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虞世南李百藥子安期
Yu Shinan; Li Baiyao; and His Son Anqi
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褚亮劉孝孫李玄道李守素附
Chuliang; Liu Xiaosun; Li Xuandao; with Li Shousu appended
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虞世南,字伯施,越州餘姚人,隋內史侍郎世基弟也。 祖檢,梁始興王諮議; 父荔,陳太子中庶子,俱有重名。 叔父寄,陳中書侍郎,無子,以世南繼後,故字曰伯施。 世南性沈靜寡慾,篤志勤學,少與兄世基受學於吳郡顧野王,經十餘年,精思不倦,或累旬不盥櫛。 善屬文,常祖述徐陵,陵亦言世南得己之意。 又同郡沙門智永,善王羲之書,世南師焉,妙得其體,由是聲名籍甚。 天嘉中,荔卒,世南尚幼,哀毀殆不勝喪。 陳文帝知其二子博學,每遣中使至其家將護之。 及服闋,召為建安王法曹參軍。 寄陷於陳寶應,在閩、越中,世南雖除喪,猶布衣蔬食。 至太建末,寶應破,寄還,方令世南釋布食肉。 至德初,除西陽王友。 陳滅,與世基同入長安,俱有重名,時人方之二陸。 時煬帝在籓,聞其名,與秦王俊辟書交至,以母老固辭,晉王令使者追之。 大業初,累授秘書郎,遷起居舍人。 時世基當朝貴盛,妻子被服擬於王者。 世南雖同居,而躬履勤儉,不失素業。 及至隋滅,宇文化及弒逆之際,世基為內史侍郎,將被誅,世南抱持號泣,請以身代,化及不納,因哀毀骨立,時人稱焉。 從化及至聊城,又陷於竇建德,偽授黃門侍郎。
Yu Shinan, whose style was Boshi, came from Yuyao in Yuezhou. He was the younger brother of Yu Shiji, Vice Director of the Palace Secretariat under the Sui. His grandfather Jian had served as adviser to the Prince of Shixing under the Liang; his father Li had been Junior Mentor to the Crown Prince of Chen. Both men enjoyed great renown. His uncle Ji had been Vice Director of the Secretariat under Chen. Having no son of his own, he adopted Shinian as his heir, which is why his style was Boshi, "Heir." Shinian was calm and reserved by nature, with few worldly desires, and he pursued learning with single-minded devotion. As a youth he and his elder brother Shiji studied under Gu Yewang of Wu Commandery for more than ten years, thinking deeply without flagging; at times he would go many days without washing or combing his hair. He excelled at literary composition and often took Xu Ling as his model; Xu Ling himself said that Shinian had caught his meaning. A monk of the same commandery, Zhiyong, was skilled in the calligraphy of Wang Xizhi. Shinian studied under him and mastered its essential forms, and from that time his fame spread far and wide. During the Tianchen reign his father Li died. Shinian was still young, and his grief in mourning was so overwhelming that he nearly could not endure the funeral rites. Emperor Wen of Chen knew that the two brothers were deeply learned and repeatedly sent palace envoys to their home to look after them. When his mourning was complete, he was summoned and appointed Army Assistant in the Office of Justice for the Prince of Jian'an. His uncle Ji had been trapped by Chen Baoying in Min and Yue. Although Shinian's mourning period had ended, he still wore plain cloth and ate simple fare. Only at the end of the Taijian reign, when Baoying was defeated and Ji returned, did he permit Shinian to put off plain dress and eat meat again. At the opening of the Zhide reign he was appointed Friend of the Prince of Xiyang. When Chen fell, he and Shiji entered Chang'an together. Both enjoyed great renown, and people of the time compared them to the two Lu brothers. While Emperor Yang was still Prince of Jin, he heard of Shinian's reputation, and letters of appointment from him and from Prince Qin Jun arrived one after another. Shinian firmly declined on account of his aged mother, so the Prince of Jin ordered an envoy to pursue him. At the beginning of the Daye reign he was repeatedly appointed Secretary of the Palace Library and was later promoted to Attendant for Drafting. At that time Shiji held power at court and was at the height of his glory; his wife and children dressed in a style rivaling that of royalty. Although Shinian lived under the same roof, he himself practiced diligence and frugality and did not abandon his former modest way of life. When the Sui fell, at the time of Yuwen Huaji's regicide, Shiji was Vice Director of the Secretariat and was about to be executed. Shinian embraced him, weeping, and begged to die in his brother's place. Huaji would not accept, and Shinian grieved until he was wasted to the bone. People of the time praised him for it. He followed Huaji to Liaocheng and then fell into the hands of Dou Jiande, who falsely appointed him Vice Director of the Yellow Gate.
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八年,隴右山崩,大蛇屢見,山東及江淮多大水。 太宗以問世南,對曰:「春秋時山崩,晉侯召伯宗而問焉,對曰:『國主山川,故山川崩竭,君為之不舉,降服、乘縵、徹樂、出次、祝幣以禮焉。』 梁山,晉所主也,晉侯從之,故得無害。 漢文帝元年,齊、楚地二十九山同日崩,水大出,令郡國無來貢獻,施惠於天下,遠近歡洽,亦不為災。 後漢靈帝時,青蛇見御座。 晉惠帝時,大蛇長三百步,見齊地,經市入朝。 案蛇宜在草野,而入市朝,所以可為怪耳。 今蛇見山澤,蓋深山大澤必有龍蛇,亦不足怪也。 又山東足雨,雖則其常,然陰淫過久,恐有冤獄,宜省繫囚,庶幾或當天意。 且妖不勝德,唯修德可以銷變。」 太宗以為然,因遣使者賑恤飢餒,申理獄訟,多所原宥。 後有星孛於虛、危,歷於氐,百餘日乃滅。 太宗謂群臣曰:「天見彗星,是何妖也?」 世南曰:「昔齊景公時有彗星見,公問晏嬰,對曰:『穿池沼畏不深,起台榭畏不高,行刑罰畏不重,是以天見彗為公誡耳。』 景公懼而修德,後十六日而星沒。 臣聞『天時不如地利,地利不如人和』,若德義不修,雖獲麟鳳,終是無補; 但政事無闕,雖有災星,何損於時? 然願陛下勿以功高古人而自矜伐,勿以太平漸久而自驕怠,慎終如始,彗星雖見,未足為憂。」 太宗斂容謂曰:「吾之撫國,良無景公之過。 但吾才弱冠舉義兵,年二十四平天下,未三十而居大位,自謂三代以降,撥亂之主,莫臻於此。 重以薛舉之驍雄,宋金剛之鷙猛,竇建德跨河北,王世充據洛陽,當此之時,足為勍敵,皆為我所擒。 及逢家難,復決意安社稷,遂登九五,降服北夷,吾頗有自矜之意,以輕天下之士,此吾之罪也。 上天見變,良為是乎? 秦始皇平六國,隋煬帝富四海,既驕且逸,一朝而敗,吾亦何得自驕也。 言念於此,不覺惕焉震懼。」 四月,康國獻獅子,詔世南為之賦,命編之東觀,辭多不載。 後高祖崩,有詔山陵制度,准漢長陵故事,務從隆厚。 程限既促,功役勞弊。 世南上封事諫曰:
In the eighth year mountains collapsed in Longyou, great serpents were seen again and again, and Shandong and the Huai and Yangzi regions suffered severe flooding. Emperor Taizong asked Shinian about these signs. He replied: "In the age of the Spring and Autumn Annals, when a mountain collapsed, the Marquis of Jin summoned Bozong and questioned him. Bozong answered: 'The state holds the mountains and rivers in trust. When mountains and rivers collapse and fail, the ruler for this reason suspends feasts, wears humble dress, rides in an unadorned carriage, reduces music, leaves the palace temporarily, and offers ritual gifts according to propriety. Yanzi Mountain was the domain held by Jin. The Marquis of Jin followed this counsel, and therefore escaped harm. In the first year of Emperor Wen of Han, twenty-nine mountains in the lands of Qi and Chu collapsed on the same day and great floods broke out. He ordered the commanderies and principalities to send no tribute and showed kindness throughout the realm. Far and near rejoiced together, and no calamity resulted. Under Emperor Ling of Later Han a green serpent appeared on the imperial throne. Under Emperor Hui of Jin a great serpent three hundred paces long appeared in the land of Qi, passing through markets and entering the court. Serpents belong in wilderness and grassland; that they entered markets and court is what made them strange. Now that serpents are seen in mountains and marshes, it is only natural, for great mountains and great marshes always harbor dragons and serpents. This is hardly worth calling strange. Moreover, Shandong has had ample rain. Though that is normal, if excessive dampness persists too long, there may be unjust imprisonments. It would be fitting to review those held in prison; perhaps this may accord with Heaven's intent. Moreover, portents cannot overcome virtue; only by cultivating virtue can these signs be dispelled." The Emperor agreed and therefore sent envoys to relieve famine and hunger, examine lawsuits, and grant much forgiveness. Later a broom star appeared in Xu and Wei, passed through Di, and only after more than a hundred days did it vanish. The Emperor said to his ministers: "Heaven has shown a comet. What omen is this?" Shinian said: "In former times, under Duke Jing of Qi, a comet appeared. The duke asked Yan Ying, who answered: 'You fear your pools and marshes are not deep enough, your terraces and pavilions not high enough, your punishments not severe enough. That is why Heaven shows the comet to warn you, my lord. The duke took fright and cultivated virtue, and sixteen days later the star vanished. Your servant has heard that 'favorable season is less than terrain, and terrain is less than human accord.' If virtue and righteousness are not cultivated, even if one obtains qilin and phoenixes, in the end it will be of no avail; but if governance is without fault, what harm can disaster stars do the age? Yet I urge Your Majesty not to pride yourself on achievements surpassing the ancients, not to grow arrogant and negligent as peace lengthens, and to be as careful at the end as at the beginning. Then though the comet is seen, it need not be a cause for worry." The Emperor composed himself and said: "In governing the realm I truly have no fault like Duke Jing's. But from a tender age I raised the banner of righteous warfare. At twenty-four I pacified the realm, and before thirty I held the supreme position. I consider that among lords who quelled disorder since the Three Dynasties, none has reached this. Add to this the fierce valor of Xue Ju, the savage might of Song Jingang, Dou Jiande spanning Hebei, and Wang Shichong holding Luoyang. At that time they were truly formidable foes, yet all were captured by me. When I encountered family strife I again resolved to secure the altars of state, ascended the throne, and subjugated the northern barbarians. I have taken some pride in myself and have slighted the worthies under heaven. This is my fault. Has Heaven shown these signs truly for this reason? Qin Shihuang unified the six states and Emperor Yang of Sui enriched the four seas, yet each through pride and indulgence fell in a single morning. How can I myself grow arrogant? When I reflect on this, I cannot but feel apprehension and awe." In the fourth month the state of Kang presented a lion. He ordered Shinian to compose a fu for it and had it compiled in the Eastern Archive, but most of the text is not recorded here. Later, when Gaozu died, an edict on tomb regulations followed the precedent of Emperor Wu's Changling, aiming at lavish scale. The deadline was short and the labor burdensome. Shinian submitted a sealed memorial remonstrating:
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臣聞古之聖帝明王所以薄葬者,非不欲崇高光顯,珍寶具物,以厚其親。 然審而言之,高墳厚壟,珍物畢備,此適所以為親之累,非曰孝也。 是以深思遠慮,安於菲薄,以為長久萬代之計,割其常情以定耳。 昔漢成帝造延、昌二陵,制度甚厚,功費甚多。 諫議大夫劉向上書,其言深切,皆合事理。 其略曰:「孝文居霸陵,淒愴悲懷,顧謂群臣曰:『嗟乎! 以北山石為槨,用纻絮斮陳漆其間,豈可動哉?』 張釋之進曰:『使其中有可欲,雖錮南山猶有隙; 使其中無可欲,雖無石槨,又何戚焉!』 夫死者無終極,而國家有廢興,釋之所言,為無窮計也。 孝文寤焉,遂以薄葬。」 又漢氏之法,人君在位,三分天下貢賦,以一分入山陵。 武帝歷年長久,比葬,陵中不復容物,霍光暗於大體,奢侈過度。 其後至更始之敗,赤眉賊入長安,破茂陵取物,猶不能盡。 無故聚斂百姓,為盜之用,甚無謂也。 魏文帝於首陽東為壽陵,作終制,其略曰:「昔堯葬壽陵,因山為體,無封樹,無立寢殿園邑,為棺槨足以藏骨,為衣衾足以朽肉。 吾營此不食之地,欲使易代之後,不知其處,無藏金銀銅鐵,一以瓦器。 自古及今,未有不亡之國,無有不發之墓,至乃燒取玉匣金縷,骸骨並盡,乃不重痛哉! 若違詔妄有變改,吾為戮屍於地下,死而重死,不忠不孝,使魂而有知,將不福汝。 以為永制,藏之宗廟。」 魏文帝此制,可謂達於事矣。 向使陛下德止如秦、漢之君,臣則緘口而已,不敢有言。 伏見聖德高遠,堯、舜猶所不逮,而俯與秦、漢之君同為奢泰,舍堯、舜、殷、周之節儉,此臣所以尤戚也。 今為丘壟如此,其內雖不藏珍寶,亦無益也。 萬代之後,但見高墳大墓,豈謂無金玉耶? 臣之愚計,以為漢文霸陵,既因山勢,雖不起墳,自然高顯。 今之所卜,地勢即平,不可不起,宜依《白虎通》所陳周制,為三仞之墳,其方中制度,事事減少。 事竟之日,刻石於陵側,明丘封大小高下之式。 明器所須,皆以瓦木,合於禮文,一不得用金銀銅鐵。 使萬代子孫,並皆遵奉,一通藏之宗廟,豈不美乎! 且臣下除服用三十六日,已依霸陵,今為墳壟,又以長陵為法,恐非所宜。 伏願深覽古今,為長久之慮,臣之赤心,唯願萬歲之後,神道常安,陛下孝名,揚於無窮耳。
