1
劉洎,字思道,荊州江陵人也。 隋末,仕蕭銑為黃門侍郎。 銑令略地嶺表,得五十餘城,未還而銑敗,遂以所得城歸國,授南康州都督府長史。 貞觀七年,累拜給事中,封清苑縣男。 十一年,轉治書侍御史。 上疏曰:
Liu Ji, style name Sidao, came from Jiangling in Jingzhou. In the closing years of the Sui, he held office under Xiao Xian as Gentleman of the Yellow Gate. Xiao Xian sent him to campaign in Lingnan, where he captured over fifty cities. He had not yet returned when Xiao fell, so he brought those cities over to the Tang and was made chief clerk of the Nankang regional command. In Zhenguan 7 he rose by stages to Attendant-in-Ordinary and was enfeoffed as Baron of Qingyuan. In Zhenguan 11 he became Supervising Censor responsible for drafting memorials. He memorialized the throne as follows:
2
尚書萬機,實為政本,伏尋此選,受授誠難。 是以八座比於文昌,二丞方於管轄,爰至曹郎,上應列宿,苟非稱職,竊位興譏。 伏見比來尚書省詔敕稽停,文案壅滯,臣誠雖庸劣,請述其源。 貞觀之初,未有令僕,於時省務繁雜,倍多於今。 左丞戴胄、右丞魏徵,並曉達吏方,質性平直,事應彈舉,無所迴避。 陛下又假以恩慈,自然肅物,百司匪懈,抑此之由。 及杜正倫續任右丞,頗亦厲下。 比者綱維不舉,並為勳親在位,品非其任,功勢相傾。 凡在官僚,未循公道,雖欲自強,先懼囂謗。 所以郎中抑奪,唯事諮稟; 尚書依違,不得斷決。 或憚聞奏,故事稽延。 案雖理窮,仍更盤下。 去無程限,來不責遲,一經出手,便涉年載。 或希旨失情,或避嫌抑理。 勾司以案成為事了,不究是非; 尚書用便僻為奉公,莫論當否。 遞相姑息,唯務彌縫。 且選賢授能,非材莫舉,天工人代,焉可妄加? 至於懿戚元勳,但優其禮秩,或年高耄及,或積病智昏,既無益於時宜,當致之以閒逸。 久妨賢路,殊為不可。 將救茲弊,且宜精簡四員。 左右丞、左右司郎中如並得人,自然綱維略舉,亦當矯正趨競,豈唯息其稽滯哉!
The Board of Civil Office governs the myriad tasks of state and is the true root of government; when one considers who should hold these posts, appointment is no easy matter. The eight ministers are compared to the Seat of Literature; the two vice directors to those who manage the reins; even the bureau directors answer to the stars in heaven. If any are unfit for their posts, holding office without merit draws censure. I see that lately imperial edicts have stalled in the Board and paperwork has backed up. Though I am hardly competent, allow me to trace the cause. Early in Zhenguan there were no Directors of the Board, yet its business was more tangled—and more than double today's volume. Left Vice Director Dai Zhou and Right Vice Director Wei Zheng both knew the arts of administration and were plain and direct in character; when impeachment was called for, they did not shrink from it. Your Majesty also treated them with kindness, and order followed naturally; the hundred offices did not grow lax, and this was why. When Du Zhenlun succeeded as Right Vice Director, he too was fairly stern with those below him. Of late the framework of discipline has gone slack, because meritorious imperial kinsmen hold posts for which they are unqualified, and power and prestige tip against one another. Every official fails to uphold the public good; though they wish to do better, they first fear malicious talk. Hence the bureau directors are held down and do nothing but seek instructions; the ministers hesitate and cannot reach decisions. Some dread memorializing the throne, and routine business is delayed. Even when the rights of a case are clear, it is sent down again for further review. No deadline binds those who send cases out, and lateness on return goes unpunished; once a file leaves one's desk, it may drag on for years. Some twist the facts to please the throne, or suppress justice to avoid suspicion. The clerks treat a closed dossier as the end of the matter and do not pursue right and wrong; the ministers take convenient shortcuts as public service and never ask whether a decision is right. They indulge one another in turn and only try to smooth things over. To choose the worthy and empower the able, none but the qualified should be raised; Heaven's work is entrusted to human agents—how can posts be handed out at random? As for honored kinsmen and founding ministers, let their stipends and ceremonial rank be generous; if some are very old or long ill and confused in mind, since they no longer serve the age, they should be granted leisure and retirement. To block the path of talent for long is altogether unacceptable. To cure this evil, the four key posts should be carefully reduced and filled with fit men. If the left and right vice directors and the left and right bureau directors are all well chosen, discipline will naturally be restored; it will also correct the scramble for favor—far more than merely clearing the backlog!
3
書奏未幾,拜尚書右丞。 十三年,遷黃門侍郎。 十七年,加授銀青光祿大夫,尋除散騎常侍。 洎性疏峻敢言。 太宗工王羲之書,尤善飛白,嘗宴三品已上於玄武門,帝操筆作飛白字賜群臣,或乘酒爭取於帝手,洎登御座引手得之。 皆奏曰:「洎登御床,罪當死,請付法。」 帝笑而言曰:「昔聞婕妤辭輦,今見常侍登床。」 尋攝黃門侍郎,加上護軍。
Shortly after this memorial, he was appointed Right Vice Director of the Board of Civil Office. In Zhenguan 13 he was transferred to Vice Director of the Yellow Gate. In Zhenguan 17 he received the additional title Silver-Gleaming Grand Master of Splendid Happiness, and soon became Regular Attendant. Liu Ji was blunt, severe, and fearless in speaking out. Taizong was accomplished in Wang Xizhi's calligraphy and especially skilled in feibai. Once he feasted officials of the third rank and above at Xuanwu Gate, took up the brush, and wrote feibai characters to give the assembly. Some, flushed with wine, snatched at the Emperor's hand; Liu climbed onto the imperial couch and took the sheet from him. All memorialized: "Liu Ji mounted the imperial bed; the offense is capital—let the law take him. The Emperor laughed and said: "We once heard of the Brilliant Companion refusing the palanquin; today we see the Regular Attendant climbing the bed." Soon he was made acting Vice Director of the Yellow Gate with the additional title Protector-General of the Army.
