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卷二十六 志第六: 禮儀六

Volume 26 Treatises 6: Rites 6

Chapter 30 of 舊唐書 · Old Book of Tang
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Treatise 6: Rites 6.
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使 輿
Third month, Jianzhong 1: the ritual commissioner reported that the Eastern Capital Grand Temple had no wooden tablets and asked that tablets be made for enshrinement. At first Empress Wu had built three shrines at the eastern capital—for Gaozu, Taizong, and Gaozong. From Zhongzong onward, both capitals' ancestral halls were fed in every season. After the Zhide turmoil, many tablets were lost and never re-enshrined. Officials argued in three camps: first, keep the temple, install tablets for all lords, and offer seasonal sacrifices. Second, build the hall and tablets but do not sacrifice—only feast when the imperial tour came east. Third, keep the temple, bury the tablets, and when the throne toured east, dress a fasting carriage and bring the capital's tablets along. Debate deadlocked and the matter lapsed.
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' '
Zhenyuan 15, fourth month: Gui Chongjing of the Provisions Bureau memorialized that the eastern temple ought not hold wooden tablets. He cited canonical ritual. A yu tablet uses mulberry; a lian tablet uses chestnut—remake the chestnut tablet and bury the mulberry. Thus no spirit has two abodes—no more than heaven two suns or earth two kings. Today's eastern hall was built by Empress Wu to seat the Wu line's tablets. Zhongzong cleared the tablets but kept the building, preparing a site for tours or capital moves. The Shang moved constantly—eight capitals before, five after, thirteen relocations—and did not raise a separate tablet in each place. Some said the eastern tablets had been reverently served—could they be cast aside in a day? At yu you erect and worship the mulberry tablet; at lian you raise chestnut and bury mulberry—had mulberry never been worshipped before burial? Nor could lost tablets be replaced untimely—remaking off-season was uncanonical. The passage concluded."
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' 西 ' '
Changqing 1, second month: Li Bo, eastern-capital Storehouse vice director, asked to reunite Taiwei Palace tablets with the Grand Temple. The edict referred the matter to regent Zheng Yin at the eastern capital for deliberation and report. Yin reported: he had traced Three Dynasties ritual and Gaozu and Taizong's institutions—never two halls built in parallel or two tablet lines feasted together. At Tian-shou the sacrificial code shifted. Zhongzong, restoring the old order in haste, never examined the classics and raised a lineage temple at Luoyang. It matched removal of seat, not founding of state. After returning west to the principal capital, inertia left it standing. Under Dezong, fallen observance was repaired and the eastern nine halls ceased to receive sacrificial announcement. The Book of Rites records Confucius telling Zengzi: heaven has no two suns, earth no two kings—in seasonal, great, suburban, and soil rites, honor has no second apex. Thus two tablet-halls were uncanonical. Your Majesty holds a thousand-year succession, lifts the bright glory of successive sages, takes former kings as model, and sets law for those who follow. Ancestral rites are weightiest of all—defying the canon in sacrifice the age calls impiety. Choose the Three Dynasties' best canon, keep Gaozu and Taizong's law, read Shenlong's expedient and Jianzhong's correction, restore antiquity by the classics—befitting such sagacity. The Taiwei tablets of Emperor Guang (three generations) and Ruizong the Sagely Literary Filial Martial, weighed against the classics, should not be affixed for sacrifice. Rites for moving and setting tablets have no explicit classic text since the Three Dynasties. He begged the Secretariat-Chancellery, dukes, and ritual officers to verify and fix the matter. The edict assigned it to the proper bureaus. The passage concluded."
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Ritual director Wang Yanwei and colleagues deliberated:
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Founding precedent knew no parallel shrines in both capitals or parallel feast lines. The Zhou Documents, Announcement to Shao, and Luo Announcement record sacrifice at Feng and Luo—the Zhou built lineage temples in both seats and announced feast when they arrived. Both capitals sacrificed to fathers and grandfathers; ritual rose in both. From Shenlong restoration and Zhongzong's succession, shrines were built together and feasts ran in parallel At the end of Tianbao both capitals fell. Suzong restored what was lost but built shrines and tablets only in the Upper Capital. Eastern tablets surfaced among the people only in Dali, lodged in Taiwei Palace, never again affixed for sacrifice.
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西 西 ' '' '
Classics say: when a king builds dwellings, ancestral shrines come first; a shrine must have tablets, tablets must dwell in the shrine. Shrines in both seats follow the ancient way; tablets in shrine follow the ritual canon. On full comparison, reason requires elevating them for enshrinement. Emperor Guang was posthumously ennobled; Gaozong, Zhongzong, and Ruizong are diao-shrine lords—their tablets belong in the Grand Temple's first western side chamber. Emperor Jing was the founder enfeoffed, never displaced—his tablet belongs in the first western main chamber. Gaozu, Taizong, Xuanzong, Suzong, and Daizong were close-shrine ancestors who founded the enterprise with merit The Jiangdu Collected Rites: principal shrine tablets are stored in the Grand Chamber. The Book of Rites: when a ruler's shrine tablets have cause, gather and store them in the ancestral shrine. Below Dezong no tablets were made; above Daizong later tablets perished—return to original chambers and some seats stand empty. Facts can be cited; principle may not yet be settled. Tablets from Gaozu downward should all be stored in the Great Ancestor's shrine, per old precedent without sacrifice. If Your Majesty tours east and visits Luoyang, except diao lords, tablets should return to their chambers. Other missing tablets must be specially made; affixed sacrifice—seasonal, di, xia—as ritual requires. State precedent for posthumous kings places separate shrines above the Great Ancestor—to Deming, Xingsheng, and Yizu. Emperor Guang's tablet is Yizu. The eastern capital lacked those shrines; Emperor Guang's tablet is provisionally affixed in the Grand Temple side chamber, above Emperor Yuan. If the throne is at the eastern capital, build separate shrines as in the Upper Capital, make tablets for Deming, Xingsheng, and Xianzu, and enshrine with full rite Also escort Emperor Guang's tablet from the side chamber to the fourth chamber of the separate shrine, di and xia as ritual.
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Someone asked: the rites say make the chestnut tablet and bury the mulberry tablet. Han and Wei debated burying mulberry; in Dali they buried Filial Emperor Xiaojing's tablet—now affix without burying, how so? The passage concluded. Answer: tablets embody the spirit—by principle nothing to bury; Han-Wei burial storage was not truly fitting. Filial Xiaojing was not orthodox lineage; his shrine was abandoned while his tablet alone survived—burying it followed abandoned reason. The passage concluded."
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Again asked: in antiquity on tour one carried the displacement tablet; now eastern tablets are also affixed in the shrine. Answer: in antiquity armies marched with displacement tablets; without them, tablets commanded—except displacement ancestors' tablets, no canon text for removing tablets from shrine. Any settlement with ancestral shrines and former lords' tablets is a capital—both capitals' shrines should each have tablets. The passage concluded."
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Asked again: in antiquity making tablets required yu and lian; if tablets must return for enshrinement, chambers cannot stand empty—replace lost tablets and create those due for enshrinement. The ritual classics say nothing—what then? The passage concluded. Answer: yu and lian tablet-making is ritual's proper way. Off-season tablet-making is expedient for the moment A king meets the age with law, shapes affairs to need—if the constant is absent, consider variation If the throne tours east while the shrine still lacks tablets, follow Suzong's Guangde 2 precedent—specially make missing tablets and enshrine. Tablets cannot be wanting, so ritual esteems fitting expedient—the Spring and Autumn principle is to vary and thereby rectify. The passage concluded. Ancestors' tablets, where spirits dwell, lodged in Taiwei not entering the lineage shrine—restoring root by the classics befits sagacity.
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輿
The Secretariat was ordered to convene; expectant officials largely agreed with Yanwei. Directors and vice-directors each held their view: some said tablets should be stored in Taiwei Palace; some said bury them together; some said missing tablets should be made; some said when the carriage tours east, carry Upper Capital tablets east. All spoke from opinion, not grounded in canonical evidence Confused debate brought no decision; nothing was carried out.
