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志第六禮儀六
Treatise 6: Rites 6.
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建中元年三月,禮儀使上言:「東都太廟闕木主,請造以祔。」 初,武后於東都立高祖、太宗、高宗三廟。 至中宗已後,兩京太廟,四時並饗。 至德亂後,木主多亡缺未祔。 於是議者紛然,而大旨有三:「其一曰,必存其廟,遍立群主,時饗之。 其二曰,建廟立主,存而不祭,若皇輿時巡,則就饗焉。 其三曰,存其廟,瘞其主,駕或東幸,則飾齋車奉京師群廟之主以往。 議者皆不決而罷。
Third month, Jianzhong 1: the ritual commissioner reported that the Eastern Capital Grand Temple had no wooden tablets and asked that tablets be made for enshrinement. At first Empress Wu had built three shrines at the eastern capital—for Gaozu, Taizong, and Gaozong. From Zhongzong onward, both capitals' ancestral halls were fed in every season. After the Zhide turmoil, many tablets were lost and never re-enshrined. Officials argued in three camps: first, keep the temple, install tablets for all lords, and offer seasonal sacrifices. Second, build the hall and tablets but do not sacrifice—only feast when the imperial tour came east. Third, keep the temple, bury the tablets, and when the throne toured east, dress a fasting carriage and bring the capital's tablets along. Debate deadlocked and the matter lapsed.
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貞元十五年四月,膳部郎中歸崇敬上疏:「東都太廟,不合置木主。 謹按典禮。 虞主用桑,練主用栗,重作栗主,則埋桑主。 所以神無二主,猶天無二日,土無二王也。 今東都太廟,是則天皇后所建,以置武氏木主。 中宗去其主而存其廟,蓋將以備行幸遷都之所也。 且殷人屢遷,前八後五,前後遷都一十三度,不可每都而別立神主也。 議者或云:'東都神主,已曾虔奉而禮之,豈可以一朝廢之乎? '且虞祭則立桑主而虔祀,練祭則立栗主而埋桑主,豈桑主不曾虔祀,而乃埋之? 又所闕之主,不可更作,作之不時,非禮也。」
Zhenyuan 15, fourth month: Gui Chongjing of the Provisions Bureau memorialized that the eastern temple ought not hold wooden tablets. He cited canonical ritual. A yu tablet uses mulberry; a lian tablet uses chestnut—remake the chestnut tablet and bury the mulberry. Thus no spirit has two abodes—no more than heaven two suns or earth two kings. Today's eastern hall was built by Empress Wu to seat the Wu line's tablets. Zhongzong cleared the tablets but kept the building, preparing a site for tours or capital moves. The Shang moved constantly—eight capitals before, five after, thirteen relocations—and did not raise a separate tablet in each place. Some said the eastern tablets had been reverently served—could they be cast aside in a day? At yu you erect and worship the mulberry tablet; at lian you raise chestnut and bury mulberry—had mulberry never been worshipped before burial? Nor could lost tablets be replaced untimely—remaking off-season was uncanonical. The passage concluded."
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長慶元年二月,分司官庫部員外郎李渤奏:「太微宮神主,請歸祔太廟。」 敕付東都留守鄭絪商量聞奏。 '絪奏云:「臣謹詳三代典禮,上稽高祖、太宗之制度,未嘗有並建兩朝、並饗二主之禮。 天授之際,祀典變革。 中宗初復舊物,未暇詳考典章,遂於洛陽創宗廟。 是行遷都之制,實非建國之儀。 及西歸上都,因循未廢。 德宗嗣統,墜典克修,東都九廟,不復告饗。 謹按《禮記》,仲尼答曾子問曰:'天無二日,土無二王,嘗、禘、郊、社,尊無二上。 '所以明二主之非禮也。 陛下接千載之大統,揚累聖之耿光,憲章先王,垂法後嗣。 況宗廟之禮,至尊至重,違經黷祀,時謂不欽。 特望擇三代令典,守高祖、太宗之憲度,鑒神龍權宜之制,遵建中矯正之禮,依經復古,允屬聖明。 伏乙太微宮光皇帝三代、睿宗聖文孝武皇帝神主,參考經義,不合祔饗。 至於遷置神主之禮,三代以降,經無明文。 伏望委中書門下與公卿禮官質正詳定。」 敕付所司。
Changqing 1, second month: Li Bo, eastern-capital Storehouse vice director, asked to reunite Taiwei Palace tablets with the Grand Temple. The edict referred the matter to regent Zheng Yin at the eastern capital for deliberation and report. Yin reported: he had traced Three Dynasties ritual and Gaozu and Taizong's institutions—never two halls built in parallel or two tablet lines feasted together. At Tian-shou the sacrificial code shifted. Zhongzong, restoring the old order in haste, never examined the classics and raised a lineage temple at Luoyang. It matched removal of seat, not founding of state. After returning west to the principal capital, inertia left it standing. Under Dezong, fallen observance was repaired and the eastern nine halls ceased to receive sacrificial announcement. The Book of Rites records Confucius telling Zengzi: heaven has no two suns, earth no two kings—in seasonal, great, suburban, and soil rites, honor has no second apex. Thus two tablet-halls were uncanonical. Your Majesty holds a thousand-year succession, lifts the bright glory of successive sages, takes former kings as model, and sets law for those who follow. Ancestral rites are weightiest of all—defying the canon in sacrifice the age calls impiety. Choose the Three Dynasties' best canon, keep Gaozu and Taizong's law, read Shenlong's expedient and Jianzhong's correction, restore antiquity by the classics—befitting such sagacity. The Taiwei tablets of Emperor Guang (three generations) and Ruizong the Sagely Literary Filial Martial, weighed against the classics, should not be affixed for sacrifice. Rites for moving and setting tablets have no explicit classic text since the Three Dynasties. He begged the Secretariat-Chancellery, dukes, and ritual officers to verify and fix the matter. The edict assigned it to the proper bureaus. The passage concluded."
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太常博士王彥威等奏議曰:
Ritual director Wang Yanwei and colleagues deliberated:
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謹按國初故事,無兩都並建宗廟、並行饗祭之禮。 伏尋《周書》、《召誥》、《洛誥》之說,實有祭告豐廟、洛廟之文,是則周人兩都並建宗祧,至則告饗。 然則兩都皆祭祖考,禮祀並興。 自神龍復辟,中宗嗣位,廟既偕作,饗亦並行。 天寶末,兩都傾陷,神主亡失。 肅宗既復舊物,但建廟作主於上都。 其東都神主,大曆中始於人間得之,遂寓於太微宮,不復祔饗。
Founding precedent knew no parallel shrines in both capitals or parallel feast lines. The Zhou Documents, Announcement to Shao, and Luo Announcement record sacrifice at Feng and Luo—the Zhou built lineage temples in both seats and announced feast when they arrived. Both capitals sacrificed to fathers and grandfathers; ritual rose in both. From Shenlong restoration and Zhongzong's succession, shrines were built together and feasts ran in parallel At the end of Tianbao both capitals fell. Suzong restored what was lost but built shrines and tablets only in the Upper Capital. Eastern tablets surfaced among the people only in Dali, lodged in Taiwei Palace, never again affixed for sacrifice.
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臣等謹按經傳,王者之制,凡建居室,宗廟為先,廟必有主,主必在廟。 是則立廟兩都,蓋行古之道,主必在廟,實依禮經。 今謹參詳,理合升祔。 謹按光皇帝是追王,高宗、中宗、睿宗是祧廟之主,其神主合藏於太廟從西第一夾室。 景皇帝是始封不遷之祖,其神主合藏於太廟從西第一室。 高祖、太宗、玄宗、肅宗、代宗是創業有功親廟之祖。 伏准《江都集禮》:'正廟之主,藏於太室之中。 '《禮記》:'君廟之主,有故則聚而藏諸祖廟。 '伏以德宗之下,神主未作,代宗之上,後主先亡,若歸本室,有虛神主。 事雖可據,理或未安。 今高祖已下神主,併合藏于太祖之廟,依舊准故事不饗。 如陛下肆覲東後,移幸洛陽,自非祧主,合歸本室。 其餘闕主,又當特作,而祔饗時祭、禘、祫如儀。 臣又按國家追王故事,太祖之上,又有德明、興聖、懿祖別廟。 今光皇帝神主,即懿祖也。 伏緣東都先無前件廟宇,光皇帝神主今請權祔於太廟夾室,居元皇帝之上。 如駕在東都,即請准上都式營建別廟,作德明、興聖、獻祖神主,備禮升祔。 又於太廟夾室奉迎光皇帝神主歸別廟第四室,禘、祫如儀。
Classics say: when a king builds dwellings, ancestral shrines come first; a shrine must have tablets, tablets must dwell in the shrine. Shrines in both seats follow the ancient way; tablets in shrine follow the ritual canon. On full comparison, reason requires elevating them for enshrinement. Emperor Guang was posthumously ennobled; Gaozong, Zhongzong, and Ruizong are diao-shrine lords—their tablets belong in the Grand Temple's first western side chamber. Emperor Jing was the founder enfeoffed, never displaced—his tablet belongs in the first western main chamber. Gaozu, Taizong, Xuanzong, Suzong, and Daizong were close-shrine ancestors who founded the enterprise with merit The Jiangdu Collected Rites: principal shrine tablets are stored in the Grand Chamber. The Book of Rites: when a ruler's shrine tablets have cause, gather and store them in the ancestral shrine. Below Dezong no tablets were made; above Daizong later tablets perished—return to original chambers and some seats stand empty. Facts can be cited; principle may not yet be settled. Tablets from Gaozu downward should all be stored in the Great Ancestor's shrine, per old precedent without sacrifice. If Your Majesty tours east and visits Luoyang, except diao lords, tablets should return to their chambers. Other missing tablets must be specially made; affixed sacrifice—seasonal, di, xia—as ritual requires. State precedent for posthumous kings places separate shrines above the Great Ancestor—to Deming, Xingsheng, and Yizu. Emperor Guang's tablet is Yizu. The eastern capital lacked those shrines; Emperor Guang's tablet is provisionally affixed in the Grand Temple side chamber, above Emperor Yuan. If the throne is at the eastern capital, build separate shrines as in the Upper Capital, make tablets for Deming, Xingsheng, and Xianzu, and enshrine with full rite Also escort Emperor Guang's tablet from the side chamber to the fourth chamber of the separate shrine, di and xia as ritual.
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或問曰:「禮,作栗主,瘞桑主。 漢、魏並有瘞桑之議,大曆中亦瘞孝敬皇帝神主,今祔而不瘞,如之何?」 答曰:「作主依神,理無可埋,漢魏瘞藏,事非允愜。 孝敬尊非正統,廟廢而主獨存,從而瘞藏,為葉情理。」
Someone asked: the rites say make the chestnut tablet and bury the mulberry tablet. Han and Wei debated burying mulberry; in Dali they buried Filial Emperor Xiaojing's tablet—now affix without burying, how so? The passage concluded. Answer: tablets embody the spirit—by principle nothing to bury; Han-Wei burial storage was not truly fitting. Filial Xiaojing was not orthodox lineage; his shrine was abandoned while his tablet alone survived—burying it followed abandoned reason. The passage concluded."
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又問:「古者巡狩,必載遷主,今東都主又祔於廟。」 答曰:「古者師行以遷主,無則主命,自非遷祖之主,別無出廟之文。 凡邑有宗廟先君之主曰都,則兩都宗廟,各宜有主。」
Again asked: in antiquity on tour one carried the displacement tablet; now eastern tablets are also affixed in the shrine. Answer: in antiquity armies marched with displacement tablets; without them, tablets commanded—except displacement ancestors' tablets, no canon text for removing tablets from shrine. Any settlement with ancestral shrines and former lords' tablets is a capital—both capitals' shrines should each have tablets. The passage concluded."
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又問曰:「古者作主,必因虞、練,若主必歸祔,則室不可虛,則當補已亡之主,創當祔之主。 禮經無說,如之何?」 答曰:「虞、練作主,禮之正也。 非時作主,事之權也。 王者遭時為法,因事制宜,苟無其常,則思其變。 如駕或東幸,廟仍虛主,即准肅宗廣德二年上都作主故事,特作闕主而祔。 蓋主不可闕,故禮貴從宜,《春秋》之義,變而正之者。」 臣伏思祖宗之主,神靈所憑,寓於太微,不入宗廟,據經復本,允屬聖明。
Asked again: in antiquity making tablets required yu and lian; if tablets must return for enshrinement, chambers cannot stand empty—replace lost tablets and create those due for enshrinement. The ritual classics say nothing—what then? The passage concluded. Answer: yu and lian tablet-making is ritual's proper way. Off-season tablet-making is expedient for the moment A king meets the age with law, shapes affairs to need—if the constant is absent, consider variation If the throne tours east while the shrine still lacks tablets, follow Suzong's Guangde 2 precedent—specially make missing tablets and enshrine. Tablets cannot be wanting, so ritual esteems fitting expedient—the Spring and Autumn principle is to vary and thereby rectify. The passage concluded. Ancestors' tablets, where spirits dwell, lodged in Taiwei not entering the lineage shrine—restoring root by the classics befits sagacity.
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至是下尚書省集議,而郎吏所議,與彥威多同。 丞郎則各執所見,或曰「神主合藏于太微宮;」 或云「併合埋瘞」; 或云「闕主當作」; 或云「輿駕東幸,即載上都神主而東」。 鹹以意言,不本經據。 竟以紛議不定,遂不舉行。
The Secretariat was ordered to convene; expectant officials largely agreed with Yanwei. Directors and vice-directors each held their view: some said tablets should be stored in Taiwei Palace; some said bury them together; some said missing tablets should be made; some said when the carriage tours east, carry Upper Capital tablets east. All spoke from opinion, not grounded in canonical evidence Confused debate brought no decision; nothing was carried out.
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會昌五年八月,中書門下奏:「東都太廟九室神主,共二十六座,自祿山叛後,取太廟為軍營,神主棄於街巷,所司潛收聚,見在太微宮內新造小屋之內。 其太廟屋室並在,可以修崇。 大和中,太常博士議,以為東都不合置神主,車駕東幸,即載主而行。 至今因循,尚未修建。 望令尚書省集公卿及禮官、學官詳議。 如不要更置,須有收藏去處。 如合置,望以所拆大寺材木修建。 既是宗室官居守,便望令充修東都太廟使,勾當修繕。」 奉敕宜依。
Huichang 5, eighth month: the Secretariat reported the Eastern Capital Grand Temple's nine chambers held twenty-six tablets; after An Lushan's rebellion the temple became barracks and tablets were cast into streets—the offices secretly gathered them; they now rest in a new small building inside Taiwei Palace. The temple buildings still stood and could be restored. In Dahe, ritual directors held the eastern capital should not hold tablets—when the throne toured east, carry tablets along. Inertia has left restoration undone to this day. They asked the Secretariat to gather dukes, ritual officers, and academicians for detailed deliberation. If tablets were not to be reinstalled, a proper storehouse was needed. If they should be installed, rebuild using timber from dismantled great temples. Because a prince held the eastern residency, he should be named commissioner to rebuild the Grand Temple and supervise repairs. Approved as ordered. The passage concluded."