Your servant has heard that the reason ancient sage emperors and enlightened kings practiced modest burial was not that they did not wish splendor, brilliance, treasures, and full accoutrements to enrich their kin. Yet when examined closely, high mounds and thick earthworks with treasures fully prepared are precisely what burden one's kin. This is not called filial piety. Therefore with deep thought and far-reaching consideration they settled on modesty, taking it as a plan for lasting benefit through ten thousand generations, restraining ordinary feeling to fix policy. In former times Emperor Cheng of Han built the Yan and Chang tombs. The regulations were very lavish and the labor and expense very great. Remonstrance and Opinion Official Liu Xiang submitted a memorial whose words were profound and all accorded with reason and affairs. Its gist says: "When Emperor Wen dwelt at Baling he gazed mournfully and with sorrow, turned to his ministers and said: 'Alas! Let the coffin be of northern mountain stone, with ramie stuffing chopped fine and lacquered within. Surely it could not be moved?' Zhang Shizhi advanced and said: 'If within there is something desirable, though the southern mountains were bound with bronze there would still be gaps; if within there is nothing desirable, though there were no stone coffin, what sorrow could there be! The dead have no end, while states rise and fall. What Zhang said planned for eternity. Emperor Wen took counsel and therefore adopted modest burial." Moreover, by Han law, while a ruler held the throne one third of the tribute of the realm was allotted, and one part of that went to the imperial tomb. Emperor Wu reigned for many years. When he was buried the tomb could hold no more goods. Huo Guang, dull to the larger principle, exceeded in extravagance. Later, at the defeat of Emperor Gengshi, the Red Eyebrows entered Chang'an, broke Maoling, and took its goods yet could not exhaust them. Uselessly taxing the people to serve robbers—this was utterly pointless. Emperor Wen of Wei east of Shouyang made his longevity tomb and composed final instructions. Their gist says: "In former times Yao was buried at Shouyang, using the mountain as the body. No mound was planted, no resting hall or park enclosure established. The coffin was enough to hold the bones, the clothing enough to rot the flesh. I have sought this land that will not be cultivated, wishing that after dynasties change none will know the site, storing no gold, silver, copper, or iron—only earthenware throughout. From antiquity to the present there has been no state that did not perish, no tomb that was not opened. Even to the point of burning jade cases with gold thread until bones were destroyed together—is this not a double pain! Whoever against the edict recklessly alters matters, I would be dismembered corpses underground, dying again after death, disloyal and unfilial. If the soul has knowledge, it will not bless you. Let this be taken as perpetual law and deposited in the ancestral temple." This regulation of Emperor Wen of Wei may be called penetrating in affairs. If Your Majesty's virtue reached only the rulers of Qin and Han, your servant would keep silent and dare not speak. Your servant has observed that sacred virtue is lofty and far-reaching, beyond even Yao and Shun, yet you stoop to share extravagance with the rulers of Qin and Han, abandoning the frugality of Yao, Shun, Yin, and Zhou. This is why your servant is especially grieved. Now to make a tomb mound like this—even though no treasures are stored within, it is still of no benefit. Ten thousand generations hence, when people see only a high mound and great tomb, will they not suppose there is gold and jade within? Your servant's humble plan is that the Baling of Han Wen, following the mountain's shape, though no mound is raised, is naturally high and prominent. The ground now divined is level and a mound cannot but be raised. It would be fitting to follow the Zhou system set forth in the Baihu tong, making a mound of three ren, and in the central square and in every regulation to reduce each measure. When the work is completed, inscribe stone beside the tomb showing the form of the mound's size and height. Goods for the dead should all be of tile and wood, in accord with ritual texts. None may use gold, silver, copper, or iron. Let descendants through ten thousand generations all observe and follow this. Deposit one copy in the ancestral temple—how fine that would be! Moreover, ministers' mourning garments are for thirty-six days, already following the Baling precedent. Now for the tomb mound to take Changling as the model is perhaps inapt. Your servant wishes that you deeply view past and present for long-term planning. Your servant's loyal heart wishes only that after ten thousand years the spirit way be always secure and Your Majesty's name for filial piety shine without end.
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書奏不報。 世南又上疏曰:「漢家即位之初,便營陵墓,近者十餘歲,遠者五十年方始成就。 今以數月之間而造數十年之事,其於人力,亦已勞矣。 又漢家大郡五十萬戶,即目人眾未及往時,而功役與之一等,此臣所以致疑也。」 時公卿又上奏請遵遺詔,務從節儉,因下其事付所司詳議,於是制度頗有減省焉。
The memorial was submitted but received no reply. Shinian again submitted a memorial saying: "The Han at the beginning of enthronement began tomb works. The near took more than ten years, the far fifty years before completion. Now to do in a few months what took decades—the burden on human labor is already severe. Moreover, a great commandery of Han had five hundred thousand households. At present the population has not reached former times, yet the labor equals that era. This is why your servant raises doubt." At that time high officials again memorialized asking to follow the late emperor's will and practice thrift. The matter was therefore sent down to the relevant offices for detailed deliberation, and the regulations were much reduced.
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太宗後頗好獵,世南上疏諫曰:「臣聞秋獮冬狩,蓋惟恆典; 射隼從禽,備乎前誥。 伏惟陛下因聽覽之餘辰,順天道以殺伐,將欲躬摧班掌,親御皮軒,窮猛獸之窟穴,盡逸材於林藪。 夷凶剪暴,以衛黎元; 收革擢羽,用充軍器; 舉旗效獲,式遵前古。 然黃屋之尊,金輿之貴,八方之所仰德,萬國之所繫心,清道而行,猶戒銜橛,斯蓋重慎防微,為社稷也。 是以馬卿直諫於前,張昭變色於後,臣誠微淺,敢忘斯義? 且天弧星畢,所殪已多,頒禽賜獲,皇恩亦薄。 伏願時息獵車,且韜長戟,不拒芻蕘之請,降納涓澮之流,袒裼徒摶,任之群下,則貽范百王,永光萬代。」 其有犯無隱,多此類也。 太宗以是益親禮之。 嘗稱世南有五絕:一曰德行,二曰忠直,三曰博學,四曰文辭,五曰書翰。 十二年,又表請致仕,優制許之,仍授銀青光祿大夫、弘文館學士,祿賜防閣,並同京官職事。 尋卒,年八十一。 太宗舉哀於別次,哭之甚慟。 賜東園秘器,陪葬昭陵,贈禮部尚書,謚曰文懿。 手敕魏王泰曰:「虞世南於我,猶一體也。 拾遺補闕,無日暫忘,實當代名臣,人倫准的。 吾有小失,必犯顏而諫之。 今其雲亡,石渠、東觀之中,無復人矣,痛惜豈可言耶!」 未幾,太宗為詩一篇,追述往古興亡之道,既而嘆曰:「鐘子期死,伯牙不復鼓琴。 朕之此詩,將何以示?」 令起居郎褚遂良詣其靈帳讀訖焚之,冀世南神識感悟。 後數歲,太宗夜夢見之,有若平生。 翌日,下制曰:「禮部尚書、永興文懿公虞世南,德行淳備,文為辭宗,夙夜盡心,志在忠益。 奄從物化,倏移歲序,昨因夜夢,忽睹其人,兼進讜言,有如平生之日。 追懷遺美,良增悲嘆。 宜資冥助,申朕思舊之情,可於其家為設五百僧齋,並為造天尊像一區。」 又敕圖其形於凌煙閣。 有集三十捲,令褚亮為之序。 世南子昶,官至工部侍郎。
Later the Emperor came to favor hunting. Shinian submitted a memorial remonstrating: "Your servant has heard that the autumn battue and winter hunt are constant precedent; shooting hawks and taking game are provided for in former canons. Your servant reflects that Your Majesty, in the remaining hours of audience, following heaven's way in killing, intends personally to crush with the palm, personally mount the leather canopy, exhaust the lairs of fierce beasts, and gather all swift quarry from forest and thicket. To quell the fierce and cut down the violent, thereby protecting the common people; to gather hides and pluck feathers for military gear; to raise banners and display the catch, following the manner of former antiquity. Yet the majesty of the yellow canopy and the honor of the golden chariot are what the eight directions rely on for virtue and the ten thousand states bind their hearts to. Even on a cleared road one guards against the bit's danger. This is utmost caution and guarding against the slight, for the sake of the altars of state. Therefore Sima Xiangru remonstrated directly before, and Zhang Zhao changed countenance after. Your servant is truly slight and shallow—how dare I forget this duty? Moreover, the Bow-star and the Net have already slain much. In distributing game and bestowing the catch, imperial grace is also ample. Your servant wishes that for a time you rest the hunting chariot and sheath the long halberd, not refuse counsel from the humblest subject, accept the trickle of the rivulet, strip to wrestle and leave it to the multitude below. Then you will bequeath a model to a hundred kings and eternal glory to ten thousand generations." His habit of speaking without concealment was mostly of this kind. The Emperor therefore treated him with still greater intimacy and ritual respect. He once said that Shinian possessed five supreme gifts: virtue and conduct, loyalty and rectitude, broad learning, literary skill, and calligraphy. In the twelfth year he again memorialized requesting retirement. An excellent edict granted his request, yet he was still appointed Silver Gleam Grand Master of Glory and Scholar of the Hongwen Academy, with salary, gifts, gate guards, and duties all matching those of capital officials. Soon afterward he died, at the age of eighty-one. The Emperor held mourning in a separate chamber and wept for him with overwhelming grief. He was granted the secret funerary vessels of the Eastern Garden, buried at Zhaoling, posthumously appointed Minister of Rites, and given the posthumous title Weny. In a personal edict to Prince Wei Tai he said: "Yu Shinan toward me is like one body. He rectified omissions and supplied deficiencies without a single day's forgetfulness. He was truly a famed minister of this age and the standard by which human conduct is measured. Whenever I had a small fault, he would offend my countenance to remonstrate with me. Now that he has passed like a cloud, in the Stone Canal and Eastern Archive there is no one left. How can such grief be put into words!" Not long after, the Emperor composed a poem tracing the paths of rise and fall in antiquity, then sighed: "When Zhong Ziqi died, Bo Ya never again played the zither. For this poem of mine, to whom shall I show it?" He ordered Attendant for Drafting Chu Suiliang to go to his spirit curtained hall, read it through, and burn it, hoping Shinian's spirit might be moved to awareness. Several years later the Emperor dreamed of him at night as though he were still alive. The next day he issued an edict saying: "Minister of Rites, Duke Weny of Yongxing, Yu Shinan—his virtue and conduct were pure and complete, his writing the master of words, day and night with utmost devotion, his aim loyal benefit. Suddenly he followed things in transformation, and the years swiftly shifted. Yesterday, because of a dream at night, I suddenly saw him, and moreover he advanced frank words as on the day of his life. Recalling his remaining virtues, I am filled with still greater grief and sighing. He should be assisted in the hidden realm to express my longing for an old friend: at his home let five hundred monk feasts be set up, and also have made one image of the Heavenly Honored One." He also ordered his likeness painted in Lingyan Pavilion. He left a collection of thirty scrolls, and Chu Liang was ordered to write the preface. Shinian's son Chang rose to the office of Vice Director of the Ministry of Works.
