual requires Emperor Yuan's tablet to be removed. Some argued that titles such as "ancestor" and "zong" made removal difficult. The Han, still near antiquity, did not let private feeling override public rule; of twelve Former Han emperors, only four were named Zu or Zong. Later Han gradually strayed from the classics, with descendants intent on praise. From Guangwu on, every emperor had a temple name; Zu and Zong titles became universal. Emperor An trusted slander, killed ministers, and deposed the heir; no one memorialized to honor him as Zong, but since no temple had been removed since Jianwu, he was styled Zong by mausoleum name. Even Emperor Huan, despite his loss of virtue, still received a Zong title. Thus in Chuping, Cai Yong argued that from Emperor He down, their merit and virtue were undistinguished and their faults real, so they should not be Zong. For the remaining non-Zong temples, including three posthumously honored generations, he memorialized removal. Thus Zu means merit and Zong means virtue; public principle requires that only the proper person hold the place. This was the ritual foundation of the Three Dynasties. Since Eastern Han, that principle declined. Ming of Wei called himself Liezu; critics saw this as arrogating an ancestral title to himself. In recent ages these titles all became temple names; no descendant took the throne without making earlier rulers Zu or Zong. So the two titles alone cannot prove that removal is ritually improper. If the throne passed through a hundred generations, could exalting all hundred be called filial piety? I ask that the three zhao and three mu principle become the permanent rule.
20
寶應二年,升祔玄宗、肅宗,則獻祖、懿祖已從迭毀。 伏以代宗睿文孝皇帝卒哭而祔,則合上遷一室。 元皇帝代數已遠,其神主准禮當祧,至禘祫之時,然後享祀。
Baoying 2: when Xuanzong and Suzong were enshrined, Xianzu and Yizu had already been removed in turn. Daizong's enshrinement after mourning requires shifting one chamber upward. The Yuan Emperor is too remote; his tablet should be removed and honored only at the great di and xia sacrifices.
21
於是祧元皇帝于西夾室,祔代宗神主焉。
The Yuan Emperor was moved to the western side chamber and Daizong was enshrined.
22
永貞元年十一月,德宗神主將祔,禮儀使杜黃裳與禮官王涇等請遷高宗神主於西夾室。 其議曰:「自漢、魏已降,沿革不同。 古者祖有功,宗有德,皆不毀之名也。 自東漢、魏、晉,迄于陳、隋,漸違經意,子孫以推美為先,光武已下,皆有祖宗之號。 故至於迭毀親盡,禮亦迭遷,國家九廟之尊,皆法周制。 伏以太祖景皇帝受命于天,始封元本,德同周之后稷也。 高祖神堯皇帝國朝首祚,萬葉所承,德同周之文王也。 太宗文皇帝應天靖亂,垂統立極,德同周武王也。 周人郊后稷而祖文王、宗武王,聖唐郊景皇帝、祖高祖而宗太宗,皆在不遷之典。 高宗皇帝今在三昭三穆之外,謂之親盡,新主入廟,禮合迭遷,藏於從西第一夾室,每至禘祫之月,合食如常。」 於是祧高宗神主於西夾室,祔德宗神主焉。
Yongzhen 1, eleventh month: when Dezong's tablet was to be installed, Du Huangchang and Wang Jing proposed moving Gaozong to the western side chamber. They argued: "Since Han and Wei, practice has varied. Antiquity held that meritorious ancestors and virtuous clan lords were never removed. From Eastern Han through Sui, courts increasingly praised forebears for flattery; after Guangwu nearly every emperor received "ancestor" or "zong" titles. As kinship lapsed, tablets were removed in turn; the nine-temple system follows Zhou. Great Ancestor Jing received Heaven's mandate and founded the line, like Zhou's Hou Ji. High Ancestor Shen Yao began the dynasty, like Zhou's King Wen. Taizong pacified the realm and established the succession, like Zhou's King Wu. Zhou sacrificed to Hou Ji and honored Wen and Wu in the temple; Tang sacrifices to Jing, with Shen Yao as ancestor and Taizong as zong—all never removed. Emperor Gaozong is now outside the three zhao and three mu—called kin exhausted; with a new tablet entering the temple, ritual requires successive removal, stored in the first side chamber from the west; each di and xia month he is jointly offered as usual." Gaozong was moved to the western side chamber and Dezong was enshrined.
23
元和元年七月,順宗神主將祔,有司疑於遷毀,太常博士王涇建議曰:禮經「祖有功,宗有德」,皆不毀之名也。 惟三代行之。 漢、魏已降,雖曰祖宗,親盡則遷,無功亦毀,不得行古之道也。 昔夏后氏十五代,祖顓頊而宗禹。 殷人十七代,祖契而宗湯。 周人三十六王,以后稷為太祖,祖文王而宗武王。 聖唐德厚流廣,遠法殷、周,奉景皇帝為太祖,祖高祖而宗太宗,皆在百代不遷之典。 故代宗升祔,遷代祖也; 德宗升祔,遷高宗也。 今順宗升祔,中宗在三昭三穆之外,謂之親盡,遷於太廟夾室,禮則然矣。 或諫者以則天太后革命,中宗復而興之,不在遷藏之例,臣竊未諭也。 昔者高宗晏駕,中宗奉遺詔,自儲副而陟元后。 則天太后臨朝,廢為盧陵王。 聖曆元年,太后詔復立為皇太子。 屬太后聖壽延長,御下日久,奸臣擅命,紊其紀度。 敬暉、桓彥範等五臣,俱唐舊臣,匡輔王室,翊中宗而承大統。 此乃子繼父業,是中宗得之而且失之; 母授子位,是中宗失之而復得之。 二十年間,再為皇太子,復踐皇帝位,失之在己,得之在己,可謂革命中興之義殊也。 又以周、漢之例推之,幽王為犬戎所滅,平王東遷,周不以平王為中興不遷之廟,其例一也。 漢呂后專權,產、祿秉政,文帝自代邸而立之,漢不以文帝為中興不遷之廟,其例二也。 霍光輔宣帝,再盛基業,而不以宣帝為不遷之廟,其例三也。 伏以中宗孝和皇帝,于聖上為六代伯祖,尊非正統,廟亦親盡。 爰及周、漢故事,是與中興功德之主不同,奉遷夾室,固無疑也。
In Yuanhe 1, seventh month, as Shunzong's tablet was to be enshrined, officials were uncertain which tablet should be removed. Grand Ritual Erudite Wang Jing argued that the ritual classics say, "Ancestors have merit, and zong have virtue," both names for tablets never removed. Only the Three Dynasties truly followed this rule. From Han and Wei onward, even rulers called zu or zong were moved when kinship ended, and those without merit were removed; the ancient standard was no longer kept. The Xia rulers counted fifteen generations, honoring Zhuanxu as ancestor and Yu as zong. The Yin counted seventeen generations, honoring Xie as ancestor and Tang as zong. The Zhou had thirty-six kings, with Hou Ji as Grand Ancestor, King Wen as ancestor, and King Wu as zong. Our Tang, rich in virtue and broad in succession, follows Yin and Zhou: Emperor Jing is Grand Ancestor, Gaozu is ancestor, and Taizong is zong, all within the canon of tablets never moved. Thus Daizu was moved when Daizong was enshrined; and Gaozong was moved when Dezong was enshrined. Now that Shunzong is being enshrined, Zhongzong falls outside the three zhao and three mu. His kinship line is exhausted, so ritual requires moving him to a Grand Temple side chamber. Some object that because Empress Zetian changed the dynasty and Zhongzong restored it, he should not be treated as a tablet to be moved and stored. I do not understand this argument. When Gaozong died, Zhongzong followed the testamentary edict and ascended from heir apparent to sovereign. When Empress Dowager Zetian took court power, she deposed him as Prince of Luling. In Shengli 1 she restored him as crown prince by edict. Because the empress dowager lived and ruled for so long, wicked ministers seized authority and disrupted the order of government. Jing Hui, Huan Yanfan, and the other five ministers were old Tang servants who supported the royal house and helped Zhongzong resume the succession. This was a son inheriting his father's work: Zhongzong gained the throne and then lost it; then his mother returned the position to her son, so Zhongzong regained what he had lost. Over twenty years he twice became crown prince and returned to the imperial throne. The loss and recovery both belonged to his own line, so this differs from true dynastic restoration. The Zhou example is first: after King You was destroyed by the Quanrong and King Ping moved east, Zhou did not make King Ping an unmoved restoration temple. The Han example is second: when Empress Lü monopolized power and Lü Chan and Lü Lu governed, Emperor Wen came from Dai to take the throne, yet Han did not give him an unmoved restoration temple. The third example is Huo Guang's support of Emperor Xuan, which renewed the dynasty but still did not make Xuan an unmoved temple. Zhongzong, Emperor Xiaohe, is a sixth-generation collateral ancestor to the present emperor, not in the direct line, and his temple kinship is exhausted. By the precedents of Zhou and Han, he is not a restoration ruler of enduring merit. There is no doubt that his tablet should be moved to the side chamber.
24
是月二十四日,禮儀使杜黃裳奏曰:「順宗皇帝神主已升祔太廟,告祧之後,即合遞遷。 中宗皇帝神主,今在三昭三穆之外,准禮合遷於太廟從西第一夾室,每至禘祫之日,合食如常。」 於是祧中宗神主於西夾室,祔順宗神主焉。
On the twenty-fourth Du Huangchang reported: "Shunzong is already in the Grand Temple; after the removal announcement his predecessors should shift. Emperor Zhongzong's tablet is now outside the three zhao and three mu; per ritual he should be moved to the Grand Temple's first side chamber from the west; on each di and xia day he is jointly offered as usual." Zhongzong was moved to the western side chamber and Shunzong was enshrined.