4
太宗善持論,每與公卿言及古道,必詰難往復。 洎上書諫曰:「帝王之與凡庶,聖哲之與庸愚,上下相懸,擬倫斯絕。 是知以至愚而對至聖,以極卑而對至尊,徒思自強,不可得也。 陛下降恩旨,假慈顏,凝旒以聽其言,虛襟以納其說,猶恐群下未敢對揚,況動神機,縱天辯,飾辭以折其理,援古以排其議,欲令凡庶何階應答? 臣聞皇天以無言為貴,聖人以不言為德,老君稱大辯若訥,莊生稱至道無文,此皆不欲煩也。 齊侯讀書,輪扁竊笑; 漢皇慕古,長孺陳譏,此亦不欲勞也。 且多記則損心,多語則損氣,心氣內損,形神外勞,初雖不覺,後必為累。 須為社稷自愛,豈為性好自傷乎? 竊以今日昇平,皆陛下力行所至,欲其長久,匪由辯博。 但當忘彼愛憎,慎茲取捨,每事惇樸,無非至公,若貞觀之初則可矣。 至如秦政強辯,失人心於自矜; 魏文宏才,虧眾望於虛說。 此才辯之累,較然可知矣。 伏願略茲雄辯,浩然養氣; 簡彼緗圖,淡焉自怡。 固萬壽於南嶽,齊百姓於東戶,則天下幸甚,皇恩斯畢。」 手詔答曰:「非慮無以臨下,非言無以述慮。 比有談論,遂致煩多。 輕物驕人,恐由茲道。 形神心氣,非此為勞。 今聞讜言,虛懷以改。」 時皇太子初立,洎以為宜尊賢重道,上書曰:
Taizong loved to argue; whenever he discussed the ways of antiquity with his ministers, he pressed them with hard questions to and fro. Liu remonstrated in a memorial: "Emperor and commoner, sage and fool—high and low are worlds apart; to compare them is to break off the very categories of rank. So the utterly foolish cannot answer the utterly sage, nor the utterly lowly the utterly exalted—however hard they try, they cannot keep up. Your Majesty lowers gracious edicts and lends a kindly face, listens with bowed tassel and open mind—yet I fear your officials still dare not speak plainly. How much worse when you stir your divine wit, unleash heaven's eloquence, polish phrases to overturn their reasoning, and cite antiquity to reject their views—what step can ordinary men find to answer? Heaven prizes silence, the sage prizes wordlessness; Laozi said great eloquence seems tongue-tied, Zhuangzi said the utmost Way is unadorned—all because they wished to avoid fuss. When Duke Huan of Qi read books, Wheelwright Pian laughed behind his back; Emperor Wu of Han doted on antiquity, and Chao Cuo remonstrated—again because they did not wish to weary the ruler. Much study harms the mind and much talk harms the breath; inner harm to heart and breath taxes body and spirit without. At first you may not feel it, but in time it will tell. Love yourself for the altars of state—do not injure yourself for love of argument. Today's peace is your vigorous doing; to make it endure does not depend on eloquent debate. Put aside likes and dislikes, choose carefully, keep every matter plain and utterly fair—then you will be as in early Zhenguan. Qin's First Emperor, mighty in argument, lost hearts through arrogance; Wei Emperor Wen, grand in talent, squandered hope in empty talk. The harm of such eloquence is plain enough to compare. I pray you will set aside this heroic eloquence and nourish your breath in serenity; simplify your library and find calm contentment. Fix your longevity like the southern peak and align the people with the eastern household—then the realm would be blessed and your grace complete." The Emperor replied in his own hand: "Without forethought one cannot rule those below; without words one cannot express forethought. Of late discussion has grown, and talk has become excessive. To treat things lightly and be arrogant toward others—I fear this path leads there. Body, spirit, heart, and breath are not worn out by this. Hearing your frank counsel now, I open my mind to change." At that time the crown prince had just been installed; Liu held that he should honor worthies and esteem the Way, and memorialized:
5
臣聞郊迎四方,孟侯所以成德; 齒學三讓,元良由是作貞。 斯皆屈主祀之尊,申下交之義。 故得芻言咸薦,睿問旁通,不出軒庭,坐知天壤。 率由茲道,永固鴻基者焉。 原夫太子,宗祧是系,善惡之際,興亡斯在。 不勤於始,將悔於終。 是以晁錯上書,令先通政術; 賈誼獻策,務前知禮教。 竊惟皇太子孝友仁義,明允篤誠,皆挺自天姿,非勞審諭,固以華夷仰德,翔泳希風矣。 然則寢門視膳,已表於三朝; 藝宮論道,宜弘於四術。 雖春秋鼎盛,飭躬有漸,實恐歲月易往,墮業興譏,取適宴安,方從此始。 臣以愚短,幸參侍從,思廣離明,願聞徑術。 不敢曲陳故事,請以聖德言之。
I have heard that receiving guests at the suburban altar is how regional lords perfected virtue; and yielding thrice in learning is how the heir became steadfast in conduct. These all humble the lord's ritual dignity and extend the meaning of courtesies exchanged with those below. Thus plain counsel could be offered and wise inquiry reach far; without leaving the hall, one could know the realm while seated. By this path the great foundation was made firm for long ages. The crown prince bears the ancestral line; at the hinge between good and evil, rise and fall depend on him. Neglect at the start brings regret at the end. Hence Chao Cuo memorialized to have the heir first master government; Jia Yi urged that he first know ritual and teaching. I reflect that the crown prince is filial, friendly, benevolent, righteous, bright, sincere, and steadfast—gifts of Heaven, not lessons drilled in; already Chinese and barbarian look up to his virtue and hope in his influence. Yet attendance at the bedchamber and watching meals already fill the three audiences; discussion of the Way in the school palace should extend to the four arts. Though he is in his prime and his conduct improves by degrees, I fear the years will slip away, his studies draw reproach, and the habit of ease will begin here. I am dull and of little talent, yet fortunate to attend him; I wish to broaden his bright path and hear the straight way. I dare not weave old stories and ask to speak from Your Majesty's own sage conduct.