8
李百藥,字重規,定州安平人,隋內史令、安平公德林子也。 為童兒時多疾病,祖母趙氏故以百藥為名。 七歲解屬文。 父友齊中書舍人陸乂、馬元熙嘗造德林宴集,有讀徐陵文者,雲「既取成周之禾,將刈琅邪之稻」,並不知其事。 百藥時侍立,進曰:「《傳》稱『鄅人藉稻』。 杜預《注》雲『鄅國在琅邪開陽』。」 乂等大驚異之。 開皇初,授東宮通事舍人,遷太子舍人,兼東宮學士。 或嫉其才而毀之者,乃謝病免去。 十九年,追赴仁壽宮,令襲父爵。 左僕射楊素、吏部尚書牛弘雅愛其才,奏授禮部員外郎,皇太子勇又召為東宮學士。 詔令修五禮,定律令,撰陰陽書。 台內奏議文表,多百藥所撰。 時煬帝出鎮揚州,嘗召之,百藥辭疾不赴,煬帝大怒,及即位,出為桂州司馬。 為沈法興所得,署為掾。 其後,罷州置郡,因解職還鄉里。 大業五年,授魯郡臨泗府步兵校尉。 九年,充戍會稽。 尋授建安郡丞,行達烏程,屬江都難作,復會沈法興為李子通所破,子通又命為中書侍郎、國子祭酒。 及杜伏威攻滅子通,又以百藥為行台考功郎中。 或有譖之者,伏威囚之,百藥著《省躬賦》以致其情,伏威亦知其無罪,乃令復職。 伏威既據有江南,高祖遣使招撫,百藥勸伏威入朝,伏威從之,遣其行台僕射輔公祏與百藥留守,遂詣京師。 及渡江至歷陽,狐疑中悔,將害百藥,乃飲以石灰酒,因大洩痢,而宿病皆除。 伏威知百藥不死,乃作書與公祏令殺百藥,賴伏威養子王雄誕保護獲免。 公祏反,又授百藥吏部侍郎。 有譖百藥於高祖,雲百藥初說杜伏威入朝,又與輔公祏同反。 高祖大怒。 及公祏平,得伏威與公祏令殺百藥書,高祖意稍解,遂配流涇州。
Li Baiyao, whose style was Chonggui, came from Anping in Dingzhou. He was the son of Li Delin, Director of the Secretariat and Duke of Anping under the Sui. As a child he was often ill, so his grandmother, Lady Zhao, gave him the name Baiyao. At the age of seven he could compose linked prose. His father's friends, Qi Attendant of the Secretariat Lu Yi and Ma Yuanxi, once came to Delin's banquet. Someone read Xu Ling's prose saying "having taken the grain of accomplished Zhou, about to reap the rice of Langye," and neither man knew the allusion. Baiyao, standing in attendance, stepped forward and said: "The Zuo zhuan says, 'the people of Yun borrowed rice. Du Yu's commentary says, 'the state of Yun was in Kaiyang, Langye.' Yi and the others were greatly astonished. At the beginning of Kaihuang he was appointed Emissary Attendant of the Eastern Palace, promoted to Attendant to the Heir Apparent, and concurrently made an Eastern Palace Scholar. Some who envied his talent slandered him, and he therefore resigned on grounds of illness. In the nineteenth year he was summoned to Renshou Palace and ordered to inherit his father's noble rank. Left Vice Director Yang Su and Minister of Civil Office Niu Hong greatly admired his talent and memorialized his appointment as Vice Director of Rites. Crown Prince Yong also summoned him as an Eastern Palace Scholar. He was ordered to compile the Five Rites, fix laws and statutes, and compose books on yin and yang. Memorials, deliberations, documents, and reports within the Secretariat were mostly composed by Baiyao. When Emperor Yang went out to command Yangzhou he once summoned him, but Baiyao pleaded illness and did not go. The Emperor was greatly angered, and when he took the throne he demoted Baiyao to Army Commander of Guizhou. He fell into the hands of Shen Faxing and was appointed as his aide. Later, when the province was abolished and a prefecture established in its place, he resigned and returned to his home district. In the fifth year of Daye he was appointed Infantry Commandant of Linsi Prefecture in Lu Commandery. In the ninth year he served as a garrison soldier at Kuaiji. Soon he was appointed Acting Administrator of Jian'an. When he reached Wucheng, the calamity at Jiangdu occurred. He again encountered Shen Faxing, who had been destroyed by Li Zitong; Zitong then appointed him Vice Director of the Secretariat and Chancellor of the Directorate. When Du Fuwei attacked and destroyed Zitong, he again appointed Baiyao Reviewing Merits Attendant of the Mobile Court. Some slandered him, and Fuwei imprisoned him. Baiyao wrote the "Reflection on Self" to express his situation. Fuwei also knew he was guiltless and restored him to office. Once Fuwei held Jiangnan, Gaozu sent envoys to summon and pacify him. Baiyao urged Fuwei to enter court, and Fuwei agreed. He sent his Mobile Court Deputy Prime Minister Fu Gongshi to stay behind with Baiyao as guard, and then proceeded to the capital. When he crossed the river to Liyang, hesitating and repenting midway, he was about to kill Baiyao and made him drink lime wine. Baiyao suffered severe dysentery, yet all his chronic illnesses were eliminated. Fuwei, knowing Baiyao had not died, wrote to Gongshi ordering him to kill Baiyao. Thanks to the protection of Fuwei's adopted son Wang Xiongdan, he escaped with his life. When Gongshi rebelled, he again appointed Baiyao Vice Director of the Ministry of Civil Office. Some slandered Baiyao to Gaozu, saying that Baiyao had first urged Du Fuwei to enter court and had also joined Fu Gongshi in rebellion. Gaozu was greatly enraged. When Gongshi was pacified, Fuwei's letter to Gongshi ordering Baiyao's death was obtained. Gaozu's anger somewhat eased, and Baiyao was banished to Jingzhou.
