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卷七十二 列傳第二十二: 虞世南 李百藥 褚亮

Volume 72 Biographies 22: Yu Shinian, Li Baiyao, Chuliang

Chapter 76 of 舊唐書 · Old Book of Tang
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Chapter 76
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1
Yu Shinan; Li Baiyao; and His Son Anqi
2
Chuliang; Liu Xiaosun; Li Xuandao; with Li Shousu appended
3
使 西 使
Yu Shinan, whose style was Boshi, came from Yuyao in Yuezhou. He was the younger brother of Yu Shiji, Vice Director of the Palace Secretariat under the Sui. His grandfather Jian had served as adviser to the Prince of Shixing under the Liang; his father Li had been Junior Mentor to the Crown Prince of Chen. Both men enjoyed great renown. His uncle Ji had been Vice Director of the Secretariat under Chen. Having no son of his own, he adopted Shinian as his heir, which is why his style was Boshi, "Heir." Shinian was calm and reserved by nature, with few worldly desires, and he pursued learning with single-minded devotion. As a youth he and his elder brother Shiji studied under Gu Yewang of Wu Commandery for more than ten years, thinking deeply without flagging; at times he would go many days without washing or combing his hair. He excelled at literary composition and often took Xu Ling as his model; Xu Ling himself said that Shinian had caught his meaning. A monk of the same commandery, Zhiyong, was skilled in the calligraphy of Wang Xizhi. Shinian studied under him and mastered its essential forms, and from that time his fame spread far and wide. During the Tianchen reign his father Li died. Shinian was still young, and his grief in mourning was so overwhelming that he nearly could not endure the funeral rites. Emperor Wen of Chen knew that the two brothers were deeply learned and repeatedly sent palace envoys to their home to look after them. When his mourning was complete, he was summoned and appointed Army Assistant in the Office of Justice for the Prince of Jian'an. His uncle Ji had been trapped by Chen Baoying in Min and Yue. Although Shinian's mourning period had ended, he still wore plain cloth and ate simple fare. Only at the end of the Taijian reign, when Baoying was defeated and Ji returned, did he permit Shinian to put off plain dress and eat meat again. At the opening of the Zhide reign he was appointed Friend of the Prince of Xiyang. When Chen fell, he and Shiji entered Chang'an together. Both enjoyed great renown, and people of the time compared them to the two Lu brothers. While Emperor Yang was still Prince of Jin, he heard of Shinian's reputation, and letters of appointment from him and from Prince Qin Jun arrived one after another. Shinian firmly declined on account of his aged mother, so the Prince of Jin ordered an envoy to pursue him. At the beginning of the Daye reign he was repeatedly appointed Secretary of the Palace Library and was later promoted to Attendant for Drafting. At that time Shiji held power at court and was at the height of his glory; his wife and children dressed in a style rivaling that of royalty. Although Shinian lived under the same roof, he himself practiced diligence and frugality and did not abandon his former modest way of life. When the Sui fell, at the time of Yuwen Huaji's regicide, Shiji was Vice Director of the Secretariat and was about to be executed. Shinian embraced him, weeping, and begged to die in his brother's place. Huaji would not accept, and Shinian grieved until he was wasted to the bone. People of the time praised him for it. He followed Huaji to Liaocheng and then fell into the hands of Dou Jiande, who falsely appointed him Vice Director of the Yellow Gate.
4
使 穿
In the eighth year mountains collapsed in Longyou, great serpents were seen again and again, and Shandong and the Huai and Yangzi regions suffered severe flooding. Emperor Taizong asked Shinian about these signs. He replied: "In the age of the Spring and Autumn Annals, when a mountain collapsed, the Marquis of Jin summoned Bozong and questioned him. Bozong answered: 'The state holds the mountains and rivers in trust. When mountains and rivers collapse and fail, the ruler for this reason suspends feasts, wears humble dress, rides in an unadorned carriage, reduces music, leaves the palace temporarily, and offers ritual gifts according to propriety. Yanzi Mountain was the domain held by Jin. The Marquis of Jin followed this counsel, and therefore escaped harm. In the first year of Emperor Wen of Han, twenty-nine mountains in the lands of Qi and Chu collapsed on the same day and great floods broke out. He ordered the commanderies and principalities to send no tribute and showed kindness throughout the realm. Far and near rejoiced together, and no calamity resulted. Under Emperor Ling of Later Han a green serpent appeared on the imperial throne. Under Emperor Hui of Jin a great serpent three hundred paces long appeared in the land of Qi, passing through markets and entering the court. Serpents belong in wilderness and grassland; that they entered markets and court is what made them strange. Now that serpents are seen in mountains and marshes, it is only natural, for great mountains and great marshes always harbor dragons and serpents. This is hardly worth calling strange. Moreover, Shandong has had ample rain. Though that is normal, if excessive dampness persists too long, there may be unjust imprisonments. It would be fitting to review those held in prison; perhaps this may accord with Heaven's intent. Moreover, portents cannot overcome virtue; only by cultivating virtue can these signs be dispelled." The Emperor agreed and therefore sent envoys to relieve famine and hunger, examine lawsuits, and grant much forgiveness. Later a broom star appeared in Xu and Wei, passed through Di, and only after more than a hundred days did it vanish. The Emperor said to his ministers: "Heaven has shown a comet. What omen is this?" Shinian said: "In former times, under Duke Jing of Qi, a comet appeared. The duke asked Yan Ying, who answered: 'You fear your pools and marshes are not deep enough, your terraces and pavilions not high enough, your punishments not severe enough. That is why Heaven shows the comet to warn you, my lord. The duke took fright and cultivated virtue, and sixteen days later the star vanished. Your servant has heard that 'favorable season is less than terrain, and terrain is less than human accord.' If virtue and righteousness are not cultivated, even if one obtains qilin and phoenixes, in the end it will be of no avail; but if governance is without fault, what harm can disaster stars do the age? Yet I urge Your Majesty not to pride yourself on achievements surpassing the ancients, not to grow arrogant and negligent as peace lengthens, and to be as careful at the end as at the beginning. Then though the comet is seen, it need not be a cause for worry." The Emperor composed himself and said: "In governing the realm I truly have no fault like Duke Jing's. But from a tender age I raised the banner of righteous warfare. At twenty-four I pacified the realm, and before thirty I held the supreme position. I consider that among lords who quelled disorder since the Three Dynasties, none has reached this. Add to this the fierce valor of Xue Ju, the savage might of Song Jingang, Dou Jiande spanning Hebei, and Wang Shichong holding Luoyang. At that time they were truly formidable foes, yet all were captured by me. When I encountered family strife I again resolved to secure the altars of state, ascended the throne, and subjugated the northern barbarians. I have taken some pride in myself and have slighted the worthies under heaven. This is my fault. Has Heaven shown these signs truly for this reason? Qin Shihuang unified the six states and Emperor Yang of Sui enriched the four seas, yet each through pride and indulgence fell in a single morning. How can I myself grow arrogant? When I reflect on this, I cannot but feel apprehension and awe." In the fourth month the state of Kang presented a lion. He ordered Shinian to compose a fu for it and had it compiled in the Eastern Archive, but most of the text is not recorded here. Later, when Gaozu died, an edict on tomb regulations followed the precedent of Emperor Wu's Changling, aiming at lavish scale. The deadline was short and the labor burdensome. Shinian submitted a sealed memorial remonstrating:
5
使 使 殿 使 使 使 使
