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卷二十六 志第六: 禮儀六

Volume 26 Treatises 6: Rites 6

Chapter 30 of 舊唐書 · Old Book of Tang
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Treatise 6: Rites 6.
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使 輿
In the third month of the first year of Jianzhong, the Commissioner of Ritual memorialized: "The Eastern Capital Grand Temple lacks wooden spirit tablets; we request that they be made for enshrinement." At first Empress Wu had built three shrines at the eastern capital—for Gaozu, Taizong, and Gaozong. From Zhongzong onward, both capitals' ancestral halls were fed in every season. After the Zhide turmoil, many tablets were lost and never re-enshrined. Debate erupted; the main positions were three: "First, the shrine must be kept, tablets installed for all lords, and seasonal offerings made. Second, build the shrine and tablets but keep them without sacrifice; when the imperial carriage tours, feast there. Third, keep the shrine, bury the tablets; when the throne tours east, dress a fasting carriage and bring the capital's ancestral tablets along. The debaters reached no decision and the matter lapsed.
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In the fourth month of the fifteenth year of Zhenyuan, Gui Chongjing, Bureau Director of Provisions, submitted a memorial: "The Eastern Capital Grand Temple ought not to hold wooden spirit tablets. I respectfully cite the canonical rites. The yu tablet uses mulberry; the lian tablet uses chestnut; when the chestnut tablet is remade, the mulberry tablet is buried. Thus a spirit has no two dwelling places, as heaven has no two suns and earth no two kings. Today's Eastern Capital Grand Temple was built by Empress Zetian to house the Wu clan's wooden tablets. Zhongzong removed the tablets but kept the shrine, likely to prepare for tours or moving the seat of government. Moreover the Shang moved their seat many times—eight capitals before, five after, thirteen relocations in all—and did not erect separate spirit tablets in every city. Some debaters said: "The Eastern Capital tablets were once reverently served and honored—how can they be cast aside in a single day?" At yu sacrifice the mulberry tablet is erected and reverently offered; at lian sacrifice the chestnut tablet is erected and the mulberry buried—was the mulberry never reverently offered, yet buried? "Moreover the missing tablets cannot be remade; remaking them out of season is uncanonical."
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' 西 ' '
In the second month of the first year of Changqing, Li Bo, Outer-Assignment Vice Director of the Storehouse Bureau, memorialized: "The spirit tablets in Taiwei Palace should be returned for enshrinement in the Grand Temple." The edict referred the matter to regent Zheng Yin at the eastern capital for deliberation and report. Yin memorialized: "Your servant has examined the rites of the Three Dynasties and traced Gaozu and Taizong's institutions—never was there a rite of founding two halls in tandem or feasting two sets of tablets together. During the Tian-shou reign the sacrificial code was reformed. When Zhongzong first restored former things he had no time to scrutinize the canon and founded an ancestral shrine at Luoyang. That followed the protocol of moving the capital, not the ceremony of founding the realm. Once the court returned west to the Upper Capital, inertia left the practice standing. Dezong succeeded and restored fallen rites; the nine shrines of the Eastern Capital ceased to receive sacrificial announcement. According to the Book of Rites, when Zengzi asked, Confucius answered: "Heaven has no two suns, earth no two kings—in seasonal, great, suburban, and soil rites, honor has no second apex." Thus he showed that two sets of spirit tablets violated ritual. Your Majesty has received the great succession of a thousand years, raising the bright glory of successive sages, taking the constitution of former kings as model and statute for generations to come. Ancestral-hall rites are of utmost dignity and weight—defying the classics in careless sacrifice the age calls impiety. I beg that you choose the excellent canon of the Three Dynasties, keep Gaozu and Taizong's fundamental law, reflect on the Shenlong expedient, follow Jianzhong's corrective rite, and restore antiquity by the classics—befitting such sagacity. I submit that the Taiwei Palace tablets of Emperor Guang for three generations and Emperor Ruizong the Sagely Literary Filial Martial, weighed against the classics, ought not be affixed for sacrifice. As for rites of moving and setting tablets, since the Three Dynasties the classics give no explicit text. I beg that the Secretariat-Chancellery with dukes, ministers, and ritual officers verify and fix the matter in detail." The edict assigned it to the proper bureaus.
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Ritual director Wang Yanwei and colleagues deliberated:
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Founding precedent knew no parallel shrines in both capitals or parallel feast lines. The Zhou Documents, Announcement to Shao, and Luo Announcement record sacrifice at Feng and Luo—the Zhou built lineage temples in both seats and announced feast when they arrived. Both capitals sacrificed to fathers and grandfathers; ritual rose in both. From Shenlong restoration and Zhongzong's succession, shrines were built together and feasts ran in parallel At the end of Tianbao both capitals fell. Suzong restored what was lost but built shrines and tablets only in the Upper Capital. Eastern tablets surfaced among the people only in Dali, lodged in Taiwei Palace, never again affixed for sacrifice.
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西 西 ' '' '
Classics say: when a king builds dwellings, ancestral shrines come first; a shrine must have tablets, tablets must dwell in the shrine. Shrines in both seats follow the ancient way; tablets in shrine follow the ritual canon. On full comparison, reason requires elevating them for enshrinement. Emperor Guang was posthumously ennobled; Gaozong, Zhongzong, and Ruizong are diao-shrine lords—their tablets belong in the Grand Temple's first western side chamber. Emperor Jing was the founder enfeoffed, never displaced—his tablet belongs in the first western main chamber. Gaozu, Taizong, Xuanzong, Suzong, and Daizong were close-shrine ancestors who founded the enterprise with merit The Jiangdu Collected Rites: principal shrine tablets are stored in the Grand Chamber. The Book of Rites: when a ruler's shrine tablets have cause, gather and store them in the ancestral shrine. Below Dezong no tablets were made; above Daizong later tablets perished—return to original chambers and some seats stand empty. Facts can be cited; principle may not yet be settled. Tablets from Gaozu downward should all be stored in the Great Ancestor's shrine, per old precedent without sacrifice. If Your Majesty tours east and visits Luoyang, except diao lords, tablets should return to their chambers. Other missing tablets must be specially made; affixed sacrifice—seasonal, di, xia—as ritual requires. State precedent for posthumous kings places separate shrines above the Great Ancestor—to Deming, Xingsheng, and Yizu. Emperor Guang's tablet is Yizu. The eastern capital lacked those shrines; Emperor Guang's tablet is provisionally affixed in the Grand Temple side chamber, above Emperor Yuan. If the throne is at the eastern capital, build separate shrines as in the Upper Capital, make tablets for Deming, Xingsheng, and Xianzu, and enshrine with full rite Also escort Emperor Guang's tablet from the side chamber to the fourth chamber of the separate shrine, di and xia as ritual.
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Someone asked: "The rites say make the chestnut tablet and bury the mulberry tablet. Han and Wei both debated burying mulberry; in Dali they buried Filial Emperor Xiaojing's tablet—now affix without burying, how so?" Answer: "Tablets embody the spirit—by principle nothing to bury; Han-Wei burial storage was not truly fitting. Filial Xiaojing was not orthodox lineage; his shrine was abandoned while his tablet alone survived—burying it followed abandoned reason."
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Again asked: "In antiquity on tour one carried the displacement tablet; now eastern tablets are also affixed in the shrine." Answer: "In antiquity armies marched with displacement tablets; without them, tablets commanded—except displacement ancestors' tablets, no canon text for removing tablets from shrine. Any settlement with ancestral shrines and former lords' tablets is called a capital—thus both capitals' shrines should each have tablets."
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Asked again: "In antiquity making tablets required yu and lian; if tablets must return for enshrinement, chambers cannot stand empty—one must replace lost tablets and create those due for enshrinement. The ritual classics say nothing—what then?" Answer: "Yu and lian tablet-making is ritual's proper way. Off-season tablet-making is expedient for the moment. A king meets the age with law, shapes affairs to need—if the constant is absent, consider variation. If the throne tours east while the shrine still lacks tablets, follow Suzong's Guangde 2 precedent of making tablets at the Upper Capital—specially make missing tablets and enshrine. For tablets cannot be wanting, ritual esteems fitting expedient—the Spring and Autumn principle is to vary and thereby rectify." Ancestors' tablets, where spirits dwell, lodged in Taiwei not entering the lineage shrine—restoring root by the classics befits sagacity.
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輿
The Secretariat was ordered to convene; expectant officials largely agreed with Yanwei. Directors and vice-directors each held their view: some said "tablets should be stored in Taiwei Palace"; some said "bury them together"; some said "missing tablets should be made"; some said "when the carriage tours east, carry Upper Capital tablets east." All spoke from opinion, not grounded in canonical evidence Confused debate brought no decision; nothing was carried out.
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祿 便使
Huichang 5, eighth month: Secretariat-Chancellery reported that the Eastern Capital Grand Temple's nine chambers held twenty-six spirit tablets; after An Lushan's rebellion the temple became barracks and tablets were cast into streets—the offices secretly gathered them and they now rest in a new small building inside Taiwei Palace. The Grand Temple buildings remain and can be restored. In the Dahe era ritual directors held the eastern capital should not hold tablets—when the throne toured east, carry tablets along. To this day inertia has left restoration undone. We ask that the Secretariat gather dukes, ritual officers, and academicians for detailed deliberation. If they are not to be set up anew, there must be a place to store them. If they should be installed, we ask to rebuild using timber from dismantled great temples. Since a member of the imperial clan holds the post of eastern-resident commissioner, it is requested he be appointed Commissioner for Rebuilding the Eastern Capital Grand Temple to oversee repairs." Approved as ordered.