9
臣聞經國庇民,王者之常制; 尊主安上,人情之本方。 思闡治定之規,以弘長世之業者,萬古不易,百慮同歸。 然命歷有賒促之殊,邦家有理亂之異,遐觀載籍,論之詳矣。 咸雲周過其數,秦不及期,存亡之理,在於郡國。 可以監夏殷之長久,遵黃唐之並建,維城盤石,深根固本,雖王綱弛廢,枝幹相持,故使逆節不生,宗祀不絕。 秦氏背師古之訓,棄先王之道,踐華恃險,罷侯置守,子弟無尺土之邑,兆庶罕共治之憂,故一夫號澤,七廟隳祀。 臣以為自古皇王,君臨宇內,莫不受命上玄,飛名帝錄,締構遇興王之運,殷憂屬啟聖之期。 雖魏武攜養之資,漢高徒役之賤,非止意有覬覦,推之亦不能去也。 若其獄訟不歸,菁華已竭,雖帝堯之光被四表,大舜之上齊七政,非止情存揖讓,守之亦不可固焉。 以放勳、重華之德,尚不能克昌厥後,是知祚之長短,必在天時,政或盛衰,有關人事。 隆周卜代三十,卜年七百,雖淪胥之道斯極,而文、武之器猶存,斯則龜鼎之祚,已懸定於杳冥也。 至使南征不返,東遷避逼,禋祀如線,郊畿不守,此乃凌夷之漸,有累於封建焉。 暴秦運短閏余,數鐘百六。 受命之主,德異禹、湯; 繼世之君,才非啟、誦。 借使李斯、王綰之輩,盛開四履,將閭、子嬰之徒,俱啟千乘,豈能逆帝子之勃興,抗龍顏之基命者也! 然則得失成敗,各有由焉。 而著述之家,多守常轍,莫不情亡今古,理蔽澆淳,欲以百王之季,行三代之法。 天下五服之內,盡封諸侯; 王畿千乘之間,俱為采地。 是以結繩之化,行虞、夏之朝; 用象刑之典,治劉、曹之末,紀綱既紊,斷可知焉。 鍥船求劍,未見其可; 膠柱成文,彌所多惑。 徒知問鼎請隧,有懼霸王之師; 白馬素車,無復籓籬之援。 不悟望夷之釁,未甚羿、浞之災; 高貴之殃,寧異申、繒之酷! 乃欽明昏亂,自革安危,固非守宰公侯,以成興廢。 且數世之後,王室浸微,始自籓屏,化為仇敵。 家殊俗,國異政,強凌弱,眾暴寡,疆場彼此,干戈日尋。 狐駘之役,女子盡髽; 崤陵之師,只輪不返。 斯蓋略舉一隅,其餘不可勝數。 陸士衡方規規然云:「嗣王委其九鼎,凶族據其大邑,天下晏然,以治待亂。」 何斯言之謬也! 而設官分職,任賢使能,以循吏之才,膺共治之寄,刺郡分竹,何代無人? 至使地或呈祥,天不愛寶,民稱父母,政比神明。 曹元首方區區然稱:「與人共其樂者,人必憂其憂,與人同其安者,人必拯其危。」 豈容委以侯伯,則同其安危; 任之牧宰,則殊其憂樂? 何斯言之妄也! 封君列國,藉慶門資,忘其先業之艱難,輕其自然之崇貴,莫不世增淫虐,代益驕侈。 自離宮別館,切漢凌雲,或刑人力而將盡,或召諸侯而共樂。 陳靈則君臣悖禮,共侮徵舒; 衛宣則父子聚麀,終誅壽、朔。 乃雲為己思治,豈若是乎? 內外群官,選自朝廷,擢士庶以任之,澄水鏡以鑑之,年勞優其階品,考績明其黜陟。 進取事切,砥礪情深,或俸祿不入私門,妻子不之官舍。 頒條之貴,食不舉火; 剖符之重,衣唯補葛。 南郡太守,敝布裹身; 萊蕪縣長,凝塵生甑。 專雲為利圖物,何其爽歟! 總而言之,爵非世及,用賢之路斯廣; 民無定主,附下之情不固。 此乃愚智所辨,安可惑哉! 至如滅國弒君,亂常幹紀,春秋二百年間,略無寧歲。 次睢咸秩,遂用玉帛之名; 魯道有蕩,每等衣裳之會。 縱使西漢哀、平之際,東洛桓、靈之時,下吏淫暴,必不至此。 為政之理,可一言以蔽之。
Your servant has heard that governing the state and sheltering the people is the constant institution of kings; honoring the lord and securing superiors is the root pattern of human sentiment. Those who seek to clarify rules for order and stability and extend the enterprise of lasting generations find that this aim is unchanged through ten thousand ages and that a hundred schemes share one return. Yet fate and chronology differ in whether they are brief or prolonged, and states differ in whether they are well ordered or chaotic. A distant view of the records discusses this in detail. All say that Zhou exceeded its allotted span and Qin did not reach its term; the principle of survival or extinction lies in commanderies and principalities. One may take warning from the longevity of Xia and Yin and follow the Yellow Emperor and Tang in joint establishment: secure walls and bedrock, deep roots and a solid foundation. Though the royal net slackens and falls, trunk and branches support each other, so rebellious nodes do not arise and ancestral sacrifices are not cut off. The Qin clan turned from the instructions of teachers of antiquity and abandoned the Way of former kings. It trampled on splendor and relied on peril, abolished marquisates and established defenders. Sons and younger brothers held not even a foot of territory, and the myriad people rarely shared the worry of joint governance. Therefore one man shouted in the marshes and the seven temples were destroyed. Your servant considers that since antiquity, emperors and kings who ruled within the four seas all received mandate from the High Mystery and had their names entered in the emperor's register. Their founding met the fortune of a rising king, and their deep anxiety belonged to the season of a sage who opened the age. Though Cao Wei had the credentials of fostered authority and Han Gaozu was lowly as a conscripted laborer, it was not only that if their intent had covetousness they could be pushed away; they also could not be made to depart. If lawsuits no longer returned to them and their essential brilliance was exhausted, then though Emperor Yao's light covered the four quarters and Great Shun aligned with the seven regulators, it was not only that if affection remained for yielding they could be kept; they also could not be firmly held. With the virtue of Emperor Yao and Chonghua they still could not make their posterity flourish. Thus one knows that the length of a reign must lie in heaven's season, and whether government flourishes or declines has to do with human affairs. Flourishing Zhou divined thirty generations and seven hundred years. Though the way of ruin reached its extreme, the vessels of Wen and Wu still survived. Thus the tortoise-and-cauldron reign was already fixed in the dark unknown. It came to the point that the southern expedition did not return, the eastern relocation fled pressure, sacrifices hung by a thread, and suburban precincts were not defended. This is the gradual slide to ruin, and it bears on feudal enfeoffment. Violent Qin's fortune was brief in its intercalary excess, and its count struck the hundred-six. The ruler who received mandate—his virtue was unlike that of Yu and Tang; the succeeding ruler's talent was unlike that of Qi and Song. Even if men like Li Si and Wang Wan widely opened four domains, and men like Jiang Lu and Ziying all raised a thousand chariots, how could they reverse the sudden rise of the imperial son or resist the foundation-mandate of the dragon countenance! Thus gain, loss, success, and failure each have their cause. Yet writers mostly guard constant ruts, invariably forgetting present and past, their reason obscured by shallow custom, wishing in the twilight of a hundred kings to practice the laws of the Three Dynasties. Within the five garments of the realm, they would enfeoff marquis and lords throughout; and within the thousand chariots of the royal domain, all would become fief lands. Thus the transformation of knotted cords would be practiced in the courts of Yu and Xia; and the canon of symbolic punishments would be used to govern the ends of Han and Cao. Once the warp is tangled, severance may be foreseen. Notching the boat to seek the sword—one does not see that it can work; gluing the pillar to make writing—this only multiplies confusion. They only know that asking for the tripod and requesting the imperial pathway brings fear of the hegemon's army; white horses and plain carriages—no longer the fence-screen's aid. They do not awaken to the fact that the calamity at Wangyi was not yet as severe as the disasters of Yi and Zhuo; the disaster of the honored—how does it differ from the cruelty of Shen and Zeng! Then Qin and Han muddled dark and bright and themselves changed safety and peril. This is truly not a matter of making prefects and nobles succeed in rise and fall. After several generations the royal house gradually weakened, and what began as the screen of the frontier turned into sworn enemies. Families differed in custom and states differed in government. The strong bullied the weak and the many ravaged the few. Borderlands faced each other, and weapons were sought day by day. In the campaign at Gulu the women all wore mourning hair; at the battle of Xiaoling not a single wheel returned. This merely lifts one corner; the rest cannot be numbered. Lu Ji was properly saying: "The succeeding king entrusted his nine cauldrons; vicious kindred seized his great cities; all under heaven was tranquil—taking order to await chaos." How erroneous such words! Yet in establishing offices and dividing duties, employing the worthy and using the able, with the talent of an upright official bearing the trust of joint governance—appointing commanderies and dividing bamboo—which age lacked such men? It reached the point that the earth presented auspicious signs, heaven did not begrudge treasures, the people called them father and mother, and government was compared to spirit illumination. Cao Shou was crampedly saying: "He who shares his joys with others, others will surely care for his cares; he who shares his security with others, others will surely rescue his peril." How could it be permitted to entrust power to marquis and earls so that they share his safety and peril, yet appoint prefects and managers so that their cares and joys differ? How reckless such words! Enfeoffed lords of the states, relying on blessed gate pedigree, forgot the hardship of their ancestors' enterprise and lightly regarded the natural honor of their eminence. None failed to increase debauchery generation by generation and add arrogance dynasty by dynasty. From separate palaces and lodges rivaling Han's ascending clouds, to exhausting human strength until nearly spent, to summoning the feudal lords to rejoice together. Under Duke Ling of Chen, ruler and minister violated ritual and jointly insulted Zheng Shu; under Duke Xuan of Wei, father and son gathered in incest, finally executing Shou and Shuo. Yet they said they thought of governing on their own—could it be like this? Inner and outer officials were selected from the court, scholar-commoners were promoted and appointed, and the water mirror was clarified to examine them. Years of labor graded their ranks, and assessment of achievements clarified demotion and promotion. Advance and taking office were urgently practical, and sharpening and polishing ran deep in feeling. Some did not let salary enter private gates, and wives and children did not go to official quarters. Those honored for issuing regulations did not kindle fire for their meals; those with the weight of splitting talismans wore only patched hemp for clothing. The prefect of Nan commandery wrapped himself in worn cloth; the magistrate of Laiwu had dust so thick on his cooking pot that it looked as though it had never been used. To speak only of profit and to scheme for gain—how misleading! In summary, when nobility is not hereditary, the path for employing the worthy is broadened; the people have no fixed lord, and their attachment to subordinates is not firm. This is what the foolish and the wise can tell apart—how can anyone be misled! As for destroying states and murdering rulers, violating norms and subverting the laws—in the two hundred years of the Spring and Autumn period, there were scarcely any peaceful years. At Sui all took their proper ranks and then invoked the formal names of jade and silk; On the roads of Lu there was debauchery, and every sort of ceremonial meeting of robes and garments. Even at the end of Western Han under Emperors Ai and Ping, or in Eastern Luoyang under Emperors Huan and Ling, debauched and violent lower officials would never have gone this far. The principle of governance can be summed up in a single phrase.