25
有司先是以山陵將畢,議遷廟之禮。 有司以中宗為中興之君,當百代不遷之位。 宰臣召史官蔣武問之,武對曰:「中宗以弘道元年于高宗柩前即位,時春秋已壯矣。 及母后篡奪,神器潛移。 其後賴張柬之等同謀,國祚再復。 此蓋同於反正,恐不得號為中興之君。 凡非我失之,自我復之,謂之中興,漢光武、晉元帝是也。 自我失之,因人復之,晉孝惠、孝安是也。 今中宗于惠、安二帝事同,即不可為不遷之主也。」 有司又云:「五王有再安社稷之功,今若遷中宗廟,則五王永絕配享之例。」 武曰:凡配享功臣,每至禘祫年方合食太廟,居常即無享禮。 今遷中宗神主,而禘祫之年,毀廟之主並陳於太廟,此同五王配食,與前時如一也。」 有司不能答。
Earlier, as the imperial tomb neared completion, the offices had debated temple removal. They argued Zhongzong was a restoration emperor who should never be removed. The chancellor asked historiographer Jiang Wu, who replied: "Zhongzong took the throne before Gaozong's coffin in Hongdao 1, when already mature. When the empress dowager seized power, the throne was lost. Later Zhang Jianzhi and his allies restored him—twice. That resembles mere restoration, not the "restoration emperor" of ritual theory. True restoration means regaining what one lost oneself, as with Guangwu or Jin's Yuandi. Losing the throne and recovering it through others, as with Jin's Hui and An, is different. Now Zhongzong's affair is the same as the two emperors Hui and An; he cannot be a ruler not removed." The offices added: "Moving Zhongzong would end the Five Kings' shared sacrifice forever." Wu replied: Merit-sharing ministers are fed in the Grand Temple only at di and xia; otherwise they receive no regular offerings. Moving Zhongzong still leaves the Five Kings honored at di and xia when removed rulers are assembled—no change for them. The offices had no reply.
26
十五年四月,禮部侍郎李建奏上大行皇帝諡曰聖神章武孝皇帝,廟號憲宗。 先是,河南節度使李夷簡上議曰:「王者祖有功,宗有德。 大行皇帝戡翦寇逆,累有武功,廟號合稱祖。 陛下正當決在宸斷,無信齷齪書生也。」 遂詔下公卿與禮官議其可否。 太常博士王彥威奏議:「大行廟號,不宜稱祖,宜稱宗。」 從之。 其月,禮部奏:「准貞觀故事,遷廟之主,藏於夾室西壁南北三間。 第一間代祖室,第二間高宗室,第三間中宗室。 伏以山陵日近,睿宗皇帝祧遷有期,夾室西壁三室外,無置室處。 准《江都集禮》:『古者遷廟之主,藏於太室北壁之中。』 今請於夾室北壁,以西為上,置睿宗皇帝神主石室。」 制從之。
In the fourth month of the fifteenth year Li Jian proposed the posthumous title Sheng Shen Zhang Wu Xiao and temple name Xianzong for the late emperor. Earlier Li Yijian of Henan had argued: "Kings honor meritorious ancestors and virtuous clan lords. The late emperor suppressed rebellion with repeated military success; his temple name should be zu, not zong. Your Majesty should decide this at the imperial throne; do not trust pedantic bookish scholars." An edict then ordered the chief ministers and ritual officers to debate the proposal. Erudite Wang Yanwei argued: "The late emperor's temple name should be Zong, not Zu." Approved. That month the Ministry of Rites memorialized: "According to the Zhenguan precedent, removed temple tablets are stored in the three north–south chambers on the west wall of the side chambers. The first room was for the dynastic founder, the second for Gaozong, the third for Zhongzong. With Ruizong's enshrinement imminent, no room remained on the west side-chamber wall beyond the three existing chambers. The 《Jiangdu Collected Rites》 say ancient removed tablets were kept in the Grand Chamber's north wall. Now we request on the north wall of the side chambers, taking west as superior, to place the stone chamber for Emperor Ruizong's spirit tablet." Approved.
27
長慶四年正月,禮儀使奏:「謹按《周禮》:『天子七廟,三昭三穆,與太祖之廟而七。』 《荀卿子》曰:『有天下者祭七代,有一國者祭五代。』 則知天子上祭七廟,典籍通規。 祖功宗德,不在其數。 國朝九廟之制,法周之文。 太祖景皇帝,始為唐公,肇基天命,義同周之后稷。 高祖神堯皇帝,創業經始,代隋為唐,義同周之文王。 太宗文皇帝,神武應期,造有區夏,義同周之武王。 其下三昭三穆,謂之親廟,四時常饗,自如禮文。 今以新主入廟,玄宗明皇帝在三昭三穆之外,是親盡之祖,雖有功德,禮合祧遷,禘祫之歲,則從合食。」 制從之,
Changqing 4, first month: the ritual commissioner cited the 《Zhou Rites》 on the Son of Heaven's seven temples: three zhao, three mu, plus the Grand Ancestor. The 《Xunzi》 says a ruler of the realm sacrifices to seven generations, a feudal lord to five. So seven ancestral temples for the Son of Heaven is the classical norm. Meritorious ancestors and dynastic founders lie outside that count. The dynasty's nine-shrine system follows the Zhou model. Grand Ancestor Emperor Jing, first Duke of Tang and founder of the Mandate, matches Zhou's Hou Ji. Gaozong the Divine Yao, who founded the dynasty, matches King Wen. Taizong the Cultured, who pacified the realm, matches King Wu. Below them the three zhao and three mu are the "intimate" shrines with regular seasonal offerings. Now with a new tablet entering the temple, Emperor Xuanzong the Brilliant lies outside the three zhao and three mu; he is an ancestor whose line of descent is exhausted. Though he has merit and virtue, ritual requires removal; in the years of di and xia he joins the combined feast." Approved.
28
開成五年,禮儀使奏:「謹按天子七廟,祖功宗德,不在其中。 國朝制度,太廟九室。 伏以太祖景皇帝受封于唐,高祖、太宗,創業受命,有功之主,百代不遷。 今文宗元聖昭獻皇帝升祔有時,代宗睿文孝武皇帝是親盡之祖,禮合祧遷,每至禘祫,合食如常。」 從之。
In the fifth year of Kaicheng, the Ritual Commissioner memorialized: "We respectfully note that the Son of Heaven's seven temples do not include meritorious ancestors and virtuous founders. Under dynastic practice the Grand Temple has nine chambers. Grand Ancestor Jing, Gaozong, and Taizong—founders with merit—are never removed. Now Emperor Wenzong the Sagely Illustrious is due to ascend; Emperor Daizong the Sagely Cultured and Martial is an exhausted-line ancestor whom ritual requires to remove; at each di and xia he joins the combined feast as usual." Approved.