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祿 便使
Huichang 5, eighth month: the Secretariat reported the Eastern Capital Grand Temple's nine chambers held twenty-six tablets; after An Lushan's rebellion the temple became barracks and tablets were cast into streets—the offices secretly gathered them; they now rest in a new small building inside Taiwei Palace. The temple buildings still stood and could be restored. In Dahe, ritual directors held the eastern capital should not hold tablets—when the throne toured east, carry tablets along. Inertia has left restoration undone to this day. They asked the Secretariat to gather dukes, ritual officers, and academicians for detailed deliberation. If tablets were not to be reinstalled, a proper storehouse was needed. If they should be installed, rebuild using timber from dismantled great temples. Because a prince held the eastern residency, he should be named commissioner to rebuild the Grand Temple and supervise repairs. Approved as ordered. The passage concluded."
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''
Year 6, third month: ritual director Zheng Lu reported twenty Taiwei Palace tablets; the Ritual Office had analyzed and reported them on the twenty-ninth of the second month last year. They received this month's seventh-day edict: this rite is weightiest; precedent must be followed—ritual and academic officers should deliberate together and report. Deliberating with academicians, they submitted analysis: twelve tablets—Xianzu Emperor Xuan, Empress Xuanzhuang, Yizu Emperor Guang, Empress Guangyi, Empress Wende, Gaozong the Heavenly Sovereign Great, Empress Wu Zetian, Zhongzong the Great Sage Great Filial, Empress Hespi, Empress Zhaocheng, Emperor Xiaojing, Empress Di'ai—whose kin is exhausted, should move to line shrines and affix at Xingsheng Shrine. In di-xia years they receive one sacrifice. The eastern capital has no Xingsheng Shrine—we beg provisional storage in the Grand Temple side chamber. Fourteen tablets bear no inscription; without inscription, invocation and announcement cannot proceed. Deliberating with ritual officers, they begged that on removal day the tablets be buried in vacant ground within the old Taiwei Palace. The passage concluded. That, they judged, best fit practical need. Approved. The passage concluded."
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Thirty-nine ritual directors including Duan Gui submitted a deliberation:
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西
What ritual establishes rests on sincerity and reverence what shrines establish is truly dignity Since sacrifice is sincerity offered, unity is fitting. When Zhou had eastern and western shrines, one can trace why Only at the first divination for Luo, building was needed and the seat unsettled—hence deliberation to keep both. Weighing circumstances, not aiming at breadth—the Sacrificial Canon is clear
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西 便 便 退
The eastern Grand Temple has long lain abandoned—debating restoration slightly strays from prior teaching. Why (idiomatic). The eastern shrine was first made under Empress Wu and Zhongzong—a moment's affair, not Zhenguan or Kaiyuan law; what lingered unrepealed merely followed Haojing's precedent. The Record says: sacrifice should not be frequent—frequency breeds weariness. In Tianbao both capitals fell to rebels; the western shrine façades remained, the eastern scattered. The passage concluded." Thus the nine shrines' spirits did not wish to inhale wearisome sacrifice From Jianzhong's refusal to repair, years have piled If shrine façades are renewed today, each chamber must have its tablet Old tablets remain but most should merge in diao—yet kept on spirit benches—what should diao not diao. Confucius said, when there are seven or five shrines, no empty tablet—meaning shrines cannot lack tablets. If old tablets remain or depart, the new shrine must add new ones The Zuo Commentary says: affix at lian, make tablet. Dai Sheng says: at yu, set the spirit bench. If made out of season, that is using the inauspicious to intrude on the auspicious Adding anew is uncanonical. Examining ritual texts, advance and retreat have no footing
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西 便
Some say: Han placed lineage shrines in commanderies and kingdoms, over a hundred—now only east and west shrines, what unease? The passage concluded." Han inherited Qin's burnings and knew no canonical precedents—for shrine system, it acted by whim. By Yuandi and Chengdi, Gong Yu, Wei Xuancheng, and others argued soundly—finally shrines were destroyed. Enough to know early Han did not root in ritual classics—how take it as measure (idiomatic). Some say: spirit benches cannot be reset—why not repair shrine chambers? When the carriage tours, use the tablets carried. The passage concluded." Pursue beginning and end—again one may argue Yesterday's edict aimed to gather old tablets—if tablets are not installed, how apply the shrine? Suppose throne tours nine provinces— must one raise a shrine in each? This servant holds: the shrine cannot be repaired; tablets should be stored and buried—in the pit chamber or between the two stair flights—the immutable way of a hundred generations. The passage concluded."
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That year, ninth month edict: Duan Gui and others' deliberation—the eastern capital cannot raise a shrine. Li Fu and others' separate memorial also differs State institutions must match canonical rites—evidence not unified, then hard to establish All should come to the Secretariat for face debate until the fitting conclusion. The passage concluded."
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Minister of Works Xue Yuanshang and others replied:
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輿
At Jianzhong, dukes petitioned to restore the eastern celebratory shrine—debate then had three heads: first, keep the shrine, fully install tablets, on feast days have another officer perform by proxy. Second, build shrine and tablets, keep without sacrifice—when the imperial carriage tours, feast there Third, keep shrine, bury tablets. They set forth the three deliberations, weighing the ritual canon—reason requires keeping the shrine, not installing tablets.
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西
The Meaning of Sacrifice says: in founding a state, spirit seats—sacred soil right, ancestral shrine left. The Book of Rites: when the noble will build chambers, ancestral shrine comes first. Thus the king founding realm and seat must first raise ancestral shrine and sacred soil. Zhou Wu received the mandate, first seat at Feng; Cheng Wang chose dwelling, divined at Luo—sacrificed the year's harvest in the new settlement, enfeoffed Duke Zhou in the Grand Chamber. The Documents: on wuchen, the king in the new settlement sacrificed the year's harvest. king entered Grand Chamber for libation. Cheng Wang afterward established again at Feng—though Luo was built, he did not long dwell there. The passage concluded." Reaching King Ping, eastern removal was fixed Then Zhou's Feng and Hao both had ancestral shrines—clear Also: Zengzi asked about two tablet sets in the shrine; the Master answered heaven no two suns, earth no two kings—in seasonal, great, suburban, soil rites, honor no second apex—unknown if that is ritual. Duke Huan of Qi once made two tablet sets; the Master mocked them as false tablets. Thus two tablet sets cannot be installed together—also clear The sage king builds sacred soil to thicken root, shrine to honor ancestors—thus the capital must have shrine and soil The state fixes Zhou and Qin's two lands as eastern and western seats, opens nine avenues and raises palaces, sets hundred offices with strict guard—patterned on dark heavens, called the capital. With imperial dwelling established, spirit seats cannot stand empty—without ancestral shrine, what is imperial capital? Yet spirits rely on people; sacrifice dwells in sincerity—sincerity rises from within, not without—fitting close reverence to join the divine. Seats should remain in both capitals. sincerity cannot focus on two feast lines.
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西
Some cite the Rites: seven or five shrines, no empty tablet—meaning cannot lack tablets. Hence the Son of Heaven on tour also has what he honors—still adorns the fasting carriage, carries displacement tablets traveling Now if we repair shrine and bury tablets, like the eastern Grand Temple all nine chambers empty—already against the canon, explanation is required. Your servant again probes ritual meaning and may discuss fully What is said—no empty tablet—means the shrine where sacrifice is seen cannot be empty. Today's two capitals, though each has a shrine—di, xia, feast, presentation—all are personally offered at the Upper Capital; tablet benches cannot stand empty in the eastern shrine. Moreover the Rites: only the sage can feast the Di; only the filial son can feast kin. Formerly Han's Wei Xuancheng urged abolishing commandery and kingdom sacrifice, also saying: raise shrine at the capital, personally undertake the service—within the four seas each by office comes to sacrifice. Human feeling and ritual sense are thus comparably clear. The passage concluded." Two chambers do not dwell together—how can two shrines affix together (idiomatic). Yet in the seated realm, the shrine where sacrifice is seen has no empty chamber—those who abandon universal canon wish to install tablets without sacrifice, awaiting tour. Lu once made Duke Xi's tablet not at yu or lian—the Spring and Autumn records and mocks. Tablets for joint enshrinement, made untimely, were still mocked Now to install tablets unfit for joint enshrinement, not made in season—defying canon, exceeding ritual—nothing worse How can there be tablets for nine chambers of joint feasting. Two shrines first created by Duke Zhou. From antiquity creation has modeled Zhou and Confucius—old canon still remains, enough for clear proof Your servant therefore says eastern shrine should be kept. Now about to repair shrine buildings—truly no diminishment of canonical rite The six tablets now in Taiwei—they ask after eastern Grand Temple repair is complete, with full rite escort them to the western side chamber, sealed without sacrifice, displaying Your Majesty's strict sacrificial reverence and clarifying the holy court's honor of ancestors.