10
伏惟陛下握紀御天,膺期啟聖,救億兆之焚溺,掃氛昆於寰區。 創業垂統,配二儀以立德; 發號施令,妙萬物而為言。 獨照宸衷,永懷前古,將復五等而修舊制,建萬國以親諸侯。 竊以漢、魏以還,餘風之弊未盡; 勳、華既往,至公之道斯革。 況晉氏失馭,宇縣崩離; 後魏時乘,華夷雜處。 重以關河分阻,吳、楚懸隔,習文者學長短縱橫之術,習武者盡干戈戰爭之心,畢為狙詐之階,彌長澆浮之俗。 開皇在運,因藉外家。 驅御群英,任雄猜之數; 坐移時運,非克定之功。 年逾二紀,民不見德。 及大業嗣文,世道交喪,一時人物,掃地將盡。 雖天縱神武,削平寇虐,兵威不息,勞止未康。 自陛下仰順聖慈,嗣膺寶歷,情深致治,綜核前王。 雖至道無名,言象所紀,略陳梗概,實所庶幾。 愛敬蒸蒸,勞而不倦,大舜之孝也。 訪安內豎,親嘗御膳,文王之德也。 每憲司讞罪,尚書奏獄,大小必察,枉直咸申,舉斷趾之法,易大辟之刑,仁心隱惻,貫徹幽顯,大禹之泣辜也。 正色直言,虛心受納,不簡鄙陋,無棄芻蕘,帝堯之求諫也。 弘獎名教,勸勵學徒,既擢明經於青紫,將升碩儒於卿相,聖人之善誘也。 群臣以宮中暑濕,寢膳或乖,請徙御高明,營一小閣。 遂惜家人之產,竟抑子來之願,不吝陰陽所感,以安卑陋之居。 去歲荒儉,普天饑饉,喪亂甫爾,倉廩空虛。 聖情矜愍,勤加惠恤,竟無一人流離道路,猶且食啖藜藿,樂撤簨弶,言必淒動,貌成癯瘠。 公旦喜於重譯,文命矜其即序。 陛下每四夷款附,萬里歸仁,必退思進省。 凝神動慮,恐妄勞中國,以事遠方,不藉萬古之英聲,以存一時之茂實。 心切憂勞,跡絕游幸,每旦視朝,聽受無倦。 智周於萬物,道濟於天下。 罷朝之後,引進名臣,討論是非,備盡肝膈,唯及政事,更無異辭。 才及日昃,命才學之士,賜以清閒,高談典籍,雜以文詠,間以玄言,乙夜忘疲,中宵不寐。 此之四道,獨邁往初。 斯實生民以來,一人而已。 弘茲風化,昭示四方,信可以期月之間,彌綸天壤。 而淳粹尚阻,浮詭未移,此由習之永久,難以卒變。 請待斫雕成朴,以質代文,刑措之教一行,登封之禮雲畢,然後定疆理之制,議山河之賞,未為晚焉。 《易》稱:「天地盈虛,與時消息,況於人乎?」 美哉斯言也。
I respectfully consider that Your Majesty grasps the calendar and governs heaven, has accepted the destined age and opened sagely rule, rescued the hundred million masses from fire and flood, and swept evil vapors from the whole realm. You have founded the enterprise and handed down the succession, matching heaven and earth in establishing virtue; in issuing commands and promulgating orders, you speak with the wondrousness of the myriad things. Your Majesty alone illuminates the imperial heart and forever cherishes antiquity, intending to restore the five ranks and repair the old system and to establish myriad states to draw the feudal lords close. I venture to say that since Han and Wei, the defects of residual customs have not yet been exhausted; merit and glory have passed away, and the way of utmost fairness has been altered. Moreover, the Jin house lost control and the realm collapsed and split apart; Later Wei took advantage of the times, and Chinese and barbarians lived mixed together. Compounded by the barrier of the passes and rivers, with Wu and Chu far apart, those who studied letters learned the arts of short and long alliance and vertical and horizontal diplomacy, while those who studied martial arts were filled with the mind of weapons and war. All this became a ladder to cunning trickery and ever lengthened shallow and floating customs. Emperor Wen of Sui had fortune on his side and relied on his maternal relatives. He drove and controlled the multitude of heroes and trusted in the method of bold suspicion; he merely shifted with the turning of fortune and did not achieve true pacification through conquest. More than twenty years passed, and the people did not see virtue. When Emperor Yang succeeded Emperor Wen, the ways of the world were lost together, and the outstanding men of the age were nearly swept away. Although heaven endowed Your Majesty with divine martial prowess and you quelled rebel cruelty, military might has not ceased and labor and rest are not yet secure. Since Your Majesty looked up and followed the sage compassion, succeeded to the imperial throne, pursued good governance with deep feeling, and examined and verified the ways of former kings, although the ultimate Way is nameless and only words and images can record it, I offer a brief outline of what I truly hope for. Your love and reverence rise warmly, and you labor without weariness—this is the filial piety of Great Shun. You inquire after the comfort of inner attendants and personally taste the imperial meals—this is the virtue of King Wen. Whenever the censorate reviews crimes and the Secretariat reports on prisons, you examine great and small cases alike and uphold both the wronged and the upright. You have abolished the punishment of cutting off the feet and replaced capital punishment. Your benevolent heart is deeply compassionate and reaches both the hidden and the manifest—this is Yu the Great weeping for the guilty. You speak with stern countenance and straight words, receive advice with an open heart, do not disdain the lowly and crude, and do not discard humble commoners—this is Emperor Yao seeking remonstrance. You expand and reward name and teaching and encourage students. You have already selected those who mastered the classics for blue and purple robes and are about to promote great scholars to ministers and chancellors—this is the sage's good guidance. Because the palace was hot and damp and sleep and meals were sometimes improper, the ministers requested that the imperial residence be moved to a high bright place and a small pavilion be built. Yet you cherished the resources of the people, suppressed their willing labor, and did not spare what yin and yang might affect, choosing instead to dwell in humble quarters. Last year there was famine and scarcity, hunger throughout the realm, the disorders had only just ended, and the granaries were empty. Your sage feeling was full of pity and compassion, and you diligently added kindness and relief until not a single person wandered on the roads. Yet you still ate wild greens, gladly removed meat from your meals, spoke always with moving sorrow, and your appearance became wasted and lean. The Duke of Zhou rejoiced when foreign envoys came again and again through interpreters, and Yu the Great took pity on those who came into order. Whenever the four barbarians sincerely submitted and returned to benevolence from ten thousand miles away, Your Majesty always withdrew to reflect and examine yourself. You concentrate your spirit and turn your thoughts, fearing to exhaust China recklessly for distant affairs and refusing to borrow ten-thousand-year heroic fame in order to preserve momentary abundance. Your heart is deeply anxious and toiling, your traces have ceased from pleasure tours, and every dawn you attend court and listen without weariness. Your wisdom encompasses the myriad things, and your Way benefits the realm. After court is dismissed, you summon famous ministers, discuss right and wrong, and fully expose your innermost thoughts, touching only on governance and nothing else. Just as the sun reaches the west, you summon men of talent and learning, grant them leisure, discuss the classics at length, mix in literary verse, and intersperse profound discourse, forgetting fatigue into the second watch of the night and not sleeping at midnight. In these four ways you alone surpass all former beginnings. Truly since the birth of the people, there has been only one such person. If you expand this transformation and teaching and display it to the four directions, it truly could within a month spread across heaven and earth. Yet pure simplicity is still blocked and shallow trickery has not yet shifted, because customs are long-standing and hard to change all at once. Please wait until ornament is hewn back to plainness and substance replaces refinement, until the teaching of punishments set aside is fully enacted and the Mount Tai ceremony is completed, and only then fix the system of territory and boundaries and discuss rewards of mountains and rivers—it will not be too late. The Classic of Changes says: "Heaven and earth wax and wane, advancing and retreating with the times—how much more is this true of people?" How beautiful these words are!
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太宗竟從其議。 四年,授太子右庶子。 五年,與左庶子於志寧、中允孔穎達、舍人陸敦信侍講於弘教殿。 時太子頗留意典墳,然閒燕之後,嬉戲過度,百藥作《讚道賦》以諷焉,辭多不載。 太宗見而遣使謂百藥曰:「朕於皇太子處見卿所獻賦,悉述古來儲貳事以誡太子,甚是典要。 朕選卿以輔弼太子,正為此事,大稱所委,但須善始令終耳。」 因賜彩物五百段。 然太子卒不悟而廢。 十年,以撰《齊史》成,加散騎常侍,行太子左庶子,賜物四百段。 俄除宗正卿。 十一年,以撰《五禮》及律令成,進爵為子。 後數歲,以年老固請致仕,許之。 太宗嘗制《帝京篇》,命百藥並作,上嘆其工,手詔曰:「卿何身之老而才之壯,何齒之宿而意之新乎!」 二十二年卒,年八十四,謚曰康。 百藥以名臣之子,才行相繼,四海名流,莫不宗仰。 藻思沈鬱,尤長於五言詩,雖樵童牧豎,並皆吟諷。 性好引進後生,提獎不倦。 所得俸祿,多散之親黨。 又至性過人,初侍父母喪還鄉,徒跣單衣,行數千里,服闋數年,容貌毀悴,為當時所稱。 及懸車告老,怡然自得,穿池築山,文酒談賞,以舒平生之志。 有集三十捲,子安期。
Emperor Taizong finally followed his proposal. In the fourth year, he was appointed Right Subordinate to the Crown Prince. In the fifth year, together with Left Subordinate Yu Zhining, Palace Secretary Kong Yingda, and Attendant Lu Dunxin, he lectured at Hongjiao Hall. At the time the Crown Prince paid considerable attention to the classics, yet after leisure banquets his play exceeded all bounds. Baiyao wrote the "Ode Praising the Way" to admonish him, but most of the text is not recorded. Taizong saw it and sent an envoy to tell Baiyao: "I saw at the Crown Prince's the ode you submitted, which entirely recounts ancient affairs of the heir apparent in order to admonish the Crown Prince. It is very canonical and essential. I selected you to assist the Crown Prince precisely for this matter, and you have greatly fulfilled the trust—but you must have a good beginning and a good end." He then bestowed five hundred bolts of colored goods. Yet the Crown Prince in the end did not awaken and was deposed. In the tenth year, on completion of compiling the History of Qi, he was promoted to Regular Attendant of the Cavalry in Attendance and Acting Left Subordinate to the Crown Prince, and was granted four hundred bolts of goods. Soon he was appointed Director of the Imperial Clan. In the eleventh year, on completion of compiling the Five Rites and statutes, he was advanced in rank to Viscount. Several years later, on account of old age he firmly requested retirement, and this was granted. Taizong once composed the "Imperial Capital Poems" and ordered Baiyao to compose as well. The Emperor admired his skill and wrote in his own hand: "How is your body old yet your talent vigorous, your teeth aged yet your thought fresh!" In the twenty-second year he died, at the age of eighty-four. His posthumous title was Kang. Baiyao was the son of a famous minister, and his talent and conduct continued in succession. Famous men throughout the realm all honored and looked up to him. His literary thought was deep and rich, and he was especially skilled in five-character poetry. Even woodcutters and shepherd boys all recited and sang his poems. By nature he was fond of promoting the young and encouraging them without weariness. The salary he received he mostly distributed among relatives and associates. He also had an exceptional filial nature that surpassed others. When he first attended his parents' funeral and returned home, he went barefoot in a single garment and traveled several thousand li. Several years after his mourning ended, his appearance was still wasted and haggard, and people of the time praised him for it. When he hung up his cart and announced his retirement, he was content and at ease, digging ponds and building hills, enjoying literary wine and conversation, in order to express his lifelong aspirations. He had a collection of thirty scrolls. His son was Anqi.
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安期幼聰辯,七歲解屬文。 初,百藥大業末出為桂州司馬,行至太湖,遇逆賊,將加白刃,安期跪泣請代父命,賊哀而釋之。 貞觀初,累轉符璽郎。 預修《晉書》成,除主客員外郎。 永徽中,遷中書舍人。 又與李義府等於武德殿內修書,再轉黃門侍郎。 龍朔中,為司列少常伯,參知軍國。 有事太山,詔安期為朝覲壇碑文。 安期前後三為選部,頗為當時所稱。 時高宗屢引侍臣,責以不進賢良。 眾皆莫對,獨安期進曰:「臣聞聖帝明王,莫不勞於求賢,逸於任使。 設使堯、舜苦己癯瘠,不能用賢,終亦王化不行。 自夏、殷已來,歷國數十,皆委賢良,以共致理。 且十室之邑,必有忠信,況今天下至廣,非無英彥。 但比來公卿有所薦引,即遭囂謗,以為朋黨。 沉屈者未申,而在位者已損,所以人思苟免,競為緘默。 若陛下虛己招納,務於搜訪,不忌親讎,唯能是用,讒毀亦既不入,誰敢不竭忠誠? 此皆事由陛下,非臣等所能致也。」 高宗深然其言。 俄檢校東台侍郎、同東西台三品,出為荊州大都督府長史。 咸亨初卒。 自德林至安期三世,皆掌制誥。 安期孫羲仲,又為中書舍人。
Anqi was clever and eloquent as a child, and at seven he could compose linked prose. Initially, at the end of the Daye reign Baiyao went out as Military Assistant of Guizhou. When he reached Tai Lake he encountered rebels who were about to kill him. Anqi knelt weeping and begged to die in his father's place, and the rebels were moved and released them. Early in the Zhenguan reign he was repeatedly transferred to Keeper of the Seals. When his participation in compiling the History of Jin was completed, he was appointed Vice Director of the Bureau of Receptions. During the Yonghui reign he was promoted to Secretariat Drafting Attendant. He also compiled books inside Wude Hall with Li Yifu and others, and was twice transferred to Vice Director of the Yellow Gate. During the Longshuo reign he served as Vice Director of the Bureau of Personnel and participated in state and military affairs. When the sacrifice was offered at Mount Tai, Anqi was ordered to compose the inscription for the Court Audience Altar. Anqi served three times as head of the Selection Bureau and was much praised by people of the time. At the time Emperor Gaozong repeatedly summoned attendant ministers and reproached them for not advancing worthy men. All were silent. Only Anqi stepped forward and said: "I have heard that sage emperors and enlightened kings all labor at seeking the worthy and are at ease in employing them. Even if Yao and Shun exhausted themselves to emaciation but could not employ the worthy, in the end royal transformation would not proceed. Since Xia and Yin, passing through dozens of states, all have entrusted the worthy to achieve good governance together. Moreover, in a hamlet of ten households there must be loyalty and trust—how much more today, when the realm is vast and outstanding men are not lacking. But recently when dukes and ministers made recommendations, they immediately faced clamor and slander and were deemed factional cliques. Those sunk and wronged were not vindicated, while those in office were already harmed. Therefore people thought only of avoiding trouble and competed in silence. If Your Majesty emptied yourself to recruit and accept, devoted yourself to search and inquiry, did not avoid personal enemies, and employed men only by ability, slander would not enter either. Who would dare not exhaust their loyalty? All this depends on Your Majesty—it is not something we ministers can bring about." Emperor Gaozong deeply approved his words. Soon he was appointed Acting Vice Director of the Eastern Secretariat with the same rank as the Three Grades of the Eastern and Western Secretariats, and went out as Chief Administrator of the Grand General's Office of Jingzhou. He died early in the Xianheng reign. From Delin to Anqi for three generations, all held charge of imperial edicts. Anqi's grandson Xizhong also served as Secretariat Drafting Attendant.