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六年三月,太常博士鄭路等奏:「東都太微宮神主二十座,去年二月二十九日禮院分析聞奏訖。 伏奉今月七日敕,'此禮至重,須遵典故,宜令禮官、學官同議聞奏'者。 臣今與學官等詳議訖,謹具分析如後:獻祖宣皇帝、宣莊皇后、懿祖光皇帝、光懿皇后、文德皇后、高宗天皇大帝、則天皇后、中宗大聖大昭孝皇帝、和思皇后、昭成皇后、孝敬皇帝、地敬哀皇后已前十二座,親盡迭毀,宜遷諸太廟,祔於興聖廟。 禘祫之歲,乃一祭之。 東都無興聖廟可祔,伏請且權藏於太廟夾室。 未題神主十四座,前件神主既無題號之文,難伸祝告之禮。 今與禮官等商量,伏請告遷之日,但瘞於舊太微宮內空閒之地。 恭酌事理,庶協從宜。」 制可。
Year 6, third month: ritual director Zheng Lu reported twenty Taiwei Palace tablets; the Ritual Office had analyzed and reported them on the twenty-ninth of the second month last year. They received this month's seventh-day edict: this rite is weightiest; precedent must be followed—ritual and academic officers should deliberate together and report. Deliberating with academicians, they submitted analysis: twelve tablets—Xianzu Emperor Xuan, Empress Xuanzhuang, Yizu Emperor Guang, Empress Guangyi, Empress Wende, Gaozong the Heavenly Sovereign Great, Empress Wu Zetian, Zhongzong the Great Sage Great Filial, Empress Hespi, Empress Zhaocheng, Emperor Xiaojing, Empress Di'ai—whose kin is exhausted, should move to line shrines and affix at Xingsheng Shrine. In di-xia years they receive one sacrifice. The eastern capital has no Xingsheng Shrine—we beg provisional storage in the Grand Temple side chamber. Fourteen tablets bear no inscription; without inscription, invocation and announcement cannot proceed. Deliberating with ritual officers, they begged that on removal day the tablets be buried in vacant ground within the old Taiwei Palace. The passage concluded. That, they judged, best fit practical need. Approved. The passage concluded."
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太常博士段瑰等三十九人奏議曰:
Thirty-nine ritual directors including Duan Gui submitted a deliberation:
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禮之所立,本於誠敬; 廟之所設,實在尊嚴。 既曰薦誠,則宜統一。 昔周之東西有廟,亦可征其所由。 但緣卜洛之初,既須營建,又以遷都未決,因議兩留。 酌其事情,匪務於廣,祭法明矣。
What ritual establishes rests on sincerity and reverence what shrines establish is truly dignity Since sacrifice is sincerity offered, unity is fitting. When Zhou had eastern and western shrines, one can trace why Only at the first divination for Luo, building was needed and the seat unsettled—hence deliberation to keep both. Weighing circumstances, not aiming at breadth—the Sacrificial Canon is clear
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伏以東都太廟,廢已多時,若議增修,稍乖前訓。 何者? 東都始制寢廟於天后、中宗之朝,事出一時,非貞觀、開元之法,前後因循不廢者,亦踵鎬京之文也。 《記》曰:「祭不欲數,數則煩。」 天寶之中,兩京悉為寇陷,西都廟貌如故,東都因此散亡。 是知九廟之靈,不欲歆其煩祀也。 自建中不葺之後,彌曆歲年。 今若廟貌惟新,即須室別有主。 舊主雖在,大半合祧,必几筵而存之,所謂宜祧不祧也。 孔子曰,「當七廟五廟,無虛主也」,謂廟不得無主者也。 舊主如有留去,新廟便合創添。 謹按《左傳》云:「祔練作主。」 又戴聖云:「虞而立几筵。」 如或過時成之,便是以凶幹吉。 創添既不典,虛廟又非儀。 考諸禮文,進退無守。
The eastern Grand Temple has long lain abandoned—debating restoration slightly strays from prior teaching. Why (idiomatic). The eastern shrine was first made under Empress Wu and Zhongzong—a moment's affair, not Zhenguan or Kaiyuan law; what lingered unrepealed merely followed Haojing's precedent. The Record says: sacrifice should not be frequent—frequency breeds weariness. In Tianbao both capitals fell to rebels; the western shrine façades remained, the eastern scattered. The passage concluded." Thus the nine shrines' spirits did not wish to inhale wearisome sacrifice From Jianzhong's refusal to repair, years have piled If shrine façades are renewed today, each chamber must have its tablet Old tablets remain but most should merge in diao—yet kept on spirit benches—what should diao not diao. Confucius said, when there are seven or five shrines, no empty tablet—meaning shrines cannot lack tablets. If old tablets remain or depart, the new shrine must add new ones The Zuo Commentary says: affix at lian, make tablet. Dai Sheng says: at yu, set the spirit bench. If made out of season, that is using the inauspicious to intrude on the auspicious Adding anew is uncanonical. Examining ritual texts, advance and retreat have no footing
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或曰「漢于郡國置宗廟凡百餘所,今止東西立廟,有何不安」者。 當漢氏承秦焚燒之餘,不識典故,至於廟制,率意而行。 比及元、成二帝之間,貢禹、韋玄成等繼出,果有正論,竟從毀除。 足知漢初不本於禮經,又安可程法也? 或曰「几筵不得復設,廟寢何妨修營,侯車駕時巡,便合於所載之主」者。 究其終始,又得以論之。 昨者降敕參詳,本為欲收舊主,主既不立,廟何可施? 假令行幸九州; 一一皆立廟乎」愚以為廟不可修,主宜藏瘞,或就瘞於坎室,或瘞於兩階間,此乃百代常行不易之道也。
Some say: Han placed lineage shrines in commanderies and kingdoms, over a hundred—now only east and west shrines, what unease? The passage concluded." Han inherited Qin's burnings and knew no canonical precedents—for shrine system, it acted by whim. By Yuandi and Chengdi, Gong Yu, Wei Xuancheng, and others argued soundly—finally shrines were destroyed. Enough to know early Han did not root in ritual classics—how take it as measure (idiomatic). Some say: spirit benches cannot be reset—why not repair shrine chambers? When the carriage tours, use the tablets carried. The passage concluded." Pursue beginning and end—again one may argue Yesterday's edict aimed to gather old tablets—if tablets are not installed, how apply the shrine? Suppose throne tours nine provinces— must one raise a shrine in each? This servant holds: the shrine cannot be repaired; tablets should be stored and buried—in the pit chamber or between the two stair flights—the immutable way of a hundred generations. The passage concluded."
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其年九月敕:「段瑰等詳議,東都不可立廟。 李福等別狀,又有異同。 國家制度,須合典禮,證據未一,則難建立。 宜並令赴都省對議,須歸至當。」
That year, ninth month edict: Duan Gui and others' deliberation—the eastern capital cannot raise a shrine. Li Fu and others' separate memorial also differs State institutions must match canonical rites—evidence not unified, then hard to establish All should come to the Secretariat for face debate until the fitting conclusion. The passage concluded."
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工部尚書薛元賞等議:
Minister of Works Xue Yuanshang and others replied:
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伏以建中時,公卿奏請修建東都慶廟,當時之議,大旨有三:其一曰,必存其廟,備立其主,時饗之日,以他官攝行。 二曰,建廟立主,存而不祭,皇輿時巡,則就饗焉。 三曰,存其廟,一瘞其主。 臣等立其三議,參酌禮經,理宜存廟,不合置主。
At Jianzhong, dukes petitioned to restore the eastern celebratory shrine—debate then had three heads: first, keep the shrine, fully install tablets, on feast days have another officer perform by proxy. Second, build shrine and tablets, keep without sacrifice—when the imperial carriage tours, feast there Third, keep shrine, bury tablets. They set forth the three deliberations, weighing the ritual canon—reason requires keeping the shrine, not installing tablets.
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謹按《禮祭義》曰:「建國之神位,右社稷而左宗廟。」 《禮記》云:「君子將營宮室,宗廟為先。」 是知王者建邦設都,必先宗廟、社稷。 況周武受命,始都于豐,成王相宅,又卜於洛,烝祭歲於新邑,冊周公於太室。 故《書》曰:「戊辰,王在新邑,烝祭歲。 王入太室祼。」 成王厥後復立于豐,雖成洛邑,未嘗久處。 逮于平王,始定東遷。 則周之豐、鎬,皆有宗廟明矣。 又按,曾子問「廟有二主」,夫子對以「天無二日,土無二王,嘗、禘、郊、社,尊無二上,未知其為禮」者。 昔齊桓公作二主,夫子譏之,以為偽主。 是知二主不可並設,亦明矣。 夫聖王建社以厚本,立廟以尊祖,所以京邑必有宗社。 今國家定周、秦之兩地,為東西之兩宅,辟九衢而立宮闕,設百司而嚴拱衛,取法玄象,號為京師。 既嚴帝宅,難虛神位,若無宗廟,何謂皇都? 然依人者神,在誠者祀,誠非外至,必由中出,理合親敬,用交神明。 位宜存於兩都,廟可偕立; 誠難專於二祭,主不並設。
The Meaning of Sacrifice says: in founding a state, spirit seats—sacred soil right, ancestral shrine left. The Book of Rites: when the noble will build chambers, ancestral shrine comes first. Thus the king founding realm and seat must first raise ancestral shrine and sacred soil. Zhou Wu received the mandate, first seat at Feng; Cheng Wang chose dwelling, divined at Luo—sacrificed the year's harvest in the new settlement, enfeoffed Duke Zhou in the Grand Chamber. The Documents: on wuchen, the king in the new settlement sacrificed the year's harvest. king entered Grand Chamber for libation. Cheng Wang afterward established again at Feng—though Luo was built, he did not long dwell there. The passage concluded." Reaching King Ping, eastern removal was fixed Then Zhou's Feng and Hao both had ancestral shrines—clear Also: Zengzi asked about two tablet sets in the shrine; the Master answered heaven no two suns, earth no two kings—in seasonal, great, suburban, soil rites, honor no second apex—unknown if that is ritual. Duke Huan of Qi once made two tablet sets; the Master mocked them as false tablets. Thus two tablet sets cannot be installed together—also clear The sage king builds sacred soil to thicken root, shrine to honor ancestors—thus the capital must have shrine and soil The state fixes Zhou and Qin's two lands as eastern and western seats, opens nine avenues and raises palaces, sets hundred offices with strict guard—patterned on dark heavens, called the capital. With imperial dwelling established, spirit seats cannot stand empty—without ancestral shrine, what is imperial capital? Yet spirits rely on people; sacrifice dwells in sincerity—sincerity rises from within, not without—fitting close reverence to join the divine. Seats should remain in both capitals. sincerity cannot focus on two feast lines.
22
或以《禮》雲「七廟五廟無虛主」,是謂不可無主。 所以天子巡狩,亦有所尊,尚飾齋車,載遷主以行。 今若修廟瘞主,同東都太廟,九室皆虛,既違於經,須征其說。 臣復探賾禮意,因得盡而論之。 所雲「七廟五廟無虛主」,是謂見饗之廟不可虛也。 今之兩都,雖各有廟,禘祫饗獻,斯皆親奉於上京,神主几筵,不可虛陳於東廟。 且《禮》云:「唯聖人為能饗帝,孝子為能饗親。」 昔漢韋玄成議廢郡國祀,亦曰:「立廟京師,躬親承事,四海之內,各以其職來祭。」 人情禮意,如此較然。 二室既不並居,二廟豈可偕祔? 但所都之國,見饗之廟,既無虛室,則葉通經議者,又欲置主不饗,以俟巡幸。 昔魯作僖公之主,不于虞、練之時,《春秋》書而譏之。 合祔之主,作非其時,尚為所譏。 今若置不合祔之主,不因時而作,違經越禮,莫甚於此。 豈有九室合饗之主,而有置而不饗之文? 兩廟始創于周公,二主獲譏于夫子。 自古製作,皆范周孔,舊典猶在,足可明征。 臣所以言東都廟則合存,主不合置。 今將修建廟宇,誠不虧於典禮。 其見在太微宮中六主,請待東都建修太廟畢,具禮迎置於西夾室,閟而不饗,式彰陛下嚴祀之敬,以明聖朝尊祖之義。
Some cite the Rites: seven or five shrines, no empty tablet—meaning cannot lack tablets. Hence the Son of Heaven on tour also has what he honors—still adorns the fasting carriage, carries displacement tablets traveling Now if we repair shrine and bury tablets, like the eastern Grand Temple all nine chambers empty—already against the canon, explanation is required. Your servant again probes ritual meaning and may discuss fully What is said—no empty tablet—means the shrine where sacrifice is seen cannot be empty. Today's two capitals, though each has a shrine—di, xia, feast, presentation—all are personally offered at the Upper Capital; tablet benches cannot stand empty in the eastern shrine. Moreover the Rites: only the sage can feast the Di; only the filial son can feast kin. Formerly Han's Wei Xuancheng urged abolishing commandery and kingdom sacrifice, also saying: raise shrine at the capital, personally undertake the service—within the four seas each by office comes to sacrifice. Human feeling and ritual sense are thus comparably clear. The passage concluded." Two chambers do not dwell together—how can two shrines affix together (idiomatic). Yet in the seated realm, the shrine where sacrifice is seen has no empty chamber—those who abandon universal canon wish to install tablets without sacrifice, awaiting tour. Lu once made Duke Xi's tablet not at yu or lian—the Spring and Autumn records and mocks. Tablets for joint enshrinement, made untimely, were still mocked Now to install tablets unfit for joint enshrinement, not made in season—defying canon, exceeding ritual—nothing worse How can there be tablets for nine chambers of joint feasting. Two shrines first created by Duke Zhou. From antiquity creation has modeled Zhou and Confucius—old canon still remains, enough for clear proof Your servant therefore says eastern shrine should be kept. Now about to repair shrine buildings—truly no diminishment of canonical rite The six tablets now in Taiwei—they ask after eastern Grand Temple repair is complete, with full rite escort them to the western side chamber, sealed without sacrifice, displaying Your Majesty's strict sacrificial reverence and clarifying the holy court's honor of ancestors.
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吏部郎中鄭亞等五人議:「據禮院奏,以為東都太廟既廢,不可復修,見在太微宮神主,請瘞於所寓之地。 有乖經訓,不敢雷同。 臣所以別進議狀,請修祔主,並依典禮,兼與建中元年禮儀使顏真卿所奏事同。 臣與公卿等重議,皆以為廟固合修,主不可瘞,即與臣等別狀意同。 但眾議猶疑東西二廟,各設神主,恐涉廟有二主之義,請修廟虛室,乙太微宮所寓神主藏於夾室之中。 伏以六主神位,內有不祧之宗,今用遷廟之儀,猶未合禮。 臣等猶未敢署眾狀,蓋為闕疑。」
Ministry vice director Zheng Ya and five others: per the Ritual Office, the eastern Grand Temple abandoned cannot be restored; Taiwei tablets should be buried where they lodge. That strays from canonical teaching—they dare not echo it. They filed a separate deliberation, asking repair and enshrinement of tablets, all per canonical rite—also the same as Rites Commissioner Yan Zhenqing's Jianzhong 1 memorial. Deliberating again with dukes and ministers, all held the shrine surely should be repaired, tablets cannot be buried—same as their separate memorial. Yet collective debate still feared east and west shrines each setting tablets might touch two tablet sets in one shrine—request repair with empty chambers, store Taiwei tablets in side chambers. Six of those spirit-lords were unfilleted forebears; applying removal rites to them still seemed uncanonical. They still dare not sign the collective memorial—for lingering doubt. The passage concluded."