Your servant has heard that the reason ancient sage emperors and enlightened kings practiced modest burial was not that they did not wish splendor, brilliance, treasures, and full accoutrements to enrich their kin. Yet when examined closely, high mounds and thick earthworks with treasures fully prepared are precisely what burden one's kin. This is not called filial piety. Therefore with deep thought and far-reaching consideration they settled on modesty, taking it as a plan for lasting benefit through ten thousand generations, restraining ordinary feeling to fix policy. In former times Emperor Cheng of Han built the Yan and Chang tombs. The regulations were very lavish and the labor and expense very great. Remonstrance and Opinion Official Liu Xiang submitted a memorial whose words were profound and all accorded with reason and affairs. Its gist says: "When Emperor Wen dwelt at Baling he gazed mournfully and with sorrow, turned to his ministers and said: 'Alas! Let the coffin be of northern mountain stone, with ramie stuffing chopped fine and lacquered within. Surely it could not be moved?' Zhang Shizhi advanced and said: 'If within there is something desirable, though the southern mountains were bound with bronze there would still be gaps; if within there is nothing desirable, though there were no stone coffin, what sorrow could there be! The dead have no end, while states rise and fall. What Zhang said planned for eternity. Emperor Wen took counsel and therefore adopted modest burial." Moreover, by Han law, while a ruler held the throne one third of the tribute of the realm was allotted, and one part of that went to the imperial tomb. Emperor Wu reigned for many years. When he was buried the tomb could hold no more goods. Huo Guang, dull to the larger principle, exceeded in extravagance. Later, at the defeat of Emperor Gengshi, the Red Eyebrows entered Chang'an, broke Maoling, and took its goods yet could not exhaust them. Uselessly taxing the people to serve robbers—this was utterly pointless. Emperor Wen of Wei east of Shouyang made his longevity tomb and composed final instructions. Their gist says: "In former times Yao was buried at Shouyang, using the mountain as the body. No mound was planted, no resting hall or park enclosure established. The coffin was enough to hold the bones, the clothing enough to rot the flesh. I have sought this land that will not be cultivated, wishing that after dynasties change none will know the site, storing no gold, silver, copper, or iron—only earthenware throughout. From antiquity to the present there has been no state that did not perish, no tomb that was not opened. Even to the point of burning jade cases with gold thread until bones were destroyed together—is this not a double pain! Whoever against the edict recklessly alters matters, I would be dismembered corpses underground, dying again after death, disloyal and unfilial. If the soul has knowledge, it will not bless you. Let this be taken as perpetual law and deposited in the ancestral temple." This regulation of Emperor Wen of Wei may be called penetrating in affairs. If Your Majesty's virtue reached only the rulers of Qin and Han, your servant would keep silent and dare not speak. Your servant has observed that sacred virtue is lofty and far-reaching, beyond even Yao and Shun, yet you stoop to share extravagance with the rulers of Qin and Han, abandoning the frugality of Yao, Shun, Yin, and Zhou. This is why your servant is especially grieved. Now to make a tomb mound like this—even though no treasures are stored within, it is still of no benefit. Ten thousand generations hence, when people see only a high mound and great tomb, will they not suppose there is gold and jade within? Your servant's humble plan is that the Baling of Han Wen, following the mountain's shape, though no mound is raised, is naturally high and prominent. The ground now divined is level and a mound cannot but be raised. It would be fitting to follow the Zhou system set forth in the Baihu tong, making a mound of three ren, and in the central square and in every regulation to reduce each measure. When the work is completed, inscribe stone beside the tomb showing the form of the mound's size and height. Goods for the dead should all be of tile and wood, in accord with ritual texts. None may use gold, silver, copper, or iron. Let descendants through ten thousand generations all observe and follow this. Deposit one copy in the ancestral temple—how fine that would be! Moreover, ministers' mourning garments are for thirty-six days, already following the Baling precedent. Now for the tomb mound to take Changling as the model is perhaps inapt. Your servant wishes that you deeply view past and present for long-term planning. Your servant's loyal heart wishes only that after ten thousand years the spirit way be always secure and Your Majesty's name for filial piety shine without end.
6
便
The memorial was submitted but received no reply. Shinian again submitted a memorial saying: "The Han at the beginning of enthronement began tomb works. The near took more than ten years, the far fifty years before completion. Now to do in a few months what took decades—the burden on human labor is already severe. Moreover, a great commandery of Han had five hundred thousand households. At present the population has not reached former times, yet the labor equals that era. This is why your servant raises doubt." At that time high officials again memorialized asking to follow the late emperor's will and practice thrift. The matter was therefore sent down to the relevant offices for detailed deliberation, and the regulations were much reduced.
7
輿 祿祿
Later the Emperor came to favor hunting. Shinian submitted a memorial remonstrating: "Your servant has heard that the autumn battue and winter hunt are constant precedent; shooting hawks and taking game are provided for in former canons. Your servant reflects that Your Majesty, in the remaining hours of audience, following heaven's way in killing, intends personally to crush with the palm, personally mount the leather canopy, exhaust the lairs of fierce beasts, and gather all swift quarry from forest and thicket. To quell the fierce and cut down the violent, thereby protecting the common people; to gather hides and pluck feathers for military gear; to raise banners and display the catch, following the manner of former antiquity. Yet the majesty of the yellow canopy and the honor of the golden chariot are what the eight directions rely on for virtue and the ten thousand states bind their hearts to. Even on a cleared road one guards against the bit's danger. This is utmost caution and guarding against the slight, for the sake of the altars of state. Therefore Sima Xiangru remonstrated directly before, and Zhang Zhao changed countenance after. Your servant is truly slight and shallow—how dare I forget this duty? Moreover, the Bow-star and the Net have already slain much. In distributing game and bestowing the catch, imperial grace is also ample. Your servant wishes that for a time you rest the hunting chariot and sheath the long halberd, not refuse counsel from the humblest subject, accept the trickle of the rivulet, strip to wrestle and leave it to the multitude below. Then you will bequeath a model to a hundred kings and eternal glory to ten thousand generations." His habit of speaking without concealment was mostly of this kind. The Emperor therefore treated him with still greater intimacy and ritual respect. He once said that Shinian possessed five supreme gifts: virtue and conduct, loyalty and rectitude, broad learning, literary skill, and calligraphy. In the twelfth year he again memorialized requesting retirement. An excellent edict granted his request, yet he was still appointed Silver Gleam Grand Master of Glory and Scholar of the Hongwen Academy, with salary, gifts, gate guards, and duties all matching those of capital officials. Soon afterward he died, at the age of eighty-one. The Emperor held mourning in a separate chamber and wept for him with overwhelming grief. He was granted the secret funerary vessels of the Eastern Garden, buried at Zhaoling, posthumously appointed Minister of Rites, and given the posthumous title Weny. In a personal edict to Prince Wei Tai he said: "Yu Shinan toward me is like one body. He rectified omissions and supplied deficiencies without a single day's forgetfulness. He was truly a famed minister of this age and the standard by which human conduct is measured. Whenever I had a small fault, he would offend my countenance to remonstrate with me. Now that he has passed like a cloud, in the Stone Canal and Eastern Archive there is no one left. How can such grief be put into words!" Not long after, the Emperor composed a poem tracing the paths of rise and fall in antiquity, then sighed: "When Zhong Ziqi died, Bo Ya never again played the zither. For this poem of mine, to whom shall I show it?" He ordered Attendant for Drafting Chu Suiliang to go to his spirit curtained hall, read it through, and burn it, hoping Shinian's spirit might be moved to awareness. Several years later the Emperor dreamed of him at night as though he were still alive. The next day he issued an edict saying: "Minister of Rites, Duke Weny of Yongxing, Yu Shinan—his virtue and conduct were pure and complete, his writing the master of words, day and night with utmost devotion, his aim loyal benefit. Suddenly he followed things in transformation, and the years swiftly shifted. Yesterday, because of a dream at night, I suddenly saw him, and moreover he advanced frank words as on the day of his life. Recalling his remaining virtues, I am filled with still greater grief and sighing. He should be assisted in the hidden realm to express my longing for an old friend: at his home let five hundred monk feasts be set up, and also have made one image of the Heavenly Honored One." He also ordered his likeness painted in Lingyan Pavilion. He left a collection of thirty scrolls, and Chu Liang was ordered to write the preface. Shinian's son Chang rose to the office of Vice Director of the Ministry of Works.