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使 西
Ministry vice director Zheng Ya and five others: per the Ritual Office, the eastern Grand Temple abandoned cannot be restored; Taiwei tablets should be buried where they lodge. That strays from canonical teaching—they dare not echo it. They filed a separate deliberation, asking repair and enshrinement of tablets, all per canonical rite—also the same as Rites Commissioner Yan Zhenqing's Jianzhong 1 memorial. Deliberating again with dukes and ministers, all held the shrine surely should be repaired, tablets cannot be buried—same as their separate memorial. Yet collective debate still feared east and west shrines each setting tablets might touch two tablet sets in one shrine—request repair with empty chambers, store Taiwei tablets in side chambers. Six of those spirit-lords were unfilleted forebears; applying removal rites to them still seemed uncanonical. They still dare not sign the collective memorial—for lingering doubt. The passage concluded."
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Imperial University director and Hongwen Guan attache Zheng Sui and seven others: in discussing the state's great affairs, one must root in rectitude and anchor in classics, to reach the middle way. This dynasty prizes filial piety and true ritual—how could ministers answer with anything but the canon? Three positions and six precedents had already been laid out. Again receiving heaven's inquiry, they set forth schools' views, sought canonical instruction, examined the great mean—shrine has text requiring repair; tablet has no logic for installation. For what reason? Orthodox classics and histories prove two-capital shrines The Rites say the Son of Heaven does not divine the Grand Temple's site; choose a day, divine the founding land—then ancestral shrine is known. To abandon a temple, then, is what ought not be abandoned. Poetry, Documents, Rites—the three classics—and Han's two histories show both capitals set shrines; carrying tablets has long been practiced. How dare they leave clear proof for ornament? Citing classics, not changing prior views—the eastern Grand Temple should be repaired and honored; old tablets should be buried where Taiwei stores them. When the emperor has business at Luo, offer the fasting carriage and carry tablets traveling. The passage concluded."
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Ritual director Gu Dezang deliberated:
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Ritual follows feeling but aims at essentials; moderation is the point—excess ritual undermines sincerity. At Shenlong Heaven's mandate returned: Wu temples moved to Chang'an, the site became the Grand Temple; until early Tianbao it was not a capital foundation. Yet proponents say: "Zhongzong's Eastern Capital temple did not violate precedent. Read in context—is that not absurd?
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西 便 西 西 西 西
They also say the Eastern Capital Grand Temple was maintained through Ruizong and Xuanzong unchanged. That was because it had once been reverently kept and they dared not abolish it rashly. It has long been abandoned, yet they still invoke the canon of what must not be raised. They also say: "Though Zhenguan's founding left no leisure, how can this not be Kaiyuan law?" I cite the edict fixing the Kaiyuan Six Institutions: "In leisure from government, collating past and present, modeling the Zhou Offices, making the Tang Code. Surveying beginning and end—a thousand years in one morning. Spring and Autumn calls this the method of examining antiquity. That it may endure long—is this not so? Then the Eastern Capital Grand Temple still stood; the Six Institutions lists both capitals' palaces—the west fully records the Grand Temple, the east is noted but passed over—clearly a one-time measure; how is it "Kaiyuan law"? Of Three Dynasties ritual and music, none matched Zhou. Yesterday's debate took Zhou as model in large and small matters—temples on removal. To build a temple without removal—what in Zhou is admirable yet cannot be followed? They also cite: "State spirit-altars: soil and grain to the right, temple to the left; when building palaces, the temple comes first." The Six Institutions: in Yongchang Wu made the Eastern Capital the Divine Capital. Construction was gradually added; chambers and the hundred offices were completed. Today's palaces and offices were prepared under the Wu clan's change of mandate. The superior capital already had state and ancestral temple—this quote does not apply. They also say: "Luoyang sacrifices to five emperors including Xiaoxuan; Chang'an to three including Xiaocheng." As a precedent for establishing a temple, that is gravely wrong. In Han both places had temples but sacrificed to different emperors. To build an Eastern Capital temple with tablets identical to the superior capital is, broadly, a grave error. They also object that if Luoyang restores the Grand Temple and offices sacrifice the same day, the arithmetic is incomprehensible. I cite Tianbao 3: "Recently both capitals sacrificed at the Grand Temple on the same day. Henceforth each capital shall choose its own day. Recorded in the sacrificial canon—clear on inspection. Temples and tablets exist to sacrifice—"maintain but do not sacrifice" appears in no classic. "Seven or five temples with no empty tablet"—yet they want empty temples—what canon allows this? The claim that temple buildings remain as of old refers to Jianzhong, when they still stood as the state's priority. The claim against out-of-season tablet-making means existing tablets may not be remade out of season. When tablets were all lost in the Jiangzuo Zhide era, that example cannot bind us. Some propose burying abolished tablets in the Taiwei Palace. I cite Tianbao 2: ancient rites used plain dawn, drawing on remoteness because feeling follows death. Our sage ancestor remains present; in the Way there is no "ended" period—rites of honoring the living should extend. Henceforth announcements at the sage ancestor's palace should use the mao hour instead." Burying tablets at the palace site contradicts this edict entirely. Others say tablets should not be buried but stored in side chambers. Former ages varied in storing tablets. Side chambers properly order zhao and mu. Present tablets are all ritually improper—there is no di/xia text. When building palaces the temple comes first—founding a state requires a temple. The Eastern Capital has palaces—the Grand Temple must not be left unbuilt. On the whole, this argument prevails. Western Zhou and Eastern Han were both two-capital states; separate ancestral temples are plain in classics and histories—one may weigh the debate fully. The Odes: "Its cord is straight; shrink the boards—building the temple, majestic. The "Melon Vine" ode in the Great Odes describes building the Feng temple. Also: "Solemn is the clear temple; dignified, manifest assistants. When Luoyang was complete, he led sacrifices to King Wen. That ode is Luoyang's temple. The Documents: "King Cheng reached Luo, performed the year's zheng sacrifice—a red bull for King Wen. Also "libation in the Grand Chamber"; Kang dwelt at Feng—"ordered Duke Bi to protect the eastern suburb." How sacrifice without a temple, or a protectorship without a capital? Thus the Documents shows east-west temples. Later Han divined for Luo; Western Capital temples remained. Jianwu 2 built a Luoyang temple; Cheng, Ai, and Ping were sacrificed to in the west. Year 18 the emperor visited Chang'an for di; five chambers stood in Luoyang, three emperors in the capital temple—without the fasting carriage on a joint-feast year, how complete the rite? Two temples were Zhou's law; carrying tablets on tour was Han's custom. Some cite "no empty tablet" against emptying one capital's temple. The Ritual means one capital's chambers must not lack tablets—not that two capitals cannot each have temples. The campaign text links to carrying tablets; principle and fact align—not poetry, from which one may not cut a line at will. The ancients sought spirits in more than one place with one intent—hence mulberry tablets were abandoned for chestnut remakes.
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西 西 殿西 輿
Some cite Zuo's Fu-building rule: "with former lords' tablets = du" to argue for new tablets. Lu, Zhuang 28 winter: Zuo generalizes on building; Guliang criticized marsh profit; Gongyang cited famine-year suspicion. The three commentaries differ; Zuo is weakest. Why is that? In 240 years Lu walled twenty-four places; only Fu is "built"—did the other twenty-three all have ancestral tablets? That cannot ground a general doctrine of establishing tablets. Some ask why bury abolished tablets in Taiwei storage; abandon old for new—as already argued. Burying places: under the north window or between western steps—temple matters. Improper tablets are buried as appropriate. Burying in a temple that should stand is wrong. Taiwei storage equals Han park-tombs. Most dynasties had one capital; two were rare. The state honors both residences with full ritual—yet doubts each temple; Zhou and Han capital stories verify the case. Present citations are almost all one-capital eras—unfit for this debate; who would toast to them? Classics show: planning a palace always included the temple—never a palace without a temple. The state inherited Sui's ruin; founding left no leisure; Chuigong building fit the moment. Later, when arms rested and culture flourished, eleven sage reigns did not debate abolition. Though the matter was timely, the temple had reason to stand and could not be abolished piecemeal. Luoyang's institutions—from palaces down to the hundred offices—match the Western Capital. When the emperor arrives, even servants return to their posts. Can former emperors' tablets alone lack a resting place? Timing: yu tablets are buried; abolished tablets should be too. Some cite Ma Rong and Li Zhou: joint palace-building does no harm; temporary temple emptiness is allowed—making them Confucius's equals. Applied to this debate, the error is deep.