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太學博士直弘文館鄭遂等七人議曰:「夫論國之大事,必本乎正而根乎經,以臻于中道。 聖朝以廣孝為先,以得禮為貴,而臣下敢不以經對。 三論六故,已詳於前議矣。 再捧天問,而陳乎諸家之說,求於典訓,考乎大中,廟有必修之文,主無可置之理。 何則? 正經正史,兩都之廟可征。 《禮》稱'天子不卜處太廟','擇日卜建國之地,則宗廟可知'。 則廢廟之說,恐非所宜廢。 謹按《詩》、《書》、《禮》三經及漢朝兩史,兩都並設廟,而載主之制,久已行之。 敢不明征而去文飾,援據經文,不易前見,東都太廟,合務修崇,而舊主當瘞,請于太微宮所藏之所。 皇帝有事于洛,則奉齋車載主以行。」
Imperial University director and Hongwen Guan attache Zheng Sui and seven others: in discussing the state's great affairs, one must root in rectitude and anchor in classics, to reach the middle way. This dynasty prizes filial piety and true ritual—how could ministers answer with anything but the canon? Three positions and six precedents had already been laid out. Again receiving heaven's inquiry, they set forth schools' views, sought canonical instruction, examined the great mean—shrine has text requiring repair; tablet has no logic for installation. For what reason? Orthodox classics and histories prove two-capital shrines The Rites say the Son of Heaven does not divine the Grand Temple's site; choose a day, divine the founding land—then ancestral shrine is known. To abandon a temple, then, is what ought not be abandoned. Poetry, Documents, Rites—the three classics—and Han's two histories show both capitals set shrines; carrying tablets has long been practiced. How dare they leave clear proof for ornament? Citing classics, not changing prior views—the eastern Grand Temple should be repaired and honored; old tablets should be buried where Taiwei stores them. When the emperor has business at Luo, offer the fasting carriage and carry tablets traveling. The passage concluded."
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太常博士顧德章議曰:
Ritual director Gu Dezang deliberated:
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夫禮雖緣情,將明厥要,實在得中,必過禮而求多,則反虧於誠敬。 伏以神龍之際,天命有歸,移武氏廟于長安,即其地而置太廟,以至天寶初復,不為建都。 而設議曰:「中宗立廟於東都,無乖舊典。」 征其意,不亦謬乎?
Ritual follows feeling but aims at essentials; moderation is the point—excess ritual undermines sincerity. At Shenlong Heaven's mandate returned: Wu temples moved to Chang'an, the site became the Grand Temple; until early Tianbao it was not a capital foundation. Yet proponents say: "Zhongzong's Eastern Capital temple did not violate precedent. Read in context—is that not absurd?
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又曰「東都太廟,至於睿宗、玄宗,猶奉而不易」者。 蓋緣嘗所尊奉,不敢輒廢也。 今則廢已多時,猶循莫舉之典也。 又曰「雖貞觀之始,草創未暇,豈可謂此事非開元之法」者。 謹按定《開元六典敕》曰:「聽政之暇,錯綜古今,法以《周官》,作為《唐典》。 覽其本末,千載一朝。 《春秋》謂考古之法也。 行之可久,不曰然歟?」 此時東都太廟見在,《六典》序兩都宮闕,西都具太廟之位,東都則存而不論,足明事出一時,又安得曰「開元之法」也? 又三代禮樂,莫盛于周。 昨者論議之時,便宜細大,取法于周,遷而立廟。 今立廟不因遷,何美之而不能師之也? 又曰「建國神位,右社稷而左宗廟,君子將營宮室,宗廟為先」者。 謹按《六典》,永昌中則天以東都為神都。 爾後漸加營構,營室百司,於是備矣。 今之宮室百司,乃武氏改命所備也。 上都已建國立宗廟,不合引言。 又曰:「東都洛陽祭孝宣等五帝,長安祭孝成等三帝」。 以此為置廟之例,則大非也。 當漢兩處有廟,所祭之帝各別。 今東都建廟作主,與上都盡同,概而論之,失之甚者。 又曰「今或東洛復太廟,有司同日侍祭,以此為數,實所未解」者。 謹按天寶三載詔曰:「頃四時有事於太廟,兩京同日。 自今已後,兩京各宜別擇日。」 載在祀典,可得而詳。 且立廟造主,所以祭神,而曰存而勿祀,出自何經? 「當七廟五廟無虛主」,而欲立虛廟,法于何典? 前稱廟貌如故者,即指建中之中,就有而言,以為國之先也。 前以非時不造主者,謂見有神主,不得以非時而造也。 若江左至德之際,主並散亡,不可拘以例也。 或曰「廢主之瘞,請在太微宮」者。 謹按天寶二年敕曰:「古之制禮,祭用質明,義兼取于尚幽,情實緣於既沒。 我聖祖澹然當在,為道之法,既殊有盡之期,宜展事生之禮。 自今已後,每至聖祖宮有昭告,宜改用卯時」者。 今欲以主瘞于宮所,即與此敕全乖。 又曰:主不合瘞,請藏夾室」者。 謹按前代藏主,頗有異同。 至如夾室,宜用以序昭穆也。 今廟主俱不中禮,則無禘祫之文。 又曰君子將營宮室,以宗廟為先,則建國營宮室而宗廟必設。 東都既有宮室,而太廟不合不營。 凡以論之,其義斯勝。 而西周、東漢,並曰兩都,其各有宗廟之證,經史昭然,又得以極思於揚榷。 《詩》曰:「其繩則直,縮板以載,作廟翼翼。」 《大雅》「瓜瓞」,言豐廟之作也。 又曰:「于穆清廟,肅雍顯相。」 洛邑既成,以率文王之祀。 此《詩》言洛之廟也。 《書》曰:「成王既至洛,烝祭歲,文王騂牛一。」 又曰「裸於太室」,康王又居豐,「命畢公保厘東郊。」 豈有無廟而可烝祭,非都而設保厘? 則《書》東西之廟也。 逮于後漢卜洛,西京之廟亦存。 建武二年,於洛陽立廟,而成、哀、平三帝祭於西京。 一十八年,親幸長安,行禘禮,當時五室列於洛都,三帝留於京廟,行幸之歲,與合食之期相會,不奉齋車,又安可以成此禮? 則知兩廟周人成法,載主以行,漢家通制。 或以當虛一都之廟為不可,而引「七廟無虛主」之文。 《禮》言一都之廟,室不虛主,非為兩都各廟而不可虛也。 既聯出征之辭,更明載主之意,因事而言,理實相統,非如詩人更可斷章以取義也。 古人求神之所非一,奉神之意無二,故廢桑主,重作栗主,既事理之,以明其一也。
They also say the Eastern Capital Grand Temple was maintained through Ruizong and Xuanzong unchanged. That was because it had once been reverently kept and they dared not abolish it rashly. It has long been abandoned, yet they still invoke the canon of what must not be raised. They also say: "Though Zhenguan's founding left no leisure, how can this not be Kaiyuan law?" I cite the edict fixing the Kaiyuan Six Institutions: "In leisure from government, collating past and present, modeling the Zhou Offices, making the Tang Code. Surveying beginning and end—a thousand years in one morning. Spring and Autumn calls this the method of examining antiquity. That it may endure long—is this not so? Then the Eastern Capital Grand Temple still stood; the Six Institutions lists both capitals' palaces—the west fully records the Grand Temple, the east is noted but passed over—clearly a one-time measure; how is it "Kaiyuan law"? Of Three Dynasties ritual and music, none matched Zhou. Yesterday's debate took Zhou as model in large and small matters—temples on removal. To build a temple without removal—what in Zhou is admirable yet cannot be followed? They also cite: "State spirit-altars: soil and grain to the right, temple to the left; when building palaces, the temple comes first." The Six Institutions: in Yongchang Wu made the Eastern Capital the Divine Capital. Construction was gradually added; chambers and the hundred offices were completed. Today's palaces and offices were prepared under the Wu clan's change of mandate. The superior capital already had state and ancestral temple—this quote does not apply. They also say: "Luoyang sacrifices to five emperors including Xiaoxuan; Chang'an to three including Xiaocheng." As a precedent for establishing a temple, that is gravely wrong. In Han both places had temples but sacrificed to different emperors. To build an Eastern Capital temple with tablets identical to the superior capital is, broadly, a grave error. They also object that if Luoyang restores the Grand Temple and offices sacrifice the same day, the arithmetic is incomprehensible. I cite Tianbao 3: "Recently both capitals sacrificed at the Grand Temple on the same day. Henceforth each capital shall choose its own day. Recorded in the sacrificial canon—clear on inspection. Temples and tablets exist to sacrifice—"maintain but do not sacrifice" appears in no classic. "Seven or five temples with no empty tablet"—yet they want empty temples—what canon allows this? The claim that temple buildings remain as of old refers to Jianzhong, when they still stood as the state's priority. The claim against out-of-season tablet-making means existing tablets may not be remade out of season. When tablets were all lost in the Jiangzuo Zhide era, that example cannot bind us. Some propose burying abolished tablets in the Taiwei Palace. I cite Tianbao 2: ancient rites used plain dawn, drawing on remoteness because feeling follows death. Our sage ancestor remains present; in the Way there is no "ended" period—rites of honoring the living should extend. Henceforth announcements at the sage ancestor's palace should use the mao hour instead." Burying tablets at the palace site contradicts this edict entirely. Others say tablets should not be buried but stored in side chambers. Former ages varied in storing tablets. Side chambers properly order zhao and mu. Present tablets are all ritually improper—there is no di/xia text. When building palaces the temple comes first—founding a state requires a temple. The Eastern Capital has palaces—the Grand Temple must not be left unbuilt. On the whole, this argument prevails. Western Zhou and Eastern Han were both two-capital states; separate ancestral temples are plain in classics and histories—one may weigh the debate fully. The Odes: "Its cord is straight; shrink the boards—building the temple, majestic. The "Melon Vine" ode in the Great Odes describes building the Feng temple. Also: "Solemn is the clear temple; dignified, manifest assistants. When Luoyang was complete, he led sacrifices to King Wen. That ode is Luoyang's temple. The Documents: "King Cheng reached Luo, performed the year's zheng sacrifice—a red bull for King Wen. Also "libation in the Grand Chamber"; Kang dwelt at Feng—"ordered Duke Bi to protect the eastern suburb." How sacrifice without a temple, or a protectorship without a capital? Thus the Documents shows east-west temples. Later Han divined for Luo; Western Capital temples remained. Jianwu 2 built a Luoyang temple; Cheng, Ai, and Ping were sacrificed to in the west. Year 18 the emperor visited Chang'an for di; five chambers stood in Luoyang, three emperors in the capital temple—without the fasting carriage on a joint-feast year, how complete the rite? Two temples were Zhou's law; carrying tablets on tour was Han's custom. Some cite "no empty tablet" against emptying one capital's temple. The Ritual means one capital's chambers must not lack tablets—not that two capitals cannot each have temples. The campaign text links to carrying tablets; principle and fact align—not poetry, from which one may not cut a line at will. The ancients sought spirits in more than one place with one intent—hence mulberry tablets were abandoned for chestnut remakes.
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或又引《左氏傳》築郿凡例,謂「有宗廟先君之主曰都」,而立建主之論。 按魯莊公二十八年冬,築郿,《左傳》為築發凡例,《谷梁》譏因藪澤之利,《公羊》稱避凶年造邑之嫌。 三傳異同,左氏為短。 何則? 當春秋二百年間,魯凡城二十四邑,唯郿一邑稱築,其二十三邑,豈皆有宗廟先君之主乎; 執此為建主之端,又非通論。 或又曰:「廢主之瘞,何以在於太微宮所藏之所; 宜舍故依新,前已列矣。」 按瘞主之位有三:或於北牖之下,或在西階之間,廟之事也。 其不當立之主,但隨其所以瘞之。 夫主瘞乎當立之廟,斯不然矣。 以在所而言,則太微宮所藏之所,與漢之寢園無異。 歷代以降,建一都者多,兩都者少。 今國家崇東西之宅,極嚴奉之典,而以各廟為疑,合以建都故事,以相質正,即周、漢是也。 今詳議所征,究其年代,率皆一都之時,豈可以擬議,亦孰敢獻酬於其間? 詳考經旨,古人謀寢必及於廟,未有設寢而不立廟者。 國家承隋氏之弊,草創未暇,後雖建於垂拱,而事有所合。 其後當干戈寧戢之歲,文物大備之朝,曆於十一聖,不議廢之。 豈不以事雖出於一時,廟有合立之理,而不可一一革也。 今洛都之制,上自宮殿樓觀,下及百辟之司,與西京無異。 鑾輿之至也,雖廝役之賤,必歸其所理也。 豈先帝之主,獨無其所安乎? 時也,虞主尚瘞,廢主宜然。 或以馬融、李舟二人稱「寢無傷於偕立,廟不妨於暫虛」,是則馬融、李舟,可法于宣尼矣。 以此擬議,乖當則深。
Some cite Zuo's Fu-building rule: "with former lords' tablets = du" to argue for new tablets. Lu, Zhuang 28 winter: Zuo generalizes on building; Guliang criticized marsh profit; Gongyang cited famine-year suspicion. The three commentaries differ; Zuo is weakest. Why is that? In 240 years Lu walled twenty-four places; only Fu is "built"—did the other twenty-three all have ancestral tablets? That cannot ground a general doctrine of establishing tablets. Some ask why bury abolished tablets in Taiwei storage; abandon old for new—as already argued. Burying places: under the north window or between western steps—temple matters. Improper tablets are buried as appropriate. Burying in a temple that should stand is wrong. Taiwei storage equals Han park-tombs. Most dynasties had one capital; two were rare. The state honors both residences with full ritual—yet doubts each temple; Zhou and Han capital stories verify the case. Present citations are almost all one-capital eras—unfit for this debate; who would toast to them? Classics show: planning a palace always included the temple—never a palace without a temple. The state inherited Sui's ruin; founding left no leisure; Chuigong building fit the moment. Later, when arms rested and culture flourished, eleven sage reigns did not debate abolition. Though the matter was timely, the temple had reason to stand and could not be abolished piecemeal. Luoyang's institutions—from palaces down to the hundred offices—match the Western Capital. When the emperor arrives, even servants return to their posts. Can former emperors' tablets alone lack a resting place? Timing: yu tablets are buried; abolished tablets should be too. Some cite Ma Rong and Li Zhou: joint palace-building does no harm; temporary temple emptiness is allowed—making them Confucius's equals. Applied to this debate, the error is deep.