8
使 宿
Li Baiyao, whose style was Chonggui, came from Anping in Dingzhou. He was the son of Li Delin, Director of the Secretariat and Duke of Anping under the Sui. As a child he was often ill, so his grandmother, Lady Zhao, gave him the name Baiyao. At the age of seven he could compose linked prose. His father's friends, Qi Attendant of the Secretariat Lu Yi and Ma Yuanxi, once came to Delin's banquet. Someone read Xu Ling's prose saying "having taken the grain of accomplished Zhou, about to reap the rice of Langye," and neither man knew the allusion. Baiyao, standing in attendance, stepped forward and said: "The Zuo zhuan says, 'the people of Yun borrowed rice. Du Yu's commentary says, 'the state of Yun was in Kaiyang, Langye.' Yi and the others were greatly astonished. At the beginning of Kaihuang he was appointed Emissary Attendant of the Eastern Palace, promoted to Attendant to the Heir Apparent, and concurrently made an Eastern Palace Scholar. Some who envied his talent slandered him, and he therefore resigned on grounds of illness. In the nineteenth year he was summoned to Renshou Palace and ordered to inherit his father's noble rank. Left Vice Director Yang Su and Minister of Civil Office Niu Hong greatly admired his talent and memorialized his appointment as Vice Director of Rites. Crown Prince Yong also summoned him as an Eastern Palace Scholar. He was ordered to compile the Five Rites, fix laws and statutes, and compose books on yin and yang. Memorials, deliberations, documents, and reports within the Secretariat were mostly composed by Baiyao. When Emperor Yang went out to command Yangzhou he once summoned him, but Baiyao pleaded illness and did not go. The Emperor was greatly angered, and when he took the throne he demoted Baiyao to Army Commander of Guizhou. He fell into the hands of Shen Faxing and was appointed as his aide. Later, when the province was abolished and a prefecture established in its place, he resigned and returned to his home district. In the fifth year of Daye he was appointed Infantry Commandant of Linsi Prefecture in Lu Commandery. In the ninth year he served as a garrison soldier at Kuaiji. Soon he was appointed Acting Administrator of Jian'an. When he reached Wucheng, the calamity at Jiangdu occurred. He again encountered Shen Faxing, who had been destroyed by Li Zitong; Zitong then appointed him Vice Director of the Secretariat and Chancellor of the Directorate. When Du Fuwei attacked and destroyed Zitong, he again appointed Baiyao Reviewing Merits Attendant of the Mobile Court. Some slandered him, and Fuwei imprisoned him. Baiyao wrote the "Reflection on Self" to express his situation. Fuwei also knew he was guiltless and restored him to office. Once Fuwei held Jiangnan, Gaozu sent envoys to summon and pacify him. Baiyao urged Fuwei to enter court, and Fuwei agreed. He sent his Mobile Court Deputy Prime Minister Fu Gongshi to stay behind with Baiyao as guard, and then proceeded to the capital. When he crossed the river to Liyang, hesitating and repenting midway, he was about to kill Baiyao and made him drink lime wine. Baiyao suffered severe dysentery, yet all his chronic illnesses were eliminated. Fuwei, knowing Baiyao had not died, wrote to Gongshi ordering him to kill Baiyao. Thanks to the protection of Fuwei's adopted son Wang Xiongdan, he escaped with his life. When Gongshi rebelled, he again appointed Baiyao Vice Director of the Ministry of Civil Office. Some slandered Baiyao to Gaozu, saying that Baiyao had first urged Du Fuwei to enter court and had also joined Fu Gongshi in rebellion. Gaozu was greatly enraged. When Gongshi was pacified, Fuwei's letter to Gongshi ordering Baiyao's death was obtained. Gaozu's anger somewhat eased, and Baiyao was banished to Jingzhou.
