1
三月，禮儀使上言：「東都太廟闕木主，請造以祔。」 初，武后於東都立高祖、太宗、高宗三廟。 至中宗已後，兩京太廟，四時並饗。 至德亂後，木主多亡缺未祔。 於是議者紛然，而大旨有三：「其一曰，必存其廟，遍立群主，時饗之。 其二曰，建廟立主，存而不祭，若皇輿時巡，則就饗焉。 其三曰，存其廟，瘞其主，駕或東幸，則飾齋車奉京師群廟之主以往。」 議者皆不決而罷。
Third month: the Commissioner of Rites reported that the Eastern Capital Grand Temple had no wooden spirit tablets and asked that they be made and enshrined. The quote ended. Earlier, Wu Zetian had built three temples at Luoyang—to Gaozu, Taizong, and Gaozong. From Zhongzong on, both capitals' Grand Temples were fed in all four seasons. After the An Lushan rebellion, many tablets were lost or never re-enshrined. Debate swelled, but three positions dominated: keep the temples, set up spirit-lords everywhere, and offer seasonally. Second: build temples and tablets but do not sacrifice to them—when the emperor toured, he would offer on site. Third: keep the temples, bury the tablets, and on an eastern tour load the capital's tablets onto the fasting carriage and carry them east. The quote ended. No faction prevailed, and the question lapsed.
2
四月，膳部郎中歸崇敬上疏：
Fourth month: Gui Chongjian, Director in the Provisioners Bureau, submitted a memorial.
3
二月，分司官庫部員外郎李渤奏：「太微宮神主，請歸祔太廟。」 敕付東都留守鄭絪商量聞奏。 絪奏云：
Second month: Li Bo, eastern-division Vice-Director of the Treasury, had written that the Taiwei Palace tablets should return to the Grand Temple for enshrinement. The quote ended. An edict sent the matter to Eastern Capital Resident Commissioner Zheng Yin for deliberation and report. Yin replied:
4
敕付所司。 太常博士王彥威等奏議曰：
The edict went to the relevant offices. Wang Yanwei and other Court of Sacrifices Masters of Rites submitted a deliberation.
5
至是下尚書省集議，而郎吏所議，與彥威多同。 丞郎則各執所見，或曰「神主合藏于太微宮」； 或云「併合埋瘞」； 或云「闕主當作」； 或云「輿駕東幸，即載上都神主而東」。 咸以意言，不本經據。 竟以紛議不定，遂不舉行。
The Secretariat then convened a joint review; the clerks' views largely matched Yanwei's. Directors and vice-directors split: some said the tablets should stay together in the Taiwei Palace; some that they should all be buried; some that missing tablets should be carved anew; some that on an eastern tour the capital's tablets should ride east with the emperor. Everyone argued from convenience, not from the classics. Debate deadlocked, and nothing was done.
6
八月，中書門下奏：「東都太廟九室神主，共二十六座，自祿山叛後，取太廟為軍營，神主棄於街巷，所司潛收聚，見在太微宮內新造小屋之內。 其太廟屋室並在，可以修崇。 大和中，太常博士議，以為東都不合置神主，車駕東幸，即載主而行。 至今因循，尚未修建。 望令尚書省集公卿及禮官、學官詳議。 如不要更置，須有收藏去處。 如合置，望以所拆大寺材木修建。 既是宗室官居守，便望令充修東都太廟使，勾當修繕。」 奉敕宜依。
Eighth month: the Secretariat reported that the Eastern Capital Grand Temple's nine chambers had held twenty-six tablets; after An Lushan's revolt the temple became a barracks and tablets were left in the streets until officials quietly collected them—they now sat in a new shed inside the Taiwei Palace. The temple buildings still stood and could be restored. In Dahe, ritual officers had ruled that Luoyang should not keep its own tablets—that on eastern tours the emperor should carry tablets with him. That expedient had lingered; the temple was still unrepaired. They asked the Secretariat to gather ministers, ritualists, and scholars for a full review. If tablets were not to be reinstalled, a proper storehouse was needed. If they were, timber from dismantled monasteries should fund the rebuild. Because a prince held the eastern residency, he should be named commissioner to rebuild the Grand Temple and supervise repairs. The quote ended. The throne approved.