29
或稱「凡邑有宗廟先君之主曰都,無曰邑,邑曰築,都曰城」者。 謹按春秋二百四十年間,惟郿一邑稱築。 如城郎、費之類,各有所因,或以他防,或以自固,謂之盡有宗廟,理則極非。 或稱「聖主有復古之功,簡冊有考文之美,五帝不同樂,三王不同禮,遭時為法,因事制宜」。 此則必作有為,非有司之事也。 如有司之職,但合一一據經; 變禮從時,則須俟明詔也。
Some cite: "With former lords' tablets = du; without = yi; yi is built, du is walled." In 240 years of Spring and Autumn only Fu is "built." Lang, Fei, and similar cases had other reasons—defense or fortification—not universal ancestral temples. Some cite sage rulers restoring antiquity and documents verifying texts—five emperors, different music; three kings, different ritual; law for the times. That is positive statecraft—not routine office business. Offices should unite on the classics alone; changing ritual for the times awaits an explicit edict.
30
凡不修之證,略有七條:廟立因遷,一也; 已廢不舉,二也; 廟不可虛,三也; 非時不造主,四也; 合載遷主行,五也; 尊無二上,六也; 《六典》不書,七也。 謹按文王遷豐立廟,武王遷鎬立廟,成王遷洛立廟,今東都不因遷而欲立廟,是違因遷立廟也。 謹按《禮記》曰:「凡祭,有其廢之,莫敢舉也。 有其舉之,莫敢廢也。」 今東都太廟,廢已八朝,若果立之,是違已廢不舉也。 謹按《禮記》曰:「當七廟五廟無虛主。」 今欲立虛廟,是違廟不可虛也。 謹按《左傳》:「丁丑,作僖公主。 書不時也。」 《記》又曰:「過時不祭,禮也。」 合禮之祭,過時猶廢,非禮之主,可以作乎? 今欲非時作主,是違非時不作主也。 謹按《曾子問》:「古者師行以遷廟主行乎? 孔子曰:天子巡狩,必以遷廟主行,載于齋車,言必有尊也。 今也取七廟之主以行,則失之矣。」 皇氏云:「遷廟主者,載遷一室之主也。」 今欲載群廟之主以行,是違載遷之主也。 謹按《禮記》曰:「天無二日,土無二王。 嘗、禘、郊、社,尊無二上也。」 今欲兩都建廟作主,是違尊無二上也。 謹按《六典》序兩都宮闕及廟宇,此時東都有廟不載,是違《六典》不書也。 遍考書傳,並不合修。 浸以武德、貞觀之中,作法垂範之日,文物大備,儒彥畢臻,若可修營,不應議不及矣。 《記》曰:樂由天作,禮以地制。 天之體,動也。 地之體,止也。」 此明樂可作,禮難變也。 伏惟陛下誠明載物,莊敬禦天,孝方切於祖宗,事乃求于根本。 再令集議,俾定所長。 臣實職司,敢不條白以對。
Seven proofs against repair: temples on removal—first; abolished rites must not be revived—second; empty temples forbidden—third; no out-of-season tablet-making—fourth; Carrying the removed-chamber tablet on tour—fifth; No second supreme in honor—sixth; Not recorded in the Six Institutions—seventh. King Wen, Wu, and Cheng each established temples on removal; the Eastern Capital would build without removal—violating that rule. The Record of Rites: "What has been abolished in sacrifice—none dares raise; what has been raised—none dares abolish. The Eastern Capital Grand Temple has been abandoned eight reigns; rebuilding violates "abolished must not be raised." The Record: "Seven and five temples must have no empty tablet." Empty temples violate "temples cannot be empty. The Zuo Commentary: "On dingchou Duke Xi's tablet was made—untimely." The Record: "Late sacrifice is still ritual. Even timely rites are abandoned when late—may improper tablets be made? Out-of-season tablet-making violates the rule. Zengzi Questions: "Did armies carry the removed-chamber tablet?" Confucius: On tour the removed-chamber tablet rides on the fasting carriage—honor must be present. Taking all seven temples' tablets is wrong. Huang: "Removed-chamber tablet = one newly removed chamber only." Carrying all temples' tablets violates that rule. The Record: "No second sun; no second king; xiang, di, suburban, soil—no second supreme." Building temples and tablets in both capitals violates "no second supreme." The Six Institutions lists both capitals—the east temple is omitted—violating "not recorded. No book or tradition supports repair. Through Wude and Zhenguan, when models were set and scholars gathered, repair would have been debated if possible. Music is Heaven's; ritual is Earth's. Heaven moves. Earth rests." Music may change; ritual should not. Your Majesty's sincerity embraces all things; filial piety toward ancestors seeks the root. Deliberation is ordered again to settle the better view. In ritual office I must reply clearly. Dezhang's two memorials to the Secretariat and Ritual College are appended. First: The eighth-month sixth-day edict orders debate on repairing the Eastern Capital Grand Temple.
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德章又有上中書門下及禮院詳議兩狀,並同載於後。 其一曰:
Memorials already held further repair improper by ritual. Thirty-eight Secretariat vice directors and below signed together.
32
伏見八月六日敕,欲修東都太廟,令會議事。 此時已有議狀,准禮不合更修。 尚書丞郎已下三十八人,皆同署狀。 德章官在禮寺,實忝司存,當聖上嚴禋敬事之時,會相公尚古黜華之日,脫國之祀典,有乖禮文,豈唯受責於曠官,竊懼貽恥於明代。 所以勤勤懇懇,將不言而又言也。
Dezhang serves the ritual directorate—when the ruler is strict in worship and the chief minister esteems antiquity, departing from canon shames the age. Hence this earnest reply. Yesterday's differences can be stated. First: a capital name implies a temple; second: repair to await tours.
33
昨者異同之意,盡可指陳。 一則以有都之名,便合立廟; 次同欲崇修廟宇,以候時巡。 殊不知廟不合虛,主惟載一也。 謹按貞觀九年詔曰:「太原之地,肇基王業,事均豐、沛,義等宛、譙,約禮而言,須議立廟。」 時秘書監顏師古議曰:「臣傍觀祭典,遍考禮經,宗廟皆在京師,不於下土別置。 昔周之豐、鎬,實為遷都,乃是因事便營,非雲一時別立。」 太宗許其奏,即日而停。 由是而言,太原豈無都號,太原爾時猶廢,東都不立可知。 且廟室惟新,即須有主,主既藏瘞,非虛而何? 是有都立廟之言,不攻而自破矣。 又按《曾子問》曰:「古者師行,必以遷廟主行乎? 孔子曰:天子巡狩,必以遷廟主行,載于齋車,言必有尊也。 今也取七廟之主以行,則失矣。」 皇氏云:「遷廟主者,惟載新遷一室之主也。」 未祧之主,無載行之文。 假使候時巡,自可修營一室,議構九室,有何依憑?
They ignore empty temples and the one-tablet rule. Zhenguan 9: "Taiyuan began royal enterprise—like Feng/Pei and Wan/Qiao; ritually a temple must be debated." Yan Shigu: "Temples belong in the capital, not separately in the provinces. Zhou's Feng and Hao were removals built as needed—not one-time separate temples." Taizong approved and stopped the same day. Taiyuan had a capital name yet was abolished—the Eastern Capital follows suit. New chambers need tablets; buried tablets mean emptiness. Capital therefore temple" collapses. Zengzi Questions again: "Must the removed-chamber tablet be carried on campaign?" Confucius: On tour it rides on the fasting carriage. All seven temples is wrong. Huang: only the newly removed chamber. Un-entombed tablets are not carried on tour. Un-entombed tablets have no text for carrying on tour. Even awaiting tours, one chamber could be built—what basis for debating nine chambers? The ancestral temple is honored and weighty—how decide on doubtful text? If words lack classic warrant, it is presumptuous deliberation.
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夫宗廟,尊事也,重事也,至尊至重,安得以疑文定論。 言苟不經,則為擅議。 近者敕旨,凡以議事,皆須一一據經。 若無經文,任以史證。 如或經史皆不據者,不得率意而言。 則立廟東都,正經史無據,果從臆說,無乃前後相違也。 《書》曰:「三人占,則從二人之言。」 會議者四十八人,所同者六七人耳,比夫二三之喻,又何其多也! 夫堯、舜之為帝,迄今稱詠之者,非有他術異智者也,以其有賢臣輔翼,能順考古道也。 故堯之書曰「若稽古帝堯。」 《孔氏傳》曰:「能順考古道。」 傳說佐殷之君,亦曰「事不師古,匪說攸聞。」 考之古道既如前,驗以國章又如此,將求典實,無以易諸。 伏希必本正經,稍抑浮議,踵皋、夔之古道,法周、孔之遺文,則天下守貞之儒,實所幸甚。 其餘已具前議。
Even for tours one chamber suffices—nine chambers lack warrant. The temple is supremely weighty—doubtful text cannot decide. Without classics it is presumptuous. If words lack classic warrant, it is presumptuous deliberation. Recent edicts require item-by-item classic warrant. Else history; else silence. An Eastern Capital temple lacks both—private opinion contradicts edicts. The Documents: "Three divine; follow two." Forty-eight debated; six or seven agreed—far from "two of three." Yao and Shun are praised for ministers who followed antiquity, not strange arts. Yao's text: "Examining antiquity, Emperor Yao." Kong: "Following ancient ways." Yue: "Not modeling antiquity—unheard of." Antiquity and state law agree—no substitute. Root in orthodox classics, suppress floating debate, follow Gao, Kui, Zhou, and Confucius—scholars will rejoice.
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其二曰:
The rest is in the prior memorial.
36
夫宗廟之設,主於誠敬,旋觀典禮,貳則非誠。 是以匪因遷都,則不別立廟宇。 《記》曰:「天無二日,土無二王,嘗、禘、郊、社,尊無二上。」 又曰:「凡祭,有其廢之,莫敢舉也。 有其舉之,莫敢廢也。」 則東都太廟,廢已多時,若議增修,稍違前志。 何者? 聖曆、神龍之際,武后始復明辟,中宗取其廟易置太廟焉,本欲權固人心,非經久之制也。 伏以所存神主,既請祧藏,今廟室惟新,即須有主。 神主非時不造,廟寢又無虛議,如修復以俟時巡,惟載一主,備在方冊,可得而詳。 又引經中義有數等,或是弟子之語,或是他人之言。 今廟不可虛,尊無二上,非時不造主,合載一主行,皆大聖祖及宣尼親所發明者,比之常據,不可同塗。 又丘明修《春秋》,悉以君子定褒貶,至陳泄以忠獲罪,晉文以臣召君,於此數條,不復稱君子,將評得失,特以宣尼斷之。 《傳》曰:「危疑之理,須聖言以明也。」 或以東都不同他都,地有壇社宮闕,欲議權葺,似是無妨。 此則酌於意懷,非曰經據也。 但以遍討今古,無有壇社立廟之證,用以為說,實所未安。 謹按上自殷、周,傍稽故實,除因遷都之外,無別立廟之文。
Second: Temples serve sincerity; duplication is not sincere. Without removal, no separate temple. No second sun, king, or supreme in sacrifice. Abolished rites must not be revived. The Eastern Capital temple was long abolished—repair departs from intent. Why so? Under Wu, Zhongzong turned her temple into the Grand Temple to secure hearts—not permanent law. Surviving tablets were to be entombed; new chambers need tablets. No out-of-season tablets; no empty chambers—tour repair carries one tablet only, per the registers. Some classic citations are disciples' or others' words. Empty temples, no second supreme, no out-of-season tablets, one tablet on tour—the sage ancestor and Confucius expounded these; they cannot be equated with ordinary citations. Qiu Ming judged as "the gentleman"; for Chen Xie and Jin Wen he used Confucius alone. The Commentary: "Doubt requires sage words. Some say altars and palaces differ—expedient repair seems fine. That is inclination, not warrant. No precedent anywhere for temples at altars of soil and grain. From Yin and Zhou, only removal establishes separate temples.
37
《貞觀禮》,祫享,功臣配享于廟庭,禘享則不配。 當時令文,祫禘之日,功臣並得配享。 貞觀十六年,將行禘祭,有司請集禮官學士等議,太常卿韋挺等一十八人議曰:「古之王者,富有四海,而不朝夕上膳於宗廟者,患其禮過也。 故曰:'春秋祭祀,以時思之。 '至於臣有大功享祿,其後孝子率禮,潔粢豐盛,禮、祀、烝、嘗,四時不輟,國家大祫,又得配焉。 所以昭明其勳,尊顯其德,以勸嗣臣也。 其禘及時享,功臣皆不應預。 故周禮六功之官,皆配大烝而已。 先儒皆取大烝為祫祭。 高堂隆、庾蔚之等多遵鄭學,未有將為時享。 又漢、魏祫祀,皆在十月,晉朝禮官,欲用孟秋殷祭,左僕射孔安國啟彈,坐免者不一。 梁初誤禘功臣,左丞何佟之駁議,武帝允而依行。 降洎周、齊,俱遵此禮。 竊以五年再殷,合諸天道,一大一小,通人雅論,小則人臣不預,大則兼及功臣。 今禮禘無功臣,誠謂禮不可易。」 乃詔改令從禮。 至開元中改修禮,復令禘祫俱以功臣配饗焉。
The Zhenguan Ritual: at xia, meritorious ministers share in the temple court; at di they do not. At that time regulations allowed meritorious ministers to share on both xia and di days. In Zhenguan 16, before the di sacrifice, offices requested debate; Director Wei Ting and seventeen others argued that ancient kings did not daily feed the temple lest ritual become excessive. Hence: sacrifice in Spring and Autumn—think of them in season. When a minister has great merit and enjoys emolument, later filial sons keep abundant seasonal rites and may share at the great xia—to display merit and encourage successors. His merit is thus displayed and his virtue honored to encourage those who follow. At di and seasonal rites, meritorious ministers should not participate. In Zhou ritual, officials of the six merits share only at the great zheng. Scholars all take great zheng as the xia sacrifice. Gao Tanglong and Yu Weizhi follow Zheng Xuan—not as seasonal sharing. Han and Wei xia rites fell in the tenth month. Jin ritualists proposed a mid-autumn yin sacrifice; Left Vice Director Kong Anguo impeached them, and several lost their posts. Early Liang wrongly ranked meritorious ministers in the di sacrifice; Left Assistant Minister He Tongzhi objected, and Emperor Wu approved his view. From Zhou and Qi onward all followed this practice. Two yin sacrifices in five years match Heaven's pattern—one great, one small. Learned opinion holds that the lesser excludes ministers, the greater includes meritorious ministers. The present rite omits meritorious ministers from di; the rite should not be changed." An edict ordered the rules brought into line with ritual. When Kaiyuan revised the rites, di and xia again both assigned meritorious ministers accompanying offerings.