6
伏惟陛下誕睿膺圖,登庸歷試。 多才多藝,道著於匡時; 允武允文,功成於纂祀。 萬方即序,九圍清宴。 尚且雖休勿休,日慎一日,求異聞於振古,勞睿思於當年。 乙夜觀書,事高漢帝; 馬上披卷,勤過魏後。 陛下自勵如此,而令太子優遊棄日,不習圖書,臣所未諭一也。 加以暫屏機務,即寓彫蟲。 綜寶思於天文,則長河韜映; 摛玉字於仙札,則流霞成彩。 固以錙銖萬代,冠冕百王,屈、宋不足以升堂,鐘、張何階於入室。 陛下自好如此,而太子悠然靜處,不尋篇翰,臣所未諭二也。 陛下歷該眾妙,獨秀寰中,猶晦天聽,俯詢凡識,聽朝之隙,引見群官,降以溫顏,訪以今古。 故得朝廷是非,里閭好惡,凡有鉅細,必關聽覽。 陛下自好如此,而令太子久入趨侍,不接正人,臣所未諭三也。 陛下若謂無益,則何事勞神; 若謂有成,則宜申貽厥。 蔑而不急,未見其可。 伏願俯推睿范,訓及儲君,授以良書,娛之嘉客。 晨披經史,觀成敗於前蹤; 晚接賓游,訪得失於當代。 間以書札,繼以篇章,則日聞所未聞,日見所未見。 副德逾光,群生之福也。 古之太子,問安而退,所以廣敬於君父; 異宮而處,所以分別於嫌疑。 今太子一侍天闈,動移旬朔,師傅以下,無由接見。 假令供奉有隙,暫還東宮,拜謁既疏,且事欣仰,規諫之道,固所未暇。 陛下不可以親教,宮采無由以進言,雖有具僚,竟將何補? 伏願俯循前躅,稍抑下流,弘遠大之規,展師友之義。 則儲徽克茂,帝圖斯廣,凡在黎元,孰不慶賴!
Your Majesty was born with sagely wisdom, received the mandate, and rose through tested office. Many talents and many arts—your Way stands out in aiding the age; truly martial and truly literary—your achievement was completed in continuing the sacrifices. The ten thousand regions are in order and the nine domains are clear and at ease. Yet you still say: though at rest, do not rest; each day be cautious as the day before; seek strange hearsay from remote antiquity and labor your sage thought in the present year. Reading at the second watch surpasses the Han emperor; unrolling scrolls on horseback exceeds the Empress of Wei in diligence. Your Majesty urges yourself thus, yet lets the crown prince idle away days without studying books—this is my first doubt. Moreover, when you briefly set aside affairs of state, you turn to ornamental composition. Gathering treasure-thought in astronomy, the Milky Way hides its gleam; composing jade characters on immortal tablets, flowing clouds take on color. Thus for a thousand generations in weight and crown of a hundred kings, Qu Yuan and Song Yu could not ascend the hall, and Zhong and Zhang could not step over the threshold. Your Majesty loves this for yourself, yet the crown prince dwells at ease without seeking compositions—this is my second doubt. Your Majesty has mastered every subtlety and stands alone within the realm, yet still conceals heaven's hearing and bows to inquire of common understanding; in intervals of court, you summon officials, lower a warm countenance, and inquire about present and past. Thus right and wrong at court and good and evil in the lanes—whatever is great or small reaches your hearing. Your Majesty loves this for yourself, yet lets the crown prince long attend you without meeting upright men—this is my third doubt. If Your Majesty says it is of no benefit, why trouble the spirit at all; if you say it has merit, you should extend it and bequeath it to the heir. To slight it and not be urgent—I do not see how that can do. I pray you will extend your sage model, instruct the stored heir, give him good books, and entertain him with fine guests. In the morning unfold the classics and histories and observe success and failure in former tracks; in the evening receive guest-companions and inquire into gain and loss in the present age. Between times with letters and continued with chapters—then each day he would hear what he had never heard and see what he had never seen. His secondary virtue would shine brighter and the people's blessing would follow. The crown princes of old, after inquiring after their parents' health, would withdraw—thereby extending respect toward lord and father; Living in a separate palace keeps suspicion at a distance. Today the crown prince, once he waits on the throne, often stays ten days or more at court; tutors and those below cannot gain audience. Even if duty left a gap and he briefly returned to the Eastern Palace, audiences would remain rare; caught up in admiration, he would have no room for remonstrance. Your Majesty cannot teach him in person, and palace women cannot offer counsel; though officials are in place, what can they truly add? I pray you will follow former footsteps, somewhat restrain indulgence below, extend the great far-reaching plan, and unfold the bond of teacher and friend. Then the heir's virtue would flourish and the imperial design broaden; among all the people, who would not rejoice and rely on it!
7
自此敕洎令與岑文本同馬周遞日往東宮,與皇太子談論。 太宗嘗怒苑西守監穆裕,命於朝堂斬之,皇太子遽進諫。 太宗謂司徒長孫無忌曰:「夫人久相與處,自然染習。 自朕臨御天下,虛心正直,即有魏徵朝夕進諫。 自徵雲亡,劉洎、岑文本、馬周、褚遂良等繼之。 皇太子幼在朕膝前,每見朕心悅諫,昔者因染以成性,固有今日之諫耳。」 十八年,遷侍中。 太宗嘗謂侍臣曰:「夫人臣之對帝王,多順旨而不逆,甘言以取容。 朕今發問,欲聞己過,卿等須言朕愆失。」 長孫無忌、李勣、楊師道等咸云:「陛下聖化致太平,臣等不見其失。」 洎對曰:「陛下化高萬古,誠如無忌等言。 然頃上書人不稱旨者,或面加窮詰,無不慚退,恐非獎進言者之路。」 太宗曰:「卿言是也,當為卿改之。」
Thereupon the Emperor ordered Liu Ji to join Cen Wenti and Ma Zhou in taking turns each day to the Eastern Palace to discourse with the crown prince. Taizong once grew angry at Mu Yu, warden of the western park, and ordered him beheaded in the court hall; the crown prince hastened to remonstrate. Taizong said to Minister of State Zhangsun Wuji: "When people are long together, they are naturally dyed by habit. Since I came to rule the realm with an open mind and upright heart, Wei Zheng advanced remonstrance morning and evening. Since Wei died, Liu Ji, Cen Wenti, Ma Zhou, Chu Suiliang, and others have succeeded him. The crown prince grew up at my knee; whenever he saw me pleased by remonstrance, habit formed his nature—hence today's remonstrance. In Zhenguan 18 he became Palace Attendant. Taizong once told his ministers: "When ministers face the throne, most follow the ruler's intent and never oppose, using sweet words to win favor. I now ask because I wish to hear my faults; you must speak of my errors. Zhangsun Wuji, Li Ji, Yang Shidao, and others all said: "Your Majesty's sage rule has brought peace; we see no fault." Liu replied: "Your Majesty's transformation towers above ten thousand ages; it is indeed as Wuji says. Yet lately those whose memorials displeased you were sometimes grilled to their faces until all retired in shame—I fear this is not the path to encourage frank speech." Taizong said: "You are right; I shall reform for your sake."