29
會昌元年六月,制曰:「朕近因載誕之日,展承顏之敬,太皇太后謂朕曰:『天子之孝,莫大於丕承;人倫之義,莫大于嗣續。穆宗睿聖文惠孝皇帝厭代已久,星霜屢遷,禰宮曠合食之禮,惟帝深濡露之感。宣懿皇太后,長慶之際,德冠後宮,夙表沙麓之祥,實茂河洲之範。先朝恩禮之厚,中壺莫偕。況誕我聖君,纘承昌運,已協華於先帝,方延祚於後昆。思廣貽謀,庶弘博愛,爰從舊典,以慰孝思。當以宣懿皇太后祔太廟穆宗睿聖文惠孝皇帝之室。率是彝訓,其敬承之。』朕祇奉慈旨,載深感咽。宜令宣示中外,咸使聞知。」會昌六年五月,禮儀使奏:武宗昭肅皇帝祔廟,併合祧遷者。伏以自敬宗、文宗、武宗兄弟相及,已歷三朝。昭穆之位,與承前不同。所可疑者,其事有四:一者,兄弟昭穆同位,不相為後;二者,已祧之主,復入舊廟;三者,廟數有限,無後之主,則宜出置別廟;四者,兄弟既不相為後,昭為父道,穆為子道,則昭穆同班,不合異位。據《春秋》「文公二年,躋僖公」。何休云:躋,升也,謂西上也。惠公與莊公當同南面西上,隱、桓與閔、僖當同北面西上。」孔穎達亦引此義釋經。又賀循云:「殷之盤庚,不序陽甲;漢之光武,上繼元帝。」晉元帝、簡文,皆用此義毀之,蓋以昭穆位同,不可兼毀二廟故也。《尚書》曰:「七代之廟,可以觀德。」且殷家兄弟相及,有至四帝不及祖禰,何容更言七代,於理無矣。二者,今已兄弟相及,同為一代,矯前之失,則合復祔代宗神主於太廟。或疑已祧之主,不合更入太廟者。按晉代元、明之時,已遷豫章、潁川矣,及簡文即位,乃元帝之子,故復豫章、潁川二神主於廟。又國朝中宗已祔太廟,至開元四年,乃出置別廟,至十年,置九廟,而中宗神主復祔太廟。則已遷復入,亦可無疑。三者,廟有定數,無後之主,出置別廟者。按魏、晉之初多同廟,蓋取上古清廟一宮,尊遠神祗之義。自後晉武所立之廟,雖云七主,而實六代,蓋景、文同廟故也。又按魯立姜嫄、文王之廟,不計昭穆,以尊尚功德也。晉元帝上繼武帝,而惠、懷、湣三帝,時賀循等諸儒議,以為別立廟,親遠義疏,都邑遷異,於理無嫌也。今以文宗棄代才六七年,武宗甫邇復土,遽移別廟,不齒祖宗,在於有司,非所宜議。四者,添置廟之室。按《禮論》,晉太常賀循云:「廟以容主為限,無拘常數。」故晉武帝時,廟有七主六代。至元帝、明帝,廟皆十室。及成、康、穆三帝,皆至十一室。自後雖遷故祔新,大抵以七代為准,而不限室數。伏以江左大儒,通賾睹奧,事有明據,固可施行。今若不行是議,更以迭毀為制,則當上不及高曾未盡之親,下有忍臣子恩義之道。今備討古今,參校經史,上請復代宗神主於太廟,以存高曾之親。下以敬宗、文宗、武宗同為一代,於太廟東間添置兩室,定為九代十一室之制,以全臣子恩敬之義,庶協大順之宜,得變禮之正,折古今之紛互,立群疑之杓指。俾因心廣孝,永燭於皇明;昭德事神,無虧於聖代。敕曰:「宗廟事重,實資參詳。宜令尚書省、兩省、御史臺四品以上官、大理卿、京兆尹等集議以聞。」尚書左丞鄭涯等奏議曰:「夫禮經垂則,莫重于嚴配,必參損益之道,則合典禮之文。
In the sixth month of the first year of Huichang, an edict said: "Recently, on the day of my birth anniversary, when I displayed the reverence of attending upon her countenance, the Grand Empress Dowager told me: 'Of the filial duty of the Son of Heaven, nothing is greater than grandly continuing the succession; of the obligations of human relations, nothing is greater than heirs continuing the line. Emperor Muzong, the Sagely, Cultured, Benevolent, and Filial, has long since left the age, and years and seasons have repeatedly passed. His paternal temple chamber lacks the rite of sharing food, and only the emperor deeply feels the grief of dew and frost. Empress Dowager Xuanyi, in the Changqing era, surpassed the rear palace in virtue, early displayed the auspicious sign of Shalu, and truly flourished in the model of Hezhou. In the former reign the thickness of grace and ritual had no equal within the inner palace. How much more, since she gave birth to our sage ruler and continued the prosperous fortune, already sharing splendor with the former emperor and about to extend blessing to later descendants. Thinking to broaden the plans left to posterity and hoping to enlarge universal love, follow the old canon and so comfort filial thoughts. Empress Dowager Xuanyi should be attached in the Great Temple to the chamber of Emperor Muzong, the Sagely, Cultured, Benevolent, and Filial. Take this constant instruction as your model, and reverently carry it out.' I have respectfully received the compassionate command and am deeply moved and choked with feeling. Let it be proclaimed inside and outside, so that all may hear and know it." In the fifth month of the sixth year of Huichang, the Commissioner of Ritual Protocol memorialized that when Emperor Wuzong, the Illustrious and Solemn, was attached to the temple, the tablets to be removed should also be considered together. Respectfully, since Jingzong, Wenzong, and Wuzong succeeded one another as brothers, three reigns have already passed. Their zhao and mu positions differ from the former pattern. There are four matters that may be doubted. First, brothers occupy the same zhao-mu position and do not become successors to one another. Second, a tablet already removed may again enter the old temple. Third, the number of temple chambers is limited, and a tablet without a successor should be taken out and placed in a separate temple. Fourth, since brothers do not become successors to one another, zhao is the way of the father and mu is the way of the son; if zhao and mu are in the same rank, they should not occupy different positions. According to the Spring and Autumn Annals, "In the second year of Duke Wen, Duke Xi was raised." He Xiu says, "Raised means promoted, meaning westward precedence. Duke Hui and Duke Zhuang should face south together, with the westward place highest; Duke Yin, Duke Huan, Duke Min, and Duke Xi should face north together, with the westward place highest." Kong Yingda also cited this meaning in explaining the classic. He Xun also said, "Pangeng of Yin did not arrange Yangjia in sequence; Guangwu of Han continued upward from Emperor Yuan." Emperor Yuan and Emperor Jianwen of Jin both used this principle in removing temples, probably because when zhao and mu positions are the same, two temples cannot both be removed. The Book of Documents says, "In the temples of seven generations, virtue may be observed." Moreover, in the Yin house brothers succeeded one another, at times with four emperors not reaching grandfather or father; how could one then further speak of seven generations? In principle this is impossible. Second, now that brothers have succeeded one another and together form one generation, correcting the former error means that Emperor Daizong's spirit tablet should again be attached in the Great Temple. Some may doubt that a tablet already removed should again enter the Great Temple. But in the Jin, during the times of Yuan and Ming, Yuzhang and Yingchuan had already been moved out; when Jianwen ascended the throne, he was Emperor Yuan's son, and so the two spirit tablets of Yuzhang and Yingchuan were restored to the temple. Also, in our dynasty Zhongzong had already been attached in the Great Temple; in the fourth year of Kaiyuan he was taken out and placed in a separate temple, but in the tenth year, when nine temples were established, Zhongzong's spirit tablet was again attached in the Great Temple. Thus there should also be no doubt about restoring a tablet that has already been moved. Third, as for the temple having a fixed number and placing a tablet without a successor in a separate temple: at the beginning of Wei and Jin many shared the same temple, probably taking the ancient meaning of one clear temple hall and honoring remote deities. Afterward, in the temple established by Emperor Wu of Jin, though it was called seven tablets, it was in fact six generations, because Jing and Wen shared one temple. Again, Lu established temples for Jiang Yuan and King Wen without counting zhao and mu, in order to honor merit and virtue. Emperor Yuan of Jin continued upward from Emperor Wu, while for the three emperors Hui, Huai, and Min, the scholars He Xun and others debated at the time and considered that separate temples should be established; with kinship distant and obligation sparse, and with capital city and territory changed, there was no impropriety in principle. Now Wenzong has left the age only six or seven years ago, and Wuzong has only just recently returned to the earth; suddenly moving them to separate temples and not ranking them among the ancestors is not something the responsible offices should discuss. Fourth, as to adding temple chambers: according to the Discussion of Rites, He Xun, Chamberlain for Ceremonials of Jin, said, "A temple is limited by its capacity to hold tablets and is not bound to a constant number." Therefore, in Emperor Wu of Jin's time, the temple had seven tablets and six generations. By the time of Emperors Yuan and Ming, the temples both had ten chambers. With Emperors Cheng, Kang, and Mu, they all reached eleven chambers. Afterward, although old tablets were moved and new ones attached, in general seven generations served as the standard, but the number of chambers was not limited. Respectfully, the great scholars south of the Yangzi understood subtlety and saw what was profound; since the matter has clear evidence, it may certainly be carried out. If this proposal is not now carried out, and alternating removal is instead made the rule, then above it will fail to reach the not-yet-exhausted kinship of great-grandfather and grandfather, and below there will be the way of a minister and son enduring the loss of grace and obligation. Having now fully examined ancient and recent cases and compared classics and histories, we request above that Emperor Daizong's spirit tablet be restored to the Great Temple, preserving the kinship of great-grandfather and grandfather. Below, with Jingzong, Wenzong, and Wuzong together forming one generation, add two chambers in the eastern bay of the Great Temple and fix the system as nine generations and eleven chambers, in order to complete the obligation of grace and reverence owed by ministers and sons. This will nearly accord with the propriety of great obedience, obtain the correctness of adapting ritual, settle the disputes of ancient and recent times, and establish a handle and guide for all doubts. It will let filial piety broaden from the heart and forever shine in imperial brightness; it will manifest virtue in serving the spirits and leave no deficiency in the sage age. An edict said: "The matter of the ancestral temple is weighty and truly requires joint deliberation. Let the Department of State Affairs, the two Secretariats, officials of the fourth rank and above in the Censorate, the Minister of the Court of Judicial Review, the Intendant of Jingzhao, and others assemble and debate it for report." Vice Minister of the Left in the Department of State Affairs Zheng Ya and others memorialized in deliberation, saying: "The ritual classics hand down standards, and nothing is weightier than solemnly pairing the ancestors. One must consult the principle of adding and reducing; then it accords with the texts of canonical ritual.
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況有明徵,是資折衷。 伏自敬宗、文宗、武宗三朝嗣位,皆以兄弟,考之前代,理有顯據。 今謹詳禮院所奏,並上稽古文,旁摭史氏,協於通變,允謂得宜。 臣等商議,請依禮官所議。」 從之。
Clear precedents supported a balanced ruling. Jingzong, Wenzong, and Wuzong had succeeded as brothers—a pattern with clear precedent in earlier dynasties. They reviewed the Ritual Institute's proposal against classics and history and found it a timely, fitting compromise. Your subjects deliberated and request following what the ritual officers proposed." Approved.
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大中三年十一月,制追尊憲宗、順宗諡號,事下有司。 太常博士李稠奏請別造憲宗、順宗神主,改題新諡。 上疑其事,詔都省集議。 右司郎中楊發、都官員外郎劉彥模等奏:「考尋故事,無別造神主改題之例。」 事在《楊發傳》。 時宰臣奏:「改造改題,並無所據,酌情順理,題則為宜。 況今士族之家,通行此例,雖尊卑有異,而情理則同。 望就神主改題,則為通允。」 依之。
Dazhong 3, eleventh month: an edict raised Xianzong's and Shunzong's posthumous titles and referred implementation to the offices concerned. Erudite Li Chou asked to carve new tablets for Xianzong and Shunzong bearing the new titles. The emperor doubted this and ordered a joint deliberation at the Department of State Affairs. Yang Fa and Liu Yanmo memorialized: "There is no precedent for new tablets and retitled inscriptions." The full debate is recorded in the 《Biography of Yang Fa》. At the time the chief ministers memorialized: "Remaking and retitling both lack authority; weighing sentiment and reason, retitling is fitting. Gentry families commonly retitled tablets; rank differed, but the principle was the same. We hope to retitle on the existing spirit tablets—then it will be broadly acceptable." The court approved.