38
高宗上元三年十月,將祫享於太廟。 時議者以《禮緯》「三年一祫,五年一禘」《公羊傳》雲「五年而再殷祭」,議交互莫能斷決。 太學博士史璨等議曰:「按《禮記正義》引鄭玄《禘祫志》云:'《春秋》:僖公三十三年十二月薨。 文公二年八月丁卯,大享於太廟。 《公羊傳》云:大享者何? 祫也。 '是三年喪畢,新君二年當祫,明年當禘於群廟。 僖公、宣公八年皆有禘,則後禘去前禘五年。 以此定之,則新君二年祫,三年禘。 自爾已後,五年而再殷祭,則六年當祫,八年當禘。 又昭公十年,齊歸薨,至十三年喪畢當祫,為平丘之會,冬,公如晉。 至十四年祫,十五年禘《傳》雲'有事于武宮'是也。 至十八年祫,二十年禘。 二十三年祫,二十五年禘。 昭公二十五年'有事于襄宮'是也。 如上所雲,則禘已後隔三年祫,已後隔二年禘。 此則有合禮經,不違《傳》義。」 自此依璨等議為定。
Gaozong, Shangyuan 3, tenth month: a Grand Temple xia was planned. Debates cited the Rites Apocrypha ("xia every three years, di every five") and Gongyang ("two yin sacrifices in five years") and could not be resolved. Academician Shi Can et al. argued: per the Book of Rites citing Zheng Xuan's Di-Xia Record, Spring and Autumn records Duke Xi's death in month 12, year 33. Duke Wen year 2, month 8, dingmao: a great offering at the Grand Temple. Gongyang asks: what is a great offering? Xia. After three-year mourning, year 2 is xia; year 3 is di at the group temples. Xi and Xuan each held di in year 8—five years between successive di. Thus a new ruler: xia year 2, di year 3. Thereafter, two yin sacrifices in five years means xia in year 6 and di in year 8. Duke Zhao year 10: Qi Gui died; mourning ended year 13 when xia was due, but the Pingqiu meeting sent the duke to Jin that winter. Xia in year 14, di in year 15—the "affairs at the Martial Shrine" passage applies. Xia year 18, di year 20. Xia year 23, di year 25. Zhao year 25, "affairs at the Xiang Shrine," is the same pattern. After di, xia is three years later; after xia, di is two years later. This fits the classics and Gongyang's sense." Can's view became the fixed rule.
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開元六年秋,睿宗喪畢,祫享於太廟。 自後又相承三年一祫,五年一禘,各自計年,不相通數。 至二十七年,凡經五禘、七祫。 其年夏禘訖,冬又當祫。 太常議曰:
Kaiyuan 6 autumn: after Ruizong's mourning, Grand Temple xia was held. Later practice counted xia every three years and di every five, separately—not jointly. By year 27 there had been five di and seven xia. That year summer di had just ended when winter again required xia. The Court of Imperial Sacrifices reported:
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禘祫二禮,俱為殷祭,祫為合食祖廟,禘謂諦序尊卑。 申先君逮下之慈,成群嗣奉親之孝,事異常享,有時行之。 然而祭不欲數,數則黷; 亦不欲疏,疏則怠。 故王者法諸天道,制祀典焉。 烝嘗象時,禘祫如閏。 五歲再閏,天道大成,宗廟法之,再為殷祭者也。 謹按《禮記·王制》、《周官·宗伯》,鄭玄注解,高堂所議,並雲「國君嗣位,三年喪畢,祫于太祖。 明年禘於群廟。 自爾已後,五年再殷,一祫一禘。」 漢、魏故事,貞觀實錄,並用此禮。 又按《禮緯》及《魯禮禘祫注》雲,三年一祫,五年一禘,所謂五年而再殷祭也。 又按《白虎通》及《五經通義》、許慎《異義》、何休《春秋》、賀循《祭議》,並雲三年一禘。 何也? 以為三年一閏,天道小備,五年再閏,天道大備故也。 此則五年再殷,通計其數,一祫一禘,迭相乘矣。 今太廟禘祫,各自數年,兩岐俱下,不相通計。 或比年頻合,或同歲再序,或一禘之後,並為再祫,或五年之內,驟有三殷。 法天象閏之期,既違其度; 五歲再殷之制,數又不同。 求之禮文,頗為乖失。
Di and xia are both yin sacrifices: xia combines ancestors at the Grand Temple; di orders seniority. They extend a late ruler's care and gather heirs' filial service—unlike seasonal rites, performed only at appointed times. Sacrifice should not be too frequent, lest it become irreverent; nor too sparse, lest it breed neglect. Kings therefore model Heaven and fix the sacrificial canon. Zheng and chang follow the seasons; di and xia follow the intercalary pattern. Two intercalations in five years complete Heaven's cycle; the temple mirrors this with two yin sacrifices. Per Book of Rites "Royal Regulations," Zhou Offices Director of Ritual, Zheng Xuan, and Gaotang: after succession and three-year mourning, xia at the Grand Ancestor. The next year, di at the group temples. Thereafter two yin sacrifices in five years—one xia, one di. Han, Wei, and Zhenguan records all followed this schedule. The Rites Apocrypha and Lu commentary likewise say xia every three years and di every five—the "two yin sacrifices in five years." Baihu, Five Classics Meaning, Xu Shen, He Xiu, and He Xun's Sacrificial Deliberation all say di every three years. Why (idiomatic). One intercalation in three years is Heaven's lesser cycle; two in five is the greater—hence the count. Two yin sacrifices in five years mean one xia and one di alternating through the whole period. Today di and xia are counted separately—two schedules, not one integrated cycle. Offerings sometimes pile up year after year or twice in one year; one di may be followed by two xia, or three yin sacrifices within five years. The intercalary pattern is already broken; and the "two yin sacrifices in five years" count no longer holds. Measured against ritual text, the practice is seriously awry.
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說者或云:「禘祫二禮,大小不侔,祭名有殊,年數相舛。 祫以三紀,抵小而合; 禘以五斷,至十而周。 有茲參差,難以通計。」 竊以三祫五禘之說,本出《禮緯》,五歲再殷之數,同在其篇,會通二文,非相詭也。 蓋以禘後置祫,二周有半,舉以全數,謂之三年,譬如三年一閏,只用三十二月也。 其禘祫異稱,各隨四時,秋冬為祫,春夏為禘。 祭名雖異,為殷則同,譬如礿、祠、烝、嘗,其體一也。 鄭玄謂祫大禘小,傳或謂祫小禘大,肆陳之間,或有增減,通計之義,初無異同。 蓋象閏之法,相傳久矣。 惟晉代陳舒有三年一殷之議,自五年、八年又十一、十四,尋其議文所引,亦以象閏為言。 且六歲再殷,何名象閏? 五年一禘,又奚所施? 矛盾之說,固難憑也。
Some argue di and xia differ in rank and name, so their year-counts cannot be unified. Xia uses three cycles to reach the lesser union; di uses five divisions to complete a ten-year cycle. Such discrepancy, they say, forbids a single reckoning. The "three xia, five di" theory and "two yin sacrifices in five years" both come from the Rites Apocrypha and can be harmonized. After di, xia follows two and a half cycles; rounded to a full number that is "three years," as one intercalation uses thirty-six months. Di and xia take different names by season—xia in autumn-winter, di in spring-summer. Names differ, but as yin sacrifices they are one—like yue, ci, zheng, and chang. Zheng Xuan says xia is greater, some texts say di is greater; offerings may vary, but the combined reckoning is the same. The intercalary model is ancient. Only Jin's Chen Shu argued one yin sacrifice every three years (years 5, 8, 11, 14), still citing the intercalary model. Two yin sacrifices in six years is not "modeling intercalation." Nor does "di every five years" fit. Contradictory theories cannot be relied on.
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夫以法天之度,既有指歸,稽古之理,若茲昭著。 禘祫二祭,通計明矣。 今請以開元二十七年己卯四月禘,至辛巳年十月祫,至甲申年四月又禘,至丙戌年十月又祫,至己丑年四月又禘,至辛卯年十月又祫。 自此五年再殷,周而復始。 又禘祫之說,非唯一家,五歲再殷之文,既相師矣,法天象閏之理,大抵亦同。 而禘後置祫,或近或遠,盈縮之度,有二法焉:鄭玄宗高堂,則先三而後二; 徐邈之議,則先二而後三。 謹按鄭氏所注,先三之法,約三祫五禘之文,存三歲五年之位。 以為甲年既禘,丁年當祫,己年又禘,壬年又祫,甲年又禘,丁年又祫,周而復始,以此相承。 祫後去禘,十有八月而近,禘後去祫,三十二月而遙,分析不均,粗於算矣。 假如攻乎異端,置祫於秋,則三十九月為前,二十一月為後,雖小有愈,其間尚偏。 竊據本文,皆云象閏,二閏相去,則平分矣。 兩殷之序,何不等耶? 且又三年之言,本舉全數,二周有半,實准三年,於此置祫,不違文矣,何必拘滯隔三正乎? 蓋千慮一失,通儒之蔽也。 徐氏之議,有異於是,研核周審,最為可憑。 以為二禘相去,為月六十,中分三十,置一祫焉。 若甲年夏禘,丙年冬祫,有象閏法,毫釐不偏。 三年一祫之文,既無乖越; 五歲再殷之制,疏數有均。 校之諸儒,義實長久。 今請依據以定二殷,預推祭月,周而復始。
Heaven's measure has a clear direction; antiquity confirms it. Joint reckoning of di and xia is plain. Proposed schedule from Kaiyuan 27 jimao month 4 di, through xinsi month 10 xia, jiashen month 4 di, bingxu month 10 xia, jichou month 4 di, xinmao month 10 xia. Thereafter two yin sacrifices in five years, cycling indefinitely. Di-xia theory has many schools, but "two yin sacrifices in five years" and the intercalary model largely agree. After di, xia may be nearer or farther. Zheng Xuan and Gaotang put "three" before "two"; Xu Miao puts "two" before "three." Zheng's "three first" method fits the three-xia five-di texts and preserves the three-year and five-year slots. On Zheng's scheme: jia year di, ding xia, ji di, ren xia, and repeat—jia di, ding xia, and so on. Xia to di is 18 months (too near); di to xia is 36 (too far)—uneven spacing. Placing xia in autumn yields 39 months before and 21 after—slightly better but still skewed. The texts all say "model intercalation"; two intercalations apart divide evenly. Why should the two yin sacrifices be unequal? "Three years" is a round number for two and a half cycles; placing xia here does not violate the text—why insist on three whole years? Even great scholars err once in a thousand deliberations. Xu Miao's view differs and, on close review, is most reliable. Two di are 60 months apart; halve to 30 and insert one xia. Jia summer di, bing winter xia—exact intercalary spacing. This satisfies "xia every three years"; and keeps "two yin sacrifices in five years" evenly spaced. Among Ru traditions it is the soundest long-term reading. We ask to fix the two yin sacrifices on this basis, project the months, and cycle indefinitely.
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禮部員外郎崔宗之駁下太常,令更詳議,令集賢學士陸善經等更加詳核,善經亦以其議為允。 於是太常卿韋縚奏曰:「禮有禘祫,俱稱殷祭,二法更用,鱗次相承。 或云五歲再殷,一禘一祫。 或云三年一祫,五年一禘。 法天象閏,大趣皆同。 皆以太廟禘祫,計年有差,考于經傳,微有所乖。 頃在四月,已行禘享,今指孟冬,又申祫儀,合食禮頻,恐違先典。 伏以陛下能事畢舉,舊物咸甄,宗祏祗慎之時,經訓申明之日。 臣等忝在持禮,職司討論,輒據舊文,定其倫序。 請以今年夏禘,便為殷祭之源,自此之後,禘、祫相代,五年再殷,周而復始。 其今年冬祫,准禮合停,望令所司但行時享,即嚴禋不黷,庶合舊儀。」 制從之。
Cui Zongzhi of the Ministry of Rites objected and sent the case back to the Court of Imperial Sacrifices; Lu Shanqing and other academicians reviewed it and approved. Director Wei Zong reported: di and xia are both yin sacrifices, alternating in regular succession. Some say two yin sacrifices in five years—one di, one xia. Others say xia every three years and di every five. All model Heaven's intercalation in broad outline. But because the Grand Temple counts di and xia separately, the practice slightly departs from the classics. Di was just performed in the fourth month; mid-winter xia is now proposed—combined feasting too often, against ancient precedent. Your Majesty has restored the rites; this is the moment to clarify ancestral practice. We in ritual office venture to fix the sequence from old texts. Let this summer's di begin the cycle; thereafter di and xia alternate every five years. This winter's xia should be omitted; only seasonal offerings should be held, avoiding irreverent frequency." Approved.
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舊儀,天寶八年閏六月六日敕文:「禘祫之禮,以存序位,質文之變,蓋取隨時。 國家系本仙宗,業承聖祖,重熙累盛,既錫無疆之休,合享登神,思弘不易之典。 自今已後,每禘祫並于太清宮聖祖前設位序正,上以明陟配之禮,欽若玄象,下以盡虔祭之誠,無違至道。 比來每緣禘祫,時享則停,事雖適於從宜,禮或虧於必備。 已後每緣禘祫,其常享以素饌,三焚香以代三獻。」
Former practice—Tianbao 8, intercalary month 6, day 6 edict: "Di and xia preserve rank; ornament may change with the times. The dynasty descends from the Immortal Ancestor and inherits sage forebears; we seek to uphold the unchanging canon of ascent and offering. Henceforth at each di and xia arrange ranks before the Sage Ancestor at Supreme Clarity, clarifying ascent and matching above and full sincerity below. Lately seasonal offerings stopped during di and xia—expedient but incomplete. Hereafter during di and xia, regular offerings use plain food and three incense burnings replace three presentations."