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''
Sixth year, third month: ritual director Zheng Lu and others reported that twenty tablets in Taiwei Palace at the eastern capital had been analyzed by the Ritual Office and reported on the twenty-ninth day of the second month last year. We received this month's seventh-day edict: "This rite is weightiest; precedent must be followed—ritual and academic officers should deliberate together and report." We have deliberated with academicians and submit analysis: the twelve tablets before—Xianzu Emperor Xuan, Empress Xuanzhuang, Yizu Emperor Guang, Empress Guangyi, Empress Wende, Emperor Gaozong the Heavenly Sovereign Great, Empress Wu Zetian, Emperor Zhongzong the Great Sage Great Filial, Empress Hespi, Empress Zhaocheng, Emperor Xiaojing, Empress Di'ai—whose kin is exhausted and rotation destroyed, should move to line shrines and affix at Xingsheng Shrine. In years of di-xia, they receive one sacrifice. The eastern capital has no Xingsheng Shrine for enshrinement—we beg provisional storage in the Grand Temple side chamber. Fourteen tablets bear no inscription; without inscription text, invocation and announcement cannot proceed. Deliberating with ritual officers, we beg that on the day of removal announcement they be buried only in vacant ground within the old Taiwei Palace. Respectfully weighing the matter, it should accord with convenience." Approved.
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Thirty-nine ritual directors including Duan Gui submitted a deliberation:
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西
What ritual establishes rests on sincerity and reverence what shrines establish is truly dignity Since sacrifice is sincerity offered, unity is fitting. When Zhou had eastern and western shrines, one can trace why Only at the first divination for Luo, building was needed and the seat unsettled—hence deliberation to keep both. Weighing circumstances, not aiming at breadth—the Sacrificial Canon is clear
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西 便 便 退
The eastern Grand Temple has long lain abandoned—debating restoration slightly strays from prior teaching. Why (idiomatic). The eastern shrine was first made under Empress Wu and Zhongzong—a moment's affair, not Zhenguan or Kaiyuan law; what lingered unrepealed merely followed Haojing's precedent. The Record says: "Sacrifice should not be frequent—frequency breeds weariness." In Tianbao both capitals fell to rebels; the western shrine façades remained, the eastern scattered. Thus the nine shrines' spirits did not wish to inhale wearisome sacrifice From Jianzhong's refusal to repair, years have piled If shrine façades are renewed today, each chamber must have its tablet Old tablets remain but most should merge in diao—yet kept on spirit benches—what should diao not diao. Confucius said, "When there are seven or five shrines, no empty tablet"—meaning shrines cannot lack tablets. If old tablets remain or depart, the new shrine must add new ones The Zuo Commentary says: "Affix at lian, make tablet." Dai Sheng says: "At yu, set the spirit bench." If made out of season, that is using the inauspicious to intrude on the auspicious Adding anew is uncanonical. Examining ritual texts, advance and retreat have no footing
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西 便
Some say: "Han placed lineage shrines in commanderies and kingdoms, over a hundred—now only east and west shrines, what unease?" Han inherited Qin's burnings and knew no canonical precedents—for shrine system, it acted by whim. By Yuandi and Chengdi, Gong Yu, Wei Xuancheng, and others argued soundly—finally shrines were destroyed. Enough to know early Han did not root in ritual classics—how take it as measure (idiomatic). Some say: "Spirit benches cannot be reset—why not repair shrine chambers? When the carriage tours, use the tablets carried." Pursue beginning and end—again one may argue Yesterday's edict aimed to gather old tablets—if tablets are not installed, how apply the shrine? Suppose throne tours nine provinces— must one raise a shrine in each?" This servant holds: the shrine cannot be repaired; the tablets should be stored and buried, either in the pit chamber or between the two stair flights. This is the constant and unchanging way for a hundred generations.
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That year, ninth month edict: "Duan Gui and others' deliberation—eastern capital cannot raise shrine. Li Fu and others' separate memorial also differs. State institutions must match canonical rites—evidence not unified, then hard to establish. All should come to the Secretariat for face debate until the fitting conclusion."
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Minister of Works Xue Yuanshang and others replied:
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輿
At Jianzhong, dukes petitioned to restore the eastern celebratory shrine—debate then had three heads: first, keep the shrine, fully install tablets, on feast days have another officer perform by proxy. Second, build shrine and tablets, keep without sacrifice—when the imperial carriage tours, feast there Third, keep shrine, bury tablets. They set forth the three deliberations, weighing the ritual canon—reason requires keeping the shrine, not installing tablets.
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西
The Meaning of Sacrifice says: "In founding a state, spirit seats—sacred soil right, ancestral shrine left." The Book of Rites: "When the noble will build chambers, ancestral shrine comes first." Thus the king founding realm and seat must first raise ancestral shrine and sacred soil. Zhou Wu received the mandate, first seat at Feng; Cheng Wang chose dwelling, divined at Luo—sacrificed the year's harvest in the new settlement, enfeoffed Duke Zhou in the Grand Chamber. Thus the Documents: "On wuchen, the king in the new settlement sacrificed the year's harvest. The king entered the Grand Chamber for libation." Cheng Wang afterward established again at Feng—though Luo was built, he did not long dwell there. Reaching King Ping, eastern removal was fixed Then Zhou's Feng and Hao both had ancestral shrines—clear Also: Zengzi asked about "two tablet sets in the shrine"; the Master answered "Heaven no two suns, earth no two kings—in seasonal, great, suburban, soil rites, honor no second apex—unknown if that is ritual." Duke Huan of Qi once made two tablet sets; the Master mocked them as false tablets. Thus two tablet sets cannot be installed together—also clear The sage king builds sacred soil to thicken root, shrine to honor ancestors—thus the capital must have shrine and soil The state fixes Zhou and Qin's two lands as eastern and western seats, opens nine avenues and raises palaces, sets hundred offices with strict guard—patterned on dark heavens, called the capital. With imperial dwelling established, spirit seats cannot stand empty—without ancestral shrine, what is imperial capital? Yet spirits rely on people; sacrifice dwells in sincerity—sincerity rises from within, not without—fitting close reverence to join the divine. Seats should remain in both capitals. sincerity cannot focus on two feast lines.
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西
Some cite the Rites: "seven or five shrines, no empty tablet"—meaning cannot lack tablets. Hence the Son of Heaven on tour also has what he honors—still adorns the fasting carriage, carries displacement tablets traveling Now if we repair shrine and bury tablets, like the eastern Grand Temple all nine chambers empty—already against the canon, explanation is required. Your servant again probes ritual meaning and may discuss fully What is said—"no empty tablet"—means the shrine where sacrifice is seen cannot be empty. Today's two capitals, though each has a shrine—di, xia, feast, presentation—all are personally offered at the Upper Capital; tablet benches cannot stand empty in the eastern shrine. Moreover the Rites: "Only the sage can feast the Di; only the filial son can feast kin." Formerly Han's Wei Xuancheng urged abolishing commandery and kingdom sacrifice, also saying: "Raise shrine at the capital, personally undertake the service—within the four seas each by office comes to sacrifice." Human feeling and ritual sense are thus comparably clear. Two chambers do not dwell together—how can two shrines affix together (idiomatic). Yet in the seated realm, the shrine where sacrifice is seen has no empty chamber—those who abandon universal canon wish to install tablets without sacrifice, awaiting tour. Lu once made Duke Xi's tablet not at yu or lian—the Spring and Autumn records and mocks. Tablets for joint enshrinement, made untimely, were still mocked Now to install tablets unfit for joint enshrinement, not made in season—defying canon, exceeding ritual—nothing worse How can there be tablets for nine chambers of joint feasting. Two shrines first created by Duke Zhou. From antiquity creation has modeled Zhou and Confucius—old canon still remains, enough for clear proof Your servant therefore says eastern shrine should be kept. Now about to repair shrine buildings—truly no diminishment of canonical rite The six tablets now in Taiwei—they ask after eastern Grand Temple repair is complete, with full rite escort them to the western side chamber, sealed without sacrifice, displaying Your Majesty's strict sacrificial reverence and clarifying the holy court's honor of ancestors.
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使 西
Ministry Vice Director Zheng Ya and five others: "Per the Ritual Office memorial, the eastern Grand Temple abandoned cannot be restored; tablets in Taiwei should be buried where they lodge. That strays from canonical teaching—we dare not echo it. Your servant therefore filed a separate deliberation, asking repair and enshrinement of tablets, all per canonical rite—also the same as Rites Commissioner Yan Zhenqing's Jianzhong 1 memorial. Deliberating again with dukes and ministers, all held shrine surely should be repaired, tablets cannot be buried—same as our separate memorial. Yet collective debate still feared east and west shrines each setting tablets might touch "two tablet sets in one shrine"—request repair with empty chambers, store Taiwei tablets in side chambers. Respectfully, among the six spirit-lord positions within are unfilleted ancestors; to use relocation rites now still does not accord with ritual. We still dare not sign the collective memorial—for lingering doubt."
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Imperial University director and Hongwen Guan attache Zheng Sui and seven others: "In discussing the state's great affairs, one must root in rectitude and anchor in classics, to reach the middle way. The sage dynasty takes broad filial piety first and obtaining the rites as precious—and how could ministers not answer with the classics? The three arguments and six antecedents have already been detailed in the prior deliberation. Again receiving heaven's inquiry, we set forth schools' views, seek in canonical instruction, examine the great mean—shrine has text requiring repair; tablet has no logic for installation. Why is this so? Orthodox classics and histories prove two-capital shrines. The Rites say "the Son of Heaven does not divine the Grand Temple's site"; "choose a day, divine the founding land—then ancestral shrine is known." Then the theory of abandoning temples is perhaps not what should be abandoned. We examine Poetry, Documents, Rites—the three classics and Han's two histories—both capitals set shrines; the institution of carrying tablets has long been practiced. How dare we leave clear proof for ornament? Citing classics, not changing prior views—the eastern Grand Temple should be repaired and honored; old tablets should be buried, we ask, where Taiwei stores them. When the emperor has business at Luo, then offer the fasting carriage and carry tablets traveling."