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Some cite: "With former lords' tablets = du; without = yi; yi is built, du is walled." In 240 years of Spring and Autumn only Fu is "built." Lang, Fei, and similar cases had other reasons—defense or fortification—not universal ancestral temples. Some cite sage rulers restoring antiquity and documents verifying texts—five emperors, different music; three kings, different ritual; law for the times. That is positive statecraft—not routine office business. Offices should unite on the classics alone; changing ritual for the times awaits an explicit edict.
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Seven proofs against repair: temples on removal—first; abolished rites must not be revived—second; empty temples forbidden—third; no out-of-season tablet-making—fourth; Carrying the removed-chamber tablet on tour—fifth; No second supreme in honor—sixth; Not recorded in the Six Institutions—seventh. King Wen, Wu, and Cheng each established temples on removal; the Eastern Capital would build without removal—violating that rule. The Record of Rites: "What has been abolished in sacrifice—none dares raise; what has been raised—none dares abolish. The Eastern Capital Grand Temple has been abandoned eight reigns; rebuilding violates "abolished must not be raised." The Record: "Seven and five temples must have no empty tablet." Empty temples violate "temples cannot be empty. The Zuo Commentary: "On dingchou Duke Xi's tablet was made—untimely." The Record: "Late sacrifice is still ritual. Even timely rites are abandoned when late—may improper tablets be made? Out-of-season tablet-making violates the rule. Zengzi Questions: "Did armies carry the removed-chamber tablet?" Confucius: On tour the removed-chamber tablet rides on the fasting carriage—honor must be present. Taking all seven temples' tablets is wrong. Huang: "Removed-chamber tablet = one newly removed chamber only." Carrying all temples' tablets violates that rule. The Record: "No second sun; no second king; xiang, di, suburban, soil—no second supreme." Building temples and tablets in both capitals violates "no second supreme." The Six Institutions lists both capitals—the east temple is omitted—violating "not recorded. No book or tradition supports repair. Through Wude and Zhenguan, when models were set and scholars gathered, repair would have been debated if possible. Music is Heaven's; ritual is Earth's. Heaven moves. Earth rests." Music may change; ritual should not. Your Majesty's sincerity embraces all things; filial piety toward ancestors seeks the root. Deliberation is ordered again to settle the better view. In ritual office I must reply clearly. Dezhang's two memorials to the Secretariat and Ritual College are appended. First: The eighth-month sixth-day edict orders debate on repairing the Eastern Capital Grand Temple.
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Memorials already held further repair improper by ritual. Thirty-eight Secretariat vice directors and below signed together.
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Dezhang serves the ritual directorate—when the ruler is strict in worship and the chief minister esteems antiquity, departing from canon shames the age. Hence this earnest reply. Yesterday's differences can be stated. First: a capital name implies a temple; second: repair to await tours.
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便 便 使
They ignore empty temples and the one-tablet rule. Zhenguan 9: "Taiyuan began royal enterprise—like Feng/Pei and Wan/Qiao; ritually a temple must be debated." Yan Shigu: "Temples belong in the capital, not separately in the provinces. Zhou's Feng and Hao were removals built as needed—not one-time separate temples." Taizong approved and stopped the same day. Taiyuan had a capital name yet was abolished—the Eastern Capital follows suit. New chambers need tablets; buried tablets mean emptiness. Capital therefore temple" collapses. Zengzi Questions again: "Must the removed-chamber tablet be carried on campaign?" Confucius: On tour it rides on the fasting carriage. All seven temples is wrong. Huang: only the newly removed chamber. Un-entombed tablets are not carried on tour. Un-entombed tablets have no text for carrying on tour. Even awaiting tours, one chamber could be built—what basis for debating nine chambers? The ancestral temple is honored and weighty—how decide on doubtful text? If words lack classic warrant, it is presumptuous deliberation.
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Even for tours one chamber suffices—nine chambers lack warrant. The temple is supremely weighty—doubtful text cannot decide. Without classics it is presumptuous. If words lack classic warrant, it is presumptuous deliberation. Recent edicts require item-by-item classic warrant. Else history; else silence. An Eastern Capital temple lacks both—private opinion contradicts edicts. The Documents: "Three divine; follow two." Forty-eight debated; six or seven agreed—far from "two of three." Yao and Shun are praised for ministers who followed antiquity, not strange arts. Yao's text: "Examining antiquity, Emperor Yao." Kong: "Following ancient ways." Yue: "Not modeling antiquity—unheard of." Antiquity and state law agree—no substitute. Root in orthodox classics, suppress floating debate, follow Gao, Kui, Zhou, and Confucius—scholars will rejoice.
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The rest is in the prior memorial.
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Second: Temples serve sincerity; duplication is not sincere. Without removal, no separate temple. No second sun, king, or supreme in sacrifice. Abolished rites must not be revived. The Eastern Capital temple was long abolished—repair departs from intent. Why so? Under Wu, Zhongzong turned her temple into the Grand Temple to secure hearts—not permanent law. Surviving tablets were to be entombed; new chambers need tablets. No out-of-season tablets; no empty chambers—tour repair carries one tablet only, per the registers. Some classic citations are disciples' or others' words. Empty temples, no second supreme, no out-of-season tablets, one tablet on tour—the sage ancestor and Confucius expounded these; they cannot be equated with ordinary citations. Qiu Ming judged as "the gentleman"; for Chen Xie and Jin Wen he used Confucius alone. The Commentary: "Doubt requires sage words. Some say altars and palaces differ—expedient repair seems fine. That is inclination, not warrant. No precedent anywhere for temples at altars of soil and grain. From Yin and Zhou, only removal establishes separate temples.
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' '祿
The Zhenguan Ritual: at xia, meritorious ministers share in the temple court; at di they do not. At that time regulations allowed meritorious ministers to share on both xia and di days. In Zhenguan 16, before the di sacrifice, offices requested debate; Director Wei Ting and seventeen others argued that ancient kings did not daily feed the temple lest ritual become excessive. Hence: sacrifice in Spring and Autumn—think of them in season. When a minister has great merit and enjoys emolument, later filial sons keep abundant seasonal rites and may share at the great xia—to display merit and encourage successors. His merit is thus displayed and his virtue honored to encourage those who follow. At di and seasonal rites, meritorious ministers should not participate. In Zhou ritual, officials of the six merits share only at the great zheng. Scholars all take great zheng as the xia sacrifice. Gao Tanglong and Yu Weizhi follow Zheng Xuan—not as seasonal sharing. Han and Wei xia rites fell in the tenth month. Jin ritualists proposed a mid-autumn yin sacrifice; Left Vice Director Kong Anguo impeached them, and several lost their posts. Early Liang wrongly ranked meritorious ministers in the di sacrifice; Left Assistant Minister He Tongzhi objected, and Emperor Wu approved his view. From Zhou and Qi onward all followed this practice. Two yin sacrifices in five years match Heaven's pattern—one great, one small. Learned opinion holds that the lesser excludes ministers, the greater includes meritorious ministers. The present rite omits meritorious ministers from di; the rite should not be changed." An edict ordered the rules brought into line with ritual. When Kaiyuan revised the rites, di and xia again both assigned meritorious ministers accompanying offerings.
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Gaozong, Shangyuan 3, tenth month: a Grand Temple xia was planned. Debates cited the Rites Apocrypha ("xia every three years, di every five") and Gongyang ("two yin sacrifices in five years") and could not be resolved. Academician Shi Can et al. argued: per the Book of Rites citing Zheng Xuan's Di-Xia Record, Spring and Autumn records Duke Xi's death in month 12, year 33. Duke Wen year 2, month 8, dingmao: a great offering at the Grand Temple. Gongyang asks: what is a great offering? Xia. After three-year mourning, year 2 is xia; year 3 is di at the group temples. Xi and Xuan each held di in year 8—five years between successive di. Thus a new ruler: xia year 2, di year 3. Thereafter, two yin sacrifices in five years means xia in year 6 and di in year 8. Duke Zhao year 10: Qi Gui died; mourning ended year 13 when xia was due, but the Pingqiu meeting sent the duke to Jin that winter. Xia in year 14, di in year 15—the "affairs at the Martial Shrine" passage applies. Xia year 18, di year 20. Xia year 23, di year 25. Zhao year 25, "affairs at the Xiang Shrine," is the same pattern. After di, xia is three years later; after xia, di is two years later. This fits the classics and Gongyang's sense." Can's view became the fixed rule.