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建中二年九月四日,太常博士陳京上疏言:「今年十月,祫享太廟,併合饗遷廟獻祖、懿祖二神主。 《春秋》之義,毀廟之主,陳于太祖,未毀廟之主,皆升合食于太祖。 太祖之位,在西而東向,其下子孫,昭穆相對,南北為別,初無毀廟遷主不享之文。 征是禮也,自于周室,而國朝祀典,當與周異。 且周以後稷配天,為始封之祖,而下乃立廟。 廟毀主遷,皆在太祖之後。 禘祫之時,無先于太廟太祖者。 正太祖東向之位,全其尊而不疑。 然今年十月祫饗太廟,伏請據魏、晉舊制為比,則構築別廟。 東晉以征西等四府君為別廟,至禘祫之時,則于太廟正太祖之位以申其尊,別廟祭高皇、太皇、征西等四府君以敘其親。 伏以國家若用此義,則宜別為獻祖、懿祖立廟,禘祫祭之,以重其親; 則太祖于太廟遂居東向,以全其尊。 伏以德明、興聖二皇帝,曩立廟,至禘祫之時,常用饗禮,今則別廟之制,使就興聖廟藏祔為宜。」 敕下尚書省百僚集議。 禮儀使太子少師顏真卿議曰:「議者或云獻祖、懿祖親遠廟遷,不當祫享,宜永閟西夾室。 又議者雲二祖宜同祫享,于太祖並昭穆,而空太祖東向之位。 又議者雲,二祖若同袷享,即太祖之位永不得正,宜奉遷二祖神主祔藏于德明皇帝廟。 臣伏以三議俱未為允。 且禮經殘缺,既無明據,儒者能方義類,斟酌其中,則可舉而行之,蓋協於正也。 伏惟太祖景皇帝以受命始封之功,處百代不遷之廟,配天崇享,是極尊嚴。 且至禘祫之時,暫居昭穆之位,屈己申孝,敬奉祖宗,緣齒族之禮,廣尊先之道,此實太祖明神烝烝之本意,亦所以化被天下,率循孝悌也。 請依晉蔡謨等議,至十月祫享之日奉獻祖神主居東向之位,自懿祖、太祖洎諸祖宗,遵左昭右穆之列。 此有彰國家重本尚順之明義,足為萬代不易之令典也。 又議者請奉二祖神主于德明皇帝廟,行祫祭之禮。 夫祫,合也。 故《公羊傳》云:'大事者何? 祫也。 '若祫祭不陳於太廟而享於德明廟,是乃分食也,豈謂合食乎? 名實相乖,深失禮意,固不可行也。」
Jianzhong 2, month 9, day 4: Erudite Chen Jing urged that the tenth-month Grand Temple xia include the Offerings and Eminence ancestors' relocated tablets. Spring and Autumn: destroyed temples' tablets are set before the Grand Ancestor; others ascend for combined feasting. The Grand Ancestor faces east; descendants are arranged in zhao-mu rows—no rule excludes relocated tablets of destroyed shrines. Zhou did thus, but Tang ritual should differ. Zhou matched Hou Ji to Heaven as first enfeoffment ancestor, then built lower temples. Destroyed shrines and moved tablets all stood after the Grand Ancestor. At di and xia nothing preceded the Grand Temple Grand Ancestor. The Grand Ancestor's east-facing seat preserves unquestioned honor. For this tenth-month xia, Chen asks to follow Wei-Jin precedent and build separate temples. Eastern Jin gave four forebears separate temples; at di and xia the Grand Ancestor kept honor in the Grand Temple while separate temples served the remote forebears. Tang should build separate temples for Offerings and Eminence and sacrifice to them at di and xia; so the Grand Ancestor can face east in the Grand Temple. Deming and Xingsheng once had their own temples; separate shrines should enshrine the tablets in the Xingsheng temple." The edict ordered the Department of State Affairs to convene deliberation. Yan Zhenqing argued: some said Offerings and Eminence, being remote, should not join xia and should stay shut in the western side chambers; others that both should share xia with the Grand Ancestor in zhao-mu order while leaving his east seat empty; others that if they share xia the Grand Ancestor can never face east and both tablets should move to the Deming temple. Yan held all three views unacceptable. The classics are incomplete; where scholars analogize and weigh categories, practice may proceed in accord with right principle. Grand Ancestor Emperor Jing, first enfeoffment and mandate, occupies the immovable shrine and matches Heaven—ultimate honor. At di and xia he temporarily takes a zhao-mu place, humbling himself to honor ancestors—his teeming intent and the empire's model of filial piety. Follow Jin Cai Mo: at the October xia, Offerings faces east; Eminence, Grand Ancestor, and the rest follow left-zhao right-mu. This shows Tang's regard for root and order—a statute for all generations. Others proposed moving both tablets to the Deming temple for xia. Xia means combined offering. Gongyang asks: "What is the great affair? Xia. Xia not in the Grand Temple but in the Deming temple is divided feasting, not combined feasting. Name and fact diverge—it violates ritual and must be rejected."
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貞元七年十一月二十八日,太常卿裴鬱奏曰:「禘、祫之禮,殷、周以遷廟皆出太祖之後,故得合食有序,尊卑不差。 及漢高受命,無始封祖,以高皇帝為太祖。 太上皇,高帝之父,立廟享祀,不在昭穆合食之列,為尊于太祖故也。 魏武創業,文帝受命,亦即以武帝為太祖。 其高皇、太皇、處士君等,並為屬尊,不在昭穆合食之列。 晉宣創業,武帝受命,亦即以宣帝為太祖。 其征西、潁川等四府君,亦為屬尊,不在昭穆合食之列。 國家誕受天命,累聖重光。 景皇帝始封唐公,實為太祖。 中間世數既近,於三昭三穆之內,故皇家太廟,惟有六室。 其弘農府君、宣、光二祖,尊于太祖,親盡則遷,不在昭穆之數。 著在禮志,可舉而行。 開元中,加置九廟,獻、懿二祖皆在昭穆,是以太祖景皇帝未得居東向之尊。 今二祖已祧,九室惟序,則太祖之位又安可不正? 伏乙太祖上配天地,百代不遷,而居昭穆,獻、懿二祖,親盡廟遷,而居東向,征諸故實,實所未安。 請下百僚僉議。」 敕旨依。
Zhenyuan 7, month 11, day 28: Director Pei Yu noted that in Yin and Zhou moved shrines followed the Grand Ancestor, so combined feasting kept order. Han Gaozu had no first-enfeoffment forebear and made Emperor Gao Grand Ancestor. The Supreme Emperor, Gaodi's father, had his own temple and stood outside zhao-mu combined feasting as senior to the Grand Ancestor. Wei Wu founded the state; Emperor Wen took Emperor Wu as Grand Ancestor. High Emperor, Grand Emperor, and Recluse Lord were kin seniors outside zhao-mu feasting. Jin Xuan founded the state; Emperor Wu took Emperor Xuan as Grand Ancestor. Western Campaign General, Yingchuan, and three other lords were kin seniors outside zhao-mu feasting. Our dynasty received Heaven's mandate through successive sages. Emperor Jing, first enfeoffed as Duke of Tang, was truly Grand Ancestor. Generations were still near; the imperial temple had only six chambers within three zhao and three mu. Hongnong Lord and ancestors Xuan and Guang, senior to the Grand Ancestor, moved when kin was exhausted—not in zhao-mu. This is recorded in the ritual monograph and may be followed. Kaiyuan added nine temples; Offerings and Eminence entered zhao-mu, so Emperor Jing could not face east. Now both ancestors are tithed and nine chambers are ordered—how can the Grand Ancestor's seat remain uncorrected? The Grand Ancestor matches Heaven and is immovable, yet sits in zhao-mu while remote Offerings and Eminence face east—this is unsettling. He asked the hundred officials to deliberate jointly." Approved.
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八年正月二十三日,太子左庶子李嶸等七人議曰:
Year 8, month 1, day 23: Left Assistant to the Heir Apparent Li Rong and six others deliberated:
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《王制》:「天子七廟,三昭三穆,與太祖而七。」 周制也。 七者,太祖及文王、武王之祧,與親廟四也。 太祖,後稷也。 殷則六廟,契及湯與二昭二穆。 夏則五廟,無太祖,禹與二昭二穆而已。 晉朝博士孫欽議云:「王者受命太祖及諸侯始封之君,其已前神主,據已上數過五代即毀其廟,禘祫不復及也。 禘祫所及者,謂受命太祖之後,迭毀主升藏於二祧者也。 雖百代,禘祫及之。」 伏以獻、懿二祖,太祖以前親盡之主也。 擬三代以降之制,則禘祫不及矣。 代祖神主,則太祖已下毀廟之主,則《公羊傳》所謂「已毀廟之主,陳于太祖」者是也。 謹按漢永光四年詔,議罷郡國廟及親盡之祖,丞相韋玄成議太上、孝惠廟,皆親盡宜毀,太上廟主宜瘞於園,孝惠主遷于太祖廟。 奏可。 太上,同太祖已前之主,瘞於園,禘祫不及故也,則今獻、懿二祖之比也。 孝惠遷于太祖廟,明太祖已下子孫,同禘祫所及,則今代祖元皇帝神主之比也。 自魏、晉及宋、齊、陳、隋相承,始受命之君皆立廟,虛太祖之位。 自太祖之後至七代君,則太祖東向位,乃成七廟。 太祖以前之主,魏明帝則遷處士主置於園邑,歲時使令丞奉薦,世數猶近故也。 至東晉明帝崩,以征西等三祖遷入西除,名之曰祧,以准遠廟。 至康帝崩,穆帝立,於是京兆遷入西除,同謂之祧,如前之禮,並禘祫所不及。
"Royal Regulations": "The Son of Heaven has seven temples—three zhao, three mu, with the Grand Ancestor, seven. This is Zhou practice. Seven means the Grand Ancestor plus Wen and Wu tithes and four intimate temples. Grand Ancestor is Hou Ji. Yin had six: Qi and Tang plus two zhao and two mu. Xia had five without Grand Ancestor—Yu plus two zhao and two mu. Jin Erudite Sun Qin: tablets before the mandate Grand Ancestor or first-enfeoffment ancestor are destroyed after five generations and excluded from di and xia. Di and xia reach only descendants after the mandate Grand Ancestor, stored in the two tithe shrines. Even after a hundred generations di and xia still reach them. Offerings and Eminence are kin-exhausted forebears before the Grand Ancestor. By Three Dynasties precedent they are outside di and xia. The dynastic ancestor's tablet is a destroyed-shrine tablet displayed before the Grand Ancestor per Gongyang. Han Yongguang 4: Wei Xuancheng urged destroying kin-exhausted shrines; the Supreme tablet was buried in the park and Filial Emperor's moved to the Grand Ancestor temple. Approved. The Supreme Emperor, like pre-Grand Ancestor tablets, was buried in the park and excluded from di and xia—like today's Offerings and Eminence. Filial Emperor moved to the Grand Ancestor temple and joined di and xia—like today's Emperor Yuan tablet. Wei through Sui founders each built temples and left the Grand Ancestor seat empty. Seven generations after the Grand Ancestor filled the east-facing seat and completed seven temples. Pre-Grand Ancestor tablets: Wei Ming moved the Recluse Lord to the park with seasonal offerings because generations were still near. When Eastern Jin Ming died, three forebears including the Western Campaign General entered the western side chamber as tithe, like remote shrines. Under Kang and Mu, Jingzhao entered the western tithe chamber and, like the earlier case, was excluded from di and xia.
49
國朝始饗四廟,宣、光並太祖、世祖神主祔於廟。 貞觀九年,將祔高祖于太廟,硃子奢請准禮立七廟,其三昭三穆,各置神主。 太祖,依晉宋以來故事,虛其位,待遞遷方處之東向位。 於是始祔弘農府君及高祖為六室,虛太祖之位而行禘祫。 至二十三年,太宗祔廟,弘農府君乃藏於西夾室。 文明元年,高宗祔廟,始遷宣皇帝于西夾室。 開元十年,玄宗特立九廟,於是追尊宣皇帝為獻祖,復列於正室,光皇帝為懿祖,以備九室。 禘祫猶虛太祖之位。 祝文于三祖不稱臣,明全廟數而已。 至德二載克復後,新作九廟神主,遂不造弘農府君神主,明禘祫不及故也。 至寶應二年,祔玄宗、肅宗於廟,遷獻、懿二祖於西夾室,始以太祖當東向位,以獻、懿二祖為是太祖以前親盡神主,准禮禘祫不及,凡十八年。 至建中二年十月,將祫饗,禮儀使顏真卿狀奏:合出獻、懿二祖神主行事,其布位次第及東面尊位,請准東晉蔡謨等議為定。 遂以獻祖當東向,以懿祖于昭位南向,以太祖于穆位北向,以次左昭右穆,陳列行事。 且蔡謨當時雖有其議,事竟不行,而我唐廟祧,豈可為准? 嶸伏以嘗、禘、郊、社,尊無二上,瘞毀遷藏,禮有義斷。 以獻、懿為親盡之主,太祖已當東向之尊,一朝改移,實非典故。 謂宜復先朝故事,獻、懿神主藏於西夾室,以類《祭法》所謂「遠廟為祧,去祧為壇,去壇為墠,壇、墠有禱則祭,無禱乃止。」 太祖既昭配天地,位當東向之尊。 庶上守貞觀之首制,中奉開元之成規,下遵寶應之嚴式,符合經義,不失舊章。
Tang first had four temples; Xuan and Guang were enshrined with Grand Ancestor and Shizu. Zhenguan 9: enshrining Gaozu, Zhu Zishe asked for seven temples with separate zhao and mu tablets. The Grand Ancestor seat was left empty per Jin-Song precedent until succession filled the east-facing place. Hongnong Lord and Gaozu filled six chambers; the Grand Ancestor seat stayed empty during di and xia. Year 23, when Taizong was enshrined, Hongnong Lord went to the western side chamber. Weming 1, enshrining Gaozong, moved Emperor Xuan to the western side chamber. Kaiyuan 10: Xuanzong made nine temples, renaming Xuan Offerings and Guang Eminence in the main chambers. Di and xia still left the Grand Ancestor seat empty. Prayers did not style the three ancestors as subjects—only the full temple count mattered. After Zhide 2 recovery new tablets were made but not for Hongnong Lord—he was outside di and xia. Baoying 2: Xuanzong and Suzong were enshrined; Offerings and Eminence went to the western side chamber; the Grand Ancestor finally faced east for eighteen years. Jianzhong 2, month 10: Yan Zhenqing urged bringing out Offerings and Eminence and fixing placement per Eastern Jin Cai Mo. Offerings faced east, Eminence south in zhao, Grand Ancestor north in mu, with left-zhao right-mu thereafter. Cai Mo's view was never enacted—Tang cannot take it as standard. Chang, di, suburban, and altar rites admit no second supreme; burial and relocation follow ritual breaks. Offerings and Eminence are kin-exhausted; the Grand Ancestor should face east—one-morning reversal is not precedent. Restore precedent: store Offerings and Eminence in the western side chamber like "remote temples become tithe" in the Canon of Sacrifices. The Grand Ancestor, matching Heaven, should face east. Thus Zhenguan's opening rule, Kaiyuan's settled form, and Baoying's strict practice are all preserved.
50
吏部郎中柳冕等十二人議曰:
Liu Mian of the Ministry of Personnel and twelve others deliberated:
51
天子受命之君,諸侯始封之祖,皆為太祖。 故雖天子,必有尊也,是以尊太祖焉; 故雖諸侯,必有先也,亦以尊太祖焉。 故太祖已下,親盡而毀。 洎秦滅學,漢不及禮,不列昭穆,不建迭毀。 晉失之,宋因之。 於是有違五廟之制,於是有虛太祖之位。 夫不列昭穆,非所以示人有序也; 不建迭毀,非所以示人有殺也; 違五廟之制,非所以示人有別也; 虛太祖之位,非所以示人有尊也。 此禮之所由廢。 按《禮》:「父為士,子為天子,祭以天子,葬以士。」 今獻祖祧也,懿祖亦祧也,唐未受命,猶士禮也。 是故高祖、太宗以天子之禮祭之,不敢以太祖之位易之。 今而易之,無乃亂先王之序乎? 昔周有天下,追王太王、王季以天子之禮,及其祭也,親盡而毀之。 漢有天下,尊太上皇以天子之禮,及其祭也,親盡而毀之。 唐有天下,追王獻、懿二祖以天子之禮,及其祭也,親盡而毀之。 則不可代太祖之位明矣。
The mandate-receiving ruler and a lord's first-enfeoffment ancestor are both Grand Ancestor. Even the Son of Heaven has one who is honored—therefore the Grand Ancestor; even lords have forebears—also honored as Grand Ancestor. Below the Grand Ancestor, kin exhaustion destroys temples. After Qin ended learning, Han failed to array zhao-mu or successive destruction. Jin lost it. Thus the five-temple rule was violated and the Grand Ancestor seat left empty. Failure to array zhao-mu does not show people there is order; Failing to establish successive temple removal is not the way to show that affection diminishes with distance; violating the five-temple system is not the way to show that branches differ; leaving the Grand Ancestor's seat empty is not the way to show where honor belongs. This is why the rite fell into disuse. According to the Rites: "When the father was a common officer and the son becomes emperor, sacrifice him with imperial rites but bury him with common-officer rites." Today Xianzu is in the distant-temple class, Yizu likewise; before Tang received the Mandate, they were still treated with common-officer rites. Hence Gaozu and Taizong sacrificed to them with imperial rites and did not dare displace them into the Grand Ancestor's seat. To change this now—would it not overturn the order established by former kings? In antiquity, when Zhou possessed the realm, it posthumously ennobled Great King and King Ji with imperial rites; when kinship was exhausted in sacrifice, their temples were removed. When Han possessed the realm, it honored the Supreme Emperor with imperial rites; when kinship was exhausted, his temple was removed. When Tang possessed the realm, it posthumously ennobled the Offering and Majestic ancestors with imperial rites; when kinship was exhausted, their temples were removed. Clearly they cannot take the Grand Ancestor's place.