8
太宗征遼,令洎與高士廉、馬周留輔皇太子定州監國,仍兼左庶子、檢校民部尚書。 太宗謂洎曰:「我今遠征,使卿輔翼太子,社稷安危之機,所寄尤重,卿宜深識我意。」 洎進曰:「願陛下無憂,大臣有愆失者,臣謹即行誅。」 太宗以其妄發,頗怪之,謂曰:「君不密則失臣,臣不密則失身。 卿性疏而太健,恐以此取敗,深宜誡慎,以保終吉。」 十九年,太宗遼東還,發定州,在道不康,洎與中書令馬周入謁。 洎、周出,遂良傳問起居,洎泣曰:「聖體患癰,極可憂懼。」 遂良誣奏之曰:「洎云:『國家之事不足慮,正當傅少主行伊、霍故事,大臣有異志者誅之,自然定矣。』」 太宗疾愈,詔問其故,洎以實對,又引馬周以自明。 太宗問周,周對與洎所陳不異。 遂良又執證不已,乃賜洎自盡。 洎臨引決,請紙筆欲有所奏,憲司不與。 洎死,太宗知憲司不與紙筆,怒之,並令屬吏。 洎文集十捲,行於時。 則天臨朝,其子弘業上言洎被遂良譖而死,詔令復其官爵。
When Taizong campaigned in Liaodong, he left Liu Ji, Gao Shilian, and Ma Zhou to assist the crown prince in supervising the state at Dingzhou; Liu also served as Left Vice Director of the Heir's Household and acting Inspector of the Ministry of Revenue. Taizong told Liu Ji: "I go on a distant campaign and entrust you to assist the crown prince; the safety of altars and state rests especially on you—understand my intent deeply. Liu replied: "Let Your Majesty not worry; if any great minister errs, I shall execute him at once." Taizong, struck by this rash speech, said: "If the ruler is not discreet he loses his ministers; if the minister is not discreet he loses his life. Your nature is blunt and too bold; I fear you will fall thereby—be deeply cautious to preserve your end." In Zhenguan 19 Taizong returned from Liaodong and left Dingzhou; on the road he was unwell, and Liu Ji and Chief Director Ma Zhou went in to see him. When Liu and Ma came out, Chu Suiliang asked after his health; Liu wept and said: "The Emperor has an abscess; it is deeply worrisome. Chu Suiliang falsely reported: "Liu Ji said: 'State affairs need not worry us; we need only help the young lord play Yi Yin and Huo Guang—kill any minister with a different intent and all will be settled.' When Taizong recovered, he ordered an inquiry; Liu Ji told the truth and cited Ma Zhou to clear himself." Taizong questioned Ma Zhou; Ma's answer matched Liu Ji's. Chu Suiliang still pressed his case, and the Emperor granted Liu Ji permission to take his own life. Facing execution, Liu Ji asked for brush and paper to memorialize; the law officers refused. After Liu Ji died, Taizong learned the law officers had refused brush and paper, was angry, and had their subordinates punished. Liu Ji's collected writings ran to ten scrolls and circulated in his day. When Empress Wu held court, his son Hongye memorialized that Liu Ji had been slandered to death by Chu Suiliang; an edict restored his office and rank.
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馬周,字賓王,清河茌平人也。 少孤貧,好學,尤精《詩》、《傳》,落拓不為州裡所敬。 武德中,補博州助教,日飲醇酎,不以講授為事。 刺史達奚恕屢加咎責,周乃拂衣游於曹、汴,又為浚儀令崔賢所辱,遂感激西遊長安。 宿於新豐逆旅,主人唯供諸商販而不顧待周,遂命酒一斗八升,悠然獨酌,主人深異之。 至京師,舍於中郎將常何之家。 貞觀五年,太宗令百僚上書言得失,何以武吏不涉經學,周乃為何陳便宜二十餘事,令奏之,事皆合旨。 太宗怪其能,問何,何答曰:「此非臣所能,家客馬周具草也。 每與臣言,未嘗不以忠孝為意。」 太宗即日召之,未至間,遣使催促者數四。 及謁見,與語甚悅,令直門下省。 六年,授監察御史,奉使稱旨。 帝以常何舉得其人,賜帛三百匹。 是歲,周上疏曰:
Ma Zhou, style name Binwang, came from Chiping in Qinghe. Orphaned young and poor, he loved learning and excelled in the Odes and Documents; unrestrained in manner, he won little respect in his district. In the Wude era he was appointed assistant instructor in Bozhou and drank strong wine daily, treating lecturing as no business of his. Prefect Daxi Shu blamed him repeatedly; Ma Zhou shook out his robes and wandered in Cao and Bian, was insulted again by Junyi commandant Cui Xian, and in indignation traveled west to Chang'an. He lodged at an inn in Xinfeng; the host served only merchants and ignored Ma Zhou, who ordered a dou and eight sheng of wine and drank alone at ease—the host was deeply struck. In the capital he lodged with General of the Palace Gate Chang He. In Zhenguan 5 Taizong ordered officials to memorialize on gains and losses; as Chang He was a military man without classical learning, Ma Zhou drafted more than twenty timely proposals for him—all hit the mark. Taizong marveled and asked Chang He, who answered: "This was not my doing—my house guest Ma Zhou drafted it. Whenever he spoke with me, he never failed to set loyalty and filial piety as his aim. That same day Taizong summoned him; before he arrived, messengers urged him four times. At audience Taizong was greatly pleased and ordered him to serve at the Imperial Secretariat. In Zhenguan 6 he was appointed Supervising Censor and on missions answered to the intent. Because Chang He had recommended the right man, the Emperor bestowed three hundred bolts of silk. That year Ma Zhou memorialized:
10
微臣每讀經史,見前賢忠孝之事,臣雖小人,竊希大道,未嘗不廢卷長想,思履其跡。 臣以不幸,早失父母,犬馬之養,已無所施,顧來事可為者,唯忠義而已。 是以徒步二千里而自歸於陛下,陛下不以臣愚瞽,過垂齒錄。 竊自顧瞻,無階答謝,輒以微軀丹款,惟陛下所擇。
Each time I read the classics and histories and see former worthies' loyal and filial deeds, though a petty man I secretly aspire to the great Way and never fail, laying down the scroll, to long to tread their tracks. I lost my parents early; the nurture owed to dog and horse can no longer be offered—of what remains, only loyalty and righteousness. Therefore I came on foot two thousand li to serve Your Majesty; Your Majesty did not deem me foolish but favored me with office. I reflect and have no way to repay; I offer my slight person's sincere heart for Your Majesty to choose.