9
使 使 使 羿 使 使 祿 使西
Your servant has heard that governing the state and sheltering the people is the constant institution of kings; honoring the lord and securing superiors is the root pattern of human sentiment. Those who seek to clarify rules for order and stability and extend the enterprise of lasting generations find that this aim is unchanged through ten thousand ages and that a hundred schemes share one return. Yet fate and chronology differ in whether they are brief or prolonged, and states differ in whether they are well ordered or chaotic. A distant view of the records discusses this in detail. All say that Zhou exceeded its allotted span and Qin did not reach its term; the principle of survival or extinction lies in commanderies and principalities. One may take warning from the longevity of Xia and Yin and follow the Yellow Emperor and Tang in joint establishment: secure walls and bedrock, deep roots and a solid foundation. Though the royal net slackens and falls, trunk and branches support each other, so rebellious nodes do not arise and ancestral sacrifices are not cut off. The Qin clan turned from the instructions of teachers of antiquity and abandoned the Way of former kings. It trampled on splendor and relied on peril, abolished marquisates and established defenders. Sons and younger brothers held not even a foot of territory, and the myriad people rarely shared the worry of joint governance. Therefore one man shouted in the marshes and the seven temples were destroyed. Your servant considers that since antiquity, emperors and kings who ruled within the four seas all received mandate from the High Mystery and had their names entered in the emperor's register. Their founding met the fortune of a rising king, and their deep anxiety belonged to the season of a sage who opened the age. Though Cao Wei had the credentials of fostered authority and Han Gaozu was lowly as a conscripted laborer, it was not only that if their intent had covetousness they could be pushed away; they also could not be made to depart. If lawsuits no longer returned to them and their essential brilliance was exhausted, then though Emperor Yao's light covered the four quarters and Great Shun aligned with the seven regulators, it was not only that if affection remained for yielding they could be kept; they also could not be firmly held. With the virtue of Emperor Yao and Chonghua they still could not make their posterity flourish. Thus one knows that the length of a reign must lie in heaven's season, and whether government flourishes or declines has to do with human affairs. Flourishing Zhou divined thirty generations and seven hundred years. Though the way of ruin reached its extreme, the vessels of Wen and Wu still survived. Thus the tortoise-and-cauldron reign was already fixed in the dark unknown. It came to the point that the southern expedition did not return, the eastern relocation fled pressure, sacrifices hung by a thread, and suburban precincts were not defended. This is the gradual slide to ruin, and it bears on feudal enfeoffment. Violent Qin's fortune was brief in its intercalary excess, and its count struck the hundred-six. The ruler who received mandate—his virtue was unlike that of Yu and Tang; the succeeding ruler's talent was unlike that of Qi and Song. Even if men like Li Si and Wang Wan widely opened four domains, and men like Jiang Lu and Ziying all raised a thousand chariots, how could they reverse the sudden rise of the imperial son or resist the foundation-mandate of the dragon countenance! Thus gain, loss, success, and failure each have their cause. Yet writers mostly guard constant ruts, invariably forgetting present and past, their reason obscured by shallow custom, wishing in the twilight of a hundred kings to practice the laws of the Three Dynasties. Within the five garments of the realm, they would enfeoff marquis and lords throughout; and within the thousand chariots of the royal domain, all would become fief lands. Thus the transformation of knotted cords would be practiced in the courts of Yu and Xia; and the canon of symbolic punishments would be used to govern the ends of Han and Cao. Once the warp is tangled, severance may be foreseen. Notching the boat to seek the sword—one does not see that it can work; gluing the pillar to make writing—this only multiplies confusion. They only know that asking for the tripod and requesting the imperial pathway brings fear of the hegemon's army; white horses and plain carriages—no longer the fence-screen's aid. They do not awaken to the fact that the calamity at Wangyi was not yet as severe as the disasters of Yi and Zhuo; the disaster of the honored—how does it differ from the cruelty of Shen and Zeng! Then Qin and Han muddled dark and bright and themselves changed safety and peril. This is truly not a matter of making prefects and nobles succeed in rise and fall. After several generations the royal house gradually weakened, and what began as the screen of the frontier turned into sworn enemies. Families differed in custom and states differed in government. The strong bullied the weak and the many ravaged the few. Borderlands faced each other, and weapons were sought day by day. In the campaign at Gulu the women all wore mourning hair; at the battle of Xiaoling not a single wheel returned. This merely lifts one corner; the rest cannot be numbered. Lu Ji was properly saying: "The succeeding king entrusted his nine cauldrons; vicious kindred seized his great cities; all under heaven was tranquil—taking order to await chaos." How erroneous such words! Yet in establishing offices and dividing duties, employing the worthy and using the able, with the talent of an upright official bearing the trust of joint governance—appointing commanderies and dividing bamboo—which age lacked such men? It reached the point that the earth presented auspicious signs, heaven did not begrudge treasures, the people called them father and mother, and government was compared to spirit illumination. Cao Shou was crampedly saying: "He who shares his joys with others, others will surely care for his cares; he who shares his security with others, others will surely rescue his peril." How could it be permitted to entrust power to marquis and earls so that they share his safety and peril, yet appoint prefects and managers so that their cares and joys differ? How reckless such words! Enfeoffed lords of the states, relying on blessed gate pedigree, forgot the hardship of their ancestors' enterprise and lightly regarded the natural honor of their eminence. None failed to increase debauchery generation by generation and add arrogance dynasty by dynasty. From separate palaces and lodges rivaling Han's ascending clouds, to exhausting human strength until nearly spent, to summoning the feudal lords to rejoice together. Under Duke Ling of Chen, ruler and minister violated ritual and jointly insulted Zheng Shu; under Duke Xuan of Wei, father and son gathered in incest, finally executing Shou and Shuo. Yet they said they thought of governing on their own—could it be like this? Inner and outer officials were selected from the court, scholar-commoners were promoted and appointed, and the water mirror was clarified to examine them. Years of labor graded their ranks, and assessment of achievements clarified demotion and promotion. Advance and taking office were urgently practical, and sharpening and polishing ran deep in feeling. Some did not let salary enter private gates, and wives and children did not go to official quarters. Those honored for issuing regulations did not kindle fire for their meals; those with the weight of splitting talismans wore only patched hemp for clothing. The prefect of Nan commandery wrapped himself in worn cloth; the magistrate of Laiwu had dust so thick on his cooking pot that it looked as though it had never been used. To speak only of profit and to scheme for gain—how misleading! In summary, when nobility is not hereditary, the path for employing the worthy is broadened; the people have no fixed lord, and their attachment to subordinates is not firm. This is what the foolish and the wise can tell apart—how can anyone be misled! As for destroying states and murdering rulers, violating norms and subverting the laws—in the two hundred years of the Spring and Autumn period, there were scarcely any peaceful years. At Sui all took their proper ranks and then invoked the formal names of jade and silk; On the roads of Lu there was debauchery, and every sort of ceremonial meeting of robes and garments. Even at the end of Western Han under Emperors Ai and Ping, or in Eastern Luoyang under Emperors Huan and Ling, debauched and violent lower officials would never have gone this far. The principle of governance can be summed up in a single phrase.