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Kaiyuan 6 autumn: after Ruizong's mourning, Grand Temple xia was held. Later practice counted xia every three years and di every five, separately—not jointly. By year 27 there had been five di and seven xia. That year summer di had just ended when winter again required xia. The Court of Imperial Sacrifices reported:
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Di and xia are both yin sacrifices: xia combines ancestors at the Grand Temple; di orders seniority. They extend a late ruler's care and gather heirs' filial service—unlike seasonal rites, performed only at appointed times. Sacrifice should not be too frequent, lest it become irreverent; nor too sparse, lest it breed neglect. Kings therefore model Heaven and fix the sacrificial canon. Zheng and chang follow the seasons; di and xia follow the intercalary pattern. Two intercalations in five years complete Heaven's cycle; the temple mirrors this with two yin sacrifices. Per Book of Rites "Royal Regulations," Zhou Offices Director of Ritual, Zheng Xuan, and Gaotang: after succession and three-year mourning, xia at the Grand Ancestor. The next year, di at the group temples. Thereafter two yin sacrifices in five years—one xia, one di. Han, Wei, and Zhenguan records all followed this schedule. The Rites Apocrypha and Lu commentary likewise say xia every three years and di every five—the "two yin sacrifices in five years." Baihu, Five Classics Meaning, Xu Shen, He Xiu, and He Xun's Sacrificial Deliberation all say di every three years. Why (idiomatic). One intercalation in three years is Heaven's lesser cycle; two in five is the greater—hence the count. Two yin sacrifices in five years mean one xia and one di alternating through the whole period. Today di and xia are counted separately—two schedules, not one integrated cycle. Offerings sometimes pile up year after year or twice in one year; one di may be followed by two xia, or three yin sacrifices within five years. The intercalary pattern is already broken; and the "two yin sacrifices in five years" count no longer holds. Measured against ritual text, the practice is seriously awry.
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Some argue di and xia differ in rank and name, so their year-counts cannot be unified. Xia uses three cycles to reach the lesser union; di uses five divisions to complete a ten-year cycle. Such discrepancy, they say, forbids a single reckoning. The "three xia, five di" theory and "two yin sacrifices in five years" both come from the Rites Apocrypha and can be harmonized. After di, xia follows two and a half cycles; rounded to a full number that is "three years," as one intercalation uses thirty-six months. Di and xia take different names by season—xia in autumn-winter, di in spring-summer. Names differ, but as yin sacrifices they are one—like yue, ci, zheng, and chang. Zheng Xuan says xia is greater, some texts say di is greater; offerings may vary, but the combined reckoning is the same. The intercalary model is ancient. Only Jin's Chen Shu argued one yin sacrifice every three years (years 5, 8, 11, 14), still citing the intercalary model. Two yin sacrifices in six years is not "modeling intercalation." Nor does "di every five years" fit. Contradictory theories cannot be relied on.
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Heaven's measure has a clear direction; antiquity confirms it. Joint reckoning of di and xia is plain. Proposed schedule from Kaiyuan 27 jimao month 4 di, through xinsi month 10 xia, jiashen month 4 di, bingxu month 10 xia, jichou month 4 di, xinmao month 10 xia. Thereafter two yin sacrifices in five years, cycling indefinitely. Di-xia theory has many schools, but "two yin sacrifices in five years" and the intercalary model largely agree. After di, xia may be nearer or farther. Zheng Xuan and Gaotang put "three" before "two"; Xu Miao puts "two" before "three." Zheng's "three first" method fits the three-xia five-di texts and preserves the three-year and five-year slots. On Zheng's scheme: jia year di, ding xia, ji di, ren xia, and repeat—jia di, ding xia, and so on. Xia to di is 18 months (too near); di to xia is 36 (too far)—uneven spacing. Placing xia in autumn yields 39 months before and 21 after—slightly better but still skewed. The texts all say "model intercalation"; two intercalations apart divide evenly. Why should the two yin sacrifices be unequal? "Three years" is a round number for two and a half cycles; placing xia here does not violate the text—why insist on three whole years? Even great scholars err once in a thousand deliberations. Xu Miao's view differs and, on close review, is most reliable. Two di are 60 months apart; halve to 30 and insert one xia. Jia summer di, bing winter xia—exact intercalary spacing. This satisfies "xia every three years"; and keeps "two yin sacrifices in five years" evenly spaced. Among Ru traditions it is the soundest long-term reading. We ask to fix the two yin sacrifices on this basis, project the months, and cycle indefinitely.
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Cui Zongzhi of the Ministry of Rites objected and sent the case back to the Court of Imperial Sacrifices; Lu Shanqing and other academicians reviewed it and approved. Director Wei Zong reported: di and xia are both yin sacrifices, alternating in regular succession. Some say two yin sacrifices in five years—one di, one xia. Others say xia every three years and di every five. All model Heaven's intercalation in broad outline. But because the Grand Temple counts di and xia separately, the practice slightly departs from the classics. Di was just performed in the fourth month; mid-winter xia is now proposed—combined feasting too often, against ancient precedent. Your Majesty has restored the rites; this is the moment to clarify ancestral practice. We in ritual office venture to fix the sequence from old texts. Let this summer's di begin the cycle; thereafter di and xia alternate every five years. This winter's xia should be omitted; only seasonal offerings should be held, avoiding irreverent frequency." Approved.
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Former practice—Tianbao 8, intercalary month 6, day 6 edict: "Di and xia preserve rank; ornament may change with the times. The dynasty descends from the Immortal Ancestor and inherits sage forebears; we seek to uphold the unchanging canon of ascent and offering. Henceforth at each di and xia arrange ranks before the Sage Ancestor at Supreme Clarity, clarifying ascent and matching above and full sincerity below. Lately seasonal offerings stopped during di and xia—expedient but incomplete. Hereafter during di and xia, regular offerings use plain food and three incense burnings replace three presentations."
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Jianzhong 2, month 9, day 4: Erudite Chen Jing urged that the tenth-month Grand Temple xia include the Offerings and Eminence ancestors' relocated tablets. Spring and Autumn: destroyed temples' tablets are set before the Grand Ancestor; others ascend for combined feasting. The Grand Ancestor faces east; descendants are arranged in zhao-mu rows—no rule excludes relocated tablets of destroyed shrines. Zhou did thus, but Tang ritual should differ. Zhou matched Hou Ji to Heaven as first enfeoffment ancestor, then built lower temples. Destroyed shrines and moved tablets all stood after the Grand Ancestor. At di and xia nothing preceded the Grand Temple Grand Ancestor. The Grand Ancestor's east-facing seat preserves unquestioned honor. For this tenth-month xia, Chen asks to follow Wei-Jin precedent and build separate temples. Eastern Jin gave four forebears separate temples; at di and xia the Grand Ancestor kept honor in the Grand Temple while separate temples served the remote forebears. Tang should build separate temples for Offerings and Eminence and sacrifice to them at di and xia; so the Grand Ancestor can face east in the Grand Temple. Deming and Xingsheng once had their own temples; separate shrines should enshrine the tablets in the Xingsheng temple." The edict ordered the Department of State Affairs to convene deliberation. Yan Zhenqing argued: some said Offerings and Eminence, being remote, should not join xia and should stay shut in the western side chambers; others that both should share xia with the Grand Ancestor in zhao-mu order while leaving his east seat empty; others that if they share xia the Grand Ancestor can never face east and both tablets should move to the Deming temple. Yan held all three views unacceptable. The classics are incomplete; where scholars analogize and weigh categories, practice may proceed in accord with right principle. Grand Ancestor Emperor Jing, first enfeoffment and mandate, occupies the immovable shrine and matches Heaven—ultimate honor. At di and xia he temporarily takes a zhao-mu place, humbling himself to honor ancestors—his teeming intent and the empire's model of filial piety. Follow Jin Cai Mo: at the October xia, Offerings faces east; Eminence, Grand Ancestor, and the rest follow left-zhao right-mu. This shows Tang's regard for root and order—a statute for all generations. Others proposed moving both tablets to the Deming temple for xia. Xia means combined offering. Gongyang asks: "What is the great affair? Xia. Xia not in the Grand Temple but in the Deming temple is divided feasting, not combined feasting. Name and fact diverge—it violates ritual and must be rejected."