7
六年三月，太常博士鄭路等奏：「東都太微宮神主二十座，去年二月二十九日禮院分析聞奏訖。 伏奉今月七日敕『』者。 臣今與學官等詳議訖，謹具分析如後：獻祖宣皇帝、宣莊皇后、懿祖光皇帝、光懿皇后、文德皇后、高宗天皇大帝、則天皇后、中宗大聖大昭孝皇帝、和思皇后、昭成皇后、孝敬皇帝、地敬哀皇后已前十二座，親盡迭毀，宜遷諸太廟，祔於興聖廟。 禘祫之歲，乃一祭之。 東都無興聖廟可祔，伏請且權藏於太廟夾室。 未題神主十四座，前件神主既無題號之文，難伸祝告之禮。 今與禮官等商量，伏請告遷之日，但瘞於舊太微宮內空閒之地。 恭酌事理，庶協從宜。」 制可。
Sixth year, third month: Zheng Lu and other Masters of Rites wrote that twenty tablets remained in the Taiwei Palace and that the Court of Rites had finished its analysis on the twenty-ninth of the second month of the prior year. They had received this month's seventh-day edict. After consulting scholars they proposed: twelve tablets—from Xianzu and Xuanzhuang through Yizu, Wende, Gaozong, Zetian, Zhongzong, Hexian, Zhaocheng, Xiaojing, and Jing'ai—had passed the limit of mourning and should move to the capital temples and the Xingsheng shrine. In di and cha years they would receive one joint offering. Luoyang had no Xingsheng Temple; they asked to lodge the tablets temporarily in the Grand Temple's side chambers. Fourteen tablets bore no inscription, so the prayer of enshrinement could not be spoken. With ritual officers they agreed that on the day of removal those fourteen should be buried in unused ground inside the old Taiwei compound. That, they judged, best fit practical need. The quote ended. Approved.
8
太常博士段瑰等三十九人奏議曰：
Duan Gui and thirty-nine other Masters of Rites submitted a counter-memorial.
9
其年九月敕：「」
That ninth month an edict went out—
10
工部尚書薛元賞等議：
Minister of Works Xue Yuanshang and others replied:
11
吏部郎中鄭亞等五人議：「據禮院奏，以為東都太廟既廢，不可復修，見在太微宮神主，請瘞於所寓之地。 有乖經訓，不敢雷同。 臣所以別進議狀，請修祔主，並依典禮，兼與禮儀使顏真卿所奏事同。 臣與公卿等重議，皆以為廟固合修，主不可瘞，即與臣等別狀意同。 但眾議猶疑東西二廟，各設神主，恐涉廟有二主之義，請修廟虛室，乙太微宮所寓神主藏於夾室之中。 伏以六主神位，內有不祧之宗，今用遷廟之儀，猶未合禮。 臣等猶未敢署眾狀，蓋為闕疑。」
Zheng Ya of Personnel and five colleagues: the Court of Rites had said the Eastern Capital temple was beyond repair and the Taiwei tablets should be buried where they lay. That strayed from the classics; they would not sign. They filed a separate opinion—to restore the temple, remake and enshrine the tablets per canon, matching Yan Zhenqing's memorial. In renewed debate with the grandees, all agreed: rebuild the temple, do not bury the tablets—their view matched the separate memorial. Yet many still feared two capitals each keeping tablets implied two lords in one temple; they proposed restoring empty chambers and housing the Taiwei tablets in side rooms. Six of those spirit-lords were unfilleted forebears; applying removal rites to them still seemed uncanonical. They still refused to endorse the joint report while doubt remained. The quote ended.
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太學博士直弘文館鄭遂等七人議曰：「夫論國之大事，必本乎正而根乎經，以臻于中道。 聖朝以廣孝為先，以得禮為貴，而臣下敢不以經對。 三論六故，已詳於前議矣。 再捧天問，而陳乎諸家之說，求於典訓，考乎大中，廟有必修之文，主無可置之理。 何則？ 正經正史，兩都之廟可徵。 《禮》稱『天子不卜處太廟』，『擇日卜建國之地，則宗廟可知』。 則廢廟之說，恐非所宜廢。 謹按《詩》、《書》、《禮》三經及漢朝兩史，兩都並設廟，而載主之制，久已行之。 敢不明徵而去文飾，援據經文，不易前見，東都太廟，合務修崇，而舊主當瘞，請于太微宮所藏之所。 皇帝有事于洛，則奉齋車載主以行。」
Zheng Sui of the Grand Academy and six Hongwen colleagues: statecraft must stand on rectitude and the classics and aim at the mean. This dynasty prizes filial piety and true ritual—how could ministers answer with anything but the canon? Three positions and six precedents had already been laid out. Asked again from the throne, they surveyed every school against the classics: temples must be repaired; tablets could not simply be installed. For what reason? Because orthodox classics and histories attest temples in both capitals. The Rites says the Son of Heaven does not divine the Grand Temple's site, and that when he divines where to found the state, the temples are already implied. To abandon a temple, then, is what ought not be abandoned. The Odes, Documents, Rites, and both Han histories show both capitals with temples and long-standing tablet rites. They cited text plainly: restore the Eastern Capital Grand Temple; bury the old tablets where the Taiwei Palace had held them. When the emperor went to Luoyang, a fasting carriage would carry the tablets. The quote ended.