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Ritual director Gu Dezang deliberated:
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Ritual follows feeling but aims at essentials; moderation is the point—excess ritual undermines sincerity. At Shenlong Heaven's mandate returned: Wu temples moved to Chang'an, the site became the Grand Temple; until early Tianbao it was not a capital foundation. Yet the proposal states: "Zhongzong established a temple at the Eastern Capital without violating old precedent." Read in context—is that not absurd?
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西 便 西 西 西 西
It also says, "The Eastern Capital Grand Temple, down through Ruizong and Xuanzong, was still maintained and not changed." That was because it had once been reverently kept and they dared not abolish it rashly. It has long been abandoned, yet they still invoke the canon of what must not be raised. It also says, "Although at the beginning of Zhenguan, amid founding, there was no leisure—how can one say this was not Kaiyuan law?" I respectfully cite the edict fixing the Kaiyuan Six Institutions: "In leisure from hearing government, collating ancient and modern, taking the Zhou Offices as model, making the Tang Code. Surveying its beginning and end—a thousand years in one morning. The Spring and Autumn calls this the method of examining antiquity. That it may be practiced for long—is this not so?" At that time the Eastern Capital Grand Temple still existed; the Six Institutions describes the palaces of both capitals—the Western Capital fully lists the Grand Temple's place, the Eastern Capital is noted but not discussed—clearly a matter of one moment; how can one call it "Kaiyuan law"? Of Three Dynasties ritual and music, none matched Zhou. Yesterday's debate took Zhou as model in large and small matters—temples on removal. To build a temple without removal—what in Zhou is admirable yet cannot be followed? It also says, "Establishing the state's spirit-altars: to the right the altars of soil and grain, to the left the ancestral temple; when the gentleman is about to build palaces, the temple comes first." The Six Institutions: in Yongchang Wu made the Eastern Capital the Divine Capital. Construction was gradually added; chambers and the hundred offices were completed. Today's palaces and offices were prepared under the Wu clan's change of mandate. The superior capital already had state and ancestral temple—this quote does not apply. It also says: "At Luoyang in the Eastern Capital they sacrifice to the five emperors including Xiaoxuan; at Chang'an they sacrifice to the three emperors including Xiaocheng." As a precedent for establishing a temple, that is gravely wrong. In Han both places had temples but sacrificed to different emperors. To build an Eastern Capital temple with tablets identical to the superior capital is, broadly, a grave error. It also says, "If the Eastern Luo restores the Grand Temple and the offices sacrifice on the same day, taking this as precedent—truly incomprehensible." I respectfully cite the Tianbao third-year edict: "Recently at the four seasons there were affairs at the Grand Temple in both capitals on the same day. From now on, each capital should separately choose its day." Recorded in the sacrificial canon—clear on inspection. Temples and tablets exist to sacrifice—"maintain but do not sacrifice" appears in no classic. "When the seven temples or five temples have no empty tablet"—yet wishing to establish empty temples—on what canon is this based? The claim that temple buildings remain as of old refers to Jianzhong, when they still stood as the state's priority. The claim against out-of-season tablet-making means existing tablets may not be remade out of season. When tablets were all lost in the Jiangzuo Zhide era, that example cannot bind us. Some say, "For burying abolished tablets, request the Taiwei Palace." I respectfully cite the Tianbao second-year edict: "Ancient ritual-making used plain dawn for sacrifice, meaning both drawing on what is remote and because feeling truly follows upon death. Our sage ancestor calmly remains present; in the law of the Way, since there is no period of ending, it is fitting to extend the rites of honoring the living. From now on, whenever there is announcement at the sage ancestor's palace, the mao hour should be used instead." Burying tablets at the palace site contradicts this edict entirely. Others say: tablets should not be buried—request storing them in side chambers." Former ages varied in storing tablets. Side chambers properly order zhao and mu. Present tablets are all ritually improper—there is no di/xia text. When building palaces the temple comes first—founding a state requires a temple. The Eastern Capital has palaces—the Grand Temple must not be left unbuilt. On the whole, this argument prevails. Western Zhou and Eastern Han were both two-capital states; separate ancestral temples are plain in classics and histories—one may weigh the debate fully. The Odes says: "Its cord is straight; shrink the boards to load them—building the temple, majestic." The Great Odes' "Melon Vine" speaks of building the Feng temple. It also says: "Solemn is the clear temple; dignified and manifest the assistants." When Luoyang was complete, he led sacrifices to King Wen. That ode is Luoyang's temple. The Documents says: "When King Cheng reached Luo, he performed the year's zheng sacrifice—a red bull for King Wen." It also says "libation in the Grand Chamber"; King Kang again dwelt at Feng—"he ordered Duke Bi to protect and govern the eastern suburb." How sacrifice without a temple, or a protectorship without a capital? Thus the Documents shows east-west temples. Later Han divined for Luo; Western Capital temples remained. Jianwu 2 built a Luoyang temple; Cheng, Ai, and Ping were sacrificed to in the west. Year 18 the emperor visited Chang'an for di; five chambers stood in Luoyang, three emperors in the capital temple—without the fasting carriage on a joint-feast year, how complete the rite? Two temples were Zhou's law; carrying tablets on tour was Han's custom. Some take making one capital's temple empty as impossible and cite "seven temples must have no empty tablet." The Ritual means one capital's chambers must not lack tablets—not that two capitals cannot each have temples. The campaign text links to carrying tablets; principle and fact align—not poetry, from which one may not cut a line at will. The ancients sought spirits in more than one place with one intent—hence mulberry tablets were abandoned for chestnut remakes.
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西 西 殿西 輿
Some again cite the Zuo Commentary's general rule on building Fu, that "where there are ancestral tablets of the former lord it is called du," and set up the argument for establishing tablets. Lu, Zhuang 28 winter: Zuo generalizes on building; Guliang criticized marsh profit; Gongyang cited famine-year suspicion. The three commentaries differ; Zuo is weakest. Why is that? In 240 years Lu walled twenty-four places; only Fu is "built"—did the other twenty-three all have ancestral tablets? That cannot ground a general doctrine of establishing tablets. Some also say: "Why bury abolished tablets in the Taiwei Palace storage place; one should abandon the old and follow the new—as already listed above." Burying places: under the north window or between western steps—temple matters. Improper tablets are buried as appropriate. Burying in a temple that should stand is wrong. Taiwei storage equals Han park-tombs. Most dynasties had one capital; two were rare. The state honors both residences with full ritual—yet doubts each temple; Zhou and Han capital stories verify the case. Present citations are almost all one-capital eras—unfit for this debate; who would toast to them? Classics show: planning a palace always included the temple—never a palace without a temple. The state inherited Sui's ruin; founding left no leisure; Chuigong building fit the moment. Later, when arms rested and culture flourished, eleven sage reigns did not debate abolition. Though the matter was timely, the temple had reason to stand and could not be abolished piecemeal. Luoyang's institutions—from palaces down to the hundred offices—match the Western Capital. When the emperor arrives, even servants return to their posts. Can former emperors' tablets alone lack a resting place? Timing: yu tablets are buried; abolished tablets should be too. Some cite Ma Rong and Li Zhou saying "the sleeping palace is not harmed by joint establishment; the temple is not hindered by temporary emptiness"—then Ma Rong and Li Zhou could be taken as models of Confucius. Applied to this debate, the error is deep.
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Some cite "Where a settlement has ancestral tablets of the former lord it is called du; without them it is called yi; yi is built, du is walled." In 240 years of Spring and Autumn only Fu is "built." Lang, Fei, and similar cases had other reasons—defense or fortification—not universal ancestral temples. Some cite "The sage ruler has the merit of restoring antiquity; the documents have the beauty of textual verification—five emperors had different music, three kings different ritual; encountering the times one makes law, according to affairs one sets measures." That is positive statecraft—not routine office business. Offices should unite on the classics alone; changing ritual for the times awaits an explicit edict.
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Seven proofs against repair: temples on removal—first; abolished rites must not be revived—second; empty temples forbidden—third; no out-of-season tablet-making—fourth; Carrying the removed-chamber tablet on tour—fifth; No second supreme in honor—sixth; Not recorded in the Six Institutions—seventh. King Wen, Wu, and Cheng each established temples on removal; the Eastern Capital would build without removal—violating that rule. I respectfully cite the Record of Rites: "In all sacrifice, what has been abolished—none dares raise it. What has been raised—none dares abolish." Now the Eastern Capital Grand Temple has been abolished through eight reigns; if truly rebuilt, this violates "abolished must not be raised." I respectfully cite the Record of Rites: "The seven temples and five temples must have no empty tablet." To wish empty temples violates "temples cannot be empty." I respectfully cite the Zuo Commentary: "On dingchou, Duke Xi's tablet was made. The record is untimely." The Record also says: "Sacrifice out of season is ritual." Even proper sacrifice is abandoned when late—may an improper tablet be made? Now to make tablets out of season violates "no out-of-season tablet-making." I respectfully cite the Zengzi Questions: "In antiquity did armies on campaign carry the removed-chamber tablet? Confucius said: On imperial tour the removed-chamber tablet must be carried, loaded on the fasting carriage—meaning there must be what is honored. Now to take all seven temples' tablets on tour is wrong." Huang's commentary: "Removed-chamber tablet means carrying the tablet of one newly removed chamber." Now to carry all temples' tablets violates carrying the removed chamber alone. I respectfully cite the Record of Rites: "Heaven has no second sun; earth no second king. Xiang, di, suburban, and soil sacrifices—honor has no second supreme." Now to build temples and tablets in both capitals violates "no second supreme." I respectfully cite the Six Institutions' account of both capitals' palaces and temples—at this time the Eastern Capital temple is not recorded—violating "not in the Six Institutions." Searching all books and traditions—none supports repair. Through Wude and Zhenguan, when laws were made as models, culture was fully equipped and Confucian worthies gathered—if repair were possible, debate would not have missed it. The Record says: Music is made by Heaven; ritual is formed by Earth. Heaven's nature is movement. Earth's nature is rest." This shows music may be composed; ritual is hard to change. Your Majesty's sincerity illuminates all things, solemn reverence governs Heaven; filial piety is urgent toward ancestors, affairs seek the root. Again ordering collective deliberation to settle what prevails. I hold office in ritual affairs and dare not fail to set forth clearly in reply.