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臣伏見大安宮在宮城之西,其牆宇宮闕之制,方之紫極,尚為卑小。 臣伏以東宮皇太子之宅,猶處城中,大安乃至尊所居,更在城外。 雖太上皇游心道素,志存清儉,陛下重違慈旨,愛惜人力; 而蕃夷朝見及四方觀聽,有不足焉。 臣願營築雉堞,修起門樓,務從高顯,以稱萬方之望,則大孝昭乎天下矣。 臣又伏見明敕以二月二日幸九成宮。 臣竊惟太上皇春秋已高,陛下宜朝夕視膳而晨昏起居。 今所幸宮去京三百餘里,鑾輿動軔,嚴蹕經旬,非可以旦暮至也。 太上皇情或思感,而欲即見陛下者,將何以赴之? 且車駕今行,本為避署。 然則太上皇尚留熱所,而陛下自逐涼處,溫凊之道,臣竊未安。 然敕書既出,業已成就,願示速返之期,以開眾惑。 臣又見詔書,令宗室勳賢作鎮籓部,貽厥子孫,嗣守其政,非有大故,無或黜免。 臣竊惟陛下封植之者,誠愛之重之,欲其胤裔承守而與國無疆也。 臣以為如詔旨者,陛下宜思所以安存之,富貴之,然則何用代官也。 何則? 以堯、舜之父,猶有硃、均之子。 倘有孩童嗣職,萬一驕愚,兆庶被其殃而國家受其敗。 正欲絕之也,則子文之治猶在; 正欲留之也,而欒黶之惡已彰。 與其毒害於見存之百姓,則寧使割恩於已亡之臣,明矣。 然則向所謂愛之者,乃適所以傷之也。 臣謂宜賦以茅土,疇其戶邑,必有材行,隨器方授,則雖其翰翮非強,亦可以獲免尤累。 昔漢光武不任功臣以吏事,所以終全其代者,良得其術也。 願陛下深思其事,使夫得奉大恩而子孫終其福祿也。
I observe that Great Peace Palace lies west of the palace city; its walls and halls, compared with the Purple Forbidden City, are still low and small. The Eastern Palace, the crown prince's residence, still lies within the city, while Great Peace, where the supreme sovereign dwells, lies outside the walls. Although the retired emperor's heart rests in the plain Way and his will in frugality, and Your Majesty heavily goes against his kindly intent and cherishes labor; for barbarian envoys and observers from the four quarters, something is lacking. I wish to build ramparts and repair gate towers, striving for height and prominence to match the hope of the realm—then great filial piety would shine throughout the land. I further observe an edict that on the second day of the second month you will visit Jiucheng Palace. The retired emperor's years are advanced; Your Majesty should morning and evening observe meals and attend daily rising and resting. That palace lies more than three hundred li from the capital; when the carriage moves, strict guards require ten days—not reachable morning and evening. If the retired emperor should long to see you at once, how would he reach you? Moreover, this journey was originally to escape summer heat. Yet the retired emperor would remain in the heat while you pursued the cool—on the Way of warmth in winter and cool in summer, I am uneasy. Since the edict has gone out and the matter is done, I wish a date for swift return to dispel confusion. I further see an edict ordering meritorious imperial clansmen to serve as regional commanders, bequeathing posts to sons and grandsons to succeed and hold, not to be dismissed without great cause. Those you have planted and enfeoffed—you truly love and weight them, wishing descendants to hold office and share boundlessness with the state. As the edict intends, you should consider how to settle and preserve them, enrich and honor them—then why substitute officials for them? Why? Even the fathers of Yao and Shun had sons Zhu and Jun. If a child succeeded to office and by chance were proud and foolish, the people would suffer and the state be ruined. If one wished to cut them off, Ziwen's governance would still remain; if one wished to keep them, Luan Yan's evil was already manifest. Rather than poison living commoners, better to cut off favor toward dead ministers—this is clear. What was called love is precisely what injures. Grant feudal domains and apportion households; when talent and conduct appear, appoint by capacity—then though their wings are weak, they may escape heavy blame. Emperor Guangwu of Han did not entrust meritorious ministers with administrative affairs and so preserved their whole generation—truly he grasped the method. Think deeply on this, so they may receive great favor and sons and grandsons end in fortune and stipend.