52
又按《周禮》有先公之祧,有先王之祧。 先公之遷主,藏乎後稷之廟,其周未受命之祧乎? 先王之遷主,藏乎文王之廟,其周已受命之祧乎? 故有二祧,所以異廟也。 今獻祖已下之祧,猶先公也; 太祖已下之祧,猶先王也。 請築別廟以居二祖,則行周之禮,復古之道。 故漢之禮,因于周也; 魏之禮,因於漢也; 隋之禮,因于魏也。 皆立三廟,有二祧。 又立私廟四於南陽,亦後漢制也。 以為人之子,事大宗降其私親,故私廟所以奉本宗也。 太廟所以尊正統也。 雖古今異時,文質異禮,而右禮之情,與問禮之本者,莫不通其變,酌而行之。 故上致其崇,則太祖屬尊乎上矣; 下盡其殺,則祧主親盡於下矣; 中處其中,則王者主祧於中矣。
Again, the Rites of Zhou distinguish distant temples for former lords and distant temples for former kings. Tablets of former lords removed from their halls were stored in Hou Ji's temple—were these Zhou's distant temples before receiving the Mandate? Tablets of former kings were stored in King Wen's temple—were these Zhou's distant temples after receiving the Mandate? Hence the two distant temples served to distinguish different temple lines. Today the distant temples from Xianzu downward correspond to the former-lord class; those from the Grand Ancestor downward correspond to the former-king class. I ask that separate temples be built to house the two ancestors, thus practicing Zhou rites and restoring the ancient way. Thus Han rites followed Zhou; Wei rites followed Han; Sui rites followed Wei. All established three temples with two distant temples. They also established four private temples at Nanyang, likewise a Later Han institution. The idea is that as a man's son, one serves the great lineage and subordinates private kin; hence private temples serve the root lineage. The Grand Temple honors the orthodox succession. Though ancient and modern differ in time and rites differ in refinement, those who uphold ritual feeling and inquire into ritual roots all penetrate its changes and weigh what to enact. Thus in elevating what is honored above, the Grand Ancestor is set in honor above; in exhausting diminution below, distant-temple tablets are exhausted in kinship below; and in taking the middle position between them, the Son of Heaven holds the distant temples in the center.
53
工部郎中張薦等議曰:「昔殷、周以稷、珣始封,為不遷之祖,其毀廟之主,皆稷、珣之後,所以昭、穆合祭,尊卑不差。 如夏後氏以禹始封,遂為不遷之祖。 故夏五廟,禹與二昭二穆而已。 據此則鯀之親盡,其主已遷。 左氏既稱'禹不先鯀',足明遷廟之主,中屬尊于始封祖者,亦在合食之位矣。 又據晉、宋、齊、梁、北齊、周、隋史,其太祖已下,並同禘祫,未嘗限斷遷毀之主。 伏以南北八代,非無碩學巨儒,宗廟大事,議必精博,驗於史冊,其禮僉同。 又詳魏、晉、宋、齊、梁、北齊、周、隋故事,及《貞觀》、《顯慶》、《開元禮》所述,禘袷並虛東向。 既行之已久,實群情所安。 且太祖處清廟第一之室,其神主雖百代不遷,永歆烝嘗,上配天地,於郊廟無不正矣。 若至禘、祫之時,暫居昭穆之列,屈己申孝,以奉祖禰,豈非伯禹烝烝敬鯀之道歟? 亦是魏、晉及周、隋之太祖,不敢以卑厭尊之義也。 議者或欲遷二祖於興聖廟,及請別置築室,至禘祫年饗之。 夫祫,合也。 此乃分食,殊乖禮意。 又欲藏於西夾室,永不及祀,無異漢代瘞園,尤為不可。 輒敢征據正經,考論舊史,請奉獻、懿二祖與太祖並從昭穆之位,而虛東向。」
Supervisor of Works Zhang Jian and others submitted: "Formerly Yin and Zhou took Qi and Xun as the first enfeoffed ancestors who were not removed; tablets of destroyed temples were all descendants of Qi and Xun, so zhao and mu were offered together and senior and junior lines did not err. As the Xia took Yu as first enfeoffed, he became the ancestor not removed. Hence the Xia's five temples were only Yu with two zhao and two mu. From this, Gun's kinship was exhausted and his tablet was already removed. The Zuo Commentary also says "Yu did not precede Gun," sufficient to show that among removed tablets, those in the middle honored above the first enfeoffed ancestor also held places in the joint offering. Again, Jin, Song, Qi, Liang, Northern Qi, Zhou, and Sui histories show that from the Grand Ancestor downward all shared di and he alike, never limiting removed and destroyed tablets. We submit that across eight dynasties north and south there were great scholars; on great matters of the ancestral temples deliberation was surely thorough—verified in histories, their rites were unanimous. Again, examining Wei, Jin, Song, Qi, Liang, Northern Qi, Zhou, and Sui precedents and what the Zhenguan, Xianqing, and Kaiyuan Rites describe, di and he alike left the east-facing seat vacant. Having been practiced long, it truly settles popular feeling. Moreover, the Grand Ancestor occupies the first chamber of the clear temple; though his tablet is not removed for a hundred generations and forever receives seasonal offerings, matching Heaven and Earth above, in suburban and temple rites nothing is not correct. If at di and he times he temporarily takes a place in the zhao-mu array, lowering himself to extend filial piety and serve ancestors, is this not the way of Yu earnestly revering Gun? It is also the meaning by which Wei, Jin, Zhou, and Sui Grand Ancestors did not dare use the low to disdain the high. Some debaters wish to move the two ancestors to the Xingsheng Temple, or request separate chambers built and offered at di and he years. He means "union." This would be divided offerings, greatly at odds with ritual intent. Others wish to store them in the west side chambers, never reaching sacrifice—no different from Han burial in the garden, especially impossible. We venture to cite the canonical classics, examine old histories, and ask that the Offering and Majestic ancestors join the Grand Ancestor in the zhao-mu places while the east-facing seat remains vacant."
54
司勳員外郎裴樞議曰:「禮之必立宗子者,蓋為收其族人,東向之主,亦猶是也。 若祔於遠廟,無乃中有一間,等上不倫。 西位常虛,則太祖永厭于昭穆; 異廟別祭,則祫饗何主乎合食? 永閟比于薑嫄,則推祥禖而無事。 《禮》云:'親親故尊祖,尊祖故敬宗,敬宗故收族,所以宗廟嚴,社稷重。 '由是言也,太祖之上復有追尊之祖,則親親尊祖之義,無乃乖乎? 太廟之外,輕置別祭之廟,則宗廟無乃不嚴,社稷無乃不重乎? 且漢丞相韋玄成請瘞于園,晉征士虞喜請瘞於廟兩階之間。 喜又引左氏說,古者先王日祭于祖考,月祀于曾高,時享及二祧,歲祫及壇墠,終禘及郊宗石室。 是謂郊宗之上,復有石室之祖,斯最近矣。 但當時議所居石室,未有准的。 喜請於夾室中,愚以為石室可據,所以處之之道未安。 何者? 夾室謂居太祖之下毀主,非是安太祖之上藏主也。 未有卑處正位,尊在傍居。 考理即心,恐非允協。 今若建石室於園寢,遷神主以永安,采漢、晉之舊章,仍禘袷之一祭,修古禮之殘缺,為國朝之典故,庶乎《春秋》變禮之正,動也中者焉。」
Director of Merit Pei Shu submitted: "Rites must establish a lineage head to gather the clan; the east-facing lord is likewise so. If enshrined in a distant temple, would there not be a gap in the middle, unequal above and not of one kind? If the west place is always vacant, the Grand Ancestor is forever displeased in zhao-mu; if separate temples have separate offerings, at he feasting what lord unites the joint meal? Forever closing them like Jiang Yuan, then pushing auspicious and dire omens with nothing to do. The Rites say: "Cherish kin therefore honor ancestors, honor ancestors therefore respect the lineage head, respect the lineage head therefore gather the clan"—hence ancestral temples are strict and altars of soil and grain are weighty. From this it follows that above the Grand Ancestor there are again posthumously honored ancestors—would not the meaning of cherishing kin and honoring ancestors be violated? Outside the Grand Temple lightly to set separate offering temples—would ancestral temples not be lax and altars of soil and grain not be light? Moreover, Han Chancellor Wei Xuancheng asked to bury in the garden; Jin recluse Yu Xi asked to bury in the space between the temple stairways. Xi also cited the Zuo Commentary: ancient former kings daily sacrificed to ancestors and fathers, monthly to great-great-grandfathers, seasonal offerings including the two distant temples, yearly he including altars and mounds, final di including suburban, ancestral, and stone-chamber spirits. This means above the suburban ancestral spirit there is again the stone-chamber ancestor—this is nearest in kinship. But when they debated where the stone chamber should stand, there was no standard. Xi asked to place it in the side chambers; I deem the stone chamber can be cited, but the way to situate it is not settled. Why? Side chambers mean placing removed tablets below the Grand Ancestor, not installing tablets above the Grand Ancestor in storage. Never has the low occupied the correct position while the honored dwells at the side. Examining reason and the heart, I fear it is not acceptable. Now if a stone chamber is built in the garden mausoleum and spirit tablets moved for eternal peace, adopting Han and Jin old statutes while still having one offering at di and he, repairing the broken remnants of ancient rites as a statute of our dynasty—perhaps the correct change of the Spring and Autumn, with movement hitting the center."
55
考功員外郎陳京議曰:「京前為太常博士,已于建中二年九月四日,奏議祫饗獻、懿二祖所安之位,請下百僚博采所疑。 其時禮儀使顏真卿因是上狀,與京議異,京議未行。 伏見去年十一月二十八日詔下太常卿裴鬱所奏,大抵與京議相會。 伏以興聖皇帝,同獻祖之曾祖,懿祖之高祖。 夫以曾孫祔列于曾、高之廟,豈禮之不可哉? 實人情之大順也。」
Reviewer of Works Chen Jing submitted: "Jing formerly as Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices on the fourth day of the ninth month of the second year of Jianzhong already memorialized on the placement of the Offering and Majestic ancestors at he feasting and asked that the hundred officials broadly gather doubts. At that time Ritual Commissioner Yan Zhenqing therefore submitted a memorial differing from Jing's; Jing's proposal was not enacted. We see the edict of the twenty-eighth day of the eleventh month of last year ordering what Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices Pei Yu submitted, broadly agreeing with Jing's proposal. We submit that Emperor Xingsheng was great-great-grandfather to the Offering Ancestor and great-great-great-grandfather to the Majestic Ancestor. For a great-great-grandson to be enshrined in the temples of great-great and great-great-great grandfathers—is ritual impossible? Truly it is the great accord of human feeling."
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京兆少尹韋武議曰:「凡三年一祫,五年一禘。 祫則群廟大合,禘則各序其祧。 謂主遷彌遠,祧室既修,當袷之歲,當以獻祖居於東向,而懿祖序其昭穆,以極所親。 若行禘禮,則太祖復筵于西,以眾主列其左右。 是則于太祖不為降屈,于獻祖無所厭卑。 考禮酌情,謂當行此為勝。」
Assistant Metropolitan Governor Wei Wu submitted: "Generally he is every three years, di every five years. He means all temples gather in great union; di means each orders its distant temples. When tablets move ever farther and distant-temple chambers are complete, in the he year the Offering Ancestor should sit east-facing and the Majestic Ancestor ordered in zhao-mu to exhaust nearest kin. If performing di rites, the Grand Ancestor again takes his mat in the west with all lords arrayed left and right. Then toward the Grand Ancestor there is no lowering; toward the Offering Ancestor there is no disdain of baseness. Examining rites and weighing feeling, this should be enacted as superior."
57
同官縣尉仲子陵議曰:「今儒者乃援'子雖齊聖,不先父食'之語,欲令已祧獻祖,權居東向,配天太祖,屈居昭穆,此不通之甚也。 凡左氏'不先食'之言,且以正文公之逆祀,儒者安知非夏後廟數未足之時,而言禹不先鯀乎! 且漢之禘、祫,蓋不足征。 魏、晉已還,太祖皆近,是太祖之上,皆有遷主。 歷代所疑,或引《閟宮》之詩而永閟,或因虞主之義而瘞園,或緣遠廟為祧以築宮,或言太祖實卑而虛位。 惟東晉蔡謨憑左氏'不先食'以為說,欲令征西東向。 均之數者,此最不安。 且蔡謨此議,非晉所行。 前有司不本謨改築之言,取征西東向之一句為萬代法,此共不可甚也。 臣又思之,永閟瘞園,則臣子之心有所不安; 權虛正位,則太祖之尊無時而定。 則別築一室,義差可安。 且興聖之于獻祖,乃曾祖也,昭穆有序,饗祀以時。 伏請奉獻、懿二祖遷於德明、興聖廟,此其大順也。 或以祫者合也,今二祖別廟,是分食也,何合之為? 臣以為德明、興聖二廟,每禘祫之年,亦皆饗薦,是亦分食,奚疑于二祖乎?」
Assistant Magistrate of Tongguan Zhong Ziling submitted: "Now Confucians cite the words 'though the son is equal in sageliness, he does not precede the father in eating,' wishing to have the already distant Offering Ancestor temporarily sit east-facing, matching Heaven with the Grand Ancestor while the Grand Ancestor humbly takes zhao-mu—this is extremely unprincipled. The Zuo Commentary's words on 'not preceding in eating'—who knows they were not spoken when the Xia's temple count was not yet full, saying Yu did not precede Gun! Moreover, Han di and he cannot fully be cited as evidence. From Wei and Jin onward the Grand Ancestor was always near; above the Grand Ancestor there were always removed tablets. Dynasties doubted variously: some cited the Closed Palace ode for forever closing; some followed the meaning of the temporary lord for garden burial; some made distant temples into tiao and built palaces; some said the Grand Ancestor was truly base and the seat vacant. Only Eastern Jin's Cai Mo relied on the Zuo Commentary's 'not preceding in eating' as doctrine, wishing to have the Western Expedition face east. Among such numbers, this is most unsettled. Moreover, Cai Mo's proposal was not what Jin enacted. Former officials did not follow Mo's words on rebuilding but took one sentence of the Western Expedition facing east as law for ten thousand generations—this is especially impossible. Your subject further reflects: forever closing or garden burial leaves the hearts of ministers uneasy; temporarily vacating the correct seat leaves the Grand Ancestor's honor without fixed time. Then building a separate chamber is somewhat acceptable in meaning. Moreover, Xingsheng to the Offering Ancestor is great-great-grandfather; zhao-mu are ordered and offerings are timely. We ask to move the Offering and Majestic ancestors to the Deming and Xingsheng temples—this is the great accord. Some say he means union; now the two ancestors have separate temples—is this divided offerings, how is it union? Your subject holds that the Deming and Xingsheng temples each di and he year also all receive offerings—this too is divided offerings; why doubt the two ancestors?"