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Dezhang also submitted two memorials to the Secretariat-Chancellery and Ritual College for detailed debate, both appended below. The first states:
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I note the sixth-day eighth-month edict wishing to repair the Eastern Capital Grand Temple and order conference. At that time memorials already held that by ritual it should not be repaired further. Thirty-eight persons from vice directors of the Secretariat down all signed the same memorial. Dezhang's office is in the ritual directorate—I am ashamed to hold charge; when the sage ruler is strict in suburban worship and the chief minister esteems antiquity over ornament, to depart from the state's sacrificial canon and stray from ritual text is not only censure for neglect—it shames the enlightened age. Hence earnest and urgent—about to be silent yet speaking again.
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便 便 使
Yesterday's divergent views can all be pointed out. First: having the name of a capital suffices to establish a temple; second: wishing to honor-repair the temple to await imperial tours. They do not know temples cannot be empty and only one tablet may be carried. I respectfully cite the Zhenguan ninth-year edict: "Taiyuan, where royal enterprise began, equals Feng and Pei in matter, Wan and Qiao in meaning—in brief ritual terms a temple must be debated." Then Secretariat Director Yan Shigu argued: "I have surveyed sacrificial canons and examined ritual classics—ancestral temples are all in the capital, not separately set in the provinces. Formerly Zhou's Feng and Hao were true removals—building as the matter required, not a separate establishment for one moment." Taizong approved the memorial and stopped the same day. Thus Taiyuan had a capital name yet was then abolished—the Eastern Capital need not be built is clear. Moreover, when temple chambers are new, tablets are required; if tablets are stored and buried, how are they not empty? The argument "capital therefore temple" refutes itself. Again the Zengzi Questions: "In antiquity on campaign must the removed-chamber tablet be carried? Confucius: On tour the removed-chamber tablet is carried on the fasting carriage—there must be what is honored. To take all seven temples' tablets is wrong." Huang: "Removed-chamber tablet means only the one newly removed chamber." Un-entombed tablets have no text for carrying on tour. Even awaiting tours, one chamber could be built—what basis for debating nine chambers?
34
The ancestral temple is honored and weighty—how decide on doubtful text? If words lack classic warrant, it is presumptuous deliberation. Recent edicts: all deliberation must follow the classics item by item. Without classic text, history may be used. If neither classic nor history supports it, one may not speak at will. An Eastern Capital temple has no classic or historical warrant—following private opinion contradicts prior edicts. The Documents: "When three men divine, follow the two." Of forty-eight in conference, only six or seven agreed—compared with "two of three," how excessive! Yao and Shun as emperors are praised to this day not for other arts or strange wisdom but for worthy ministers assisting and following antiquity. Thus Yao's document says "Examining antiquity, Emperor Yao." Kong's commentary: "Able to follow and examine ancient ways." Yue assisted the Yin ruler: "Not modeling antiquity—Yue has not heard of it." Antiquity is as above; state regulations as below—seeking canonical substance, nothing replaces this. I hope Your Majesty will root in the orthodox classics, slightly suppress floating debate, follow Gao and Kui's ancient way and Zhou and Confucius's transmitted text—then orthodox scholars throughout the realm will be deeply fortunate. The rest is in the prior memorial.
35
The second states:
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Ancestral temples exist for sincerity and reverence; reviewing the canon, duplication is not sincere. Hence without removal one does not separately establish temple buildings. The Record: "Heaven has no second sun; earth no second king; xiang, di, suburban, and soil—honor has no second supreme." It also says: "In all sacrifices, what has been abolished, none dares raise. What has been raised, none dares abolish." Thus the Eastern Capital Grand Temple has already been abolished for a long time; if further repair is proposed, it somewhat violates the earlier intent. Why? During the Shengli and Shenlong eras, Empress Wu first restored the legitimate ruler; Zhongzong took her temple and changed it into the Grand Temple, originally wishing by expedient means to steady people’s hearts, not to establish an enduring institution. I humbly note that the surviving spirit tablets have already been requested for entombment; now, if the temple chambers are newly made, tablets will be required. Spirit tablets are not made out of season, and temple chambers should not be left empty; if the repair is to await imperial tours, only one tablet is carried. This is fully recorded in the books and can be examined in detail. Some meanings cited from the classics are disciples’ words or the speech of others. But temples cannot be empty, honor has no second supreme, tablets are not made out of season, and one tablet should be carried on tour: all these were personally made clear by the great sage ancestor and Confucius, and cannot be treated the same as ordinary citations. Moreover, when Qiu Ming edited the Spring and Autumn, he used the gentleman to determine praise and blame throughout; but when Chen Xie was punished for loyalty and Duke Wen of Jin summoned his ruler as a minister, in these several cases he no longer named the gentleman, and specifically used Confucius to judge right and wrong. The Commentary says: "In dangerous and doubtful principles, sage words are needed to clarify them." Some consider that the Eastern Capital differs from other capitals because the site has altars, soil altars, and palaces, and think discussing a temporary repair seems harmless. This weighs private feeling; it is not classic warrant. But after examining past and present throughout, there is no proof for establishing a temple at altars of soil and grain, and using this as an argument is truly unsettling. I respectfully cite the record from Yin and Zhou downward, and have also examined old precedents: apart from cases caused by moving the capital, there is no text for separately establishing a temple. The decree said, "From antiquity, when rites were deliberated, they all took human feeling into account. Only men like Ji Si, who knew the subtle beginnings, and Master Jia, who had penetrating understanding, could unfold great policy and embellish the imperial plan; as for the rest, with their tube-like glimpses, they are probably not worth counting. The deliberation of the dukes and ministers can truly be put into practice, while what Dezhang presented is the shallowest and most superficial. How could one carelessly extend an isolated view and recklessly make differences? In affairs, what is valued is weighing the middle course; in principle, one should follow the many. Let the responsible offices choose a day to repair and exalt the Grand Temple, with defender-in-chief Li Shi serving as commissioner to manage the matter." In the third month of the sixth year, after the chosen day had been fixed and the ritual officers had already set out, Wuzong soon passed away, and the matter was accordingly suspended. When Xuanzong came to the throne, he ultimately welcomed the spirit tablets from Taiwei Palace and enshrined them in the Eastern Capital Grand Temple; for the di and xia rites, all the spirit tablets were brought out to share offerings before the Grand Ancestor.
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' '祿
The Zhenguan Ritual: at xia, meritorious ministers share in the temple court; at di they do not. At that time regulations allowed meritorious ministers to share on both xia and di days. Zhenguan 16, before di sacrifice, offices requested ritualists and scholars to debate; Director Wei Ting and seventeen others argued: "Ancient kings possessing the four seas did not daily present food at the temple—fearing excessive ritual. Hence: Spring and Autumn sacrifice—think of them in season. When a minister has great merit and enjoys emolument, later filial sons observe ritual with pure offerings in abundance—li, si, zheng, and xiang without cease through the four seasons; at the great xia he may also share. Thus his merit is displayed and virtue honored to encourage successor ministers. At di and seasonal sharing, meritorious ministers should not participate. Thus in Zhou ritual officials of the six merits share only at the great zheng. Former scholars all take great zheng as the xia sacrifice. Gao Tanglong, Yu Weizhi, and others mostly follow Zheng Xuan's school—none took it as seasonal sharing. Again, Han and Wei xia sacrifices were all held in the tenth month. Jin ritual officers wished to use the mid-autumn yin sacrifice; Left Vice Director Kong Anguo memorialized impeachment, and more than one was dismissed from office. Early in Liang, meritorious ministers were mistakenly included in the di sacrifice; Left Assistant Minister He Tongzhi submitted a rebutting deliberation, and Emperor Wu approved and followed it. Down through Zhou and Qi, all followed this rite. Your subject holds that two yin sacrifices in five years accord with Heaven's Way—a great and a small; refined scholars agree that in the small, ministers do not participate, while in the great, meritorious ministers are also included. Now the rite has di without meritorious ministers; your subject truly holds the rite cannot be altered." An edict ordered the rules brought into line with ritual. When Kaiyuan revised the rites, di and xia again both assigned meritorious ministers accompanying offerings.