13
太常博士顧德章議曰：
Gu Dezang, Master of Rites, also submitted.
14
德章又有上中書門下及禮院詳議兩狀，並同載於後。 其一曰：
Dezang filed two further opinions to the Secretariat and Court of Rites, copied below. The first read:
15
其二曰：
The second read:
16
制曰：「」六年三月，擇日既定，禮官既行，旋以武宗登遐，其事遂寢。 宣宗即位，竟迎太微宮神主祔東都太廟，禘祫之禮，盡出神主合食于太祖之前。
An edict had fixed a date in the sixth year's third month; ritual officers had begun—then Wuzong died and the work slept. Xuanzong at last welcomed the Taiwei tablets into the Eastern Capital Grand Temple; at di and cha all tablets were offered together before the Great Ancestor.
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《貞觀禮》，祫享，功臣配享于廟庭，禘享則不配。 當時令文，祫禘之日，功臣並得配享。 ，將行禘祭，有司請集禮官學士等議，太常卿韋挺等一十八人議曰：「古之王者，富有四海，而不朝夕上膳於宗廟者，患其禮過也。 故曰：『春秋祭祀，以時思之。』 至於臣有大功享祿，其後孝子率禮，潔粢豐盛，禮、祀、烝、嘗，四時不輟，國家大祫，又得配焉。 所以昭明其勳，尊顯其德，以勸嗣臣也。 其禘及時享，功臣皆不應預。 故周禮六功之官，皆配大烝而已。 先儒皆取大烝為祫祭。 高堂隆、庾蔚之等多遵鄭學，未有將為時享。 又漢、魏祫祀，皆在十月，晉朝禮官，欲用孟秋殷祭，左僕射孔安國啟彈，坐免者不一。 梁初誤禘功臣，左丞何佟之駁議，武帝允而依行。 降洎周、齊，俱遵此禮。 竊以五年再殷，合諸天道，一大一小，通人雅論，小則人臣不預，大則兼及功臣。 今禮禘無功臣，誠謂禮不可易。」 乃詔改令從禮。 至開元中改修禮，復令禘祫俱以功臣配饗焉。
The Zhenguan Rites paired meritorious subjects in the courtyard at cha, not at di. A later ordinance allowed pairing at both cha and di. Before a scheduled di, the offices convened ritualists and scholars; Director Wei Ting and eighteen others argued: Ancient kings held the four seas yet did not daily feast the ancestors, lest ritual grow excessive. Hence: spring and autumn offerings—memory at the proper season. Ministers of great merit, once enfeoffed, received seasonal li, si, zheng, and chang from filial heirs; at the great cha the state might pair them too. But at di and ordinary seasonal rites they should not appear. Zhou Rites pairs the six grades of merit only at the great zheng. Earlier scholars identified great zheng with cha. Gao Tanglong, Yu Weizhi, and others followed Zheng Xuan—none applied it to seasonal feasts. Han and Wei held cha in the tenth month; Jin officers wanted the seventh-month yin rite—Kong Anguo remonstrated, and many lost office. Early Liang wrongly paired merit at di; He Tongzhi objected, and Emperor Wu agreed. Northern Zhou and Qi kept the same rule. Twice in five years—great and small yin—matches heaven's rhythm: the small excludes ministers; the great includes merit. To pair merit at di would break ritual—and ritual, they said, must not bend. The quote ended. An edict brought the ordinance back in line with the classics. Kaiyuan's ritual revision again allowed merit at both di and cha.