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黃巢犯長安,僖宗避狄於成都府。 中和元年夏四月,有司請享太祖已下十一室,詔公卿議其儀。 太常卿牛叢與儒者同議其事。 或曰:「王者巡狩,以遷廟主行。 如無遷廟之主,則祝奉幣帛皮珪告于祖禰,遂奉以出,載于齋車,每舍奠焉。 今非巡狩,是失守宗廟。 夫失守宗廟,則當罷宗廟之事。」 叢疑之。 將作監王儉、太子賓客李匡乂、虞部員外郎袁皓建議同異。 及左丞崔厚為太常卿,遂議立行廟。 以玄宗幸蜀時道宮玄元殿之前,架幄幕為十一室。 又無神主,題神版位而行事。 達禮者非之,以為止之可也。 明年,乃特造神主以祔行廟。
When Huang Chao took Chang'an, Xizong fled to Chengdu. Zhonghe 1, summer, fourth month: officers sought to sacrifice at all eleven chambers from the Grand Ancestor down, and the court ordered debate on the rite. Director Niu Cong and the ritual scholars debated the matter. Someone said: "When the king tours the regions, he takes the removed temple tablets on the journey. Without removed tablets, invokers would announce to the ancestors with silks and jade, then carry the tablets in the fasting carriage, offering at each stop. This was not a royal tour but the loss of the capital temple. When the ancestral temple is lost, ancestral temple affairs should be suspended." Niu Cong was uncertain. Wang Jian, Li Kuangyi, and Yuan Hao offered conflicting proposals. When Cui Hou became director, they resolved to set up a traveling temple. They had once framed eleven curtained chambers before the Hall of the Mysterious Origin when Xuanzong fled to Shu. Without tablets they used inscribed boards and performed the rites. Ritual experts criticized the practice and said it should simply stop. The next year they specially carved tablets for the traveling temple.
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光啟元年十二月二十五日,僖宗再幸寶雞。 其太廟十一室並祧廟八室及孝明太皇太后等別廟三室等神主,緣室法物,宗正寺官屬奉之隨駕鄠縣,為賊所劫,神主、法物皆遺失。 三年二月,車駕自興元還京,以宮室未備,權駐鳳翔。 禮院奏:「皇帝還宮,先謁太廟。 今宗廟焚毀,神主失墜,請准禮例修奉者。」 禮院獻議曰:「按《春秋》:『新宮災,三日哭。』 《傳》曰:『新宮,宣公廟也。 三日哭,禮也。』 按《國史》,開元五年正月二日,太廟四室摧毀,時神主皆存,迎奉於太極殿安置,玄宗素服避正殿。 寶應元年,肅宗還京師,以宗廟為賊所焚,於光順門外設次,向廟哭。 歷檢故事,不見百官奉慰之儀。 然上既素服避殿,百官奉慰,亦合情禮。 竊循故事,比附參詳,恐須宗正寺具宗廟焚毀及神主失墜事由奏,皇帝素服避殿,受慰訖,輟朝三日,下詔委少府監擇日依禮新造列聖神主。 如此方似合宜。 伏緣采栗須十一月,漸恐遲晚。」 修奉使宰相鄭延昌具議,中書門下奏曰:「伏以前年冬再有震驚,俄然巡寺,主司宗祝,迫以蒼黃。 伏緣移蹕鳳翔,未敢陳奏。 今則將回鑾輅,皆舉典章,清廟再營,孝思咸備。 伏請降敕,命所司參詳典禮修奉。」 敕曰:「朕以涼德,祗嗣寶圖,不能上承天休,下正人紀,兵革競興於宇縣,車輿再越於籓垣,宗廟震驚,烝嘗廢闕。 敬修典禮,倍切哀摧。 宜付所司。」 又修奉太廟使宰相鄭延昌奏:「太廟大殿十一室、二十三間、十一架,功績至大,計料支費不少。 兼宗廟制度有數,難為損益。 今不審依元料修奉,為復更有商量? 請下禮官詳議。」 太常博士殷盈孫奏議言:「如依元料,難以速成,況幣藏方虛,須資變禮。 竊以,以新修太廟未成,其新造神主,權于長安殿安置,便行饗告之禮,如同宗廟之儀,以俟廟成,方為遷祔。 今京城除充大內及正衙外,別無殿宇。 伏聞先有詔旨,欲以少府監大廳權充太廟。 其廳五間,伏緣十一室於五間之中陳設隘狹,請更接續修建,成十一間,以備十一室薦饗之所。 其三太后廟,即於少府監取西南屋三間,以備三室告饗所。」 敕旨從之,
Guangqi 1, twelfth month, twenty-fifth day: Xizong again reached Baoji. Eleven Grand Temple tablets, eight removed-shrine tablets, three empress-dowager shrine tablets, and ritual gear—escorted by the clan court to Hao County—were looted and lost. Third year, second month: the court returned from Xingyuan but lodged at Fengxiang while palaces were rebuilt. The Ritual Institute memorialized: "When the emperor returns to the palace, he first visits the Grand Temple. Now the ancestral temple is burned and destroyed and the spirit tablets are lost; we request following ritual precedent to restore and maintain them." The institute cited the 《Spring and Autumn Annals》: when the new palace burned, three days of mourning were prescribed. The 《Commentary》 explains the "new palace" was Duke Xuan's temple. Three days of weeping was proper ritual. The 《National History》 records: Kaiyuan 5, first month, second day, four Grand Temple chambers collapsed; the tablets were saved to the Hall of Supreme Ultimate, and Xuanzong mourned in plain dress. Baoying 1: when Suzong returned, rebels had burned the temple, so he wept toward it from a station outside Guangshun Gate. Precedents show no rite of officials offering formal condolence. Yet with the emperor in mourning dress, officials' condolence was still fitting. They proposed: the clan court should report the disaster; the emperor mourn, receive officials' condolences, halt court three days, and order new sage tablets made on an auspicious day. Only thus would the rites be proper. Chestnut wood for tablets required the eleventh month, and they feared delay." The restoration commissioner, Chancellor Zheng Yanchang, fully deliberated; the Secretariat memorialized, saying: "We note that last winter there were again shocks; suddenly the court moved to monasteries; the masters of sacrifice were pressed in haste. They had not yet reported while lodged at Fengxiang. Now the throne was returning, canon would be restored, and filial rebuilding of the temple could proceed. They asked for an edict ordering offices to restore the temple by canonical rites." The edict said: "With meager virtue I inherited the throne, yet failed above to receive Heaven's favor and below to set human order right. War rose across the realm, the imperial carriage twice crossed the frontiers, the ancestral temple was shaken, and the seasonal sacrifices lapsed. As we reverently restore the rites, the grief is doubly sharp. Refer this to the responsible offices." Zheng Yanchang, the chancellor supervising restoration of the Grand Temple, also memorialized: "The main hall has eleven chambers, twenty-three bays, and eleven roof frames; the work is enormous, and the costs will be substantial. Ancestral temple dimensions were fixed and hard to alter. Should restoration follow original plans or be renegotiated? They requested that ritual officers be ordered to deliberate in detail." Erudite Yin Yingsun memorialized, saying: "If we follow the original estimates, it will be hard to complete quickly; moreover the treasury of silks is empty—we must rely on altered ritual. Until the new temple was done, new tablets should lodge in the Hall of Everlasting Peace for offering rites, then move when the temple stood. Apart from palace and audience halls, the capital had no spare halls. An edict had proposed the Palace Workshops' great hall as a temporary temple. Five bays could not hold eleven shrines; they asked to extend the hall to eleven bays. The three empress-dowager temples should take three rooms in the southwest of the Director of the Palace Workshops as places for the three chambers' announcement offerings." The emperor approved.