38
' ' '' ''
Gaozong, Shangyuan 3, tenth month: a Grand Temple xia was planned. Deliberators cited the Rites Apocrypha, "xia once in three years, di once in five years," and the Gongyang Commentary, "two yin sacrifices in five years"; the arguments crossed and none could decide. Erudite of the Imperial Academy Shi Can and others deliberated: "According to the Correct Meaning of the Book of Rites citing Zheng Xuan's Record of Di and Xia: 'The Spring and Autumn Annals: Duke Xi died in the twelfth month of his thirty-third year. In the second year of Duke Wen, eighth month, dingmao, a great offering was made at the Grand Temple. The Gongyang Commentary says: What is a great offering? It is xia.' When the three-year mourning was complete, in the new ruler's second year there should be xia; the next year di at the group temples. Dukes Xi and Xuan both had di in their eighth years; thus the later di was five years from the earlier di. By this determination, a new ruler has xia in year 2 and di in year 3. Thereafter, with two yin sacrifices in five years, year 6 should be xia and year 8 di. Again, in Duke Zhao's tenth year Qi Gui died; by the thirteenth year mourning was complete and xia was due, but because of the Pingqiu conference, in winter the duke went to Jin. Xia came in year 14 and di in year 15—the Commentary's "there were affairs at the Martial Shrine" refers to this. Xia in year 18, di in year 20. Xia in year 23, di in year 25. Duke Zhao year 25, "there were affairs at the Xiang Shrine," refers to this. As stated above, after di, xia follows three years later; after xia, di follows two years later. This accords with the ritual classics and does not violate the Commentary's meaning." Can's view became the fixed rule.
39
Kaiyuan 6 autumn: after Ruizong's mourning, Grand Temple xia was held. Later practice counted xia every three years and di every five, separately—not jointly. By year 27 there had been five di and seven xia. That year summer di had just ended when winter again required xia. The Court of Imperial Sacrifices reported:
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··
Di and xia are both yin sacrifices: xia combines ancestors at the Grand Temple; di orders seniority. They extend a late ruler's care and gather heirs' filial service—unlike seasonal rites, performed only at appointed times. Sacrifice should not be too frequent, lest it become irreverent; nor too sparse, lest it breed neglect. Kings therefore model Heaven and fix the sacrificial canon. Zheng and chang follow the seasons; di and xia follow the intercalary pattern. Two intercalations in five years complete Heaven's cycle; the temple mirrors this with two yin sacrifices. Respectfully according to the "Royal Regulations" in the Book of Rites, the Director of Ritual in the Offices of Zhou, Zheng Xuan's commentary, and Gaotang's deliberation—all say: "When a state lord succeeds, after three-year mourning is complete, xia at the Grand Ancestor. The next year di at the group temples. Thereafter, two yin sacrifices in five years—one xia and one di." Han, Wei, and Zhenguan records all followed this schedule. The Rites Apocrypha and Lu commentary likewise say xia every three years and di every five—the "two yin sacrifices in five years." Baihu, Five Classics Meaning, Xu Shen, He Xiu, and He Xun's Sacrificial Deliberation all say di every three years. Why (idiomatic). One intercalation in three years is Heaven's lesser cycle; two in five is the greater—hence the count. Two yin sacrifices in five years mean one xia and one di alternating through the whole period. Today di and xia are counted separately—two schedules, not one integrated cycle. Offerings sometimes pile up year after year or twice in one year; one di may be followed by two xia, or three yin sacrifices within five years. The intercalary pattern is already broken; and the "two yin sacrifices in five years" count no longer holds. Measured against ritual text, the practice is seriously awry.
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礿
Some explainers say: "The two rites di and xia differ in greatness; the sacrifice names differ and the year-counts cross. Xia uses three cycles, reaching the small and combining; di uses five divisions, reaching ten to complete the cycle. With such discrepancy, it is hard to reckon together." The "three xia, five di" theory and "two yin sacrifices in five years" both come from the Rites Apocrypha and can be harmonized. After di, xia follows two and a half cycles; rounded to a full number that is "three years," as one intercalation uses thirty-six months. Di and xia take different names by season—xia in autumn-winter, di in spring-summer. Names differ, but as yin sacrifices they are one—like yue, ci, zheng, and chang. Zheng Xuan says xia is greater, some texts say di is greater; offerings may vary, but the combined reckoning is the same. The intercalary model is ancient. Only Jin's Chen Shu argued one yin sacrifice every three years (years 5, 8, 11, 14), still citing the intercalary model. Two yin sacrifices in six years is not "modeling intercalation." Nor does "di every five years" fit. Contradictory theories cannot be relied on.
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Heaven's measure has a clear direction; antiquity confirms it. Joint reckoning of di and xia is plain. Proposed schedule from Kaiyuan 27 jimao month 4 di, through xinsi month 10 xia, jiashen month 4 di, bingxu month 10 xia, jichou month 4 di, xinmao month 10 xia. Thereafter two yin sacrifices in five years, cycling indefinitely. Di-xia theory has many schools, but "two yin sacrifices in five years" and the intercalary model largely agree. After di, xia may be nearer or farther. Zheng Xuan and Gaotang put "three" before "two"; Xu Miao puts "two" before "three." Zheng's "three first" method fits the three-xia five-di texts and preserves the three-year and five-year slots. On Zheng's scheme: jia year di, ding xia, ji di, ren xia, and repeat—jia di, ding xia, and so on. Xia to di is 18 months (too near); di to xia is 36 (too far)—uneven spacing. Placing xia in autumn yields 39 months before and 21 after—slightly better but still skewed. The texts all say "model intercalation"; two intercalations apart divide evenly. Why should the two yin sacrifices be unequal? "Three years" is a round number for two and a half cycles; placing xia here does not violate the text—why insist on three whole years? Even great scholars err once in a thousand deliberations. Xu Miao's view differs and, on close review, is most reliable. Two di are 60 months apart; halve to 30 and insert one xia. Jia summer di, bing winter xia—exact intercalary spacing. This satisfies "xia every three years"; and keeps "two yin sacrifices in five years" evenly spaced. Among Ru traditions it is the soundest long-term reading. We ask to fix the two yin sacrifices on this basis, project the months, and cycle indefinitely.
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便
Cui Zongzhi of the Ministry of Rites objected and sent the case back to the Court of Imperial Sacrifices; Lu Shanqing and other academicians reviewed it and approved. Thereupon Director Wei Zong memorialized: "The rites provide di and xia, both called yin sacrifices; the two methods alternate in scale-like succession. Some say two yin sacrifices in five years—one di and one xia. Some say xia once in three years, di once in five years. Modeling Heaven's intercalation—the main tendency is the same. All because Grand Temple di and xia count years differently; examined against classics and commentaries, there is slight deviation. Recently in the fourth month, di was already performed; now pointing to mid-winter, xia rites are again proposed—combined feasting too frequent, fearing violation of former canons. Your subject notes that Your Majesty's accomplishments are complete and old things all restored—at a time when the ancestral temple is reverently cautious and canonical teaching is clarified. We who disgracefully hold ritual office are charged with deliberation and venture according to old texts to fix the sequence. We ask that this year's summer di serve as the source of yin sacrifices; from this onward di and xia alternate, two yin sacrifices in five years, cycling and beginning again. This year's winter xia should by the rite be stopped; we hope the responsible offices will perform only the seasonal offering, so solemn sacrifice is not irreverent and the old rite is approximated." Approved.
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Former practice: edict of Tianbao 8, intercalary sixth month, sixth day: "The rites of di and xia preserve ordered rank; changes in substance and ornament take their cue from the times. The state traces its origin to the Immortal Ancestor and inherits the sage forebear; repeated glory and accumulated splendor have already been granted boundless blessing; combined offerings ascend to the spirits—we think to expand the unchanging canon. From now on, at every di and xia, set ranks in order before the Sage Ancestor at the Temple of Supreme Clarity, above to clarify the rite of ascent and matching, reverently conforming to the dark heavens, below to fulfill the sincerity of reverent sacrifice, not departing from the ultimate Way. Recently, whenever di and xia occurred, seasonal offerings were suspended; though the affair suited expedience, the rite perhaps fell short of what must be complete. Hereafter whenever di and xia occur, regular offerings shall use plain food; three burnings of incense replace the three presentations."