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高宗十月，將祫享於太廟。 時議者以《禮緯》「三年一祫，五年一禘」、《公羊傳》云「五年而再殷祭」，議交互莫能斷決。 太學博士史璨等議曰：「按《禮記正義》引鄭玄《禘祫志》云：『《春秋》：僖公三十三年十二月薨。 文公二年八月丁卯，大享於太廟。 《公羊傳》云：大享者何？ 祫也。』 是三年喪畢，新君二年當祫，明年當禘於群廟。 僖公、宣公八年皆有禘，則後禘去前禘五年。 以此定之，則新君二年祫，三年禘。 自爾已後，五年而再殷祭，則六年當祫，八年當禘。 又昭公十年，齊歸薨，至十三年喪畢當祫，為平丘之會，冬，公如晉。 至十四年祫，十五年禘《傳》云『有事于武宮』是也。 至十八年祫，二十年禘。 二十三年祫，二十五年禘。 昭公二十五年『有事于襄宮』是也。 如上所云，則禘已後隔三年祫，已後隔二年禘。 此則有合禮經，不違《傳》義。」 自此依璨等議為定。
Gaozong's tenth month: a cha at the Grand Temple was due. Scholars cited the Rites Weft—cha every three years, di every five—and Gongyang's "twice in five years"; no line prevailed. Shi Can and academy colleagues cited Zheng Xuan's Di and Cha Record in the Rites commentary: Duke Xi of Lu died in his thirty-third year, twelfth month. In Wen's second year, eighth month, day dingmao, a great offering at the Grand Temple. Gongyang asks: what is a great offering? Joint offering. The quote ended. Three years' mourning done, the new ruler cha'd in year two and di'd at the group temples in year three. Xi and Xuan both di'd in year eight—five years between di rites. So: year two cha, year three di. Thereafter, twice in five years: year six cha, year eight di. Duke Zhao year ten: Qi Gui died; year thirteen should have seen cha, but the Pingqiu congress sent him to Jin that winter. Year fourteen cha, fifteen di—the Annals' "affairs at Wugong." Year eighteen cha, twenty di. Year twenty-three cha, twenty-five di. Zhao's twenty-fifth year—"affairs at Xiang Palace"—marks the same pattern. As stated above, after a di sacrifice three years pass until xia, then two years until the next di. This fits the ritual classics and does not violate the Commentaries." From then on Can's proposal was adopted as the rule.
19
秋，睿宗喪畢，祫享於太廟。 自後又相承三年一祫，五年一禘，各自計年，不相通數。 至二十七年，凡經五禘、七祫。 其年夏禘訖，冬又當祫。 太常議曰：
That autumn, when Ruizong's mourning ended, a xia offering was held at the Grand Temple. Thereafter the practice again was xia every three years and di every five years, each cycle counted on its own without aligning the numbers. By the twenty-seventh year there had been five di and seven xia in all. That year, after the summer di was completed, winter again required xia. The Court of Imperial Sacrifices memorialized:
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禮部員外郎崔宗之駁下太常，令更詳議，令集賢學士陸善經等更加詳核，善經亦以其議為允。 於是太常卿韋縚奏曰：「禮有禘祫，俱稱殷祭，二法更用，鱗次相承。 或云五歲再殷，一禘一祫。 或云三年一祫，五年一禘。 法天象閏，大趣皆同。 皆以太廟禘祫，計年有差，考于經傳，微有所乖。 頃在四月，已行禘享，今指孟冬，又申祫儀，合食禮頻，恐違先典。 伏以陛下能事畢舉，舊物咸甄，宗祏祗慎之時，經訓申明之日。 臣等忝在持禮，職司討論，輒據舊文，定其倫序。 請以今年夏禘，便為殷祭之源，自此之後，禘、祫相代，五年再殷，周而復始。 其今年冬祫，准禮合停，望令所司但行時享，即嚴禋不黷，庶合舊儀。」 制從之。
Vice Director of Rites Cui Zongzhi rejected the proposal and returned it to the Court of Imperial Sacrifices for further review; Lu Shanqing and other Hanlin academicians were ordered to examine it again, and Shanqing also approved their view. Director Wei Can then memorialized: "Ritual provides di and xia, both called substantive sacrifices; the two rites alternate in succession like scales on a fish. Some say that in five years there are two substantive sacrifices—one di and one xia. Others say xia every three years and di every five. Both follow heaven's pattern and the intercalary month; the underlying principle is the same. All concern di and xia at the Grand Temple, but the year-count differs; compared with the classics and commentaries, there is a slight discrepancy. Di was just performed in the fourth month; now, with mid-winter approaching, xia rites are proposed again—joint offerings would come too often and may violate ancient precedent. We submit that Your Majesty has completed the mourning observances, restored what was lost, and now, when the ancestral tablets are tended and the classics clarified— we who hold ritual office are charged with deliberation and presume to set the order according to old texts. Let this year's summer di be the starting point for substantive sacrifices; thereafter di and xia should alternate, two substantive sacrifices every five years, and the cycle begin anew. This year's winter xia should be omitted per ritual; we ask that the offices perform only the seasonal offerings—strict sacrifice without excess—and thus match former practice." The emperor approved.