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大順元年,將行禘祭,有司請以三太后神主祔饗於太廟。 三太后者,孝明太皇太后鄭氏,宣宗之母也; 恭僖皇太后王氏,敬宗之母也; 貞獻皇太后蕭氏,文宗之母也。 三后之崩,皆作神主,有故不當入太廟。 當時禮官建議並置別廟,每年五享,及三年一祫,五年一禘,皆於本廟行事,無奉神主入太廟之文。 至是亂離之後,舊章散失,禮院憑《曲臺禮》,欲以三太后祔享太廟。 博士殷盈孫獻議非之,曰:臣謹按三太后,憲宗、穆宗之后也。二帝已祔太廟,三后所以立別廟者,不可入太廟故也。與帝在位,皇后別廟不同。今有司悮用王彥威《曲臺禮》,禘別廟太后于太廟,乖戾之甚。臣竊究事體,有五不可。:《曲臺禮》云:「別廟皇后,禘祫於太廟,祔于祖姑之下。」此乃皇后先崩,已造神主,夫在帝位,如昭成、肅明、元獻、昭德之比。昭成、肅明之崩也,睿宗在位。元獻之崩也,玄宗在位。昭德之崩也,肅宗在位。四后於太廟未有本室,故創別廟,當為太廟合食之主,故禘祫乃奉以入饗。其神主但題云「某諡皇后」,明其後太廟有本室,即當遷祔,帝方在位,故皇后暫立別廟耳。本是太廟合食之祖,故禘祫乃升,太廟未有位,故祔祖姑之下。今恭僖、貞獻二太后,皆穆宗之后。恭僖,會昌四年造神主,合祔穆宗廟室。時穆宗廟已祔武宗母宣懿皇后神主,故為恭僖別立廟,其神主直題云皇太后,明其終安別廟,不入太廟故也。貞獻太后,大中元年作神主,立別廟,其神主亦題為太后,並與恭僖義同。孝明,咸通五年作神主,合祔憲宗廟室。憲宗廟已祔穆宗之母懿安皇后,故孝明亦別立廟,是懿宗祖母,故題其主為太皇太后。與恭僖、貞獻亦同,帝在位,后先作神主之例。今以別廟太后神主,禘祭升享太廟,一不可也。:《曲臺禮別廟皇后禘祫于太廟儀注》云:「內常侍奉別廟皇后神主,入置於廟庭,赤黃褥位。奏云『某諡皇后禘祫祔享太廟』,然後以神主升。」今即須奏云「某諡太皇太后」。且太廟中皇后神主二十一室,今忽乙太皇太后入列于昭穆,二不可也。:若但云「某諡皇后」,則與所題都異,神何依憑?此三不可也。:《古今禮要》云:「舊典,周立姜嫄別廟,四時祭薦,及禘祫於七廟,皆祭。惟不入太祖廟為別配。魏文思甄后,明帝母,廟及寢依姜嫄之廟,四時及禘皆與諸廟同。」此舊禮明文,得以為證。今以別廟太后禘祫于太廟,四不可也。:所以置別廟太后,以孝明不可與懿安並祔憲宗之室,今禘享乃處懿安于舅姑之上,此五不可也。且祫,合祭也。合猶不入太祖之廟,而況於禘乎?竊以為並皆禘於別廟為宜。且恭僖、貞獻二廟,比在朱陽坊,禘、祫赴太廟,皆須備法駕,典禮甚重,儀衛至多。咸通之時,累遇大饗,耳目相接,歲代未遙,人皆見聞,事可詢訪,非敢以臆斷也。或曰:「以三廟故禘、袷於別廟,或可矣,而將來有可疑焉。謹案睿宗親盡已祧,今昭成、肅明二后同在夾室,如或後代憲宗、穆宗親盡而祧,三太后神主其得不入夾室乎?若遇禘、袷,則如之何?」對曰:此又大誤也。三太后廟若親盡合祧,但當閟而不享,安得處於夾室。禘、祫則就別廟行之,歷代已來,何嘗有別廟神主復入太廟夾室乎?禘、袷,禮之大者,無宜錯失。
Dashun 1: before the di rite, officers proposed bringing the three empress-dowager tablets into the Grand Temple for joint offering. The three were Grand Empress Dowager Xiaoming of the Zheng clan, Xuanzong's mother; Grand Empress Dowager Gongxi of the Wang clan, Jingzong's mother; and Grand Empress Dowager Zhenxian of the Xiao clan, Wenzong's mother. Each had a tablet at death but should not enter the Grand Temple. Ritual officers had placed them in separate temples with their own seasonal and cha/di rites, never bringing tablets into the Grand Temple. After the rebellion, the Ritual Institute, citing the 《Quetai Rites》, sought to joint-offer the three empress dowagers in the Grand Temple. Erudite Yin Yingsun presented a memorial opposing it, saying: Your servant has carefully examined the three empress dowagers: they are the consorts of Xianzong and Muzong. The two emperors have already been attached in the Great Temple. The reason separate temples were established for the three empress dowagers was that they could not enter the Great Temple. This differs from a separate temple for an empress while the emperor is on the throne. Now the responsible offices have mistakenly used Wang Yanwei's Qutai Rites and would perform the di sacrifice for empress dowagers of separate temples in the Great Temple; this is extremely perverse. Your servant has privately investigated the substance of the matter, and there are five reasons it cannot be done. First, the Qutai Rites says: "For an empress of a separate temple, at the di and xia sacrifices in the Great Temple, she is attached and feasted below the ancestral mother." This refers to an empress who died first and whose spirit tablet had already been made while her husband was on the imperial throne, such as Zhaocheng, Suming, Yuanxian, and Zhaode. When Zhaocheng and Suming died, Ruizong was on the throne. When Yuanxian died, Xuanzong was on the throne. When Zhaode died, Suzong was on the throne. These four empresses did not yet have their proper chambers in the Great Temple, so separate temples were created for them. They were to be tablets that would share food in the Great Temple, and therefore at di and xia they were brought in for the feast. Their spirit tablets were simply inscribed "Empress with such-and-such posthumous title," making clear that once they later had proper chambers in the Great Temple, they should be moved and attached there. Because the emperor was still on the throne, an empress only temporarily had a separate temple. She was originally an ancestor meant to share food in the Great Temple, and so she was raised at di and xia; since the Great Temple did not yet have a place for her, she was attached below the ancestral mother. Now Empress Dowagers Gongxi and Zhenxian are both consorts of Muzong. For Gongxi, a spirit tablet was made in the fourth year of Huichang, and she should have been attached in Muzong's temple chamber. At that time, Muzong's temple had already attached the spirit tablet of Wuzong's mother, Empress Xuanyi, and therefore a separate temple was established for Gongxi. Her spirit tablet was directly inscribed Empress Dowager, making clear that she would finally rest in a separate temple and would not enter the Great Temple. For Empress Dowager Zhenxian, a spirit tablet was made in the first year of Dazhong and a separate temple was established; her spirit tablet was also inscribed as Empress Dowager, and her meaning is the same as Gongxi's. For Xiaoming, a spirit tablet was made in the fifth year of Xiantong, and she should have been attached in Xianzong's temple chamber. Xianzong's temple had already attached the spirit tablet of Muzong's mother, Empress Yi'an, and therefore Xiaoming also had a separate temple. Since she was Yizong's grandmother, her tablet was inscribed as Grand Empress Dowager. This is also the same as Gongxi and Zhenxian, and not the precedent of an empress whose spirit tablet is made first while the emperor is on the throne. Now to take the spirit tablets of empress dowagers of separate temples and raise them to share in the di sacrifice in the Great Temple is the first reason it cannot be done. Second, the Ritual Notes for Di and Xia in the Great Temple for Empresses of Separate Temples in the Qutai Rites says: "The Palace Regular Attendant reverently carries the spirit tablet of the empress of the separate temple and sets it in the temple court on a red-yellow mat. He announces, 'The empress with such-and-such posthumous title is attached to share in the di and xia feast in the Great Temple,' and only afterward raises the spirit tablet." Now one would have to announce "the Grand Empress Dowager with such-and-such posthumous title." Moreover, within the Great Temple there are twenty-one chambers of empresses' spirit tablets; suddenly placing a Grand Empress Dowager in the zhao-mu sequence is the second reason it cannot be done. Third, if one merely says "Empress with such-and-such posthumous title," then it differs entirely from what is inscribed on the tablet; on what could the spirit rely? This is the third reason it cannot be done. Fourth, the Essentials of Ancient and Modern Ritual says: "The old canon says that Zhou established a separate temple for Jiang Yuan, with seasonal sacrifices and offerings, and that at di and xia in the seven temples she was sacrificed to in all of them, only not entering the temple of the Grand Ancestor as a separate consort. Empress Wensi Zhen of Wei, mother of Emperor Ming, had her temple and sleeping hall according to Jiang Yuan's temple; seasonal rites and di were all the same as in the other temples." This old ritual has clear text and may be used as evidence. Now to perform di and xia for empress dowagers of separate temples in the Great Temple is the fourth reason it cannot be done. Fifth, the reason separate temples were established for the empress dowagers was that Xiaoming could not be attached together with Yi'an in Xianzong's chamber. Now in the di feast, Yi'an would be placed above her husband's parents. This is the fifth reason it cannot be done. Moreover xia is a combined sacrifice. If even in combining they do not enter the temple of the Grand Ancestor, how much less should they do so at di? I privately consider that all of them should perform di in their separate temples. Also, the two temples of Gongxi and Zhenxian were nearby in Zhuyang Ward; when di and xia went to the Great Temple, full imperial processions had to be prepared, the ritual was very weighty, and the ceremonial guards were extremely numerous. In Xiantong, great feasts were repeatedly encountered; eyes and ears were connected to them, the years and generations are not remote, and people all saw and heard it. The matter can be investigated by inquiry; I do not dare decide it from private conjecture. Someone may say: "Because there are three temples, performing di and xia in the separate temples may be acceptable, but there will be a doubtful matter in the future. Carefully considering that Ruizong's kinship is exhausted and he has already been removed, now Empresses Zhaocheng and Suming are both in the side chamber. If in later generations Xianzong's and Muzong's kinship is exhausted and they are removed, can the spirit tablets of the three empress dowagers fail to enter the side chamber? If di or xia occurs, what then?" I answer: this too is a great error. If the three empress-dowager temples reach the point where kinship is exhausted and they should be removed, they should simply be closed and not feasted; how could they be placed in the side chamber? Di and xia should be performed at the separate temples. Since the successive dynasties, when has there ever been a case of spirit tablets from separate temples again entering the side chambers of the Great Temple? Di and xia are great matters of ritual, and they must not be wrongly handled.