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西 西西 使 使西 ' '
On the fourth day of the ninth month of the second Jianzhong year, Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices Chen Jing memorialized: "This tenth month, xia at the Grand Temple should jointly feast the relocated temple spirit tablets of the Ancestors of Offerings and Eminence. The meaning of the Spring and Autumn Annals: tablets of destroyed temples are displayed before the Grand Ancestor; tablets of temples not yet destroyed all ascend for combined feasting at the Grand Ancestor. The Grand Ancestor's position faces east from the west; descendants below are arranged zhao and mu opposite, south and north as distinction—originally there is no text of destroyed temples' relocated tablets not receiving offerings. Examining this rite, from the Zhou house onward, yet our dynasty's sacrificial canon ought to differ from Zhou. Moreover Zhou took Hou Ji to match Heaven as the ancestor of the first enfeoffment, and only below him established temples. When temples were destroyed and tablets moved, all were after the Grand Ancestor. At di and xia, none preceded the Grand Ancestor in the Grand Temple. Correcting the Grand Ancestor's east-facing position preserves his honor without doubt. Yet this tenth month's Grand Temple xia feast—your subject asks to take Wei and Jin old institutions as comparison and build separate temples. Eastern Jin took the four lords such as the Western Campaign General as separate temples; at di and xia they corrected the Grand Ancestor's position in the Grand Temple to assert his honor, while the separate temples sacrificed to the High Emperor, Grand Emperor, Western Campaign General, and the other four lords to express kinship. Your subject holds that if the state uses this principle, separate temples should be built for the Ancestors of Offerings and Eminence and they should receive di and xia; then the Grand Ancestor in the Grand Temple would occupy the east-facing position to preserve his full honor. Your subject notes the two emperors Deming and Xingsheng formerly had temples; at di and xia regular feast rites were commonly used—now the separate-temple system should have enshrinement in the Xingsheng temple as fitting." The edict ordered the Department of State Affairs to convene deliberation. Commissioner of Ritual Protocol, Junior Tutor to the Heir Apparent Yan Zhenqing, deliberated: "Some deliberators say the Ancestors of Offerings and Eminence, kin distant and temples moved, should not receive xia and ought permanently to be shut in the western side chambers. Others say the two ancestors should share xia, ranking zhao and mu with the Grand Ancestor while leaving the Grand Ancestor's east-facing position empty. Others say if the two ancestors share xia, the Grand Ancestor's position can never be corrected; the two ancestors' tablets should be moved and enshrined in the temple of Emperor Deming. Your subject holds all three deliberations are not acceptable. The ritual classics are damaged and lack clear authority; if scholars can compare categories and weigh among them, then it may be enacted—this broadly accords with rectitude. Your subject notes Grand Ancestor Emperor Jing, by merit of receiving the mandate at first enfeoffment, occupies the temple of a hundred generations without removal, matching Heaven in lofty offering—this is ultimate honor. At di and xia he temporarily takes the zhao-mu position, lowering himself to express filial piety and reverently serving the ancestors—by the rite of kin order, broadening the way of honoring forebears; this is truly the Grand Ancestor's bright intent of teeming blessing, and also how to transform the realm and lead all to filial piety. We ask to follow Jin Cai Mo and others' deliberation: on the day of the tenth-month xia offering, place the Ancestor of Offerings' tablet in the east-facing position; from the Ancestor of Eminence and Grand Ancestor through all ancestors, follow the left-zhao right-mu array. This manifests the state's bright principle of honoring the root and esteeming order—sufficient as an unchanging statute for ten thousand generations. Again, deliberators ask to place the two ancestors' tablets in the temple of Emperor Deming and perform xia sacrifice. Xia means "combined." Therefore the Gongyang Commentary says: 'What is the great affair? It is xia.' If xia sacrifice is not displayed in the Grand Temple but offered in the Deming temple, this is divided feasting—how can it be called combined feasting? Name and substance cross; it deeply loses ritual intent and absolutely cannot be enacted."
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西
On the twenty-eighth day of the eleventh month of the seventh Zhenyuan year, Director Pei Yu memorialized: "The rites of di and xia—in Yin and Zhou, because moved temples all came after the Grand Ancestor, combined feasting could be ordered and honor and baseness not err. When Han Gaozu received the mandate, there was no ancestor of first enfeoffment; he took Emperor Gao as Grand Ancestor. The Supreme Emperor, Gaodi's father, had a temple for offerings—not in the zhao-mu combined-feasting array, because he was honored above the Grand Ancestor. Wei Wu founded the enterprise and Emperor Wen received the mandate; he too took Emperor Wu as Grand Ancestor. The High Emperor, Grand Emperor, Recluse Lord, and others were all kin seniors—not in the zhao-mu combined-feasting array. Jin Xuan founded the enterprise and Emperor Wu received the mandate; he too took Emperor Xuan as Grand Ancestor. The Western Campaign General, Yingchuan, and the other four lords were also kin seniors—not in the zhao-mu combined-feasting array. The state received Heaven's mandate; successive sages restored glory. Emperor Jing at first enfeoffment as Duke of Tang was truly the Grand Ancestor. The generations in between were near; within the three zhao and three mu, so the imperial Grand Temple had only six chambers. The Lord of Hongnong and the two ancestors Xuan and Guang, honored above the Grand Ancestor, when kin was exhausted were moved—not in the zhao-mu count. Recorded in the ritual monograph—it may be enacted. In Kaiyuan, nine temples were added; the two ancestors Offerings and Eminence were both in zhao-mu, so Grand Ancestor Emperor Jing could not occupy the east-facing honor. Now the two ancestors have been tithed; the nine chambers are in order only—how can the Grand Ancestor's position again not be corrected? Your subject asks: the Grand Ancestor matches Heaven above and is immovable for a hundred generations, yet occupies zhao-mu; the Ancestors of Offerings and Eminence, kin exhausted and temples moved, occupy the east-facing position—examined against old facts, this is truly unsettling. We ask that deliberation be sent down to the hundred officials for joint discussion." Approved.
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The eighth year, month 1, day 23: Left Assistant to the Heir Apparent Li Rong and six others deliberated:
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使 西西 西
The "Royal Regulations": "The Son of Heaven has seven temples—three zhao, three mu, and with the Grand Ancestor, seven." This is Zhou practice. Seven means the Grand Ancestor plus Wen and Wu tithes and four intimate temples. Grand Ancestor is Hou Ji. Yin had six: Qi and Tang plus two zhao and two mu. Xia had five without Grand Ancestor—Yu plus two zhao and two mu. Jin Erudite Sun Qin deliberated: "The king receiving the mandate's Grand Ancestor and feudal lords' ancestors of first enfeoffment—for spirit tablets before them, according to the count above, passing five generations destroys the temple; di and xia no longer reach them. Those reached by di and xia mean after the mandate Grand Ancestor, successively destroyed temples' tablets ascending to storage in the two tithe shrines. Even for a hundred generations, di and xia reach them." Offerings and Eminence are kin-exhausted forebears before the Grand Ancestor. By Three Dynasties precedent they are outside di and xia. The tablet of the dynastic ancestor is among tablets of destroyed temples below the Grand Ancestor—this is what the Gongyang Commentary means by "tablets of destroyed temples displayed before the Grand Ancestor." Han Yongguang 4: Wei Xuancheng urged destroying kin-exhausted shrines; the Supreme tablet was buried in the park and Filial Emperor's moved to the Grand Ancestor temple. Approved. The Supreme Emperor, like pre-Grand Ancestor tablets, was buried in the park and excluded from di and xia—like today's Offerings and Eminence. Filial Emperor moved to the Grand Ancestor temple and joined di and xia—like today's Emperor Yuan tablet. Wei through Sui founders each built temples and left the Grand Ancestor seat empty. Seven generations after the Grand Ancestor filled the east-facing seat and completed seven temples. Pre-Grand Ancestor tablets: Wei Ming moved the Recluse Lord to the park with seasonal offerings because generations were still near. When Eastern Jin Ming died, three forebears including the Western Campaign General entered the western side chamber as tithe, like remote shrines. Under Kang and Mu, Jingzhao entered the western tithe chamber and, like the earlier case, was excluded from di and xia.
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西 西 西 使 西
Tang first had four temples; Xuan and Guang were enshrined with Grand Ancestor and Shizu. Zhenguan 9: enshrining Gaozu, Zhu Zishe asked for seven temples with separate zhao and mu tablets. The Grand Ancestor seat was left empty per Jin-Song precedent until succession filled the east-facing place. Hongnong Lord and Gaozu filled six chambers; the Grand Ancestor seat stayed empty during di and xia. Year 23, when Taizong was enshrined, Hongnong Lord went to the western side chamber. Weming 1, enshrining Gaozong, moved Emperor Xuan to the western side chamber. Kaiyuan 10: Xuanzong made nine temples, renaming Xuan Offerings and Guang Eminence in the main chambers. Di and xia still left the Grand Ancestor seat empty. Prayers did not style the three ancestors as subjects—only the full temple count mattered. After Zhide 2 recovery new tablets were made but not for Hongnong Lord—he was outside di and xia. Baoying 2: Xuanzong and Suzong were enshrined; Offerings and Eminence went to the western side chamber; the Grand Ancestor finally faced east for eighteen years. Jianzhong 2, month 10: Yan Zhenqing urged bringing out Offerings and Eminence and fixing placement per Eastern Jin Cai Mo. Offerings faced east, Eminence south in zhao, Grand Ancestor north in mu, with left-zhao right-mu thereafter. Cai Mo's view was never enacted—Tang cannot take it as standard. Chang, di, suburban, and altar rites admit no second supreme; burial and relocation follow ritual breaks. Offerings and Eminence are kin-exhausted; the Grand Ancestor should face east—one-morning reversal is not precedent. We hold the former court's precedent should be restored: Offerings and Eminence tablets stored in the western side chamber, analogous to the Canon of Sacrifices: "Remote temples become tithe; leaving tithe becomes altar; leaving altar becomes open ground; altars and open ground are sacrificed to when there is prayer, otherwise stopped." The Grand Ancestor, matching Heaven, should face east. Thus Zhenguan's opening rule, Kaiyuan's settled form, and Baoying's strict practice are all preserved.
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Liu Mian of the Ministry of Personnel and twelve others deliberated:
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The mandate-receiving ruler and a lord's first-enfeoffment ancestor are both Grand Ancestor. Even the Son of Heaven has one who is honored—therefore the Grand Ancestor; even lords have forebears—also honored as Grand Ancestor. Below the Grand Ancestor, kin exhaustion destroys temples. After Qin ended learning, Han failed to array zhao-mu or successive destruction. Jin lost it. Thus the five-temple rule was violated and the Grand Ancestor seat left empty. Failure to array zhao-mu does not show people there is order; Failing to establish successive temple removal is not the way to show that affection diminishes with distance; violating the five-temple system is not the way to show that branches differ; leaving the Grand Ancestor's seat empty is not the way to show where honor belongs. This is why the rite fell into disuse. According to the Rites: "When the father was a common officer and the son becomes emperor, sacrifice him with Son-of-Heaven rites but bury him with common-officer rites." Today Xianzu is in the distant-temple class, Yizu likewise; before Tang received the Mandate, they were still treated with common-officer rites. Hence Gaozu and Taizong sacrificed to them with imperial rites and did not dare displace them into the Grand Ancestor's seat. To change this now—would it not overturn the order established by former kings? In antiquity, when Zhou possessed the realm, it posthumously ennobled Great King and King Ji with imperial rites; when kinship was exhausted in sacrifice, their temples were removed. When Han possessed the realm, it honored the Supreme Emperor with imperial rites; when kinship was exhausted, his temple was removed. When Tang possessed the realm, it posthumously ennobled the Offering and Majestic ancestors with imperial rites; when kinship was exhausted, their temples were removed. Clearly they cannot take the Grand Ancestor's place.