21
舊儀，閏六月六日敕文：「」
Former observance: sixth day of the intercalary sixth month, edict text: "
22
九月四日，太常博士陳京上疏言：
On the fourth day of the ninth month, Court of Imperial Sacrifices Doctor Chen Jing submitted a memorial:
23
敕下尚書省百僚集議。 禮儀使太子少師顏真卿議曰：「議者或云獻祖、懿祖親遠廟遷，不當祫享，宜永閟西夾室。 又議者云二祖宜同祫享，于太祖並昭穆，而空太祖東向之位。 又議者云，二祖若同袷享，即太祖之位永不得正，宜奉遷二祖神主祔藏于德明皇帝廟。 臣伏以三議俱未為允。 且禮經殘缺，既無明據，儒者能方義類，斟酌其中，則可舉而行之，蓋協於正也。 伏惟太祖景皇帝以受命始封之功，處百代不遷之廟，配天崇享，是極尊嚴。 且至禘祫之時，暫居昭穆之位，屈己申孝，敬奉祖宗，緣齒族之禮，廣尊先之道，此實太祖明神烝烝之本意，亦所以化被天下，率循孝悌也。 請依晉蔡謨等議，至十月祫享之日奉獻祖神主居東向之位，自懿祖、太祖洎諸祖宗，遵左昭右穆之列。 此有彰國家重本尚順之明義，足為萬代不易之令典也。 又議者請奉二祖神主于德明皇帝廟，行祫祭之禮。 夫祫，合也。 故《公羊傳》云：『大事者何？ 祫也。』 若祫祭不陳於太廟而享於德明廟，是乃分食也，豈謂合食乎？ 名實相乖，深失禮意，固不可行也。」
An edict ordered the Ministry of State to assemble all officials for deliberation. Rites Commissioner and Junior Tutor Yan Zhenqing proposed: "Some say that Xianzu and Yizu, being distant in kin and having had their temples moved, should not receive xia offerings and should be permanently shut in the west side chambers. Others say the two ancestors should share xia with the Grand Ancestor in zhao-mu order, leaving the Grand Ancestor's east-facing seat vacant. Others say that if the two ancestors share xia, the Grand Ancestor's seat could never be corrected; the two ancestors' tablets should be moved to the temple of the Virtuous and Illustrious Emperor. I submit that all three proposals are unacceptable. The ritual classics are damaged and lack clear authority; scholars who can compare categories and weigh the matter may act—this broadly accords with what is correct. The Grand Ancestor, Emperor Jing, for merit at first enfeoffment when the mandate was received, occupies the temple that is never moved for a hundred generations and is paired with Heaven in lofty sacrifice—this is the highest honor. At great di and xia he temporarily takes a zhao-mu place, humbling himself to extend filial piety and serve the ancestors—by the rite of kin order, broadening honor to forebears. This is truly the Grand Ancestor's intent, and thereby transforms the realm and leads all in filial piety. Please follow Jin Cai Mo's proposal: on the day of the tenth month's xia offering, place Xianzu's tablet in the east-facing position; from Yizu and the Grand Ancestor down through all ancestors, follow the left-zhao right-mu array. This clearly expresses the state's weight on the root and honoring of obedience—sufficient as an unchanging statute for ten thousand generations. Others propose placing the two ancestors' tablets in the Virtuous and Illustrious Emperor's temple to perform xia. Xia denotes union. The Gongyang Commentary says: "What is a great affair? It is xia. If xia is not performed in the Grand Temple but in the Virtuous and Illustrious temple, that is divided offering—how can it be called joint offering? Name and substance contradict each other and deeply violate ritual intent—it certainly cannot be done. The memorial ended.