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宰相孔緯曰:「博士之言是也。 昨禮院所奏儀注,今已敕下,大祭日迫,不可遽改,且依行之。」 於是遂以三太后祔祫太廟。 達禮者譏其大謬,至今未正。
Chancellor Kong Wei said: "The erudite's words are correct. Yesterday the Ritual Institute's submitted protocol has now been issued an edict down; the great sacrifice day presses—it cannot be suddenly changed; for the time being let it be carried out as submitted." The three empress dowagers were nonetheless enshrined in the Grand Temple cha rite. Ritual experts condemned the blunder, still uncorrected.
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十一月,太常博士任疇上言:「去月十七日,饗德明、興聖廟,得廟直候論狀,稱懿祖室在獻祖室之上,當時雖以為然,便依行事,猶牒報監察使及宗正寺,請過示詳窺玉牒,如有不同,即相知聞奏。 爾後伏檢《高祖神堯皇帝本紀》,伏審獻祖為懿祖之昭,懿祖為獻祖之穆,昭穆之位,天地極殊。 今廟室奪倫,不即陳奏,然尚為苟且,罪不容誅。 仍敕修撰朱儔、檢討王皞研精詳復,得報稱:『,制追尊咎繇為德明皇帝,涼武昭王為興聖皇帝。 十載,立廟。 至貞元十九年,制從給事中陳京、右僕射姚南仲等一百五十人之議,以為禘、袷是祖宗以序之祭,凡有國者必尊太祖。 今國家以景皇帝為太祖,太祖之上,施於禘、袷,不可為位。 請按德明、興聖廟共成四室,祔遷獻、懿二祖。』 謹尋儔等所報,即當時表奏,並獻居懿上。 伏以國之大事,宗廟為先,禘、祫之禮,不當失序。 四十餘載,理難尋詰。 伏祈聖鑒,即垂詔敕,具禮遷正。」 其月,疇又奏曰:「伏聞今月十三日敕,以臣所奏獻、懿祖二室倒置事,宜令禮官集議聞奏者。 臣去月十七日,緣遇太廟祫饗太祖景皇帝已下群主,准貞元十九年所祔獻、懿祖於德明廟,共為四室。 准元敕,各於本室行享禮。 審知獻祖合居懿祖之上,昭穆方正。 其時親見獻祖之室,倒居懿祖之下。 於後遍校圖籍,實見差殊,遂敢聞奏。 今奉敕宜令禮官集議聞奏者。 臣得奉禮郎李岡、太祝柳仲年、協律郎諸葛畋李潼、檢討官王皞、修撰朱儔、博士閔慶之等七人伏稱:『謹按《高祖神堯皇帝本紀》及皇室圖譜,並武德、貞觀、永徽、開元已來諸禮著在甲令者,並云獻祖宣皇帝是神堯之高祖,懿祖光皇帝是神堯皇帝之曾祖,以高曾辨之,則獻祖是懿祖之父,懿祖是獻祖之子。 即博士任疇所奏倒祀不虛。 臣等伏乞即垂詔敕,具禮遷正。』」。 其事遂行。
In the eleventh month, Erudite Ren Chou submitted, saying: "On the seventeenth of last month, offering at the Deming and Xingsheng temples, we received a report from the temple attendant Hou Lun's petition, stating that the chamber of Emperor Yi was above the chamber of Emperor Xian; though it was then deemed correct and the rite was performed, we still dispatched notice to the surveillance commissioner and the Court of the Imperial Clan, requesting examination of the imperial genealogy; if there is any difference, inform each other and memorialize. Your subject found in the 《Basic Annals of the Divine Yao Emperor Gaozu》 that the Ancestor of Offerings was zhao to the Ancestor of Eminence and the Ancestor of Eminence was mu to the Ancestor of Offerings--zhao and mu stand as far apart as heaven and earth. The shrine order is violated yet was not reported; to temporize is unpardonable. Zhu Chou and Wang Hao were ordered to review; the reply cited Zhide 2: Gao Yao was made Emperor Deming and the Liang Martial Illustrious King Emperor Xingsheng. In the tenth year temples were set up. By Zhenyuan 19, the court followed Chen Jing, Yao Nanzhong, and 150 others: di and jia are ordered ancestral rites, and every state honors its Grand Ancestor. The state takes Emperor Jing as Grand Ancestor; above him no place may be made in the di and jia rites. Let the Deming and Xingsheng shrines form four chambers and receive the relocated Offerings and Eminence ancestors. Chou’s report was the original memorial: Offerings was always above Eminence. State affairs begin with the ancestral temple; di and xia must keep their order. Forty years have passed—too late to trace easily. Your subject prays the sacred discernment may at once issue an edict and complete the rites of relocation and correction." That month, Zhou again memorialized: "Your subject has heard that on the thirteenth of this month an edict, on your subject’s report of the inverted placement of the two chambers of the Ancestors of Offerings and Eminence, ordered the ritual officers to assemble for deliberation and report. On the seventeenth last month, the Grand Temple xia for tablets from Emperor Jing down followed the Zhenyuan 19 placement of Xianzu and Yizu in Deming Temple, making four chambers. By the original edict each tablet was served in its own chamber. Offerings should stand above Eminence—zhao and mu in proper order. He saw Offerings’ chamber placed below Eminence’s. Registers later confirmed the error; he reported it. Now the edict required ritual officers to debate and report. Seven officers--Li Gang, Liu Zhongnian, Zhuge Tian, Li Tong, Wang Hao, Zhu Chou, Min Qingzhi--cited the 《Basic Annals of the Divine Yao Emperor Gaozu》 and the genealogy: Offerings Xuan was Gaozu's great-grandfather, Eminence Guang his great-great-grandfather; Offerings was Eminence's father. Ren Zhou’s charge of inverted worship was true. Your subjects humbly beg that an edict be issued at once to complete the rites of relocation and correction.'" It was done.
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僖宗自興元還京,夏四月,將行禘祭,有司引舊儀:「禘德明、興聖二廟,及懿祖、獻祖神主祔興聖、德明廟,通為四室。」 黃巢之亂,廟已焚毀,及是將禘,俾議其儀。 博士殷盈孫議曰:「臣以德明等四廟,功非創業,義止追封,且於今皇帝年代極遙,昭穆甚遠。 可依晉韋泓『屋毀乃已』之例,因而廢之。」 敕下百僚都省會議,禮部員外薛昭緯奏議曰:伏以禮貴從宜,過猶不及,祀有常典,理當據經。 謹按德明追尊,實為遐遠,徵諸歷代,莫有其倫。 自古典禮該詳,無逾周室。 后稷實始封之祖,文王乃建極之君,且不聞后稷之前,別議立廟。 以至二漢則可明徵劉累,梁、魏則近有蕭、曹,稽彼簡書,並無追號。 迨於興聖,事非有據。 蓋以始王於涼,遂列為祖。 類長沙於後漢之代,等楚元于宋高之朝,悉無尊禮之名,足為憲章之驗。 重以獻祖、懿祖,皆非宗有德而祖有功,親盡宜祧,理當毀瘞,行於二廟,亦出一時。 且武德之初,議宗廟之事,神堯聽之,太宗參之,碩學通儒,森然在列,而不議立皋陶、涼武昭之廟,蓋知其非所宜立也。 尊太祖、代祖為帝,而以獻祖為宣簡公,懿祖為懿王,卒不加帝號者,謂其親盡則毀明矣。 《春秋左氏傳》:「孔子在陳,聞魯廟災。 曰:『其桓僖乎?』 已而果然。」 蓋以親盡不毀,宜致天災,炯然之徵,不可忽也。 據太常禮院狀所引至德二年克復後不作弘農府君廟神主,及晉韋泓「屋朽乃已」之議,頗為明據,深協禮經。 其興聖等四室,請依禮院之議。
Xizong returned from Xingyuan; in summer's fourth month, before the di rite, offices cited old practice: "di at Deming and Xingsheng, with Offerings and Eminence in four chambers." Huang Chao had burned the temples; rites for the coming di had to be reworked. Erudite Yin Yingsun argued: "Your subject holds that the four temples of Deming and the rest achieved no founding merit and were posthumous ennoblements only; moreover they are extremely remote in date from the present emperor and very distant in zhao-mu. Follow Wei Hong’s Jin rule: when the building is gone, cease—and abolish them. The edict was referred to the officials in the Department of State Affairs. Xue Zhaowei of the Ministry of Rites memorialized that ritual must fit the occasion, neither exceeding nor falling short, and that sacrifice should follow the classics. He argued that the posthumous honoring of Deming was extraordinarily remote, with no parallel in earlier dynasties. Among ancient ritual systems, none was more complete than that of Zhou. Hou Ji was the first enfeoffed ancestor and King Wen the founder of royal order; no separate temples were proposed for ancestors before Hou Ji. The Han could trace themselves to Liu Lei, and Liang and Wei to the Xiao and Cao lines, yet their records show no such retroactive honorifics. The case for Xingsheng had no evidentiary basis. He was listed as an ancestor merely because he had first ruled in Liang. Comparable figures, such as Changsha for Later Han and Yuan of Chu for Emperor Gao of Song, received no such ritual honors; these cases supply the precedent. Xianzu and Yizu were neither meritorious ancestors nor virtuous temple founders; once their kinship line was exhausted, ritual required removal and burial, and their two temples were only a temporary measure. At the start of Wude, Gaozu and Taizong considered the temple system with many eminent classicists present, yet no one proposed temples for Gao Yao or Liang Wuzhao, because they knew such temples were improper. Taizu and Daizu were honored as emperors, while Xianzu remained Duke Xuanjian and Yizu King Yi; the lack of imperial titles shows they were meant to be removed when kinship ended. 《Chunqiu Zuoshi zhuan》 says: "When Confucius was in Chen, he heard that the Lu temple had burned. He asked, 'Was it Huan and Xi?' It later proved to be so." The point is that failing to remove temples after kinship ends can bring heavenly disaster; the evidence is clear and cannot be ignored. The Ritual Institute cited clear evidence: after the restoration in Zhide 2 no tablet was made for Duke Hongnong, and Wei Hong of Jin had argued, "when the building decays, then stop." These points accord with the ritual classics. He requested that the four chambers, including Xingsheng, follow the Ritual Institute's proposal.