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Again, the Rites of Zhou distinguish distant temples for former lords and distant temples for former kings. Tablets of former lords removed from their halls were stored in Hou Ji's temple—were these Zhou's distant temples before receiving the Mandate? Tablets of former kings were stored in King Wen's temple—were these Zhou's distant temples after receiving the Mandate? Hence the two distant temples served to distinguish different temple lines. Today the distant temples from Xianzu downward correspond to the former-lord class; those from the Grand Ancestor downward correspond to the former-king class. I ask that separate temples be built to house the two ancestors, thus practicing Zhou rites and restoring the ancient way. Thus Han rites followed Zhou; Wei rites followed Han; Sui rites followed Wei. All established three temples with two distant temples. They also established four private temples at Nanyang, likewise a Later Han institution. The idea is that as a man's son, one serves the great lineage and subordinates private kin; hence private temples serve the root lineage. The Grand Temple honors the orthodox succession. Though ancient and modern differ in time and rites differ in refinement, those who uphold ritual feeling and inquire into ritual roots all penetrate its changes and weigh what to enact. Thus in elevating what is honored above, the Grand Ancestor is set in honor above; in exhausting diminution below, distant-temple tablets are exhausted in kinship below; and in taking the middle position between them, the Son of Heaven holds the distant temples in the center.
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Supervisor of Works Zhang Jian and others submitted: "Formerly Yin and Zhou took Qi and Xun as the first enfeoffed ancestors who were not removed; tablets of destroyed temples were all descendants of Qi and Xun, so zhao and mu were offered together and honor and baseness did not err. As for the Xia took Yu as first enfeoffed, he became the ancestor not removed. Therefore the Xia's five temples were only Yu with two zhao and two mu. Thereupon, Gun's kinship was exhausted and his tablet was already removed. The Zuo Commentary likewise states "Yu did not precede Gun," enough to show that among removed tablets, those in the middle honored above the first enfeoffed ancestor also held places in the joint offering. Again, Jin, Song, Qi, Liang, Northern Qi, Zhou, and Sui histories show that from the Grand Ancestor downward all shared di and he sacrifices alike, never limiting removed and destroyed tablets. We respectfully submit that across eight dynasties north and south there were great scholars; on great matters of the ancestral temples deliberation was surely thorough—verified in histories, their rites were unanimous. Again, examining Wei, Jin, Song, Qi, Liang, Northern Qi, Zhou, and Sui precedents and what the Zhenguan, Xianqing, and Kaiyuan Rites describe, di and he sacrifices alike left the east-facing seat vacant. Having long been practiced long, it truly settles popular feeling. Moreover, the Grand Ancestor occupies the first chamber of the clear temple; though his tablet is not removed for a hundred generations and forever receives seasonal offerings, matching Heaven and Earth on high, in suburban and temple rites nothing is not correct. If at di and he sacrifices times he temporarily takes a place in the zhao and mu array, lowering himself to extend filial piety and serve ancestors, is this not the way of Yu earnestly revering Gun? This is also the meaning by which Wei, Jin, Zhou, and Sui Grand Ancestors did not dare use the low to disdain the high. Some debaters wish to move the two ancestors to the Xingsheng Temple, or request separate chambers built and offered at di and he sacrifices years. He" means "union. This would constitute divided offerings, greatly at odds with ritual intent. Others wish to store them in the west side chambers, never attaining sacrifice—no different from Han burial in the garden, especially impossible. We venture to cite the canonical classics, examine old histories, and ask that the Offering and Majestic ancestors join the Grand Ancestor in the zhao and mu places while the east-facing seat remains vacant."
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Director of Merit in the Ministry Pei Shu presented: "Rites must establish a lineage head to gather the clan; the east-facing lord is likewise so. If they are enshrined in a distant temple, would there not be a gap in the middle, unequal above and not of one kind? If the west place is always vacant, the Grand Ancestor is forever displeased in zhao and mu; If separate temples have separate offerings, at he feasting what lord unites the joint meal? Forever to close them like Jiang Yuan, then pushing auspicious and dire omens with nothing to do. The Rites state: "Cherish kin therefore honor ancestors, honor ancestors therefore respect the lineage head, respect the lineage head therefore gather the clan"—hence ancestral temples are strict and altars of soil and grain are weighty. Thereupon it follows that above the Grand Ancestor there are again posthumously honored ancestors—would not the meaning of cherishing kin and honoring ancestors be violated? Outside the Grand Temple, lightly to set separate offering temples—would ancestral temples not be lax and altars of soil and grain not be light? Moreover, the Han chancellor Wei Xuancheng asked to bury in the garden; Jin recluse Yu Xi asked to bury in the space between the temple stairways. Xi also cited the Zuo Commentary: in antiquity former kings daily sacrificed to ancestors and fathers, monthly to great-great-grandfathers, seasonal offerings including the two distant temples, yearly he including altars and mounds, final di including suburban, ancestral, and stone-chamber spirits. This means that above the suburban ancestral spirit there is again the stone-chamber ancestor—this is nearest in kinship. But when they deliberated where the stone chamber should stand, there was no standard. Xi asked to place it in the side chambers; your servant deems the stone chamber can be cited, but the way to situate it is not settled. For what reason? Side chambers signify placing removed tablets below the Grand Ancestor, not installing tablets above the Grand Ancestor in storage. Never has the humble occupied the correct position while the honored dwells at the side. On examining reason and the heart, I fear it is not acceptable. Now if a stone chamber is built in the garden mausoleum and spirit tablets moved for eternal peace, adopting Han and Jin old statutes while still having one offering at di and he sacrifices, repairing the broken remnants of ancient rites as a statute of our dynasty—perhaps the correct change of the Spring and Autumn, with movement hitting the center."
55
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Reviewer of Works in the Ministry Chen Jing presented: "Jing formerly as Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices on the fourth day of the ninth month of the second year of Jianzhong already presented a memorial on the placement of the Offering and Majestic ancestors at he feasting and asked that the hundred officials broadly gather doubts. At that time Ritual Commissioner Yan Zhenqing therefore presented a memorial differing from Jing's; Jing's proposal was not enacted. We observe the edict of the twenty-eighth day of the eleventh month of last year ordering what Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices Pei Yu submitted, broadly agreeing with Jing's proposal. We respectfully submit that Emperor Xingsheng was great-great-grandfather to the Offering Ancestor and great-great-great-grandfather to the Majestic Ancestor. That a great-great-grandson to be enshrined in the temples of great-great and great-great-great grandfathers—is ritual impossible? Truly, it is the great accord of human feeling."
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Assistant to the Metropolitan Governor Wei Wu presented: "Generally he is every three years, di every five years. "He" means all temples gather in great union; di means each orders its distant temples. When tablets move ever farther and distant-temple chambers are complete, in the he year the Offering Ancestor should sit east-facing and the Majestic Ancestor ordered in zhao and mu to exhaust nearest kin. If when performing di rites, the Grand Ancestor again takes his mat in the west with all lords arrayed left and right. Then, toward the Grand Ancestor there is no lowering; toward the Offering Ancestor there is no disdain of baseness. On examining rites and weighing feeling, this should be enacted as superior."
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'' '' ''西 西
Assistant Magistrate of Tongguan Zhong Ziling submitted: "Now Confucians cite the words 'though the son is equal in sageliness, he does not precede the father in eating,' wishing to have the already distant Offering Ancestor temporarily sit east-facing, matching Heaven with the Grand Ancestor while the Grand Ancestor humbly takes zhao and mu—this is extremely unprincipled. On the Zuo Commentary's words on 'not preceding in eating'—who knows they were not spoken when the Xia's temple count was not yet full, saying Yu did not precede Gun! Moreover, Han di and he sacrifices cannot fully be cited as evidence. From Wei and Jin onward the Grand Ancestor was always near; above the Grand Ancestor there were always removed tablets. Dynasties doubted variously: some cited the Closed Palace ode for forever closing; some were arrayed the meaning of the temporary lord for garden burial; some made distant temples into tiao and built palaces; some said the Grand Ancestor was truly base and the seat vacant. Only Eastern Jin's Cai Mo relied on the Zuo Commentary's "not preceding in eating" as doctrine, wishing the Western Expedition to face east. Among such proposals, this is most unsettled. Moreover, Cai Mo's proposal was not what the Jin court enacted. Former officials did not follow Mo's words on rebuilding temples but took one sentence of the Western Expedition facing east as law for ten thousand generations—this is especially impossible. Your servant further reflects: forever closing or garden burial leaves the hearts of ministers uneasy; To temporarily vacate the correct seat leaves the Grand Ancestor's honor without fixed time. Then, to build a separate chamber is somewhat acceptable in meaning. Moreover, Xingsheng to the Offering Ancestor is great-great-grandfather; zhao and mu are ordered and offerings are timely. We respectfully ask to move the Offering and Majestic ancestors to the Deming and Xingsheng temples—this is the great accord. Some say that he means union; now the two ancestors have separate temples—is this divided offerings, how is it union? Your servant holds that the Deming and Xingsheng temples each di and he sacrifices year also all receive offerings—this too is divided offerings; why doubt the two ancestors?"