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十一月二十八日，太常卿裴郁奏曰：「禘、祫之禮，殷、周以遷廟皆出太祖之後，故得合食有序，尊卑不差。 及漢高受命，無始封祖，以高皇帝為太祖。 太上皇，高帝之父，立廟享祀，不在昭穆合食之列，為尊于太祖故也。 魏武創業，文帝受命，亦即以武帝為太祖。 其高皇、太皇、處士君等，並為屬尊，不在昭穆合食之列。 晉宣創業，武帝受命，亦即以宣帝為太祖。 其征西、潁川等四府君，亦為屬尊，不在昭穆合食之列。 國家誕受天命，累聖重光。 景皇帝始封唐公，實為太祖。 中間世數既近，於三昭三穆之內，故皇家太廟，惟有六室。 其弘農府君、宣、光二祖，尊于太祖，親盡則遷，不在昭穆之數。 著在禮志，可舉而行。 開元中，加置九廟，獻、懿二祖皆在昭穆，是以太祖景皇帝未得居東向之尊。 今二祖已祧，九室惟序，則太祖之位又安可不正？ 伏乙太祖上配天地，百代不遷，而居昭穆，獻、懿二祖，親盡廟遷，而居東向，徵諸故實，實所未安。 請下百僚僉議。」 敕旨依。
On the twenty-eighth of the eleventh month, Director Pei Yu memorialized: "Di and xia—in Yin and Zhou, because moved temples all came after the Grand Ancestor, joint offerings could be ordered without confusion of rank. When Han Gaozu received the mandate there was no founding enfeoffment ancestor; the High Emperor was made Grand Ancestor. The Supreme Emperor, Gaozu's father, had a temple for sacrifice but was not in the zhao-mu joint-offering order, being honored above the Grand Ancestor. Cao Cao founded the enterprise; Emperor Wen received the mandate and likewise took Emperor Wu as Grand Ancestor. The High Emperor, Supreme Emperor, Recluse Lord, and others were all subordinate in honor and outside the zhao-mu joint-offering order. Sima Yi founded the enterprise; Emperor Wu received the mandate and likewise took Emperor Xuan as Grand Ancestor. The Western Campaign, Yingchuan, and other four mansion lords were likewise subordinate in honor and outside the zhao-mu joint-offering order. Our state received the Mandate of Heaven; successive sage rulers doubled its glory. Emperor Jing was first enfeoffed as Duke of Tang and was truly the Grand Ancestor. The intervening generations were few; within the three zhao and three mu, the imperial Grand Temple therefore had only six chambers. The Lord of Hongnong Mansion and the two ancestors Xuan and Guang, honored above the Grand Ancestor—when kin was exhausted their temples were moved and they were not counted in zhao-mu. This is recorded in the ritual annals and may be followed. In Kaiyuan nine chambers were added; Offerings and Eminence were both in zhao-mu, so Grand Ancestor Emperor Jing could not take the east-facing honor. Now the two ancestors have been moved out and the nine chambers are in order—how can the Grand Ancestor's seat again fail to be corrected? We submit that the Grand Ancestor, paired with Heaven and Earth and never moved for a hundred generations, yet occupies zhao-mu, while Offerings and Eminence, kin exhausted and temples moved, occupy the east-facing—examining precedent, this is truly improper. We ask that all officials deliberate jointly." The emperor approved.
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八年正月二十三日，太子左庶子李嶸等七人議曰：
On the twenty-third of the first month of the eighth year, Left Associate of the Heir Apparent Li Rong and seven others proposed:
26
吏部郎中柳冕等十二人議曰：
Liu Mian of Personnel and eleven others proposed:
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工部郎中張薦等議曰：
Zhang Jian of Works and others proposed:
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司勳員外郎裴樞議曰：
Pei Shu of the Bureau of Merits proposed:
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考功員外郎陳京議曰：
Chen Jing of the Bureau of Evaluation proposed:
30
京兆少尹韋武議曰：
Wei Wu, junior metropolitan prefect of Jingzhao, proposed:
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同官縣尉仲子陵議曰：
Zhong Ziling, magistrate of Tongguan, proposed:
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其月二十七日，吏部郎中柳冕上《禘祫義證》，凡一十四道，以備顧問，並議奏聞。 至三月十二日，祠部奏郁等議狀。
On the twenty-seventh of that month, Liu Mian submitted "Evidence on Di and Xia," fourteen items in all, for consultation; all were deliberated and reported. By the twelfth of the third month, the Bureau of Sacrifices reported Yu and others' deliberation.