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奉敕敬依典禮,付所司。
The court followed the canon and referred execution to the offices.
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開元二十二年正月,制以籩、豆之薦,或未能備物,宜令禮官學士詳議具奏。 太常卿韋縚請「宗廟之奠,每室籩、豆各加十二。 又今之酌獻酒爵,制度全小,僅無一合,執持甚難,請稍令廣大。 其郊祀奠獻,亦准此。 仍望付尚書省集眾官詳議,務從折衷。」 於是兵部侍郎張均及職方郎中韋述等建議曰:謹按《禮祭統》曰:「凡天之所生,地之所長,苟可薦者,莫不咸在。 水草陸海,三牲八簋,昆蟲之異,草木之實,陰陽之物,皆備薦矣。」 聖人知孝子之情深,而物類之無限,故為之節制,使祭有常禮,物有其品,器有其數。 上自天子,下至公卿,貴賤差降,無相逾越,百代常行無易之道也。 又按《周禮•膳夫》,「掌王之食飲膳羞:食用六穀,膳用六牲,飲用六清,羞用百有二十品,珍用八物,醬用百有二十甕」,則與祭祀之物,豐省本殊。 《左傳》曰:「享以訓恭儉,宴以示慈惠,恭儉以行禮,慈惠以布政。」 又曰:「享有體薦,宴有折俎。」 杜預曰:「享有體薦,爵盈而不飲,豆乾而不食,宴則相與食之。」 享之與宴,猶且異文,祭奠所陳,固不同矣。 又按《周禮》,籩人、豆人,各掌四籩、四豆之實,供祭祀與賓客,所用各殊。 據此數文,祭奠不同常時,其來久矣。 且人之嗜好,本無憑准,宴私之饌,與時遷移。 故聖人一切同歸于古,難平生所嗜,非禮亦不薦也; 平生所惡,是禮即不去也。 《楚語》曰:「屈到嗜芰,有疾,召宗老而屬曰:『祭我必以芰。』 及卒,宗老將薦芰,屈建命去之,曰:『祭典有之,國君有牛享,大夫有羊饋,士有豚犬之奠,庶人有魚炙之薦,籩豆脯醢,則上下安之。 不羞珍異,不陳庶侈,不以私欲幹國之典』遂不用。」 此則禮外之食,前賢不敢薦也。 今欲取甘旨之物,肥濃之味,隨所有者皆充祭用,苟逾舊制,其何限焉。 雖籩豆有加,豈能備也? 《傳》曰:「大羹不致,粢食不鑿,昭其儉也。」 《書》曰:「黍稷非馨,明德惟馨。」 事神在於虔誠,不求厭飫。 三年一禘,不欲黷也。 三獻而終,禮有成也。 《風》有《采蘋》、《采蘩》,《雅》有《行葦》《泂酌》,守以忠信,神其舍諸! 若以今之珍饌,平生所習,求神無方,何必師古。 簠簋可去,而盤盂杯案當在御矣。 《韶》《頀》可息,而箜篌笛笙當在奏矣。 凡斯之流,皆非正物,或興於近代,或出於蕃夷,耳目之娛,本無則象,用之宗廟,後嗣何觀? 欲為永式,恐未可也。 且自漢已降,諸陵皆有寢宮,歲時朔望,薦以常饌,此既常行,亦足盡至孝之情矣。 宗廟正禮,宜仍典故,率情變革,人情所難。 又按舊制,一升曰爵,五升曰散。 《禮器》稱:「宗廟之祭,貴者獻以爵,賤者獻以散。」 此明貴小賤大,示之節儉。 又按《國語》觀射父曰:「郊禘不過繭栗,蒸嘗不過把握。」 夫神,以精明臨人者也,所求備物,不求豐大。 苟失於禮,雖多何為? 豈可舍先王之遺法,徇一時之所尚,廢棄禮經,以從流欲。 裂冠毀冕,將安用之! 且君子愛人以禮,不求苟合,況在宗廟,敢忘舊章。 請依古制,庶可經久。
Kaiyuan 22, first month: an edict said basket-and-bean offerings might be incomplete and ordered ritual scholars to report. Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices Wei Zou requested: "For offerings in the ancestral temple, let each chamber have twelve baskets and twelve beans added. Libation cups were tiny—barely one he—and hard to hold; he asked they be enlarged. Suburban offerings should follow the same rule. We also hope the Department of State Affairs may gather all officials for detailed deliberation and seek a balanced mean." Zhang Jun, Wei Shu, and the others answered by citing 《Li Jitong》: "All things produced by Heaven and grown by Earth may be included when they are fit to offer. Water plants, goods of land and sea, sacrificial animals, grain vessels, unusual creatures, fruits, and all things of yin and yang are provided for the offering." The sages knew filial feeling was deep but the range of possible offerings was endless, so they regulated sacrifice with fixed rites, ranked offerings, and counted vessels. From the emperor down through the high ministers, rank determined what could be used, with no overstepping. This was the enduring rule of successive ages. 《Zhouli: Shanfu》 says: "The officer manages the king's foods, drinks, viands, and delicacies," with many grains, animals, drinks, delicacies, rarities, and sauces; this shows that royal meals and sacrificial offerings differed by nature in abundance and restraint. 《Zuozhuan》 says: "Formal offerings teach reverence and restraint; banquets display kindness and grace; reverence and restraint carry out ritual, and kindness and grace spread government." It also says: "Formal offerings present whole victims; banquets serve cut meat." Du Yu explains: "In formal offerings the cup is filled but not drunk, and the dishes are set out but not eaten; at banquets, the participants eat together." Since even the terminology separates offerings from banquets, sacrificial displays plainly should not be treated as ordinary meals. 《Zhouli》 also assigns separate basket and dish offerings for sacrifices and for guests, with different contents for each use. These passages show that sacrificial offerings have long been distinct from everyday food. Personal tastes have no stable rule, and private banquet fare changes from age to age. The sages therefore brought sacrifice back to ancient norms: even favorite foods from life were not offered if they did not accord with ritual; and even disliked foods were retained if ritual required them. 《Discourses of Chu》 records that Qu Dao loved water chestnuts and, when sick, told the clan elders, 'Use water chestnuts in my sacrifices.' After Qu Dao died, the elders prepared water chestnuts, but Qu Jian had them removed, explaining that the ritual canon assigns oxen, sheep, pigs and dogs, fish and roasted meat, baskets, and dishes according to rank. It does not present exotic delicacies or private extravagance, and it does not let personal desire disturb the state ritual. So the water chestnuts were not used." Thus earlier worthies would not offer foods outside the ritual code. If every sweet, rich, or savory food at hand is admitted into sacrifice, then once the old rules are exceeded there will be no limit. Even adding more baskets and dishes, how could the offerings ever be exhaustive? 《Tradition》 says: "The great soup is not richly seasoned, and the grain food is not finely polished, displaying frugality." 《Documents》 says: "Millet and panicled millet are not the fragrance; bright virtue alone is fragrant." Serving the spirits depends on sincerity, not on feeding them to fullness. The di sacrifice is held only once every three years to avoid irreverent overuse. The rite ends with three offerings because ritual must have a proper completion. The 《Airs》 have 《Gathering Duckweed》 and 《Gathering Artemisia》; the 《Ya》 has 《Walking Among the Reeds》 and 《Clear Libation》. If offerings are kept with loyalty and trust, surely the spirits would not reject them! If current delicacies and everyday habits are enough to seek the spirits, then there is no reason to follow antiquity at all. On that logic, ritual vessels could be thrown out and replaced with plates, bowls, cups, and trays. The ancient music 《Shao》 and 《Hu》 could likewise give way to harps, flutes, and pipes. Such things are not proper ritual objects. Some are recent innovations, others foreign imports, and pleasures for eye and ear have no ritual model; if used in the ancestral temple, what would descendants see? They should not be made a permanent rule. Since the Han, mausoleums have had halls where ordinary foods are offered seasonally and on new and full moons; this already satisfies the deepest filial feeling. The formal rites of the ancestral temple should follow precedent; changing them by emotion is hard to justify. The old system called a one-sheng vessel a jue and a five-sheng vessel a san. 《Ritual Vessels》 says: "In ancestral-temple sacrifices, the honored offer with the jue, and the lowly offer with the san." This shows that high rank is marked by smaller vessels, a lesson in restraint. 《Guoyu》 has Guan Shefu say: "The jiao and di sacrifices do not exceed cocoon and chestnut size; the zheng and chang sacrifices do not exceed what can be grasped." Spirits attend in pure clarity; they require the prescribed set of offerings, not lavish quantity or size. If ritual is lost, what use is abundance? One cannot abandon the former kings' rules, chase the fashion of the moment, and cast aside the ritual classics for passing desire. What use is a cap torn apart and a crown destroyed! A gentleman cares for others through ritual and does not seek easy compliance; in the ancestral temple, he certainly cannot forget the old rules. We request adherence to the ancient system, so the practice may endure.