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臣又聞聖人之化天下,莫不以孝為基。 故曰:「孝莫大於嚴父,嚴父莫大於配天。」 又曰:「國之大事,在祀與戎。」 孔子亦云:「吾不預祭如不祭。」 是聖人之重祭祀也如此。 伏惟陛下踐祚以來,宗廟之享,未曾親事。 伏緣聖情,獨以鑾輿一出,勞費稍多,所以忍其孝思,以便百姓。 遂使一代之史,不書皇帝入廟之事,將何以貽厥孫謀,垂則來葉? 臣知大孝誠不在俎豆之間,然聖人之訓人,固有屈己以從時,願聖慈顧省愚款。 臣又聞致化之道,在於求賢審官; 為政之基,在於揚清激濁。 孔子曰:「唯名與器,不以假人。」 是言慎舉之為重也。 臣伏見王長通、白明達本自樂工輿皁雜類,韋槃提、斛斯正則更無他材,獨解調馬。 縱使術逾儕輩,伎能有取,乍可厚賜錢帛,以富其家; 豈得列預士流,超授高爵? 遂使朝會之位,萬國來庭,騶子倡人,鳴玉曳履,與夫朝賢君子,比肩而立,同坐而食,臣竊恥之。 然朝命既往,縱不可追,謂宜不使在朝班,預於士伍。
I further hear that in transforming the realm, the sage takes filial piety as foundation. Therefore: "Of filial piety none is greater than honoring the father; of honoring the father none is greater than matching Heaven. It is also said: "The great affairs of state lie in sacrifice and war." Confucius also said: "If I do not take part in the sacrifice, it is as if I did not sacrifice." Thus the sage weighted sacrifice to this degree. Since you ascended the throne, you have never personally performed ancestral offerings. I infer that, solely because the carriage's going out costs labor and expense, you restrain filial thought to ease the people. Thus a generation's historians do not record the emperor entering the temple—how will this instruct descendants and hand down a model to coming ages? Great filial piety truly does not lie in sacrificial vessels; yet in instructing men the sage bends himself to the times—I wish sage compassion would look back on my foolish sincerity. I further hear that the Way of transformation lies in seeking the worthy and examining office; the foundation of governing lies in raising the pure and stirring the turbid. Confucius said: "Only names and vessels may not be lent to others. This says careful appointment is weighty. Wang Changtong and Bai Mingda were originally musicians mixed with cart-drivers and runners; Wei Pantai and Husizheng had no other talent and only understood tuning horses. Even if their arts surpassed peers and their skills had merit, one might richly bestow money and silk to enrich their families; how could they rank among gentlemen and leap to high rank? Thus at court assemblies when ten thousand states come, grooms and singers with jade chiming and trailing shoes stand shoulder to shoulder with court worthies and sit and eat together—I am ashamed. Since the court order has gone forth it cannot be recalled; they should not remain in court ranks among gentlemen.
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太宗深納之。 尋除侍御史,加朝散大夫。 十一年,周又上疏曰:
Taizong deeply accepted this. Soon he was made Attending Censor with the additional title Grand Master of Splendid Happiness. In Zhenguan 11 Ma Zhou again memorialized:
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臣歷觀前代,自夏、殷及漢氏之有天下,傳祚相繼,多者八百餘年,少者猶四五百年,皆為積德累業,恩結於人心。 豈無僻王? 賴前哲以免。 自魏、晉以還,降及周、隋,多者不過六十年,少者才二三十年而亡。 良由創業之君,不務廣恩化,當時僅能自守,後無遺德可思。 故傳嗣之主,政教少衰,一夫大呼而天下土崩矣。 今陛下雖以大功定天下,而積德日淺,固當思隆禹、湯、文、武之道,廣施德化,使恩有餘地,為子孫立萬代之基,豈欲但令政教無失,以持當年而已! 然自古明王聖主,雖因人設教,寬猛隨時,而大要唯以節儉於身、恩加於人二者是務。 故其下愛之如日月,畏之如雷霆,此其所以卜祚遐長而禍亂不作也。 今百姓承喪亂之後,比於隋時才十分之一。 而供官徭役,道路相繼,兄去弟還,首尾不絕。 遠者往來五六千里,春秋冬夏,略無休時。 陛下雖每有恩詔令其減省,而有司作既不廢,自然須人,徒行文書,役之如故。 臣每訪問,四五年來,百姓頗有嗟怨之言,以為陛下不存養之。 昔唐堯茅茨土階,夏禹惡衣菲食,如此之事,臣知不可復行於今。 漢文帝惜百金之費,輟露台之役,集上書囊以為殿帷,所幸慎夫人衣不曳地。 至景帝以錦繡纂組妨害女功,特詔除之,所以百姓安樂。 至孝武帝雖窮奢極侈,而承文、景遺德,故人心不動。 向使高祖之後,即有武帝,天下必不能全。 此於時代差近,事蹟可見。 今京師及益州諸處,營造供奉器物,並諸王妃主服飾,議者皆不以為儉。 臣聞昧旦丕顯,後世猶怠; 作法於理,其弊猶亂。 陛下少處人間,知百姓辛苦,前代成敗,目所親見,尚猶如此。 而皇太子生長深宮,不更外事,即萬歲之後,固聖慮所當憂也。 臣尋往代以來之事,但有黎庶怨叛,聚為盜賊,其國無不即滅,人主雖改悔,未有重能安全者。 凡修政教,當修於可修之時,若事變一起而後悔之,則無益者也。 故人主每見前代之亡,則知其政教之所由喪,而皆不知其身之失。 是以殷紂笑夏桀之亡,而幽、厲亦笑殷紂之滅; 隋煬帝大業之初又笑齊、魏之失國。 今之視煬帝,亦猶煬帝之視齊、魏也。 故京房謂漢元帝雲,「臣恐後之視今,亦猶今之視古」。 此言不可不誡也。 往者貞觀之初,率土荒儉,一匹絹才得一斗米,而天下帖然。 百姓知陛下甚愛憐之,故人人自安,曾無謗讟。 自五六年來,頻歲豐稔,一匹絹得粟十餘石,而百姓皆以為陛下不憂憐之,咸有怨言。 又今所營為者,頗多不急之務故也。 自古以來,國之興亡,不由積畜多少,唯在百姓苦樂。 且以近事驗之,隋家貯洛口倉,而李密因之; 東都積布帛,而世充據之; 西京府庫,亦為國家之用,至今未盡。 向使洛口、東都無粟帛,則世充、李密未能必聚大眾。 但貯積者固是有國之常事,要當人有餘力而後收之,豈人勞而強斂之? 更以資寇,積之無益也。 然儉以息人,貞觀之初,陛下已躬為之,故今行之不難也。 為之一日,則天下知之,式歌且舞矣。 若人既勞矣而用之不息,倘中國被水旱之災,邊方有風塵之患,狂狡因之以竊發,則有不可測之事,非徒聖躬旰食晏寢而已。 古語云:「動人以行不以言,應天以實不以文。」 以陛下之明,誠欲勵精為政,不煩遠采上古之術,但及貞觀之初,則天下幸甚。 昔賈誼為漢文帝雲,可慟哭及長嘆息者,言當韓信王楚、彭越王梁、英布王淮南之時,使文帝即天子位,必不能安。 又言賴諸王年少,傅相制之; 長大之後,必生禍亂。 歷代以來,皆以誼言為是。 臣竊觀今諸將功臣,陛下所與定天下者,皆仰稟成規,備鷹犬之用,無威略振主,如韓、彭之難駕馭者。 而諸王年並幼少,縱其長大,當陛下之日,必無他心。 然即萬代之後,不可不慮。 自漢、晉以來,亂天下者,何嘗不是諸王? 皆為樹置失宜,不預為節制,以至於滅亡。 人主熟知其然,但溺於私愛,故使前車既覆而後車不改轍也。 今天下百姓極少,諸王甚多,寵遇之恩,有過厚者。 臣之愚慮,不唯慮其恃恩驕矜也。 昔魏武帝寵陳思,及文帝即位,防守禁閉,有同獄囚。 以先帝加恩太多,故嗣王疑而畏之也。 此則武帝寵舐思,適所以苦之也。 且帝子何患不富貴? 身食大國,封戶不少,好衣美食之外,更何所須? 而每年加別優賜,曾無紀極。 俚語曰:「貧不學儉,富不學奢」,言自然也。 今大聖創業,豈唯處置見在子弟而已? 當制長久之法,使萬代遵行。
I survey former ages: from Xia, Yin, and Han possession of the realm, mandates passed on—in many cases eight hundred years or more, in few still four or five hundred—all from accumulated virtue binding favor in hearts. Were there no depraved kings? They relied on former sages to escape ruin. From Wei and Jin through Zhou and Sui, the longest reigns barely reached sixty years, the shortest only twenty or thirty before collapse. Founding rulers failed to spread broad benevolence and could only hold their own in their day, leaving no lingering virtue for later ages. Their heirs saw government and teaching decline; one man shouted and the realm collapsed. Though you have settled the realm by great achievement, accumulated virtue grows shallow; exalt the Ways of Yu, Tang, Wen, and Wu, spread benevolence with room to spare, and lay a foundation for ten thousand generations—not merely keep the present year from failing! Yet sage rulers, though lenience and severity followed the times, strove above all for personal frugality and extending favor to others. Those below loved them as sun and moon and feared them as thunder—hence long mandates and no turmoil. The people, after inheriting disorder, are barely one-tenth what they were under the Sui. Yet for official corvée they crowd the roads—elder brothers go out, younger brothers return, without cease. Those far off travel five or six thousand li back and forth through all seasons, barely resting. Though