10
退
I respectfully consider that Your Majesty grasps the calendar and governs heaven, has accepted the destined age and opened sagely rule, rescued the hundred million masses from fire and flood, and swept evil vapors from the whole realm. You have founded the enterprise and handed down the succession, matching heaven and earth in establishing virtue; in issuing commands and promulgating orders, you speak with the wondrousness of the myriad things. Your Majesty alone illuminates the imperial heart and forever cherishes antiquity, intending to restore the five ranks and repair the old system and to establish myriad states to draw the feudal lords close. I venture to say that since Han and Wei, the defects of residual customs have not yet been exhausted; merit and glory have passed away, and the way of utmost fairness has been altered. Moreover, the Jin house lost control and the realm collapsed and split apart; Later Wei took advantage of the times, and Chinese and barbarians lived mixed together. Compounded by the barrier of the passes and rivers, with Wu and Chu far apart, those who studied letters learned the arts of short and long alliance and vertical and horizontal diplomacy, while those who studied martial arts were filled with the mind of weapons and war. All this became a ladder to cunning trickery and ever lengthened shallow and floating customs. Emperor Wen of Sui had fortune on his side and relied on his maternal relatives. He drove and controlled the multitude of heroes and trusted in the method of bold suspicion; he merely shifted with the turning of fortune and did not achieve true pacification through conquest. More than twenty years passed, and the people did not see virtue. When Emperor Yang succeeded Emperor Wen, the ways of the world were lost together, and the outstanding men of the age were nearly swept away. Although heaven endowed Your Majesty with divine martial prowess and you quelled rebel cruelty, military might has not ceased and labor and rest are not yet secure. Since Your Majesty looked up and followed the sage compassion, succeeded to the imperial throne, pursued good governance with deep feeling, and examined and verified the ways of former kings, although the ultimate Way is nameless and only words and images can record it, I offer a brief outline of what I truly hope for. Your love and reverence rise warmly, and you labor without weariness—this is the filial piety of Great Shun. You inquire after the comfort of inner attendants and personally taste the imperial meals—this is the virtue of King Wen. Whenever the censorate reviews crimes and the Secretariat reports on prisons, you examine great and small cases alike and uphold both the wronged and the upright. You have abolished the punishment of cutting off the feet and replaced capital punishment. Your benevolent heart is deeply compassionate and reaches both the hidden and the manifest—this is Yu the Great weeping for the guilty. You speak with stern countenance and straight words, receive advice with an open heart, do not disdain the lowly and crude, and do not discard humble commoners—this is Emperor Yao seeking remonstrance. You expand and reward name and teaching and encourage students. You have already selected those who mastered the classics for blue and purple robes and are about to promote great scholars to ministers and chancellors—this is the sage's good guidance. Because the palace was hot and damp and sleep and meals were sometimes improper, the ministers requested that the imperial residence be moved to a high bright place and a small pavilion be built. Yet you cherished the resources of the people, suppressed their willing labor, and did not spare what yin and yang might affect, choosing instead to dwell in humble quarters. Last year there was famine and scarcity, hunger throughout the realm, the disorders had only just ended, and the granaries were empty. Your sage feeling was full of pity and compassion, and you diligently added kindness and relief until not a single person wandered on the roads. Yet you still ate wild greens, gladly removed meat from your meals, spoke always with moving sorrow, and your appearance became wasted and lean. The Duke of Zhou rejoiced when foreign envoys came again and again through interpreters, and Yu the Great took pity on those who came into order. Whenever the four barbarians sincerely submitted and returned to benevolence from ten thousand miles away, Your Majesty always withdrew to reflect and examine yourself. You concentrate your spirit and turn your thoughts, fearing to exhaust China recklessly for distant affairs and refusing to borrow ten-thousand-year heroic fame in order to preserve momentary abundance. Your heart is deeply anxious and toiling, your traces have ceased from pleasure tours, and every dawn you attend court and listen without weariness. Your wisdom encompasses the myriad things, and your Way benefits the realm. After court is dismissed, you summon famous ministers, discuss right and wrong, and fully expose your innermost thoughts, touching only on governance and nothing else. Just as the sun reaches the west, you summon men of talent and learning, grant them leisure, discuss the classics at length, mix in literary verse, and intersperse profound discourse, forgetting fatigue into the second watch of the night and not sleeping at midnight. In these four ways you alone surpass all former beginnings. Truly since the birth of the people, there has been only one such person. If you expand this transformation and teaching and display it to the four directions, it truly could within a month spread across heaven and earth. Yet pure simplicity is still blocked and shallow trickery has not yet shifted, because customs are long-standing and hard to change all at once. Please wait until ornament is hewn back to plainness and substance replaces refinement, until the teaching of punishments set aside is fully enacted and the Mount Tai ceremony is completed, and only then fix the system of territory and boundaries and discuss rewards of mountains and rivers—it will not be too late. The Classic of Changes says: "Heaven and earth wax and wane, advancing and retreating with the times—how much more is this true of people?" How beautiful these words are!
11
殿 使 宿 祿 穿
Emperor Taizong finally followed his proposal. In the fourth year, he was appointed Right Subordinate to the Crown Prince. In the fifth year, together with Left Subordinate Yu Zhining, Palace Secretary Kong Yingda, and Attendant Lu Dunxin, he lectured at Hongjiao Hall. At the time the Crown Prince paid considerable attention to the classics, yet after leisure banquets his play exceeded all bounds. Baiyao wrote the "Ode Praising the Way" to admonish him, but most of the text is not recorded. Taizong saw it and sent an envoy to tell Baiyao: "I saw at the Crown Prince's the ode you submitted, which entirely recounts ancient affairs of the heir apparent in order to admonish the Crown Prince. It is very canonical and essential. I selected you to assist the Crown Prince precisely for this matter, and you have greatly fulfilled the trust—but you must have a good beginning and a good end." He then bestowed five hundred bolts of colored goods. Yet the Crown Prince in the end did not awaken and was deposed. In the tenth year, on completion of compiling the History of Qi, he was promoted to Regular Attendant of the Cavalry in Attendance and Acting Left Subordinate to the Crown Prince, and was granted four hundred bolts of goods. Soon he was appointed Director of the Imperial Clan. In the eleventh year, on completion of compiling the Five Rites and statutes, he was advanced in rank to Viscount. Several years later, on account of old age he firmly requested retirement, and this was granted. Taizong once composed the "Imperial Capital Poems" and ordered Baiyao to compose as well. The Emperor admired his skill and wrote in his own hand: "How is your body old yet your talent vigorous, your teeth aged yet your thought fresh!" In the twenty-second year he died, at the age of eighty-four. His posthumous title was Kang. Baiyao was the son of a famous minister, and his talent and conduct continued in succession. Famous men throughout the realm all honored and looked up to him. His literary thought was deep and rich, and he was especially skilled in five-character poetry. Even woodcutters and shepherd boys all recited and sang his poems. By nature he was fond of promoting the young and encouraging them without weariness. The salary he received he mostly distributed among relatives and associates. He also had an exceptional filial nature that surpassed others. When he first attended his parents' funeral and returned home, he went barefoot in a single garment and traveled several thousand li. Several years after his mourning ended, his appearance was still wasted and haggard, and people of the time praised him for it. When he hung up his cart and announced his retirement, he was content and at ease, digging ponds and building hills, enjoying literary wine and conversation, in order to express his lifelong aspirations. He had a collection of thirty scrolls. His son was Anqi.
12
殿 使 使 西
Anqi was clever and eloquent as a child, and at seven he could compose linked prose. Initially, at the end of the Daye reign Baiyao went out as Military Assistant of Guizhou. When he reached Tai Lake he encountered rebels who were about to kill him. Anqi knelt weeping and begged to die in his father's place, and the rebels were moved and released them. Early in the Zhenguan reign he was repeatedly transferred to Keeper of the Seals. When his participation in compiling the History of Jin was completed, he was appointed Vice Director of the Bureau of Receptions. During the Yonghui reign he was promoted to Secretariat Drafting Attendant. He also compiled books inside Wude Hall with Li Yifu and others, and was twice transferred to Vice Director of the Yellow Gate. During the Longshuo reign he served as Vice Director of the Bureau of Personnel and participated in state and military affairs. When the sacrifice was offered at Mount Tai, Anqi was ordered to compose the inscription for the Court Audience Altar. Anqi served three times as head of the Selection Bureau and was much praised by people of the time. At the time Emperor Gaozong repeatedly summoned attendant ministers and reproached them for not advancing worthy men. All were silent. Only Anqi stepped forward and said: "I have heard that sage emperors and enlightened kings all labor at seeking the worthy and are at ease in employing them. Even if Yao and Shun exhausted themselves to emaciation but could not employ the worthy, in the end royal transformation would not proceed. Since Xia and Yin, passing through dozens of states, all have entrusted the worthy to achieve good governance together. Moreover, in a hamlet of ten households there must be loyalty and trust—how much more today, when the realm is vast and outstanding men are not lacking. But recently when dukes and ministers made recommendations, they immediately faced clamor and slander and were deemed factional cliques. Those sunk and wronged were not vindicated, while those in office were already harmed. Therefore people thought only of avoiding trouble and competed in silence. If Your Majesty emptied yourself to recruit and accept, devoted yourself to search and inquiry, did not avoid personal enemies, and employed men only by ability, slander would not enter either. Who would dare not exhaust their loyalty? All this depends on Your Majesty—it is not something we ministers can bring about." Emperor Gaozong deeply approved his words. Soon he was appointed Acting Vice Director of the Eastern Secretariat with the same rank as the Three Grades of the Eastern and Western Secretariats, and went out as Chief Administrator of the Grand General's Office of Jingzhou. He died early in the Xianheng reign. From Delin to Anqi for three generations, all held charge of imperial edicts. Anqi's grandson Xizhong also served as Secretariat Drafting Attendant.