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至十一年七月十二日，敕：「」其月二十六日，左司郎中陸淳奏曰：「臣尋七年百僚所議，雖有一十六狀，總其歸趣，三端而已。 于頎等一十四狀，並云復太祖之位。 張薦狀則云並列昭穆，而虛東饗之位。 韋武狀同云當祫之歲，獻祖居於東向，行禘之禮，太祖復筵于西。 謹按禮經及先儒之說，復太祖之位，位既正也，義在不疑。 太祖之位既正，懿、獻二主，當有所歸。 詳考十四狀，其意有四：一曰藏諸夾室，二曰置之別廟，三曰遷於園寢，四曰祔於興聖。 藏諸夾室，是無饗獻之期，異乎周人藏於二祧之義，禮不可行也。 置之別廟，始于魏明之說，實非《禮經》之文。 晉，雖立此義，已後亦無行者。 遷於園寢，是亂宗廟之儀，既無所憑，殊乖經意，不足徵也。 惟有祔於興聖之廟，禘祫之歲乃一祭之，庶乎亡於禮者之禮，而得變之正也。」
By the twelfth of the seventh month of the eleventh year, an edict: "" That month on the twenty-sixth, Left Bureau Director Lu Chun memorialized: "Your subject reviewed the seventh-year deliberation of all officials—though there were sixteen memorials, their trend has three points only. Yu Hao and others' fourteen memorials all said to restore the Grand Ancestor's seat. Zhang Jian argued for zhao-mu placement with an empty east-facing seat. Wei Wu's memorial likewise said that in a xia year Xianzu should face east and perform di, while the Grand Ancestor should again take the western seat. According to the ritual classics and former scholars, restoring the Grand Ancestor's seat—once the seat is corrected, the meaning admits no doubt. Once the Grand Ancestor's seat is corrected, the tablets of Eminence and Offerings must have somewhere to go. Examining the fourteen memorials, their intent has four points: store in side chambers; place in a separate temple; move to the park tomb; or enshrine in Xingsheng. Storing in side chambers means no scheduled offerings—unlike the Zhou practice of the two remote temples; ritual cannot be done. A separate temple began with Wei Ming's proposal; it is not in the Ritual Classics. Jin established this idea, but thereafter no one practiced it. Moving to the park tomb disrupts ancestral-temple observance, has no authority, and greatly departs from the classics—it cannot be cited. Only enshrining in the Xingsheng temple and offering once in di and xia years—roughly the rite for what ritual has lost, obtaining the proper change. The memorial ended.
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十九年三月，給事中陳京奏：「禘是大合祖宗之祭，必尊太祖之位，以正昭穆。 今年遇禘，伏恐須定向來所議之禮。」 敕曰：「」時左僕射姚南仲等獻議狀五十七封，詔付都省再集百僚議定聞奏。 戶部尚書王紹等五十五人奏議：「請奉遷獻祖、懿祖神主祔德明、興聖廟，請別增兩室奉安神主。 緣二十四日禘祭，修廟未成，請於德明、興聖廟垣內權設幕屋為二室，暫安神主。 候增修廟室成，准禮遷祔神主入新廟。 每至禘祫年，各於本室行饗禮。」 從之。 是月十五日，遷獻祖、懿祖神主權祔德明、興聖廟之幕殿。 二十四日，饗太廟。 自此景皇帝始居東向之尊，元皇帝已下依左昭右穆之列矣。 二祖新廟成，敕曰：「」又詔曰：「」
In the third month of the nineteenth year, Supervising Secretary Chen Jing memorialized: "Di is the great joint sacrifice to ancestors; the Grand Ancestor's seat must be honored to correct zhao-mu. This year a di is due; we fear the rites must follow the deliberation to date." An edict said: "" At that time Left Vice Director Yao Nanzong and others submitted fifty-seven memorials; an edict ordered the Chief Secretariat again to assemble all officials, decide by deliberation, and report. Minister of Revenue Wang Shao and fifty-five others memorialized: "We ask to move the tablets of Xianzu and Yizu to the Deming and Xingsheng temples and separately add two chambers for the tablets. Because di falls on the twenty-fourth and temple repair is unfinished, we ask to set up temporary curtain-houses as two chambers within the Deming and Xingsheng temple compounds and temporarily install the tablets. When the new chambers are finished, move the tablets into them per ritual. In each di and xia year, perform offerings in their respective chambers." The emperor approved. On the fifteenth of that month, the tablets of Xianzu and Yizu were moved and temporarily enshrined in the curtain-halls of the Deming and Xingsheng temples. On the twenty-fourth, offerings were made at the Grand Temple. From this point Emperor Jing took the east-facing honor; from Emperor Yuan downward they followed left-zhao right-mu. When the two ancestors' new temples were finished, an edict was issued; an imperial pronouncement followed.