you issue edicts ordering reduction, offices do not abandon their projects and still levy men as before—only circulating documents. In four or five years of inquiry I hear sighing and complaint that Your Majesty does not cherish and nurture them. Yao had thatched huts and earthen steps, Yu hated fine clothes and ate sparingly—such things cannot be practiced again today. Emperor Wen of Han spared a hundred gold pieces and stopped the terrace, used memorial bags for hall curtains, and Lady Shen's robes did not trail on the ground. Emperor Jing abolished brocade and fine weave that harmed women's work, and the people were at ease. Emperor Wu exhausted luxury, yet inherited Wen and Jing's lingering virtue, so hearts did not stir. Had Emperor Wu followed Gaozu at once, the realm could not have remained whole. This is recent enough that the traces are visible. In the capital and Yizhou, court tribute vessels and princely apparel are all judged not frugal. I have heard: toiling from dawn brings great display, yet later ages still grow slack; to make law from principle—its harm is still disorder. You dwelt among the people in youth, knew their toil, and saw former ages' success and failure with your own eyes—yet it is still thus. The crown prince grew deep in the palace without knowing outer affairs; after ten thousand years this is what sage concern should dread. Whenever the people rebelled and gathered as bandits, their states were soon destroyed; though rulers repented, none regained security. Repair government and teaching while they can still be repaired; repentance after trouble arises brings no benefit. Rulers see how former ages perished and know why government failed, yet never see their own failure. King Zhou of Yin laughed at Jie of Xia, and You and Li laughed at Zhou of Yin; Emperor Yang at the beginning of Daye laughed at Qi and Wei's loss of state. Those who now look on Emperor Yang are as Yang looked on Qi and Wei. Jing Fang told Emperor Yuan of Han: "I fear those later looking on the present will be as the present looks on antiquity." These words cannot but warn us. At the beginning of Zhenguan the land was barren; one bolt of silk bought only a dou of rice, yet the realm was settled. The people knew you greatly loved and pitied them, so each was at ease without slander. Since the fifth and sixth years harvests have been abundant; one bolt of silk gets more than ten shi of grain, yet the people think you do not pity them and all complain. What is now undertaken is largely not urgent—this is why. Whether states rise or perish depends not on stored wealth but solely on the people's bitterness and joy. Recent proof: the Sui stored grain at Luokou, and Li Mi exploited it; the Eastern Capital piled cloth and silk, and Wang Shichong occupied it; the western capital's treasuries too served the state and are not yet exhausted. Without grain and silk at Luokou and the Eastern Capital, Wang Shichong and Li Mi could not have gathered great multitudes. Storing up is normal for a state, but men must have surplus strength first—how force levies while they labor? Further to supply bandits—piling up does no good. Frugality to give the people rest—you already practiced this at the beginning of Zhenguan, so it is not hard now. Practice it one day and all under Heaven will know; they will sing and dance. If men already toil and you use them without cease, and flood or drought strikes within or war on the borders, and the mad and crafty rise, unforeseeable events follow—not merely that you eat late and sleep little. An old saying says: "Move men by conduct, not words; respond to Heaven by substance, not ornament. With your brightness, if you truly wish to strive in government, you need not gather ancient methods—only return to the beginning of Zhenguan, and the realm would be blessed. Jia Yi told Emperor Wen of Han that what could make one weep and sigh was that when Han Xin ruled Chu, Peng Yue Liang, and Ying Bu Huainan, had Wen at once become emperor he could not have been secure. He also said they relied on the princes being young and on tutors and ministers restraining them; when they grew up, trouble would surely arise. Generation after generation has taken Yi's words as right. The generals and meritorious ministers with whom you settled the realm all receive your completed rules, prepared as hawks and hounds, without authority like Han Xin and Peng Yue hard to control. The princes are all still young; even when they grow up, in your days they will have no other intent. Yet after ten thousand generations one cannot but take thought. From Han and Jin on, who threw the realm into disorder if not the princes? All because they were planted improperly and restraint was not prepared beforehand, until extinction. Lords know this, but drowning in private love, the front cart overturns and the rear does not change course. Now the people are extremely few and the princes very many; favor in some cases exceeds what is fitting. My foolish thought is not only to worry they rely on favor and grow proud. Emperor Wu of Wei favored Prince Si of Chen; when Emperor Wen came to the throne, he was guarded like a prison inmate. Because the former emperor had added too much favor, the succeeding king was suspicious and feared him. This was Wu's excessive favor that precisely became his bitterness. What worry is there that an emperor's son will not be rich and honored? He eats a great state with no few fief households—beyond good clothes and fine food, what more is needed? Yet each year additional special grants are added without limit. A common saying: "The poor do not learn frugality, the rich do not learn luxury"—it speaks of nature. Now the great sage creates the enterprise—how can it dispose only of present sons and brothers? Establish a long-lasting method for ten thousand generations to follow.