13
使 殿
Chu Liang, whose style was Ximing, came from Qiantang in Hangzhou. His great-grandfather Yan had served as Censor-in-Chief under the Liang; his grandfather Meng had been Secretariat Aide to the Crown Prince; his father Jie had been Director of the Palace Library under Chen. All were noted in earlier histories. His ancestors had moved from Yangdi and settled there. From childhood Liang was bright and eager to learn, and excelled at literary composition. He read widely across every field, and whatever he read he committed to memory. He liked to seek out eminent men of talent and was especially skilled at discussion and debate. At eighteen he visited Xu Ling, Vice Director under Chen, who debated literary matters with him and was greatly struck by his ability. When Emperor Houzhu of Chen heard of him, he summoned Liang to court and asked him to compose a poem. Jiang Zong and the other literary men in attendance all praised his work. Early in the Zhenming reign he was appointed Secretariat Attendant within the Palace. After the fall of Chen, he entered Sui service as an academician in the Eastern Palace. During the Daye reign he was made an Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. At that time Emperor Yang was planning to reorganize the imperial ancestral temple. Liang submitted a memorial that read:
14
西 沿
I respectfully cite the Book of Rites: "The Son of Heaven maintains seven temples—three zhao, three mu, and the temple of the Grand Ancestor, for a total of seven." Zheng Xuan's commentary states: "This refers to the Zhou system. The seven consist of the Grand Ancestor, the distant shrines of Kings Wen and Wu, and four temples to direct ancestors. The Yin dynasty had six temples: Qi and Tang, plus two zhao and two mu. The Xia had five temples, with no Grand Ancestor—only Yu and two zhao and two mu." Xuan further cites the Rites: "When the king performs the great di sacrifice to the remote ancestor from whom he traces his line, he establishes four ancestral temples." According to Zheng Xuan's interpretation, the Son of Heaven establishes only four temples to direct ancestors, which together with the Founding Ancestor make five. Because the Zhou regarded Kings Wen and Wu as the founders through whom they received the Mandate, they additionally established two distant shrines, making seven temples in all. Wang Su's commentary on the Book of Rites states: "Those of high rank honor the line above; those of low rank honor the line below. Therefore the Son of Heaven maintains seven temples, and feudal lords five. Ancestors of exceptional merit and virtue whose temples are never abolished—apart from the Grand Ancestor—are not counted among the seven." Su held that the Son of Heaven's seven temples represent a norm valid for all generations. He further cites the Royal Regulations: the Son of Heaven has seven temples, feudal lords five, grand masters three—a reduction of two at each rank. On this view the Son of Heaven establishes four temples to direct ancestors, then adds temples to the High Ancestor's father, the High Ancestor's grandfather, and the Grand Ancestor, for a total of seven. In the Zhou, with Wen, Wu, and Jiang Yuan added, the total came to ten temples. Under the Han, each emperor had his own separate temple, with no practice of successive abolition. Not until the reign of Emperor Yuan did Gong Yu, Kuang Heng, and others first debate the rite, taking Emperor Gao as the Grand Ancestor and establishing four temples to direct ancestors, for a total of five. Only Liu Xin maintained that the Son of Heaven should have seven temples and feudal lords five, following the principle of reduction by twos at each rank; seven was the proper fixed number. "Zong" status lies outside this count: ancestors are elevated to zong only when they have merit and virtue—it cannot be prescribed in advance as a fixed number. Thus Ban Gu wrote: "After weighing the ritual views of the various Confucians, Liu Xin's interpretation is the most comprehensive and truest to antiquity." When Emperor Guangwu ascended the throne, he built Emperor Gao's temple in Luoyang. He then established four temples reaching back to Lord of Nandun, which together with the zong and zu made seven. Early in Wei, Gao Tanglong, adhering to Zheng Xuan's school, proposed four temples to direct ancestors; even Grand Ancestor Emperor Wu was still placed among the four close ancestors, and vacant positions were reserved for the Grand Ancestor and two distant shrines for later generations. By the Jingchu era they followed Wang Su and reorganized the temples into six, adding the Secondary Founding Ancestor to the four close ancestors for a total of six. When Emperor Wu of Jin accepted the abdication, there was extensive debate over ancestral rites. Sacrifices reached back six generations from Emperor Wen to the Western Expedition Headquarters Lord, and Emperor Xuan was placed in the zhao-mu order without being raised to Grand Ancestor, so worship extended only through six generations. After the restoration of the south, He Xun, who was expert in ritual, followed Wei and Jin precedent in all matters of ancestral temple arrangement. When Emperor Wu of Song first received investiture as king, he established four temples to direct ancestors according to feudal practice. After taking the throne he added sacrifices to his fifth-generation ancestor, the Chancellor's Office Staff Officer, and his sixth-generation ancestor, the Right Beiping Lord, limiting the temples to six. Upon his death he was elevated to zu and placed in the zhao-mu order, occupying the position reserved for the Grand Ancestor. Through Qi and Liang they preserved this arrangement unchanged, adding zong status and successive abolition without departing from established practice. I further note that under the Ji Zhou, from the Grand Ancestor downward each ancestor had a separate temple, yet at the great di and xia joint sacrifices all were assembled for offering at the Grand Ancestor's shrine. Thus at the rise of the Han, each emperor's temple stood separately; seasonal sacrifices were performed at each location, and the music of each temple depicted its honoree's merits in song and dance. Only under Emperor Guangwu were all the temples combined into one hall, each ancestor in a separate chamber—because, having just succeeded amid the chaos of rebellion, he sought to economize. From that time forward the arrangement remained unchanged. Sui's Grand Ancestor, Emperor Wuyuan, whose benevolence flowed like a hidden breeze and whose grace reached in every direction, by merits comparable to those of Kun and Peng opened a lineage worthy of Ji and Qi. The High Ancestor Emperor Wen, with penetrating wisdom and far-reaching vision, divine martial prowess attuned to the times, quelled rebellion and restored order, brought the distant to submission and the near to peace, received the Mandate and founded the dynasty, and bequeathed its succession to worthy heirs—his renown surpassing that of the Three Dynasties, his throne destined to endure for seven hundred years. Now, in this age of civil brilliance, it is time to establish the rites governing zong and zu. Ritual has been altered differently in each age, and inherited practice has taken different paths—the institutions established by the sovereign of each age become the standards for posterity. Dynasty after dynasty has in practice drawn on the two interpretations of Wang Su and Zheng Xuan. If one examines their essential meaning and weighs their relative merits, Kangcheng (Zheng Xuan) discusses only the Zhou system—his view is not presented as a universal reading of the classics; Ziyong (Wang Su) encompasses rulers from antiquity through the imperial age, and his scheme serves both immediate needs and long-range ends. I now propose, in accordance with classical precedent, the dignified establishment of seven temples. The shrine of the dynastic founder who received the Mandate should stand separately as a distant temple never to be abolished even after a hundred generations—a permanent institution. The Son of Heaven should personally convey offerings to demonstrate filial devotion at the High Ancestor's temple; while the responsible officials, conducting the ceremonies, should devote their full sincerity in reverence to the various ancestral lords. In this way the institutions would serve as a clear model, solemn worship would be easy to maintain, merit would be displayed and bright virtue made manifest, antiquity would be greatly restored, and timely reform would be honored. I further note that the Zhou records contain no explicit directions on temple placement; according to the duties of the Tomb Master, the former kings were placed at the center, with zhao and mu arranged to left and right. The Diagrams of Ritual compiled by Ruan Chen likewise follows this principle. In the Han capital the various temples stood far apart and did not follow the prescribed order for di and xia joint sacrifices. Strict adherence to the Zhou system would leave certain difficulties unresolved; mixing in Han practice would make full adoption impracticable. I therefore respectfully submit a separate detailed diagram as an attachment.