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禮部員外郎楊仲昌議曰:「謹按《禮》曰:『夫祭不欲煩,煩則黷; 亦不欲簡,簡則怠。』 又鄭玄云:『人生尚褻食,鬼神則不然。 神農時雖有黍稷,猶未有酒醴。 及後聖作為醴酪,猶存玄酒,求不忘古。』 《春秋》曰:『蘋蘩、蘊藻之菜,潢汙行潦之水,可羞于王公,可薦於鬼神。』 又曰:『大羹不和,粢食不鑿。』 此明君人者,有國奉先,敬神嚴享,豈肥濃以為尚,將儉約以表誠。 則陸海之物,鮮肥之類,既乖禮文之情,而變作者之法,皆充祭用,非所詳也。 《易》曰:『樽酒簋貳,用缶,納約自牖。』 此明祭存簡易,不在繁奢。 所以一樽之酒,貳簋之奠,為明祀也。 抑又聞之,夫義以出禮,禮以體政,違則有紊,是稱不經。 薦肥濃則褻味有登,加籩爵則事非師古。 與其別行新制,寧如謹守舊章?」 時太子賓客崔沔、戶部郎中楊伯成、左衛兵曹劉秩等皆建議以為請依舊禮,不可改易。 於是宰臣等具沔、述等議以奏。 玄宗曰:「朕承祖宗休德,至於享祀粢盛,實思豐潔,禮物之具,諒在昭忠。 其非芳潔不應法制者,亦不可用。」 以是更令太常量加品味。 韋縚又奏:「請每室加籩、豆各六,每四時異品,以當時新果及珍羞同薦。」 則可之。 又酌獻酒爵,玄宗令用龠升一升,合于古義,而多少適中。 自是常依行焉。
Vice Director of Rites Yang Zhongchang argued: "Respectfully according to the 《Rites》: 'Sacrifice should not be troublesome--if troublesome it becomes irreverent; Nor should it be too simple; if too simple, it becomes negligent.' Zheng Xuan also said: 'While the living esteem coarse food, spirits are not so. In Shennong’s age there was grain but no wine. When later sages made ale and cheese, they still kept the dark liquor, seeking not to forget antiquity.' The 《Annals》 say pondweed and ditch water may honor kings and spirits. It also says great broth is unseasoned and millet left unpolished. Rulers honor ancestors by frugality, not by rich food. Sea and land delicacies violate ritual and should not all enter sacrifice. The 《Changes》 prescribe one wine vessel and two gui in an earthen jar. Sacrifice should be simple, not lavish. One wine and two gui suffice for clear sacrifice. Righteousness begets ritual; ritual embodies government—violation is disorder. Rich offerings vulgarize taste; added baskets and cups abandon antiquity. Rather than separately put a new regulation into effect, would it not be better to respectfully keep the old statutes?" Cui Mian, Yang Bocheng, Liu Zhi, and others all urged keeping the old rites. The chief ministers submitted Mian’s and Shu’s views. Xuanzong said: "We inherit our ancestors' virtue and want the sacrificial grain offerings abundant and pure, with ritual vessels showing loyal reverence. Anything impure or uncanonical may not be used." He therefore ordered the Court of Sacrifices to add varieties of offerings in measured amounts. Wei Tao asked: "Add six more baskets and bean-vessels per chamber, with seasonal fruit and delicacies." Approved. Libation cups were set at one sheng by the yue measure—ancient and moderate. Thereafter this practice stood.
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後漢世祖光武皇帝葬于原陵,其子孝明帝追思不已, 永平元年,乃率諸侯王、公卿,正月朝于原陵,親奉先后陰氏妝奩篋笥悲慟,左右侍臣,莫不嗚咽。 梁武帝父丹陽尹順之,追尊為太祖文帝,先葬丹徒,亦尊為建陵。 武帝即大位後,大同十五年,亦朝於建陵,有紫雲廕覆陵上,食頃方滅。 梁主著單衣介幘,設次而拜,望陵流哭,淚之所沾,草皆變色。 陵傍有枯泉,至時而水流香潔。 因謂侍臣曰:「陵陰石虎,與陵俱創二百餘年,恨小,可更造碑石柱麟,並二陵中道門為三闥。 園陵職司,並賜一級。」 奉辭諸陵,哭踴而拜。 周太祖文帝葬于成陵,其子明帝初立,元年十二月,謁於成陵。
Emperor Guangwu of Later Han was buried at Yuanling; his son Emperor Ming long mourned him. Yongping 1: Emperor Ming led princes and ministers to Yuanling in the first month, grieving over Empress Yin's toilet goods while attendants sobbed. Liang Wudi’s father Shunzhi, made Grand Ancestor Wen, lay at Dantu and Jianling. After Wudi's accession, Datong 15, he visited Jianling; purple clouds covered the mound briefly. He wore plain dress, bowed at a tent, wept until the grass changed color where tears fell. A dry spring beside the tomb briefly flowed sweet and clear. He therefore told his attendants: "The stone tigers by the mound were made with the mound more than two hundred years ago; regretting their small size, they may be remade as steles, stone pillars, and qilin, and the middle gate of the two mounds made into three gates. The staff of the park and tombs were all promoted one rank." He took leave of each tomb with weeping and the mourning leap. Zhou Grand Ancestor Wen lay at Chengling; Ming visited in the twelfth month of his first year.
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高祖神堯葬於獻陵,貞觀十三年正月乙巳,太宗朝於獻陵。 先是日,宿衛設黃麾仗周衛陵寢,至是質明,七廟子孫及諸侯百僚、蕃夷君長皆陪列于司馬門內。 皇帝至小次,降輿納履,哭于闕門,西面再拜,慟絕不能興。 禮畢,改服入于寢宮,親執饌,閱視高祖及先后服御之物,匍匐床前悲慟。 左右侍御者莫不歔欷。 初,甲辰之夜,大雨雪。 及皇帝入陵院,悲號哽咽,百辟哀慟,是時雪益甚,寒風暴起,有蒼雲出於山陵之上,俄而流布,天地晦冥。 至禮畢,皇帝出自寢宮,步過司馬門北,泥行二百餘步,於是風靜雪止,雲氣歇滅,天色開霽。 觀者竊議,以為孝感之所致焉。 是日曲赦三原縣及從官衛士等,大辟已下,已發覺,未發覺,皆釋其罪。 免民一年租賦。 有八十已上,及孝子順孫、義夫節婦、鰥寡孤獨、有篤疾者,賜物各有差。 宿衛陵邑中郎將、衛士齋員及三原令以下,各賜爵一級。 丁未,至自獻陵。 己酉,朝於太極殿。 庚子,會群臣,奏《功成慶善》及《破陣》之樂。
Gaozu lay at Xianling; Zhenguan 13, first month, yisi day, Taizong visited the mausoleum. The day before, guards ringed the tomb; at dawn imperial kin, nobles, officials, and chieftains lined the Sima Gate. The emperor wept twice west of the gate tower and could not rise. He entered the sleeping palace, inspected Gaozu’s and the empress’s goods, and wept before the bed. Attendants all wept. The night before jiachen brought heavy snow. As he entered the precinct all wailed; snow thickened, wind rose, dark clouds spread from the mound. After the rites he walked two hundred paces in mud north of the Sima Gate; then wind and snow ceased and the sky cleared. Onlookers called it filial piety moving heaven. That day Sanyuan and the guard received partial amnesty through capital crimes. A year’s land tax was remitted. The aged, the filial, the chaste, widows, orphans, and the gravely ill received graded gifts. Tomb guards and officials through the magistrate of Sanyuan gained one rank. On dingwei he returned from Xianling. On jiyou he held court at the Hall of Supreme Ultimate. On gengzi he had ministers hear 《Achievement Complete》 and 《Breaking the Battle Line》.
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玄宗開元十七年十一月丙申,親謁橋陵。 皇帝望陵涕泣,左右並哀感。 進奉先縣同赤縣,以所管萬三百戶供陵寢,三府兵馬供衛,曲赦縣內大辟罪已下。 戊戌,謁定陵。 己亥,謁獻陵。 壬寅,謁昭陵。 己巳,謁乾陵。 戊申,車駕還宮。 大赦天下,流移人並放還,左降官移近處,百姓無出今年地稅之半。 每陵取側近六鄉以供陵寢。 皇帝初至橋陵,質明,柏樹甘露降,曙後祥煙遍空。 皇帝謁昭陵,陪葬功臣盡來受饗,鳳吹釭釭,若神祇之所集。 陪位文武百僚皆聞先聖歎息、功臣蹈舞之聲,皆以為至孝所感。 天寶二年八月,制:「自今已後,每至九月一日,薦衣於陵寢。」 十三載,改獻、昭、乾、定、橋五陵署為臺,其署令改為臺令,加舊一級。
Kaiyuan 17, eleventh month, bingshen day: Xuanzong visited Qiaoling. He wept at the mound; attendants grieved with him. Fengxian became a red county; 103,000 households supplied the tomb; three prefectures guarded; the county was partially amnestied. On wuxu he visited Dingling. On jihai he visited Xianling. On renyin he visited Zhaoling. On jisi he visited Qianling. On wushen the emperor returned to the palace. He amnestied the realm, sent exiles home, moved demoted officials nearer, and halved the land tax. Six townships near each tomb supplied the mausoleum. At Qiaoling dawn brought dew on cypresses and auspicious mist after sunrise. At Zhaoling companion ministers received offerings; phoenix music rang as if spirits gathered. Attending officials heard sighs and dancing—they called it utmost filial piety. Tianbao 2, eighth month: an edict ordered, "Offer garments at the tomb halls every ninth month, first day." In year 13, the five mausoleum offices became directorates, and their chiefs gained one rank.