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Zhenyuan 7, month 11, day 28: Director Pei Yu noted that in Yin and Zhou moved shrines followed the Grand Ancestor, so combined feasting kept order. Han Gaozu had no first-enfeoffment forebear and made Emperor Gao Grand Ancestor. The Supreme Emperor, Gaodi's father, had his own temple and stood outside zhao-mu combined feasting as senior to the Grand Ancestor. Wei Wu founded the state; Emperor Wen took Emperor Wu as Grand Ancestor. High Emperor, Grand Emperor, and Recluse Lord were kin seniors outside zhao-mu feasting. Jin Xuan founded the state; Emperor Wu took Emperor Xuan as Grand Ancestor. Western Campaign General, Yingchuan, and three other lords were kin seniors outside zhao-mu feasting. Our dynasty received Heaven's mandate through successive sages. Emperor Jing, first enfeoffed as Duke of Tang, was truly Grand Ancestor. Generations were still near; the imperial temple had only six chambers within three zhao and three mu. Hongnong Lord and ancestors Xuan and Guang, senior to the Grand Ancestor, moved when kin was exhausted—not in zhao-mu. This is recorded in the ritual monograph and may be followed. Kaiyuan added nine temples; Offerings and Eminence entered zhao-mu, so Emperor Jing could not face east. Now both ancestors are tithed and nine chambers are ordered—how can the Grand Ancestor's seat remain uncorrected? The Grand Ancestor matches Heaven and is immovable, yet sits in zhao-mu while remote Offerings and Eminence face east—this is unsettling. He asked the hundred officials to deliberate jointly." Approved.
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Year 8, month 1, day 23: Left Assistant to the Heir Apparent Li Rong and six others deliberated:
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"Royal Regulations": "The Son of Heaven has seven temples—three zhao, three mu, with the Grand Ancestor, seven. This is Zhou practice. Seven means the Grand Ancestor plus Wen and Wu tithes and four intimate temples. Grand Ancestor is Hou Ji. Yin had six: Qi and Tang plus two zhao and two mu. Xia had five without Grand Ancestor—Yu plus two zhao and two mu. Jin Erudite Sun Qin: tablets before the mandate Grand Ancestor or first-enfeoffment ancestor are destroyed after five generations and excluded from di and xia. Di and xia reach only descendants after the mandate Grand Ancestor, stored in the two tithe shrines. Even after a hundred generations di and xia still reach them. Offerings and Eminence are kin-exhausted forebears before the Grand Ancestor. By Three Dynasties precedent they are outside di and xia. The dynastic ancestor's tablet is a destroyed-shrine tablet displayed before the Grand Ancestor per Gongyang. Han Yongguang 4: Wei Xuancheng urged destroying kin-exhausted shrines; the Supreme tablet was buried in the park and Filial Emperor's moved to the Grand Ancestor temple. Approved. The Supreme Emperor, like pre-Grand Ancestor tablets, was buried in the park and excluded from di and xia—like today's Offerings and Eminence. Filial Emperor moved to the Grand Ancestor temple and joined di and xia—like today's Emperor Yuan tablet. Wei through Sui founders each built temples and left the Grand Ancestor seat empty. Seven generations after the Grand Ancestor filled the east-facing seat and completed seven temples. Pre-Grand Ancestor tablets: Wei Ming moved the Recluse Lord to the park with seasonal offerings because generations were still near. When Eastern Jin Ming died, three forebears including the Western Campaign General entered the western side chamber as tithe, like remote shrines. Under Kang and Mu, Jingzhao entered the western tithe chamber and, like the earlier case, was excluded from di and xia.
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Tang first had four temples; Xuan and Guang were enshrined with Grand Ancestor and Shizu. Zhenguan 9: enshrining Gaozu, Zhu Zishe asked for seven temples with separate zhao and mu tablets. The Grand Ancestor seat was left empty per Jin-Song precedent until succession filled the east-facing place. Hongnong Lord and Gaozu filled six chambers; the Grand Ancestor seat stayed empty during di and xia. Year 23, when Taizong was enshrined, Hongnong Lord went to the western side chamber. Weming 1, enshrining Gaozong, moved Emperor Xuan to the western side chamber. Kaiyuan 10: Xuanzong made nine temples, renaming Xuan Offerings and Guang Eminence in the main chambers. Di and xia still left the Grand Ancestor seat empty. Prayers did not style the three ancestors as subjects—only the full temple count mattered. After Zhide 2 recovery new tablets were made but not for Hongnong Lord—he was outside di and xia. Baoying 2: Xuanzong and Suzong were enshrined; Offerings and Eminence went to the western side chamber; the Grand Ancestor finally faced east for eighteen years. Jianzhong 2, month 10: Yan Zhenqing urged bringing out Offerings and Eminence and fixing placement per Eastern Jin Cai Mo. Offerings faced east, Eminence south in zhao, Grand Ancestor north in mu, with left-zhao right-mu thereafter. Cai Mo's view was never enacted—Tang cannot take it as standard. Chang, di, suburban, and altar rites admit no second supreme; burial and relocation follow ritual breaks. Offerings and Eminence are kin-exhausted; the Grand Ancestor should face east—one-morning reversal is not precedent. Restore precedent: store Offerings and Eminence in the western side chamber like "remote temples become tithe" in the Canon of Sacrifices. The Grand Ancestor, matching Heaven, should face east. Thus Zhenguan's opening rule, Kaiyuan's settled form, and Baoying's strict practice are all preserved.
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Liu Mian of the Ministry of Personnel and twelve others deliberated:
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The mandate-receiving ruler and a lord's first-enfeoffment ancestor are both Grand Ancestor. Even the Son of Heaven has one who is honored—therefore the Grand Ancestor; even lords have forebears—also honored as Grand Ancestor. Below the Grand Ancestor, kin exhaustion destroys temples. After Qin ended learning, Han failed to array zhao-mu or successive destruction. Jin lost it. Thus the five-temple rule was violated and the Grand Ancestor seat left empty. Failure to array zhao-mu does not show people there is order; Failing to establish successive temple removal is not the way to show that affection diminishes with distance; violating the five-temple system is not the way to show that branches differ; leaving the Grand Ancestor's seat empty is not the way to show where honor belongs. This is why the rite fell into disuse. According to the Rites: "When the father was a common officer and the son becomes emperor, sacrifice him with imperial rites but bury him with common-officer rites." Today Xianzu is in the distant-temple class, Yizu likewise; before Tang received the Mandate, they were still treated with common-officer rites. Hence Gaozu and Taizong sacrificed to them with imperial rites and did not dare displace them into the Grand Ancestor's seat. To change this now—would it not overturn the order established by former kings? In antiquity, when Zhou possessed the realm, it posthumously ennobled Great King and King Ji with imperial rites; when kinship was exhausted in sacrifice, their temples were removed. When Han possessed the realm, it honored the Supreme Emperor with imperial rites; when kinship was exhausted, his temple was removed. When Tang possessed the realm, it posthumously ennobled the Offering and Majestic ancestors with imperial rites; when kinship was exhausted, their temples were removed. Clearly they cannot take the Grand Ancestor's place.
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Again, the Rites of Zhou distinguish distant temples for former lords and distant temples for former kings. Tablets of former lords removed from their halls were stored in Hou Ji's temple—were these Zhou's distant temples before receiving the Mandate? Tablets of former kings were stored in King Wen's temple—were these Zhou's distant temples after receiving the Mandate? Hence the two distant temples served to distinguish different temple lines. Today the distant temples from Xianzu downward correspond to the former-lord class; those from the Grand Ancestor downward correspond to the former-king class. I ask that separate temples be built to house the two ancestors, thus practicing Zhou rites and restoring the ancient way. Thus Han rites followed Zhou; Wei rites followed Han; Sui rites followed Wei. All established three temples with two distant temples. They also established four private temples at Nanyang, likewise a Later Han institution. The idea is that as a man's son, one serves the great lineage and subordinates private kin; hence private temples serve the root lineage. The Grand Temple honors the orthodox succession. Though ancient and modern differ in time and rites differ in refinement, those who uphold ritual feeling and inquire into ritual roots all penetrate its changes and weigh what to enact. Thus in elevating what is honored above, the Grand Ancestor is set in honor above; in exhausting diminution below, distant-temple tablets are exhausted in kinship below; and in taking the middle position between them, the Son of Heaven holds the distant temples in the center.