58
其月二十七日,吏部郎中柳冕上《禘祫義證》,凡一十四道,以備顧問,並議奏聞。 至三月十二日,祠部奏鬱等議狀。
On the twenty-seventh day of that month, Director of the Ministry of Personnel Liu Mian submitted the "Exegesis of Di and He," fourteen sections in all to prepare for consultation, and all were deliberated and memorialized. By the twelfth day of the third month the Ministry of Rites memorialized Yu and others' deliberation papers.
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至十一年七月十二日,敕:「於頎等議狀,所請各殊,理在討論,用求精當。 宜令尚書省會百僚與國子監儒官,切磋舊狀,定可否,仍委所司具事件聞奏。」 其月二十六日,左司郎中陸淳奏曰:「臣尋七年百僚所議,雖有一十六狀,總其歸趣,三端而已。 於頎等一十四狀,並雲復太祖之位。 張薦狀則雲並列昭穆,而虛東饗之位。 韋武狀同雲當祫之歲,獻祖居於東向,行禘之禮,太祖復筵于西。 謹按禮經及先儒之說,復太祖之位,位既正也,義在不疑。 太祖之位既正,懿、獻二主,當有所歸。 詳考十四狀,其意有四:一曰藏諸夾室,二曰置之別廟,三曰遷於園寢,四曰祔於興聖。 藏諸夾室,是無饗獻之期,異乎周人藏於二祧之義,禮不可行也。 置之別廟,始于魏明之說,實非《禮經》之文。 晉義熙九年,雖立此義,已後亦無行者。 遷於園寢,是亂宗廟之儀,既無所憑,殊乖經意,不足征也。 惟有祔於興聖之廟,禘祫之歲乃一祭之,庶乎亡於禮者之禮,而得變之正也。」
On the twelfth day of the seventh month of the eleventh year, an edict: "In the deliberation papers of Yu and others, what is requested differs each from the other; reason lies in discussion to seek refinement. It is fitting to order the Ministry of Revenue to convene the hundred officials with Confucian officials of the Directorate of Education, compare old papers, settle yes or no, and still commission the relevant office to memorialize the matter in full." On the twenty-sixth day of that month, Left Bureau Director Lu Chun memorialized: "Your subject sought the hundred officials' deliberation of the seventh year; though there were sixteen papers in all, their trend has three points only. Fourteen papers of Yu and others all say restore the Grand Ancestor's seat. Zhang Jian's paper says place them together in zhao-mu while vacating the east-facing offering seat. Wei Wu's paper agrees: in the he year the Offering Ancestor sits east-facing; performing di rites, the Grand Ancestor again takes his mat in the west. Respectfully according to ritual classics and former scholars' explanations, restoring the Grand Ancestor's seat—the seat once corrected, the meaning admits no doubt. Once the Grand Ancestor's seat is corrected, the Majestic and Offering tablets should have a destination. Examining the fourteen papers in detail, their intent has four points: first, store in side chambers; second, place in separate temples; third, move to the garden mausoleum; fourth, enshrine in Xingsheng. Storing in side chambers means no term for offering sacrifices, differing from Zhou people's storing in the two distant temples—rites cannot be enacted. Placing in separate temples began with Emperor Ming of Wei's doctrine and is truly not text of the Ritual Classics. In the ninth year of Yixi of Jin, though this meaning was established, afterward none practiced it. Moving to the garden mausoleum disorders ancestral-temple ceremony, has nothing to rely on, greatly violates canonical intent, insufficient as evidence. Only enshrining in the Xingsheng Temple, with one offering in di and he years—perhaps rites lost to ritual, obtaining the correctness of change."
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十九年三月,給事中陳京奏:「禘是大合祖宗之祭,必尊太祖之位,以正昭穆。 今年遇禘,伏恐須定向來所議之禮。」 敕曰:「禘祫之禮,祭之大者,先有眾議,猶未精詳,宜令百僚會議以聞。」 時左僕射姚南仲等獻議狀五十七封,詔付都省再集百僚議定聞奏。 戶部尚書王紹等五十五人奏議:「請奉遷獻祖、懿祖神主祔德明、興聖廟,請別增兩室奉安神主。 緣二十四日禘祭,修廟未成,請於德明、興聖廟垣內權設幕屋為二室,暫安神主。 候增修廟室成,准禮遷祔神主入新廟。 每至禘祫年,各於本室行饗禮。」 從之。 是月十五日,遷獻祖、懿祖神主權祔德明、興聖廟之幕殿。 二十四日,饗太廟。 自此景皇帝始居東向之尊,元皇帝已下依左昭右穆之列矣。 二祖新廟成,敕曰:「奉遷獻祖、懿祖神主,正太祖景皇帝之位,虔告之禮,當任重臣。 宜令檢校司空平章事杜佑攝太尉,告太清宮; 門下侍郎平章事崔損攝太尉,告太廟。」 又詔曰:「國之大事,式在明禋。 王者孝饗,莫重於禘祭,所以尊祖而正昭穆也。 朕承列聖之休德,荷上天之睠命,虔奉牲幣,二十五年。 永惟宗廟之位,禘嘗之序,夙夜祗栗,不敢自專。 是用延訪公卿,稽參古禮,博考群議,至於再三。 敬以令辰,奉遷獻祖宣皇帝神主、懿祖光皇帝神主,祔於德明、興聖皇帝廟。 太祖景皇帝正東向之位。 宜令所司循禮,務極精嚴,祗肅祀典,載深感惕。 咨爾中外,宜悉朕懷。」
In the third month of the nineteenth year, Attendant Chen Jing memorialized: "Di is the great union sacrifice of ancestors; the Grand Ancestor's seat must be honored to correct zhao and mu. This year encountering di, we fear it must be fixed to rites deliberated hitherto." An edict: "Di and he rites are the greatest of sacrifices; there was prior multitude of deliberation still not refined—it is fitting to order the hundred officials to convene in deliberation and memorialize." At that time Left Vice Director Yao Nanzhong and others submitted fifty-seven deliberation papers; an edict entrusted them to the Directorate General to again gather the hundred officials, deliberate to settlement, and memorialize. Minister of Revenue Wang Shao and fifty-five others memorialized: "We ask to move the Offering and Majestic ancestors' spirit tablets to enshrine in the Deming and Xingsheng temples, and separately add two chambers to install the spirit tablets. Because di sacrifice is on the twenty-fourth day and temple repair is not complete, we ask within the walls of the Deming and Xingsheng temples temporarily to set curtain halls as two chambers and temporarily install the spirit tablets. When added temple chambers are complete, according to rites move and enshrine the spirit tablets into the new temples. Each di and he year, perform feasting rites in their respective chambers." It was followed. On the fifteenth day of that month, the Offering and Majestic ancestors' spirit tablets were moved to temporarily enshrine in the curtain halls of the Deming and Xingsheng temples. On the twenty-fourth day, the Grand Temple was feasted. From this the Jing Emperor began to hold east-facing honor; from the Yuan Emperor downward they followed the left-zhao right-mu array. When the two ancestors' new temples were complete, an edict: "Respectfully move the Offering and Majestic ancestors' spirit tablets, correct the Jing Emperor Grand Ancestor's seat—the reverent announcement rite should be entrusted to weighty ministers. It is fitting to order Acting Commissioner-in-Chief and Associate Commissioner Du You to act as Grand Marshal and announce to the Grand Pure Palace; Vice Director of the Secretariat and Associate Commissioner Cui Sun to act as Grand Marshal and announce to the Grand Temple. Again an edict: "The state's great affairs rest in bright sacrifice. The Son of Heaven's filial feasting weighs nothing above di sacrifice, thereby honoring ancestors and correcting zhao and mu. We inherit the accumulated virtue of successive sages and bear Heaven's favoring Mandate, reverently offering victims and silks for twenty-five years. Ever reflecting on ancestral temples' places and the order of di and seasonal offerings, day and night reverent and fearful, not daring to act alone. Therefore we extended inquiry to dukes and ministers, examined ancient rites, broadly consulted the multitude of deliberations, even to a third time. Respectfully on this day we move the Offering Ancestor Emperor Xuan's spirit tablet and the Majestic Ancestor Emperor Guang's spirit tablet to enshrine in the Deming and Xingsheng emperors' temples. The Grand Ancestor Jing Emperor takes the correct east-facing seat. It is fitting to order the relevant offices to follow rites, striving for utmost refinement, reverently performing the sacrificial canon, bearing deep reverent fear. Inform all within and without—let all know Our heart."
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會昌六年十月,太常禮院奏:「禘祫祝文稱號,穆宗皇帝、宣懿皇后韋氏、敬宗皇帝、文宗皇帝、武宗皇帝,緣從前序親親,以穆宗皇帝室稱為皇兄,未合禮文。 得修撰官硃儔等狀稱:'禮敘尊尊,不敘親親。 陛下于穆宗、敬宗、武宗三室祝文,恐須但稱嗣皇帝臣某昭告于某宗。 '臣等同考禮經,於義為允。」 從之。 貞元十二年,祫祭太廟。 近例,祫祭及親拜郊,皆令中使一人引伐國寶至壇所,所以昭示武功。 至是上以伐國大事,中使引之非宜,乃令禮官一人,就內庫監領至太廟焉。
In the tenth month of the sixth year of Huichang, the Court of Imperial Sacrifices Ritual Institute memorialized: "In di and he prayer texts the titles of Emperor Muzong, Empress Dowager Wei of Xuande, Emperor Jingzong, Emperor Wenzong, and Emperor Wuzong—because of prior ordering by kin closeness, the Muzong chamber was called 'elder brother,' not fitting ritual text. The drafting officials Zhu Chou and others stated: 'Rites order honoring the honored, not ordering kin closeness. Your Majesty's prayer texts for the three chambers of Muzong, Jingzong, and Wuzong—we fear they should only say "the succeeding emperor your subject so-and-so announces to such-and-such ancestor." Your subjects together examined ritual classics—in meaning acceptable. It was followed. In the twelfth year of Zhenyuan, he sacrifice at the Grand Temple. Recent precedent: at he sacrifice and the emperor's personal suburban worship, one palace envoy was always ordered to lead the vanquished-state treasure to the altar place, thereby displaying martial achievement. On this occasion, because vanquishing the state was a great affair, having a palace envoy lead it was not fitting; therefore one ritual official was ordered to supervise receipt from the inner treasury to the Grand Temple.
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舊儀,高祖之廟,則開府儀同三司淮安王神通、禮部尚書河間王孝恭、陝東道大行台右僕射鄖國公殷開山、吏部尚書渝國公劉政會配饗。 太宗之廟,則司空梁國公房玄齡、尚書右僕射萊國公杜如晦、尚書左僕射申國公高士廉配饗。 高宗之廟,則司空英國公李勣、尚書左僕射北平縣公張行成、中書令高唐縣公馬周配饗。 中宗之廟,則侍中平陽郡王敬暉、侍中扶陽郡王桓彥范、中書令南陽郡王袁恕己配享。 睿宗之廟,則太子太傅許國公蘇瑰、尚書左丞相徐國公劉幽求配饗。
Old ceremony: in Gaozu's temple, Acting Honorable General of the Palace Gate with Equal Third Rank Prince Huai'an of the Huai state Wang Tong, Minister of Rites Prince Hejian of the He state Wang Xiaogong, Grand Marshal of the Shandong Circuit with Right Vice Director of the Secretariat Duke of E of E state Yin Kaishan, and Minister of Personnel Duke of Yu of Yu state Liu Zhenghui were associated in feasting. In Taizong's temple, Commissioner-in-Chief Duke of Liang of Liang state Fang Xuanling, Right Vice Director of the Secretariat Duke of Lai of Lai state Du Ruhui, and Left Vice Director of the Secretariat Duke of Shen of Shen state Gao Shilian were associated in feasting. In Gaozong's temple, Commissioner-in-Chief Duke of Ying of Ying state Li Ji, Left Vice Director of the Secretariat Duke of Beiping of Beiping county Zhang Xingcheng, and Director of the Secretariat Duke of Gaotang of Gaotang county Ma Zhou were associated in feasting. In Zhongzong's temple, Attendant Prince Jinghui of Pingyang commandery, Attendant Prince Fuyang of Fuyang commandery Huan Yanfan, and Director of the Secretariat Prince Nanyang of Nanyang commandery Yuan Shuji were associated in feasting. In Ruizong's temple, Grand Tutor Duke of Xu of Xu state Su Gui and Left Chancellor Duke of Xu of Xu state Liu Youqiu were associated in feasting.
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天寶六載正月,詔:京城章懷、節湣、惠莊、惠文、惠宣太子,與隱太子、懿德太子同為一廟,呼為七太子廟,以便於祀享。 太廟配饗功臣,高祖室加裴寂、劉文靜,太宗室加長孫無忌、李靖、杜如晦,高宗室加褚遂良、高季輔、劉仁軌,中宗室加狄仁傑、魏元忠、王同皎等十一人。 大祭祀,騂犢減數。 十載,太廟置內官。 十一載閏三月,制:「自今已後,每月朔望日,宜令尚食造食,薦太廟,每室一牙盤,內官享薦。 仍五日一開室門灑掃。」 其後又有玄宗子靜德太子廟,肅宗子恭懿太子廟。 孝敬廟在東京太廟院內,貞順皇后、讓皇帝廟在京中。 餘皆四時致祭。
In the first month of the sixth year of Tianbao, an edict: Crown Princes Zhanghuai, Jiemin, Huizhuang, Huiwen, and Huixuan in the capital, together with the Hidden Crown Prince and the Virtuous Consort Crown Prince, form one temple, called the Seven Crown Princes' Temple, for convenience in sacrifice. Meritorious ministers associated in feasting at the Grand Temple: to Gaozu's chamber added Pei Ji and Liu Wenjing; to Taizong's chamber added Zhangsun Wuji, Li Jing, and Du Ruhui; to Gaozong's chamber added Chu Suiliang, Gao Jifu, and Liu Rengui; to Zhongzong's chamber added Di Renjie, Wei Yuanzhong, Wang Tongjiao, and eleven others. At great sacrifices, red calves were reduced in number. In the tenth year, inner-palace officials were installed at the Grand Temple. In the intercalary third month of the eleventh year, a statute: "From now on, on each new and full moon day, it is fitting to order the Imperial Kitchen to prepare food and offer to the Grand Temple, one tooth-tray per chamber, with inner-palace officials feasting the offering. Still, every five days open the chamber doors for sprinkling and sweeping. Afterward there were also temples for Emperor Xuanzong's son the Jingde Crown Prince and Emperor Suzong's son the Gongyi Crown Prince. The Xiaojing Temple was within the Eastern Capital Grand Temple compound; the temples of Empress Zhenshun and the Yielding Emperor were in the capital. The rest all received seasonal offerings at the four seasons.