35
十月，太常禮院奏：「禘祫祝文稱號，穆宗皇帝、宣懿皇后韋氏、敬宗皇帝、文宗皇帝、武宗皇帝，緣從前序親親，以穆宗皇帝室稱為皇兄，未合禮文。 得修撰官朱儔等狀稱：『禮敘尊尊，不敘親親。 陛下于穆宗、敬宗、武宗三室祝文，恐須但稱嗣皇帝臣某昭告于某宗。』 臣等同考禮經，於義為允。」 從之。 ，祫祭太廟。 近例，祫祭及親拜郊，皆令中使一人引伐國寶至壇所，所以昭示武功。 至是上以伐國大事，中使引之非宜，乃令禮官一人，就內庫監領至太廟焉。
In the tenth month the Ritual Office memorialized: "In di and xia prayer texts, Emperor Muzong, Empress Xuande Wei, Emperor Jingzong, Emperor Wenzong, and Emperor Wuzong—because of former ordering by near kin, Muzong's chamber was called 'elder brother emperor,' which does not match ritual text. Compiler Zhu Chou and others reported: "'Ritual orders honor to honor, not kin to kin. For Your Majesty's prayer texts to the three chambers of Muzong, Jingzong, and Wuzong, we fear they should say only "the succeeding emperor, your subject so-and-so, announces to such-and-such an ancestor." We together examined the ritual classics; in meaning this is acceptable." The emperor approved. —and xia was offered at the Grand Temple. Recent precedent: at xia sacrifice and when the ruler personally worshipped at the suburban altar, one palace envoy was ordered to lead the captured-state treasure to the altar to display martial achievement. On this occasion, because subjugating a state was a great affair, a palace envoy leading it was improper; one ritual officer was ordered to take charge at the inner storehouse and escort it to the Grand Temple.
36
舊儀，高祖之廟，則開府儀同三司淮安王神通、禮部尚書河間王孝恭、陝東道大行台右僕射鄖國公殷開山、吏部尚書渝國公劉政會配饗。 太宗之廟，則司空梁國公房玄齡、尚書右僕射萊國公杜如晦、尚書左僕射申國公高士廉配饗。 高宗之廟，則司空英國公李勣、尚書左僕射北平縣公張行成、中書令高唐縣公馬周配饗。 中宗之廟，則侍中平陽郡王敬暉、侍中扶陽郡王桓彥范、中書令南陽郡王袁恕己配享。 睿宗之廟，則太子太傅許國公蘇瑰、尚書左丞相徐國公劉幽求配饗。
Former observance: at Gaozu's temple, Prince of Huai'an Wang Tong, Minister of Rites Prince of Hejian Wang Xiaogong, Right Vice Director of the Shandong Grand Secretariat Duke of E Yin Kaishan, and Minister of Personnel Duke of Yu Liu Zhenghui received complementary sacrifice. At Taizong's temple, Fang Xuanling, Du Ruhui, and Gao Shilian received complementary sacrifice. At Gaozong's shrine: Li Ji, Zhang Xingcheng, and Ma Zhou shared sacrifice. At Zhongzong's shrine: Jing Hui, Huan Yanfan, and Yuan Shuji shared sacrifice. At Ruizong's shrine: Su Gui and Liu Youqiu shared sacrifice.
37
正月，詔：京城章懷、節湣、惠莊、惠文、惠宣太子，與隱太子、懿德太子同為一廟，呼為七太子廟，以便於祀享。 太廟配饗功臣，高祖室加裴寂、劉文靜，太宗室加長孫無忌、李靖、杜如晦，高宗室加褚遂良、高季輔、劉仁軌，中宗室加狄仁傑、魏元忠、王同皎等十一人。 大祭祀，騂犢減數。 十載，太廟置內官。 十一載閏三月，制：「」其後又有玄宗子靜德太子廟，肅宗子恭懿太子廟。 孝敬廟在東京太廟院內，貞順皇后、讓皇帝廟在京中。 餘皆四時致祭。
First month, edict: Zhanghuai, Jiemin, Huizhuang, Huiwen, and Huixuan were united with the Hidden Crown Prince and Yide in one shrine, the Seven Crown Princes' Temple, for easier offerings. Grand Temple merit-sharing was expanded: Pei Ji and Liu Wenjing for Gaozu; Zhangsun Wuji, Li Jing, and Du Ruhui for Taizong; Chu Suiliang, Gao Jifu, and Liu Rengui for Gaozong; Di Renjie, Wei Yuanzhong, Wang Tongjiao, and eight others for Zhongzong. Great sacrifices used fewer red bullocks. In year 10, inner-palace officers were assigned to the Grand Temple. Eleventh year, intercalary third month: monthly offerings on the first and fifteenth were ordered—Imperial Kitchen food, one platter per chamber, presented by inner-palace officers; chamber doors opened every five days for sweeping. Later came shrines to Xuanzong's son Jingde and Suzong's son Gongyi. The Xiaojing shrine stood in the Eastern Capital temple precinct; Empress Zhenshun and Emperor Rang had shrines in the capital. All others received seasonal offerings.