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Supervisor of Works Zhang Jian and others submitted: "Formerly Yin and Zhou took Qi and Xun as the first enfeoffed ancestors who were not removed; tablets of destroyed temples were all descendants of Qi and Xun, so zhao and mu were offered together and senior and junior lines did not err. As the Xia took Yu as first enfeoffed, he became the ancestor not removed. Hence the Xia's five temples were only Yu with two zhao and two mu. From this, Gun's kinship was exhausted and his tablet was already removed. The Zuo Commentary also says "Yu did not precede Gun," sufficient to show that among removed tablets, those in the middle honored above the first enfeoffed ancestor also held places in the joint offering. Again, Jin, Song, Qi, Liang, Northern Qi, Zhou, and Sui histories show that from the Grand Ancestor downward all shared di and he alike, never limiting removed and destroyed tablets. We submit that across eight dynasties north and south there were great scholars; on great matters of the ancestral temples deliberation was surely thorough—verified in histories, their rites were unanimous. Again, examining Wei, Jin, Song, Qi, Liang, Northern Qi, Zhou, and Sui precedents and what the Zhenguan, Xianqing, and Kaiyuan Rites describe, di and he alike left the east-facing seat vacant. Having been practiced long, it truly settles popular feeling. Moreover, the Grand Ancestor occupies the first chamber of the clear temple; though his tablet is not removed for a hundred generations and forever receives seasonal offerings, matching Heaven and Earth above, in suburban and temple rites nothing is not correct. If at di and he times he temporarily takes a place in the zhao-mu array, lowering himself to extend filial piety and serve ancestors, is this not the way of Yu earnestly revering Gun? It is also the meaning by which Wei, Jin, Zhou, and Sui Grand Ancestors did not dare use the low to disdain the high. Some debaters wish to move the two ancestors to the Xingsheng Temple, or request separate chambers built and offered at di and he years. He means "union." This would be divided offerings, greatly at odds with ritual intent. Others wish to store them in the west side chambers, never reaching sacrifice—no different from Han burial in the garden, especially impossible. We venture to cite the canonical classics, examine old histories, and ask that the Offering and Majestic ancestors join the Grand Ancestor in the zhao-mu places while the east-facing seat remains vacant."
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Director of Merit Pei Shu submitted: "Rites must establish a lineage head to gather the clan; the east-facing lord is likewise so. If enshrined in a distant temple, would there not be a gap in the middle, unequal above and not of one kind? If the west place is always vacant, the Grand Ancestor is forever displeased in zhao-mu; if separate temples have separate offerings, at he feasting what lord unites the joint meal? Forever closing them like Jiang Yuan, then pushing auspicious and dire omens with nothing to do. The Rites say: "Cherish kin therefore honor ancestors, honor ancestors therefore respect the lineage head, respect the lineage head therefore gather the clan"—hence ancestral temples are strict and altars of soil and grain are weighty. From this it follows that above the Grand Ancestor there are again posthumously honored ancestors—would not the meaning of cherishing kin and honoring ancestors be violated? Outside the Grand Temple lightly to set separate offering temples—would ancestral temples not be lax and altars of soil and grain not be light? Moreover, Han Chancellor Wei Xuancheng asked to bury in the garden; Jin recluse Yu Xi asked to bury in the space between the temple stairways. Xi also cited the Zuo Commentary: ancient former kings daily sacrificed to ancestors and fathers, monthly to great-great-grandfathers, seasonal offerings including the two distant temples, yearly he including altars and mounds, final di including suburban, ancestral, and stone-chamber spirits. This means above the suburban ancestral spirit there is again the stone-chamber ancestor—this is nearest in kinship. But when they debated where the stone chamber should stand, there was no standard. Xi asked to place it in the side chambers; I deem the stone chamber can be cited, but the way to situate it is not settled. Why? Side chambers mean placing removed tablets below the Grand Ancestor, not installing tablets above the Grand Ancestor in storage. Never has the low occupied the correct position while the honored dwells at the side. Examining reason and the heart, I fear it is not acceptable. Now if a stone chamber is built in the garden mausoleum and spirit tablets moved for eternal peace, adopting Han and Jin old statutes while still having one offering at di and he, repairing the broken remnants of ancient rites as a statute of our dynasty—perhaps the correct change of the Spring and Autumn, with movement hitting the center."
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Reviewer of Works Chen Jing submitted: "Jing formerly as Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices on the fourth day of the ninth month of the second year of Jianzhong already memorialized on the placement of the Offering and Majestic ancestors at he feasting and asked that the hundred officials broadly gather doubts. At that time Ritual Commissioner Yan Zhenqing therefore submitted a memorial differing from Jing's; Jing's proposal was not enacted. We see the edict of the twenty-eighth day of the eleventh month of last year ordering what Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices Pei Yu submitted, broadly agreeing with Jing's proposal. We submit that Emperor Xingsheng was great-great-grandfather to the Offering Ancestor and great-great-great-grandfather to the Majestic Ancestor. For a great-great-grandson to be enshrined in the temples of great-great and great-great-great grandfathers—is ritual impossible? Truly it is the great accord of human feeling."
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Assistant Metropolitan Governor Wei Wu submitted: "Generally he is every three years, di every five years. He means all temples gather in great union; di means each orders its distant temples. When tablets move ever farther and distant-temple chambers are complete, in the he year the Offering Ancestor should sit east-facing and the Majestic Ancestor ordered in zhao-mu to exhaust nearest kin. If performing di rites, the Grand Ancestor again takes his mat in the west with all lords arrayed left and right. Then toward the Grand Ancestor there is no lowering; toward the Offering Ancestor there is no disdain of baseness. Examining rites and weighing feeling, this should be enacted as superior."
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Assistant Magistrate of Tongguan Zhong Ziling submitted: "Now Confucians cite the words 'though the son is equal in sageliness, he does not precede the father in eating,' wishing to have the already distant Offering Ancestor temporarily sit east-facing, matching Heaven with the Grand Ancestor while the Grand Ancestor humbly takes zhao-mu—this is extremely unprincipled. The Zuo Commentary's words on 'not preceding in eating'—who knows they were not spoken when the Xia's temple count was not yet full, saying Yu did not precede Gun! Moreover, Han di and he cannot fully be cited as evidence. From Wei and Jin onward the Grand Ancestor was always near; above the Grand Ancestor there were always removed tablets. Dynasties doubted variously: some cited the Closed Palace ode for forever closing; some followed the meaning of the temporary lord for garden burial; some made distant temples into tiao and built palaces; some said the Grand Ancestor was truly base and the seat vacant. Only Eastern Jin's Cai Mo relied on the Zuo Commentary's 'not preceding in eating' as doctrine, wishing to have the Western Expedition face east. Among such numbers, this is most unsettled. Moreover, Cai Mo's proposal was not what Jin enacted. Former officials did not follow Mo's words on rebuilding but took one sentence of the Western Expedition facing east as law for ten thousand generations—this is especially impossible. Your subject further reflects: forever closing or garden burial leaves the hearts of ministers uneasy; temporarily vacating the correct seat leaves the Grand Ancestor's honor without fixed time. Then building a separate chamber is somewhat acceptable in meaning. Moreover, Xingsheng to the Offering Ancestor is great-great-grandfather; zhao-mu are ordered and offerings are timely. We ask to move the Offering and Majestic ancestors to the Deming and Xingsheng temples—this is the great accord. Some say he means union; now the two ancestors have separate temples—is this divided offerings, how is it union? Your subject holds that the Deming and Xingsheng temples each di and he year also all receive offerings—this too is divided offerings; why doubt the two ancestors?"
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On the twenty-seventh day of that month, Director of the Ministry of Personnel Liu Mian submitted the "Exegesis of Di and He," fourteen sections in all to prepare for consultation, and all were deliberated and memorialized. By the twelfth day of the third month the Ministry of Rites memorialized Yu and others' deliberation papers.