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On the twenty-seventh day of that month, Director of the Ministry of Personnel Liu Mian submitted the "Exegesis of Di and He," fourteen sections in all to prepare for consultation, and all were deliberated and memorialized. By the twelfth day of the third month the Ministry of Rites memorialized Yu and others' deliberation papers.
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On the twelfth day of the seventh month of the eleventh year, an edict: "In the deliberation papers of Yu and others, what is requested differs each from the other; reason lies in discussion to seek refinement. It is appropriate to order the Ministry of Revenue to convene the hundred officials with Confucian officials of the Directorate of Education, compare old papers, settle yes or no, and still commission the relevant office to memorialize the matter in full." On the twenty-sixth day of that month, Left Bureau Director Lu Chun memorialized: "Your servant sought the hundred officials' deliberation of the seventh year; though there were sixteen papers in all, their trend has three points only. Fourteen deliberation papers of Yu and others all say to restore the Grand Ancestor's seat. Zhang Jian's paper says place them together in zhao and mu while vacating the east-facing offering seat. Wei Wu's paper states in agreement: in the he year the Offering Ancestor is seated east-facing; when performing di rites, the Grand Ancestor again takes his mat in the west. Respectfully, according to ritual classics and former scholars' explanations, restoring the Grand Ancestor's seat—the seat once corrected, the meaning admits no doubt. After the Grand Ancestor's seat is corrected, the Majestic and Offering tablets ought to have a destination. On examining the fourteen papers in detail, their intent has four points: first, store in side chambers; second, place in separate temples; third, move to the garden mausoleum; fourth, enshrine in Xingsheng. To store in side chambers signifies there is no occasion for offering sacrifices, differing from Zhou people's storing in the two distant temples—rites cannot be enacted. To place in separate temples had its start in Emperor Ming of Wei's doctrine and is truly not text of the Ritual Classics. In the ninth year of Yixi of Jin, though this doctrine was established, afterward none thereafter enacted it it. To move to the garden mausoleum disorders ancestral-temple ceremony, has nothing to rely on, greatly violates canonical intent, cannot serve as evidence. Only enshrining in the Xingsheng Temple, with one offering in di and he sacrifices years—perhaps rites lost to ritual, obtaining the correctness of change."
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In the third month of the nineteenth year, Attendant Chen Jing presented a memorial: "Di is the great union sacrifice of ancestors; the Grand Ancestor's seat must be honored to correct zhao and mu. this year encountering di, we fear it must be fixed to rites deliberated hitherto." An imperial edict: "Di and he rites are the greatest of sacrifices; there was prior multitude of deliberation still not refined—it is fitting to order the hundred officials to convene in deliberation and memorialize." At that time Left Vice Director Yao Nanzhong and others submitted fifty-seven deliberation papers; an edict entrusted them to the Directorate General to again gather the hundred officials, deliberate to settlement, and memorialize. Minister of Revenue Wang Shao and fifty-five others memorialized: "We respectfully ask to move the Offering and Majestic ancestors' spirit tablets to enshrine in the Deming and Xingsheng temples, and separately add two chambers to install the spirit tablets. Because di sacrifice falls on the twenty-fourth day and temple repair is not complete, we ask within the walls of the Deming and Xingsheng temples temporarily to set curtain halls as two chambers and temporarily install the spirit tablets. When the added temple chambers are complete, according to rites move and enshrine the spirit tablets into the new temples. Each di and he sacrifices year, perform feasting rites in their respective chambers." It was followed. On the fifteenth day of that month, the Offering and Majestic ancestors' spirit tablets were moved to temporarily enshrine in the curtain halls of the Deming and Xingsheng temples. On the twenty-fourth day, the Grand Temple was feasted. From this the Jing Emperor began to hold east-facing honor; from the Yuan Emperor downward they followed the left-zhao right-mu array. When the two ancestors' new temples were complete, an edict: "Respectfully move the Offering and Majestic ancestors' spirit tablets, correct the Jing Emperor Grand Ancestor's seat—the reverent announcement rite should be ordered entrusted to weighty ministers. It is appropriate to order Acting Commissioner-in-Chief and Associate Commissioner Du You to act as Grand Marshal and announce to the Grand Pure Palace; Vice Director of the Secretariat and Associate Commissioner Cui Sun is to act as Grand Marshal and announce to the Grand Temple." Again, an edict: "The state's great affairs rest in bright sacrifice. The Son of Heaven's filial feasting weighs nothing above di sacrifice, thereby to honor ancestors and correct zhao and mu. We receive and inherit the accumulated virtue of successive sages and bear Heaven's favoring Mandate, reverently offering victims and silks for twenty-five years. Constantly reflecting on ancestral temples' places and the order of di and seasonal offerings, day and night reverent and fearful, not daring to act alone. Therefore we broadly extended inquiry to dukes and ministers, examined ancient rites, broadly consulted the multitude of deliberations, even to a third time. On this day we respectfully we move the Offering Ancestor Emperor Xuan's spirit tablet and the Majestic Ancestor Emperor Guang's spirit tablet to enshrine in the Deming and Xingsheng emperors' temples. The Grand Ancestor Jing Emperor is placed in the correct east-facing seat. It is appropriate to order the relevant offices to follow rites, striving for utmost refinement, reverently performing the sacrificial canon, bearing deep reverent fear. Proclaim to all within and without within and without—let all know Our heart."
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In the tenth month of the sixth year of Huichang, the Court of Imperial Sacrifices Ritual Institute memorialized: "In di and he sacrifices prayer texts the titles of Emperor Muzong, Empress Dowager Wei of Xuande, Emperor Jingzong, Emperor Wenzong, and Emperor Wuzong—because of prior ordering by kin closeness, the Muzong chamber was called 'elder brother,' not fitting ritual text. The drafting officials Zhu Chou and others stated: 'Rites order honoring the honored, not ordering by kin closeness. Your Majesty's prayer texts for the three chambers of Muzong, Jingzong, and Wuzong—we fear they should only read "the succeeding emperor your subject so-and-so announces to such-and-such ancestor." Your subjects jointly examined ritual classics—in meaning this is acceptable.'" It was followed. In the twelfth year of Zhenyuan, he sacrifice at the Grand Temple. Recent precedent: at he sacrifice and the emperor's personal suburban worship, one palace envoy was always ordered to lead the vanquished-state treasure to the altar place, thereby displaying martial achievement. On this occasion, because vanquishing the state was a great affair, having a palace envoy lead it was not fitting; therefore one ritual official was ordered to supervise receipt from the inner treasury to the Grand Temple.
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Old ceremony: in Gaozu's temple, Acting Honorable General of the Palace Gate with Equal Third Rank Prince Huai'an of the Huai state Wang Tong, Minister of Rites Prince Hejian of the He state Wang Xiaogong, Grand Marshal of the Shandong Circuit with Right Vice Director of the Secretariat Duke of E of E state Yin Kaishan, and Minister of Personnel Duke of Yu of Yu state Liu Zhenghui were associated in feasting. In Taizong's temple, Commissioner-in-Chief Duke of Liang of Liang state Fang Xuanling, Right Vice Director of the Secretariat Duke of Lai of Lai state Du Ruhui, and Left Vice Director of the Secretariat Duke of Shen of Shen state Gao Shilian were associated in feasting. In Gaozong's temple, Commissioner-in-Chief Duke of Ying of Ying state Li Ji, Left Vice Director of the Secretariat Duke of Beiping of Beiping county Zhang Xingcheng, and Director of the Secretariat Duke of Gaotang of Gaotang county Ma Zhou were associated in feasting. In Zhongzong's temple, Attendant Prince Jinghui of Pingyang commandery, Attendant Prince Fuyang of Fuyang commandery Huan Yanfan, and Director of the Secretariat Prince Nanyang of Nanyang commandery Yuan Shuji were associated in feasting. In Ruizong's temple, Grand Tutor Duke of Xu of Xu state Su Gui and Left Chancellor Duke of Xu of Xu state Liu Youqiu were associated in feasting.
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In the first month of the sixth year of Tianbao, an edict: Crown Princes Zhanghuai, Jiemin, Huizhuang, Huiwen, and Huixuan in the capital, together with the Hidden Crown Prince and the Virtuous Consort Crown Prince, form one temple, called the Seven Crown Princes' Temple, for convenience in sacrifice. Meritorious ministers associated in feasting at the Grand Temple: to Gaozu's chamber added Pei Ji and Liu Wenjing; to Taizong's chamber added Zhangsun Wuji, Li Jing, and Du Ruhui; to Gaozong's chamber added Chu Suiliang, Gao Jifu, and Liu Rengui; to Zhongzong's chamber added Di Renjie, Wei Yuanzhong, Wang Tongjiao, and eleven others. At great sacrifices, red calves were reduced in number. In the tenth year, inner-palace officials were installed at the Grand Temple. In the intercalary third month of the eleventh year, a statute: "Henceforth, on each new and full moon day, it is appropriate to order the Imperial Kitchen to prepare food and offer to the Grand Temple, one tooth-tray per chamber, with inner-palace officials presenting the offering. Still, every five days the chamber doors are to be opened for sprinkling and sweeping." Afterward there were also temples for Emperor Xuanzong's son the Jingde Crown Prince and Emperor Suzong's son the Gongyi Crown Prince. The Xiaojing Temple was within the Eastern Capital Grand Temple compound; the temples of Empress Zhenshun and the Yielding Emperor were in the capital. The rest all received seasonal offerings at the four seasons.
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