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褚亮,字希明,杭州錢塘人。 曾祖湮,梁御史中丞; 祖蒙,太子中舍人; 父玠,陳秘書監,並著名前史。 其先自陽翟徙居焉。 亮幼聰敏好學,善屬文。 博覽無所不至,經目必記於心。 喜游名賢,尤善談論。 年十八,詣陳僕射徐陵,陵與商榷文章,深異之。 陳後主聞而召見,使賦詩,江總及諸辭人在坐,莫不推善。 禎明初,為尚書殿中侍郎。 陳亡,入隋為東宮學士。 大業中,授太常博士。 時煬帝將改置宗廟,亮奏議曰:
Chu Liang, whose style was Ximing, came from Qiantang in Hangzhou. His great-grandfather Yan had served as Censor-in-Chief under the Liang; his grandfather Meng had been Secretariat Aide to the Crown Prince; his father Jie had been Director of the Palace Library under Chen. All were noted in earlier histories. His ancestors had moved from Yangdi and settled there. From childhood Liang was bright and eager to learn, and excelled at literary composition. He read widely across every field, and whatever he read he committed to memory. He liked to seek out eminent men of talent and was especially skilled at discussion and debate. At eighteen he visited Xu Ling, Vice Director under Chen, who debated literary matters with him and was greatly struck by his ability. When Emperor Houzhu of Chen heard of him, he summoned Liang to court and asked him to compose a poem. Jiang Zong and the other literary men in attendance all praised his work. Early in the Zhenming reign he was appointed Secretariat Attendant within the Palace. After the fall of Chen, he entered Sui service as an academician in the Eastern Palace. During the Daye reign he was made an Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. At that time Emperor Yang was planning to reorganize the imperial ancestral temple. Liang submitted a memorial that read:
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謹按《禮記》:「天子七廟,三昭三穆,與太祖之廟而七。」 鄭玄《注》曰:「此周制也。 七者,太祖及文王、武王之祧,與親廟四也。 殷則六廟,契及湯與二昭二穆也。 夏則五廟,無太祖,禹與二昭二穆而已。」 玄又據《禮》:「王者禘其祖之所自出而立四廟。」 案鄭玄義,天子唯立四親廟,並始祖而為五。 周以文、武為受命之祖,特立二祧,是為七廟。 王肅注《禮記》曰:「尊者尊統上,卑者尊統下。 故天子七廟,諸侯五廟。 其有殊功異德,非太祖而不毀,不在七廟之數。」 案肅以為天子七廟,是百代之言。 又據《王制》天子七廟,諸侯五廟,大夫三廟,降二為差。 是則天子立四親廟,又立高祖之父、高祖之祖父、太祖而為七。 周有文、武、姜嫄合為十廟。 漢世諸帝之廟各立,無迭毀之義。 至元帝時,貢禹、匡衡之徒始議其禮,以高帝為太祖,而立四親,是為五廟。 唯劉歆以為天子七廟,諸侯五廟,降殺以兩之義,七者,其正法可常數也。 宗不在此數內,有功德則宗之,不可豫設為數也。 是以班固稱「考論諸儒之儀,劉歆博而舊矣。」 光武即位,建高廟於洛陽。 乃立南頓君以上四廟,就祖宗而為七。 至魏初,高堂隆為鄭學,議立親廟四,太祖武帝猶在四親之內,乃虛置太祖及二祧以待後世。 至景初間,乃依王肅更立六廟,二世祖就四親而為六廟。 晉武受禪,博議宗祀,自文帝以上至六世親祖征西府君,而宣帝亦序於昭穆,未升太祖,故祭止六世。 江左中興,賀循知禮,至於寢廟之議,皆依魏、晉舊事。 宋武初受命為王,依諸侯立親廟四,即位之後,增祠五世祖相國掾府君、六世祖右北平府君,止於六廟,建身沒主升,亦從昭穆,猶太祖之位也。 降及齊、梁,守而勿革,加宗迭毀,禮無違舊。 臣又按姬周自太祖已下,皆別立廟,至於禘祫,俱合食於太祖。 是以炎漢之初,諸廟各立,歲時常享,亦隨處而祭,所用廟樂,皆像功德而歌舞焉。 至光武乃總立一堂,而群主異室,斯則新承寇亂,欲從約省,自此已來,因循不變。 皇隋太祖武元皇帝仁風潛暢,至澤傍通,以昆、彭之勳,開稷、契之緒。 高祖文皇帝睿哲玄覽,神武應期,撥亂返正,遠肅邇安,受命開基,垂統聖嗣,鴻名冠於三代,寶祚傳於七百。 當文明之運,定祖宗之禮。 且損益不同,沿襲異趣,時王所制,可以垂法。 自歷代已來,親用王、鄭二義。 若尋其旨歸,校以優劣,康成止論周代,非謂經通; 子雍總貫皇王,事兼長遠。 今請依據古典,崇建七廟,受命之廟,宜別立廟,祧百世之後,不毀之法。 至於鑾駕親奉,申孝享於高廟; 有司行事,竭誠敬於群主。 俾夫規模可則,嚴祀易遵,表有功而彰明德,大復古而貴能變。 臣又按周人立廟,亦無處置之文,據冢人職而言之,先王居中,以昭穆為左右。 阮忱所撰《禮圖》,亦從此義。 漢京諸廟既遠,又不序禘祫。 今若依周制,理有未安,雜用漢儀,事難全采,謹詳立別圖附之。
I respectfully cite the Book of Rites: "The Son of Heaven maintains seven temples—three zhao, three mu, and the temple of the Grand Ancestor, for a total of seven." Zheng Xuan's commentary states: "This refers to the Zhou system. The seven consist of the Grand Ancestor, the distant shrines of Kings Wen and Wu, and four temples to direct ancestors. The Yin dynasty had six temples: Qi and Tang, plus two zhao and two mu. The Xia had five temples, with no Grand Ancestor—only Yu and two zhao and two mu." Xuan further cites the Rites: "When the king performs the great di sacrifice to the remote ancestor from whom he traces his line, he establishes four ancestral temples." According to Zheng Xuan's interpretation, the Son of Heaven establishes only four temples to direct ancestors, which together with the Founding Ancestor make five. Because the Zhou regarded Kings Wen and Wu as the founders through whom they received the Mandate, they additionally established two distant shrines, making seven temples in all. Wang Su's commentary on the Book of Rites states: "Those of high rank honor the line above; those of low rank honor the line below. Therefore the Son of Heaven maintains seven temples, and feudal lords five. Ancestors of exceptional merit and virtue whose temples are never abolished—apart from the Grand Ancestor—are not counted among the seven." Su held that the Son of Heaven's seven temples represent a norm valid for all generations. He further cites the Royal Regulations: the Son of Heaven has seven temples, feudal lords five, grand masters three—a reduction of two at each rank. On this view the Son of Heaven establishes four temples to direct ancestors, then adds temples to the High Ancestor's father, the High Ancestor's grandfather, and the Grand Ancestor, for a total of seven. In the Zhou, with Wen, Wu, and Jiang Yuan added, the total came to ten temples. Under the Han, each emperor had his own separate temple, with no practice of successive abolition. Not until the reign of Emperor Yuan did Gong Yu, Kuang Heng, and others first debate the rite, taking Emperor Gao as the Grand Ancestor and establishing four temples to direct ancestors, for a total of five. Only Liu Xin maintained that the Son of Heaven should have seven temples and feudal lords five, following the principle of reduction by twos at each rank; seven was the proper fixed number. "Zong" status lies outside this count: ancestors are elevated to zong only when they have merit and virtue—it cannot be prescribed in advance as a fixed number. Thus Ban Gu wrote: "After weighing the ritual views of the various Confucians, Liu Xin's interpretation is the most comprehensive and truest to antiquity." When Emperor Guangwu ascended the throne, he built Emperor Gao's temple in Luoyang. He then established four temples reaching back to Lord of Nandun, which together with the zong and zu made seven. Early in Wei, Gao Tanglong, adhering to Zheng Xuan's school, proposed four temples to direct ancestors; even Grand Ancestor Emperor Wu was still placed among the four close ancestors, and vacant positions were reserved for the Grand Ancestor and two distant shrines for later generations. By the Jingchu era they followed Wang Su and reorganized the temples into six, adding the Secondary Founding Ancestor to the four close ancestors for a total of six. When Emperor Wu of Jin accepted the abdication, there was extensive debate over ancestral rites. Sacrifices reached back six generations from Emperor Wen to the Western Expedition Headquarters Lord, and Emperor Xuan was placed in the zhao-mu order without being raised to Grand Ancestor, so worship extended only through six generations. After the restoration of the south, He Xun, who was expert in ritual, followed Wei and Jin precedent in all matters of ancestral temple arrangement. When Emperor Wu of Song first received investiture as king, he established four temples to direct ancestors according to feudal practice. After taking the throne he added sacrifices to his fifth-generation ancestor, the Chancellor's Office Staff Officer, and his sixth-generation ancestor, the Right Beiping Lord, limiting the temples to six. Upon his death he was elevated to zu and placed in the zhao-mu order, occupying the position reserved for the Grand Ancestor. Through Qi and Liang they preserved this arrangement unchanged, adding zong status and successive abolition without departing from established practice. I further note that under the Ji Zhou, from the Grand Ancestor downward each ancestor had a separate temple, yet at the great di and xia joint sacrifices all were assembled for offering at the Grand Ancestor's shrine. Thus at the rise of the Han, each emperor's temple stood separately; seasonal sacrifices were performed at each location, and the music of each temple depicted its honoree's merits in song and dance. Only under Emperor Guangwu were all the temples combined into one hall, each ancestor in a separate chamber—because, having just succeeded amid the chaos of rebellion, he sought to economize. From that time forward the arrangement remained unchanged. Sui's Grand Ancestor, Emperor Wuyuan, whose benevolence flowed like a hidden breeze and whose grace reached in every direction, by merits comparable to those of Kun and Peng opened a lineage worthy of Ji and Qi. The High Ancestor Emperor Wen, with penetrating wisdom and far-reaching vision, divine martial prowess attuned to the times, quelled rebellion and restored order, brought the distant to submission and the near to peace, received the Mandate and founded the dynasty, and bequeathed its succession to worthy heirs—his renown surpassing that of the Three Dynasties, his throne destined to endure for seven hundred years. Now, in this age of civil brilliance, it is time to establish the rites governing zong and zu. Ritual has been altered differently in each age, and inherited practice has taken different paths—the institutions established by the sovereign of each age become the standards for posterity. Dynasty after dynasty has in practice drawn on the two interpretations of Wang Su and Zheng Xuan. If one examines their essential meaning and weighs their relative merits, Kangcheng (Zheng Xuan) discusses only the Zhou system—his view is not presented as a universal reading of the classics; Ziyong (Wang Su) encompasses rulers from antiquity through the imperial age, and his scheme serves both immediate needs and long-range ends. I now propose, in accordance with classical precedent, the dignified establishment of seven temples. The shrine of the dynastic founder who received the Mandate should stand separately as a distant temple never to be abolished even after a hundred generations—a permanent institution. The Son of Heaven should personally convey offerings to demonstrate filial devotion at the High Ancestor's temple; while the responsible officials, conducting the ceremonies, should devote their full sincerity in reverence to the various ancestral lords. In this way the institutions would serve as a clear model, solemn worship would be easy to maintain, merit would be displayed and bright virtue made manifest, antiquity would be greatly restored, and timely reform would be honored. I further note that the Zhou records contain no explicit directions on temple placement; according to the duties of the Tomb Master, the former kings were placed at the center, with zhao and mu arranged to left and right. The Diagrams of Ritual compiled by Ruan Chen likewise follows this principle. In the Han capital the various temples stood far apart and did not follow the prescribed order for di and xia joint sacrifices. Strict adherence to the Zhou system would leave certain difficulties unresolved; mixing in Han practice would make full adoption impracticable. I therefore respectfully submit a separate detailed diagram as an attachment.