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On the twelfth day of the seventh month of the eleventh year, an edict: "In the deliberation papers of Yu and others, what is requested differs each from the other; reason lies in discussion to seek refinement. It is fitting to order the Ministry of Revenue to convene the hundred officials with Confucian officials of the Directorate of Education, compare old papers, settle yes or no, and still commission the relevant office to memorialize the matter in full." On the twenty-sixth day of that month, Left Bureau Director Lu Chun memorialized: "Your subject sought the hundred officials' deliberation of the seventh year; though there were sixteen papers in all, their trend has three points only. Fourteen papers of Yu and others all say restore the Grand Ancestor's seat. Zhang Jian's paper says place them together in zhao-mu while vacating the east-facing offering seat. Wei Wu's paper agrees: in the he year the Offering Ancestor sits east-facing; performing di rites, the Grand Ancestor again takes his mat in the west. Respectfully according to ritual classics and former scholars' explanations, restoring the Grand Ancestor's seat—the seat once corrected, the meaning admits no doubt. Once the Grand Ancestor's seat is corrected, the Majestic and Offering tablets should have a destination. Examining the fourteen papers in detail, their intent has four points: first, store in side chambers; second, place in separate temples; third, move to the garden mausoleum; fourth, enshrine in Xingsheng. Storing in side chambers means no term for offering sacrifices, differing from Zhou people's storing in the two distant temples—rites cannot be enacted. Placing in separate temples began with Emperor Ming of Wei's doctrine and is truly not text of the Ritual Classics. In the ninth year of Yixi of Jin, though this meaning was established, afterward none practiced it. Moving to the garden mausoleum disorders ancestral-temple ceremony, has nothing to rely on, greatly violates canonical intent, insufficient as evidence. Only enshrining in the Xingsheng Temple, with one offering in di and he years—perhaps rites lost to ritual, obtaining the correctness of change."
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殿
In the third month of the nineteenth year, Attendant Chen Jing memorialized: "Di is the great union sacrifice of ancestors; the Grand Ancestor's seat must be honored to correct zhao and mu. This year encountering di, we fear it must be fixed to rites deliberated hitherto." An edict: "Di and he rites are the greatest of sacrifices; there was prior multitude of deliberation still not refined—it is fitting to order the hundred officials to convene in deliberation and memorialize." At that time Left Vice Director Yao Nanzhong and others submitted fifty-seven deliberation papers; an edict entrusted them to the Directorate General to again gather the hundred officials, deliberate to settlement, and memorialize. Minister of Revenue Wang Shao and fifty-five others memorialized: "We ask to move the Offering and Majestic ancestors' spirit tablets to enshrine in the Deming and Xingsheng temples, and separately add two chambers to install the spirit tablets. Because di sacrifice is on the twenty-fourth day and temple repair is not complete, we ask within the walls of the Deming and Xingsheng temples temporarily to set curtain halls as two chambers and temporarily install the spirit tablets. When added temple chambers are complete, according to rites move and enshrine the spirit tablets into the new temples. Each di and he year, perform feasting rites in their respective chambers." It was followed. On the fifteenth day of that month, the Offering and Majestic ancestors' spirit tablets were moved to temporarily enshrine in the curtain halls of the Deming and Xingsheng temples. On the twenty-fourth day, the Grand Temple was feasted. From this the Jing Emperor began to hold east-facing honor; from the Yuan Emperor downward they followed the left-zhao right-mu array. When the two ancestors' new temples were complete, an edict: "Respectfully move the Offering and Majestic ancestors' spirit tablets, correct the Jing Emperor Grand Ancestor's seat—the reverent announcement rite should be entrusted to weighty ministers. It is fitting to order Acting Commissioner-in-Chief and Associate Commissioner Du You to act as Grand Marshal and announce to the Grand Pure Palace; Vice Director of the Secretariat and Associate Commissioner Cui Sun to act as Grand Marshal and announce to the Grand Temple. Again an edict: "The state's great affairs rest in bright sacrifice. The Son of Heaven's filial feasting weighs nothing above di sacrifice, thereby honoring ancestors and correcting zhao and mu. We inherit the accumulated virtue of successive sages and bear Heaven's favoring Mandate, reverently offering victims and silks for twenty-five years. Ever reflecting on ancestral temples' places and the order of di and seasonal offerings, day and night reverent and fearful, not daring to act alone. Therefore we extended inquiry to dukes and ministers, examined ancient rites, broadly consulted the multitude of deliberations, even to a third time. Respectfully on this day we move the Offering Ancestor Emperor Xuan's spirit tablet and the Majestic Ancestor Emperor Guang's spirit tablet to enshrine in the Deming and Xingsheng emperors' temples. The Grand Ancestor Jing Emperor takes the correct east-facing seat. It is fitting to order the relevant offices to follow rites, striving for utmost refinement, reverently performing the sacrificial canon, bearing deep reverent fear. Inform all within and without—let all know Our heart."
61
' ' 使 使
In the tenth month of the sixth year of Huichang, the Court of Imperial Sacrifices Ritual Institute memorialized: "In di and he prayer texts the titles of Emperor Muzong, Empress Dowager Wei of Xuande, Emperor Jingzong, Emperor Wenzong, and Emperor Wuzong—because of prior ordering by kin closeness, the Muzong chamber was called 'elder brother,' not fitting ritual text. The drafting officials Zhu Chou and others stated: 'Rites order honoring the honored, not ordering kin closeness. Your Majesty's prayer texts for the three chambers of Muzong, Jingzong, and Wuzong—we fear they should only say "the succeeding emperor your subject so-and-so announces to such-and-such ancestor." Your subjects together examined ritual classics—in meaning acceptable. It was followed. In the twelfth year of Zhenyuan, he sacrifice at the Grand Temple. Recent precedent: at he sacrifice and the emperor's personal suburban worship, one palace envoy was always ordered to lead the vanquished-state treasure to the altar place, thereby displaying martial achievement. On this occasion, because vanquishing the state was a great affair, having a palace envoy lead it was not fitting; therefore one ritual official was ordered to supervise receipt from the inner treasury to the Grand Temple.
62
Old ceremony: in Gaozu's temple, Acting Honorable General of the Palace Gate with Equal Third Rank Prince Huai'an of the Huai state Wang Tong, Minister of Rites Prince Hejian of the He state Wang Xiaogong, Grand Marshal of the Shandong Circuit with Right Vice Director of the Secretariat Duke of E of E state Yin Kaishan, and Minister of Personnel Duke of Yu of Yu state Liu Zhenghui were associated in feasting. In Taizong's temple, Commissioner-in-Chief Duke of Liang of Liang state Fang Xuanling, Right Vice Director of the Secretariat Duke of Lai of Lai state Du Ruhui, and Left Vice Director of the Secretariat Duke of Shen of Shen state Gao Shilian were associated in feasting. In Gaozong's temple, Commissioner-in-Chief Duke of Ying of Ying state Li Ji, Left Vice Director of the Secretariat Duke of Beiping of Beiping county Zhang Xingcheng, and Director of the Secretariat Duke of Gaotang of Gaotang county Ma Zhou were associated in feasting. In Zhongzong's temple, Attendant Prince Jinghui of Pingyang commandery, Attendant Prince Fuyang of Fuyang commandery Huan Yanfan, and Director of the Secretariat Prince Nanyang of Nanyang commandery Yuan Shuji were associated in feasting. In Ruizong's temple, Grand Tutor Duke of Xu of Xu state Su Gui and Left Chancellor Duke of Xu of Xu state Liu Youqiu were associated in feasting.
63
便
In the first month of the sixth year of Tianbao, an edict: Crown Princes Zhanghuai, Jiemin, Huizhuang, Huiwen, and Huixuan in the capital, together with the Hidden Crown Prince and the Virtuous Consort Crown Prince, form one temple, called the Seven Crown Princes' Temple, for convenience in sacrifice. Meritorious ministers associated in feasting at the Grand Temple: to Gaozu's chamber added Pei Ji and Liu Wenjing; to Taizong's chamber added Zhangsun Wuji, Li Jing, and Du Ruhui; to Gaozong's chamber added Chu Suiliang, Gao Jifu, and Liu Rengui; to Zhongzong's chamber added Di Renjie, Wei Yuanzhong, Wang Tongjiao, and eleven others. At great sacrifices, red calves were reduced in number. In the tenth year, inner-palace officials were installed at the Grand Temple. In the intercalary third month of the eleventh year, a statute: "From now on, on each new and full moon day, it is fitting to order the Imperial Kitchen to prepare food and offer to the Grand Temple, one tooth-tray per chamber, with inner-palace officials feasting the offering. Still, every five days open the chamber doors for sprinkling and sweeping. Afterward there were also temples for Emperor Xuanzong's son the Jingde Crown Prince and Emperor Suzong's son the Gongyi Crown Prince. The Xiaojing Temple was within the Eastern Capital Grand Temple compound; the temples of Empress Zhenshun and the Yielding Emperor were in the capital. The rest all received seasonal offerings at the four seasons.
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