15
西 簿 宿 西
The proposal was never implemented. Before long he was demoted to Registrar of Xihai Commandery because of his former association with Yang Xuangan. At the time Pan Hui, an Erudite of Jingzhao Commandery, had also been favored by Xuangan for his literary talents and was demoted to Chief Clerk of Weiding County. At the time bandits and rebels roamed everywhere, and even one's closest kin could not ensure one another's safety. Liang was traveling with him. When they reached Long Mountain, Hui fell ill and died. Liang personally prepared his coffin and burial and interred him by the roadside. Deeply grieved, he inscribed a poem on a tree on the mountain. Those who delight in such things copied and recited it, and within two days it had spread throughout the capital. Xue Ju declared himself ruler in Longxi and appointed Liang Yellow Gate Attendant, entrusting him with affairs of state. After Xue Ju's defeat, the Prince of Qin heard of Liang and received him with great courtesy. Liang then spoke freely about his circumstances. The Prince of Qin was greatly pleased and rewarded him with two hundred bolts of silk goods and four horses. Liang returned with him to the capital and was appointed Literary Companion to the Prince of Qin.
16
使
At the time, as the chaos of rebellion gradually subsided, Emperor Gaozu went on winter hunts every year. Liang submitted a memorial of remonstrance: "I have heard that Yao set up a drum to welcome criticism and Shun placed a wooden post to solicit advice—practices that cultivated the spirit of self-correction and led to an age of peace and prosperity. Your Majesty, who meets the demands of an age spanning a thousand reigns, rescues the world from the failures of a hundred rulers, unifies the realm, and labors tirelessly over the imperial enterprise—eating late while pondering governance and forgoing sleep out of concern for the people— devotes the intervals between harvests to observing the ritual of the winter hunt— the grounds the hunting chariots roam, the terrain the game wardens' banners sweep across, nets deployed on only one side, quarry spared after three chases, skilled huntsmen of Guangcheng unleashed, the hand-to-hand contests of Shanglin put on display—these are indeed the regular rules of the hunt and the magnificent spectacles befitting emperors and kings. But when it comes to personally confronting fierce beasts, I must confess to private misgivings. Why is this? Their muscles are fierce and powerful, their claws and fangs swift and sharp. A volley from repeating crossbows may not break their fury; and a long halberd barely raised may not withstand their charge. Even with warriors as strong as Meng Ben and Xia Yu in the lead, if the beast suddenly bolts, the consequences may exceed all foresight. If a beast should spring from nearby woods before pits and ravines can be secured, it might stampede the carriages following the imperial retinue or breach the escort's cordon. I am a timid man, and I tremble at the thought. Your Majesty, possessing the utmost sagely character and setting an example for posterity, humbles yourself to hear your subjects and welcomes frank speech without reservation— I have been fortunate to serve in this enlightened age at the prince's establishment, where honors have fallen upon me until I take them for granted. Relying on your grace, I dare presumptuously to offer this earnest plea." Emperor Gaozu received the remonstrance with great approval. Whenever the Prince of Qin went to war, Liang regularly accompanied him. At military banquets he always joined the festivities, and in leisurely conversation and tactful remonstrance he contributed much of value. He was also one of the eighteen Literary Hall Academicians along with Du Ruhui and others. When the Prince of Qin became crown prince and moved into the Eastern Palace, Liang was appointed Secretariat Aide to the Crown Prince and subsequently promoted to Palace Secretary to the Crown Prince. In the first year of the Zhenguan reign he became an Academician of the Hongwen Hall. In the ninth year he was further made Extraordinary Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary and enfeoffed as Baron of Yangdi County, and was appointed Direct Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary while retaining his post as academician. In the sixteenth year he was raised to Marquis with a fief of seven hundred households. Later he retired and returned home. When Emperor Taizong marched on Liaodong, Liang's son Suiliang was serving as Yellow Gate Attendant. The emperor instructed Suiliang to tell his father: "In years past during my campaigns you often served in my headquarters; now on this distant campaign you have already retired. In what seems an instant thirty years have passed. When I think fondly of those earlier days, how deeply I feel the weight of all that has passed! Now that I am sending Suiliang east with the army, I know that in your eyes I am simply taking one son from your side. I send this message to express my feelings at our parting—take good care of yourself and eat well." Liang submitted a memorial of thanks. When he fell gravely ill, the emperor sent physicians and medicine, and palace envoys came without cease to inquire after his condition. He died at the age of eighty-eight. Emperor Taizong mourned him deeply, suspended court for a day, posthumously appointed him Minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, granted him burial at Zhaoling, and bestowed the posthumous title Kang ("Peaceful"). His eldest son Suixian served as Companion to the Prince of Yong. His second son Suiliang has a separate biography.
17
西 簿 宿便
After the Prince of Qin had pacified the realm, he turned his attention to Confucian learning and built the Literary Hall west of the palace to welcome scholars from across the land. Thereupon Du Ruhui, Director of Merit in the subordinate Grand Secretariat; Fang Xuanling, Director of Evaluation in the Prince's Secretariat, and Yu Zhining; Su Shichang, Army Adviser and Libationer; Xue Shou, Recorder of the Heavenly Stratagem Office; literary attendants Chu Liang and Yao Sicheng; Imperial Academy Erudites Lu Deming and Kong Yingda; Chief Clerk Li Xuandao; Warehouse Clerk of the Heavenly Stratagem Office Li Shousu; Prince's Secretariat staff officer Yu Shinan; staff members Cai Yungong and Yan Xiangshi; Editorial Assistant and acting Recorder Xu Jingzong and Xue Yuanjing; Imperial Academy Assistant Erudite Gai Wenda; Army Adviser and Registrar Su Xu—all retained their original offices while additionally serving as Literary Hall Academicians. After Xue Shou's death, Liu Xiaosun, Recording Officer of Dongyu Prefecture, was summoned to join the hall. Before long their portraits were painted and their names, styles, and enfeoffments inscribed. Liang was then commissioned to write encomia for the portraits. The work was titled Portraits of the Eighteen Academicians and placed in the imperial library to demonstrate the importance the prince attached to honoring men of talent. All the academicians were provided with fine meals and divided into three shifts to take turns keeping overnight watch at the pavilion. Whenever military and state affairs permitted, after attending court and retiring they would be summoned at once for audience to discuss the classics and examine historical records. Those admitted to the academy were admired by their contemporaries and said to be "ascending to Penglai." Also included were Yan Shigu, elder brother of Yan Xiangshi, and Su Gan, son of Su Xun's elder brother.