15
議未行,尋坐與楊玄感有舊,左遷西海郡司戶。 時京兆郡博士潘徽亦以筆札為玄感所禮,降威定縣主簿。 當時寇盜縱橫,六親不能相保。 亮與同行,至隴山,徽遇病終,亮親加棺斂,瘞之路側,慨然傷懷,遂題詩於隴樹,好事者皆傳寫諷誦,信宿遍於京邑焉。 薛舉僭號隴西,以亮為黃門侍郎,委之機務。 及舉滅,太宗聞亮名,深加禮接,因從容自陳。 太宗大悅,賜物二百段、馬四匹。 從還京師,授秦王文學。
The proposal was never implemented. Before long he was demoted to Registrar of Xihai Commandery because of his former association with Yang Xuangan. At the time Pan Hui, an Erudite of Jingzhao Commandery, had also been favored by Xuangan for his literary talents and was demoted to Chief Clerk of Weiding County. At the time bandits and rebels roamed everywhere, and even one's closest kin could not ensure one another's safety. Liang was traveling with him. When they reached Long Mountain, Hui fell ill and died. Liang personally prepared his coffin and burial and interred him by the roadside. Deeply grieved, he inscribed a poem on a tree on the mountain. Those who delight in such things copied and recited it, and within two days it had spread throughout the capital. Xue Ju declared himself ruler in Longxi and appointed Liang Yellow Gate Attendant, entrusting him with affairs of state. After Xue Ju's defeat, the Prince of Qin heard of Liang and received him with great courtesy. Liang then spoke freely about his circumstances. The Prince of Qin was greatly pleased and rewarded him with two hundred bolts of silk goods and four horses. Liang returned with him to the capital and was appointed Literary Companion to the Prince of Qin.
16
時高祖以寇亂漸平,每冬畋狩。 亮上疏諫曰:「臣聞堯鼓納諫,舜木求箴,茂克昌之風,致昇平之道。 伏惟陛下應千祀之期,拯百王之弊,平壹天下,劬勞帝業,旰食思政,廢寢憂人。 用農隙之餘,遵冬狩之禮。 獲車之所游踐,虞旗之所涉歷,網唯一面,禽止三驅,縱廣成之獵士,觀上林之手搏,斯固畋弋之常規,而皇王之壯觀。 至於親逼猛獸,臣竊惑之。 何者? 筋力驍悍,爪牙輕捷。 連弩一發,未必挫其凶心; 長戟才捴,不能當其憤氣。 雖孟賁抗左,夏育居前,卒然驚軼,事生慮表。 如或近起林叢,未填坑谷,駭屬車之後乘,犯官騎之清塵。 小臣怯懦,私懷顫慄。 陛下以至聖之資,垂將來之教,降情納下,無隔直言。 臣叨逢明時,遊宦籓邸,身漸榮渥,日用不知,敢緣天造,冒陳丹懇。」 高祖甚納之。 太宗每有征伐,亮常侍從,軍中宴筵,必預歡賞,從容諷議,多所裨益。 又與杜如晦等十八人為文學館學士,太宗入居春宮,除太子舍人,遷太子中允。 貞觀元年,為弘文館學士。 九年,進授員外散騎常侍、封陽翟縣男,拜通直散騎常侍、學士如故。 十六年,進爵為侯,食邑七百戶。 後致仕歸於家。 太宗幸遼東,亮子遂良為黃門侍郎,詔遂良謂亮曰:「昔年師旅,卿常入幕; 今茲遐伐,君已懸車。 倏忽之間,移三十載,眷言疇昔,我勞如何! 今將遂良東行,想公於朕,不惜一兒於膝下耳,故遣陳離意,善居加食。」 亮奉表陳謝。 及寢疾,詔遣醫藥救療,中使候問不絕。 卒時年八十八。 太宗甚悼惜之,不視朝一日,贈太常卿,陪葬昭陵,謚曰康。 長子遂賢,守雍王友。 次子遂良,自有傳。
At the time, as the chaos of rebellion gradually subsided, Emperor Gaozu went on winter hunts every year. Liang submitted a memorial of remonstrance: "I have heard that Yao set up a drum to welcome criticism and Shun placed a wooden post to solicit advice—practices that cultivated the spirit of self-correction and led to an age of peace and prosperity. Your Majesty, who meets the demands of an age spanning a thousand reigns, rescues the world from the failures of a hundred rulers, unifies the realm, and labors tirelessly over the imperial enterprise—eating late while pondering governance and forgoing sleep out of concern for the people— devotes the intervals between harvests to observing the ritual of the winter hunt— the grounds the hunting chariots roam, the terrain the game wardens' banners sweep across, nets deployed on only one side, quarry spared after three chases, skilled huntsmen of Guangcheng unleashed, the hand-to-hand contests of Shanglin put on display—these are indeed the regular rules of the hunt and the magnificent spectacles befitting emperors and kings. But when it comes to personally confronting fierce beasts, I must confess to private misgivings. Why is this? Their muscles are fierce and powerful, their claws and fangs swift and sharp. A volley from repeating crossbows may not break their fury; and a long halberd barely raised may not withstand their charge. Even with warriors as strong as Meng Ben and Xia Yu in the lead, if the beast suddenly bolts, the consequences may exceed all foresight. If a beast should spring from nearby woods before pits and ravines can be secured, it might stampede the carriages following the imperial retinue or breach the escort's cordon. I am a timid man, and I tremble at the thought. Your Majesty, possessing the utmost sagely character and setting an example for posterity, humbles yourself to hear your subjects and welcomes frank speech without reservation— I have been fortunate to serve in this enlightened age at the prince's establishment, where honors have fallen upon me until I take them for granted. Relying on your grace, I dare presumptuously to offer this earnest plea." Emperor Gaozu received the remonstrance with great approval. Whenever the Prince of Qin went to war, Liang regularly accompanied him. At military banquets he always joined the festivities, and in leisurely conversation and tactful remonstrance he contributed much of value. He was also one of the eighteen Literary Hall Academicians along with Du Ruhui and others. When the Prince of Qin became crown prince and moved into the Eastern Palace, Liang was appointed Secretariat Aide to the Crown Prince and subsequently promoted to Palace Secretary to the Crown Prince. In the first year of the Zhenguan reign he became an Academician of the Hongwen Hall. In the ninth year he was further made Extraordinary Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary and enfeoffed as Baron of Yangdi County, and was appointed Direct Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary while retaining his post as academician. In the sixteenth year he was raised to Marquis with a fief of seven hundred households. Later he retired and returned home. When Emperor Taizong marched on Liaodong, Liang's son Suiliang was serving as Yellow Gate Attendant. The emperor instructed Suiliang to tell his father: "In years past during my campaigns you often served in my headquarters; now on this distant campaign you have already retired. In what seems an instant thirty years have passed. When I think fondly of those earlier days, how deeply I feel the weight of all that has passed! Now that I am sending Suiliang east with the army, I know that in your eyes I am simply taking one son from your side. I send this message to express my feelings at our parting—take good care of yourself and eat well." Liang submitted a memorial of thanks. When he fell gravely ill, the emperor sent physicians and medicine, and palace envoys came without cease to inquire after his condition. He died at the age of eighty-eight. Emperor Taizong mourned him deeply, suspended court for a day, posthumously appointed him Minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, granted him burial at Zhaoling, and bestowed the posthumous title Kang ("Peaceful"). His eldest son Suixian served as Companion to the Prince of Yong. His second son Suiliang has a separate biography.
17
始太宗既平寇亂,留意儒學,乃於宮城西起文學館,以待四方文士。 於是,以屬大行台司勳郎中杜如晦,記室考功郎中房玄齡及於志寧,軍諮祭酒蘇世長,天策府記室薛收,文學褚亮、姚思廉,太學博士陸德明、孔穎達,主簿李玄道,天策倉曹李守素,記室參軍虞世南,參軍事蔡允恭、顏相時,著作佐郎攝記室許敬宗、薛元敬,太學助教蓋文達,軍諮典簽蘇勖,並以本官兼文學館學士。 及薛收卒,復征東虞州錄事參軍劉孝孫入館。 尋遣圖其狀貌,題其名字、爵裡,乃命亮為之像贊,號《十八學士寫真圖》,藏之書府,以彰禮賢之重也。 諸學士並給珍膳,分為三番,更直宿於閣下,每軍國務靜,參謁歸休,即便引見,討論墳籍,商略前載。 預入館者,時所傾慕,謂之「登瀛洲」。 顏相時兄師古、蘇勖兄子干。
After the Prince of Qin had pacified the realm, he turned his attention to Confucian learning and built the Literary Hall west of the palace to welcome scholars from across the land. Thereupon Du Ruhui, Director of Merit in the subordinate Grand Secretariat; Fang Xuanling, Director of Evaluation in the Prince's Secretariat, and Yu Zhining; Su Shichang, Army Adviser and Libationer; Xue Shou, Recorder of the Heavenly Stratagem Office; literary attendants Chu Liang and Yao Sicheng; Imperial Academy Erudites Lu Deming and Kong Yingda; Chief Clerk Li Xuandao; Warehouse Clerk of the Heavenly Stratagem Office Li Shousu; Prince's Secretariat staff officer Yu Shinan; staff members Cai Yungong and Yan Xiangshi; Editorial Assistant and acting Recorder Xu Jingzong and Xue Yuanjing; Imperial Academy Assistant Erudite Gai Wenda; Army Adviser and Registrar Su Xu—all retained their original offices while additionally serving as Literary Hall Academicians. After Xue Shou's death, Liu Xiaosun, Recording Officer of Dongyu Prefecture, was summoned to join the hall. Before long their portraits were painted and their names, styles, and enfeoffments inscribed. Liang was then commissioned to write encomia for the portraits. The work was titled Portraits of the Eighteen Academicians and placed in the imperial library to demonstrate the importance the prince attached to honoring men of talent. All the academicians were provided with fine meals and divided into three shifts to take turns keeping overnight watch at the pavilion. Whenever military and state affairs permitted, after attending court and retiring they would be summoned at once for audience to discuss the classics and examine historical records. Those admitted to the academy were admired by their contemporaries and said to be "ascending to Penglai." Also included were Yan Shigu, elder brother of Yan Xiangshi, and Su Gan, son of Su Xun's elder brother.
18
劉孝孫者,荊州人也。 祖貞,周石台太守。 孝孫弱冠知名,與當時辭人虞世南、蔡君和、孔德紹、庾抱、庾自直、劉斌等登臨山水,結為文會。 大業末,沒於王世充,世充弟偽杞王辯引為行台郎中。 洛陽平,辯面縛歸國,眾皆離散,孝孫猶攀援號慟,追送遠郊,時人義之。 武德初,歷虞州錄事參軍,太宗召為秦府學士。 貞觀六年,遷著作佐郎、吳王友。 嘗采歷代文集,為王撰《古今類序詩苑》四十捲。 十五年,遷本府諮議參軍。 尋遷太子洗馬,未拜卒。
Liu Xiaosun came from Jingzhou. His grandfather Zhen had been Administrator of Shitai under the Northern Zhou. Xiaosun was already famous when he came of age. With the leading writers of the day—Yu Shinan, Cai Junhe, Kong Deshao, Yu Bao, Yu Zizhi, Liu Bin, and others—he visited scenic mountains and rivers and formed a literary society. At the end of the Daye reign he fell into the hands of Wang Shichong. Shichong's younger brother, the false Prince of Qi Bian, appointed him Attendant of the Mobile Court. When Luoyang was pacified, Bian was bound and sent back to the Tang. Everyone else scattered, but Xiaosun still clung to him, weeping and wailing, and followed to send him off far into the suburbs. People of the time praised his loyalty. At the beginning of Wude he served as Army Assistant in the Records Office of Yuzhou. Taizong summoned him as a scholar of the Prince of Qin's establishment. In the sixth year of Zhenguan he was promoted to Assistant in the Bureau of Composition and Friend of the Prince of Wu. He once gathered literary collections from successive dynasties and compiled for the prince the forty-scroll Garden of Poetry Arranged by Category, Ancient and Modern. In the fifteenth year he was promoted to Army Adviser in the same establishment. Soon he was promoted to Groom of the Heir Apparent but died before he could take up the appointment.
19
李玄道者,本隴西人也,世居鄭州,為山東冠族。 祖瑾,魏著作佐郎。 父行之,隋都水使者。 玄道仕隋為齊王府屬。 李密據洛口,引為記室。 及密破,為王世充所執。 是時,同遇凶俘者並懼死,達曙不寐,唯玄道顏色自若,曰:「死生有命,非憂能了。」 同拘者雅推其識量。 及見世充,舉措不改其常。 世充素知其名,益重之,釋縛以為著作佐郎。 東都平,太宗召為秦王府主簿、文學館學士。 貞觀元年,累遷給事中,封姑臧縣男。 時王君廓為幽州都督,朝廷以其武將不習時事,拜玄道為幽州長史,以維持府事。 君廓在州屢為非法,玄道數正議裁之。 嘗又遺玄道一婢,玄道問婢所由,雲本良家子,為君廓所掠,玄道因放遣之,君廓甚不悅。 後遇君廓入朝,房玄齡即玄道之從甥也,玄道附書,君廓私發,不識草字,疑其謀己,懼而奔叛,玄道坐流巂州。 未幾征還,為常州刺史。 在職清簡,百姓安之,太宗下詔褒美,賜以綾彩。 三年,表請致仕,加銀青光祿大夫,以祿歸第,尋卒。 子雲將,知名。 官至尚書左丞。
Li Xuandao was originally from Longxi, but his family had long resided in Zhengzhou and ranked among the leading clans of Shandong. His grandfather Jin had been Assistant in the Bureau of Composition under the Northern Wei. His father Xingzhi had been Commissioner of Waterways under the Sui. Xuandao served the Sui as an aide in the establishment of the Prince of Qi. When Li Mi held Luokou, he recruited Xuandao as Recorder. When Mi was defeated, Xuandao was seized by Wang Shichong. At that time those captured with him all feared death and could not sleep until dawn. Only Xuandao's countenance remained calm. He said: "Life and death have their mandate; worry cannot settle them." Those detained with him greatly admired his insight and composure. When he was brought before Shichong, his conduct and bearing did not change from the usual. Shichong had long known his reputation and valued him all the more. He released his bonds and appointed him Assistant in the Bureau of Composition. When the Eastern Capital was pacified, Taizong summoned him as Chief Clerk of the Prince of Qin's establishment and Scholar of the Literary Academy. In the first year of Zhenguan he was repeatedly promoted to Attendant Within the Gates and enfeoffed as Baron of Guzang. At that time Wang Junkuo was Protector-General of Youzhou. The court, considering him a military man unversed in current affairs, appointed Xuandao Long-Term Administrator of Youzhou to maintain the establishment's affairs. Junkuo in the province repeatedly acted unlawfully, and Xuandao many times corrected him with upright deliberation. Once Junkuo also sent Xuandao a maid servant. Xuandao asked where she came from, and she said she was originally from a good family and had been seized by Junkuo. Xuandao therefore released her and sent her away, and Junkuo was very displeased. Later, when Junkuo entered court, Fang Xuanling, Xuandao's cousin on the mother's side, was there. Xuandao attached a letter to Fang, but Junkuo opened it privately. Unable to read cursive script, he suspected a plot against himself, fled in rebellion out of fear, and Xuandao was banished to Juanzhou on account of it. Before long he was summoned back and appointed Prefect of Changzhou. In office he was pure and simple, and the common people were at ease. Taizong issued an edict praising him and bestowed silks. In the third year he memorialized requesting retirement. He was given the additional title Silver Gleam Grand Master of Glory, returned home on salary, and soon died. His son Yunjiang was well known. He rose to the office of Left Assistant Director of the Secretariat.
20
李守素者,趙州人,代為山東名族。 太宗平王世充,征為文學館學士,署天策府倉曹參軍。 守素尤工譜學,自晉宋已降,四海士流及諸勳貴華戎閥閱,莫不詳究,當時號為「行譜」。 嘗與虞世南共談人物,言江左、山東,世南猶相酬對; 及言北地諸侯,次第如流,顯其世業,皆有援證,世南但撫掌而笑,不復能答,嘆曰:「行譜定可畏。」 許敬宗因謂世南曰:「李倉曹以善談人物,乃得此名,雖為美事,然非雅目。 公既言成准的,宜當有以改之。」 世南曰:「昔任彥升美談經籍,梁代稱為『五經笥』; 今目倉曹為『人物誌』可矣。」 貞觀初卒。
Li Shousu came from Zhaozhou. For generations his family had been a famous clan of Shandong. When Taizong pacified Wang Shichong, he was summoned as Scholar of the Literary Academy and appointed Army Assistant in the Bureau of Granaries of the Heavenly Stratagem establishment. Shousu was especially skilled in genealogy. From Jin and Song down, he investigated in detail the pedigrees of scholar-officials throughout the realm and of meritorious nobles, Chinese and barbarian alike. At the time he was called "Walking Genealogy." He once discussed persons of note with Yu Shinan. When speaking of the lands east and south of the Yangzi, Shinan could still respond in turn; but when it came to the feudal lords of the northern lands, Shousu proceeded in order like flowing water, displaying their hereditary achievements with supporting evidence for each. Shinan only clapped his hands and laughed, no longer able to answer, and sighed: "Walking Genealogy is truly formidable." Xu Jingzong therefore said to Shinan: "Attendant Li gained this name because he is skilled at discussing persons of note. Though this is a fine thing, it is not an elegant reputation. Since you, sir, have become the standard in such matters, you ought to have some way to change it." Shinan said: "In former times Ren Yansheng beautifully discussed the classics, and the Liang called him 'casket of the Five Classics'; today let us call Attendant Li 'Record of Persons,' and that will do." He died at the beginning of Zhenguan.
21
史臣曰:劉并州有言:「和氏之璧,不獨耀於郢握; 夜光之珠,何專玩於隋掌? 天下之寶,固當與天下共之。」 虞永興之從建德,李安平之佐公祏,褚陽翟之依薛舉,蓋大渴不能擇泉而飲,大暑不能擇廕而息耳,非不識其飲憩之所。 及文皇帝揭三辰而燭天下,群賢霧集,人之所奉,方得躍鱗天池,擅價春山,為一代之至寶,則所托之勢異也。 隋掌郢握,曷有常哉! 二虞昆仲,文章炳蔚於隋、唐之際; 褚河南父子,箴規獻替,洋溢於貞觀、永徽之間。 所謂代有人焉,而三家尤盛。
The historian says: Liu of Bingzhou once said: "The jade disk of the He clan does not shine only in the hand of Ying; why should the night-illuminating pearl be enjoyed only in the palm of Sui? Treasures under heaven ought to be shared with all under heaven." Yu of Yongxing followed Jiande, Li of Anping assisted Gongshi, and Chu of Yangdi relied on Xue Ju. This was like great thirst that cannot choose a spring to drink from, or great heat that cannot choose shade to rest in. It was not that they did not know where to drink or rest. When Emperor Wen raised the three luminaries to illuminate all under heaven, the multitude of worthies gathered like mist around what the people upheld. Only then could they leap with scales in the heavenly pool and set their price on spring mountains, becoming the supreme treasures of an age. The power they relied upon was different. The palm of Sui and the hand of Ying—how could there be constancy! The two Yu brothers wrote with splendid brilliance at the juncture of Sui and Tang; father and son Chu of Henan poured forth admonitions and remonstrances throughout Zhenguan and Yonghui. This is what is meant by each age having its men, yet these three families were especially flourishing.
22
贊曰:猗與文皇,蕩滌蒼昊。 十八文星,連輝炳耀。 虞、褚之筆,動若有神。 安平之什,老而彌新。
The encomium says: How great is Emperor Wen, who swept clean the azure heavens. Eighteen literary stars shone with linked splendor. The brushes of Yu and Chu, when they moved, seemed possessed by spirit. The compositions of Anping grew ever fresher with age.