18
Liu Xiaosun came from Jingzhou. His grandfather Zhen had been Administrator of Shitai under the Northern Zhou. Xiaosun was already famous when he came of age. With the leading writers of the day—Yu Shinan, Cai Junhe, Kong Deshao, Yu Bao, Yu Zizhi, Liu Bin, and others—he visited scenic mountains and rivers and formed a literary society. At the end of the Daye reign he fell into the hands of Wang Shichong. Shichong's younger brother, the false Prince of Qi Bian, appointed him Attendant of the Mobile Court. When Luoyang was pacified, Bian was bound and sent back to the Tang. Everyone else scattered, but Xiaosun still clung to him, weeping and wailing, and followed to send him off far into the suburbs. People of the time praised his loyalty. At the beginning of Wude he served as Army Assistant in the Records Office of Yuzhou. Taizong summoned him as a scholar of the Prince of Qin's establishment. In the sixth year of Zhenguan he was promoted to Assistant in the Bureau of Composition and Friend of the Prince of Wu. He once gathered literary collections from successive dynasties and compiled for the prince the forty-scroll Garden of Poetry Arranged by Category, Ancient and Modern. In the fifteenth year he was promoted to Army Adviser in the same establishment. Soon he was promoted to Groom of the Heir Apparent but died before he could take up the appointment.
19
西 使 簿 祿祿
Li Xuandao was originally from Longxi, but his family had long resided in Zhengzhou and ranked among the leading clans of Shandong. His grandfather Jin had been Assistant in the Bureau of Composition under the Northern Wei. His father Xingzhi had been Commissioner of Waterways under the Sui. Xuandao served the Sui as an aide in the establishment of the Prince of Qi. When Li Mi held Luokou, he recruited Xuandao as Recorder. When Mi was defeated, Xuandao was seized by Wang Shichong. At that time those captured with him all feared death and could not sleep until dawn. Only Xuandao's countenance remained calm. He said: "Life and death have their mandate; worry cannot settle them." Those detained with him greatly admired his insight and composure. When he was brought before Shichong, his conduct and bearing did not change from the usual. Shichong had long known his reputation and valued him all the more. He released his bonds and appointed him Assistant in the Bureau of Composition. When the Eastern Capital was pacified, Taizong summoned him as Chief Clerk of the Prince of Qin's establishment and Scholar of the Literary Academy. In the first year of Zhenguan he was repeatedly promoted to Attendant Within the Gates and enfeoffed as Baron of Guzang. At that time Wang Junkuo was Protector-General of Youzhou. The court, considering him a military man unversed in current affairs, appointed Xuandao Long-Term Administrator of Youzhou to maintain the establishment's affairs. Junkuo in the province repeatedly acted unlawfully, and Xuandao many times corrected him with upright deliberation. Once Junkuo also sent Xuandao a maid servant. Xuandao asked where she came from, and she said she was originally from a good family and had been seized by Junkuo. Xuandao therefore released her and sent her away, and Junkuo was very displeased. Later, when Junkuo entered court, Fang Xuanling, Xuandao's cousin on the mother's side, was there. Xuandao attached a letter to Fang, but Junkuo opened it privately. Unable to read cursive script, he suspected a plot against himself, fled in rebellion out of fear, and Xuandao was banished to Juanzhou on account of it. Before long he was summoned back and appointed Prefect of Changzhou. In office he was pure and simple, and the common people were at ease. Taizong issued an edict praising him and bestowed silks. In the third year he memorialized requesting retirement. He was given the additional title Silver Gleam Grand Master of Glory, returned home on salary, and soon died. His son Yunjiang was well known. He rose to the office of Left Assistant Director of the Secretariat.
20
Li Shousu came from Zhaozhou. For generations his family had been a famous clan of Shandong. When Taizong pacified Wang Shichong, he was summoned as Scholar of the Literary Academy and appointed Army Assistant in the Bureau of Granaries of the Heavenly Stratagem establishment. Shousu was especially skilled in genealogy. From Jin and Song down, he investigated in detail the pedigrees of scholar-officials throughout the realm and of meritorious nobles, Chinese and barbarian alike. At the time he was called "Walking Genealogy." He once discussed persons of note with Yu Shinan. When speaking of the lands east and south of the Yangzi, Shinan could still respond in turn; but when it came to the feudal lords of the northern lands, Shousu proceeded in order like flowing water, displaying their hereditary achievements with supporting evidence for each. Shinan only clapped his hands and laughed, no longer able to answer, and sighed: "Walking Genealogy is truly formidable." Xu Jingzong therefore said to Shinan: "Attendant Li gained this name because he is skilled at discussing persons of note. Though this is a fine thing, it is not an elegant reputation. Since you, sir, have become the standard in such matters, you ought to have some way to change it." Shinan said: "In former times Ren Yansheng beautifully discussed the classics, and the Liang called him 'casket of the Five Classics'; today let us call Attendant Li 'Record of Persons,' and that will do." He died at the beginning of Zhenguan.
21
耀
The historian says: Liu of Bingzhou once said: "The jade disk of the He clan does not shine only in the hand of Ying; why should the night-illuminating pearl be enjoyed only in the palm of Sui? Treasures under heaven ought to be shared with all under heaven." Yu of Yongxing followed Jiande, Li of Anping assisted Gongshi, and Chu of Yangdi relied on Xue Ju. This was like great thirst that cannot choose a spring to drink from, or great heat that cannot choose shade to rest in. It was not that they did not know where to drink or rest. When Emperor Wen raised the three luminaries to illuminate all under heaven, the multitude of worthies gathered like mist around what the people upheld. Only then could they leap with scales in the heavenly pool and set their price on spring mountains, becoming the supreme treasures of an age. The power they relied upon was different. The palm of Sui and the hand of Ying—how could there be constancy! The two Yu brothers wrote with splendid brilliance at the juncture of Sui and Tang; father and son Chu of Henan poured forth admonitions and remonstrances throughout Zhenguan and Yonghui. This is what is meant by each age having its men, yet these three families were especially flourishing.
22
耀
The encomium says: How great is Emperor Wen, who swept clean the azure heavens. Eighteen literary stars shone with linked splendor. The brushes of Yu and Chu, when they moved, seemed possessed by spirit. The compositions of Anping grew ever fresher with age.
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