15
又言:
He also said:
16
臨天下者,以人為本。 欲令百姓安樂,唯在刺史、縣令。 縣令既眾,不能皆賢,若每州得良刺史,則合境蘇息; 天下刺史悉稱聖意,則陛下端拱岩廊之上,百姓不慮不安。 自古郡守、縣令,皆妙選賢德,欲有擢升宰相,必先試以臨人,或從二千石入為丞相。 今朝廷獨重內官,縣令、刺史,頗輕其選。 刺史多是武夫勳人,或京官不稱職,方始外出。 而折衝果毅之內,身材強者,先入為中郎將,其次始補州任。 邊遠之處,用人更輕,其材堪宰位,以德行見稱擢者,十不能一。 所以百姓未安,殆由於此。
He who rules the realm takes men as foundation. To wish the people at ease and happy lies solely in regional inspectors and county magistrates. Magistrates being numerous, not all can be worthy; if each province gets a good inspector, the whole territory revives; if all inspectors accord with the sage intent, you sit upright on the cliffed hall and the people need not worry about ease. From antiquity governors and magistrates were wonderfully selected for worth; to promote one to chancellor they first tested him in overseeing men, or he entered from two-thousand-bushel office. Now the court alone weights inner officials; magistrates and inspectors are lightly chosen. Inspectors are mostly military men of merit or capital officials unfit for duty who only then go out. Among resolute valor in the army, the strong in physique first become Gentlemen of the Palace, then provincial posts. In remote borders men are used even more lightly; one in ten promoted for virtue and talent fit for ministerial rank cannot be found. That the people are not at ease is probably for this reason.
17
疏奏,太宗稱善久之。
When the memorial was submitted, Taizong praised it at length.
18
先是,京城諸街,每至晨暮,遣人傳呼以警眾。 周遂奏諸街置鼓,每擊以警眾,令罷傳呼,時人便之,太宗益加賞勞。 俄拜給事中。 十二年,轉中書舍人。 周有機辨,能敷奏,深識事端,動無不中。 太宗嘗曰:「我於馬周,暫不見則便思之。」 中書侍郎岑文本謂所親曰:「吾見馬君論事多矣,援引事類,揚榷古今,舉要刪蕪,會文切理,一字不可加,一言不可減,聽之靡靡,令人亡倦。 昔蘇、張、終、賈,正應此耳。 然鳶肩火色,騰上必速,恐不能久耳。」 十五年,遷治書侍御史,兼知諫議大夫,又兼檢校晉王府長史。 王為皇太子,拜中書侍郎,兼太子右庶子。 十八年,遷中書令,依舊兼太子右庶子。 周既職兼兩宮,處事精密,甚獲當時之譽。 太宗伐遼東,皇太子定州監守,令周與高士廉、劉洎留輔皇太子。 太宗還,以本官攝吏部尚書。 二十一年,加銀青光祿大夫。 太宗嘗以神筆賜周飛白書曰:「鸞鳳凌雲,必資羽翼。 股肱之寄,誠在忠良。」 周病消渴,彌年不瘳。 時駕幸翠微宮,敕求勝地,為周起宅。 名醫中使,相望不絕,每令尚食以膳供之,太宗躬為調藥,皇太子親臨問疾。 周臨終,索所陳事表草一帙,手自焚之,慨然曰:「管、晏彰君之過,求身後名,吾弗為也。」 二十二年卒,年四十八。 太宗為之舉哀,贈幽州都督,陪葬昭陵。 高宗即位,追贈尚書右僕射、高唐縣公。 垂拱中,配享高宗廟庭。 子載,咸亨年累遷吏部侍郎,善選補,於今稱之。 卒於雍州長史。
Before this, on the capital streets at dawn and dusk men were sent to call out and warn the multitude. Ma Zhou memorialized to set drums on each street to warn the multitude and end calling out; people found it convenient, and Taizong further rewarded him. Soon he was appointed Attendant-in-Ordinary. In Zhenguan 12 he became Drafting Secretary of the Secretariat. Ma Zhou had quick discernment, could lay out memorials, deeply knew affairs' threads, and never missed the mark. Taizong once said: "With Ma Zhou, if I do not see him for a while I miss him at once. Cen Wenti said to intimates: "I have seen Lord Ma discuss affairs many times; he cites cases, weighs past and present, selects essentials and deletes redundancy—a character cannot be added, a word subtracted; listening is harmonious and makes one forget weariness. Formerly Su Qin, Zhang Yi, Zhongchang Tong, and Jia Yi were just such men. Yet with kite-shoulder and fire complexion, swift ascent—I fear he cannot last long." In Zhenguan 15 he became Supervising Censor, also Remonstrating and Advising Grand Master, and Acting Chief of the Jin Prince's Household. When the prince became crown prince, he was appointed Vice Director of the Secretariat and Right Vice Director of the Heir's Household. In Zhenguan 18 he became Chief Director of the Secretariat, still concurrently Right Vice Director of the Heir's Household. Holding office in both palaces, Ma Zhou handled affairs with precision and won great praise. When Taizong campaigned in Liaodong, the crown prince supervised Dingzhou; he ordered Ma Zhou with Gao Shilian and Liu Ji to assist the crown prince. When Taizong returned, he acted as Minister of Personnel in his original office. In Zhenguan 21 he received the additional title Silver-Gleaming Grand Master of Splendid Happiness. Taizong once with divine brush bestowed feibai writing on Ma Zhou: "The luan and phoenix soaring above clouds must rely on wings. The charge of arms and legs—sincerity lies in the loyal and good. Ma Zhou suffered wasting thirst and for a full year did not recover. At that time the carriage visited Cuicui Palace; an edict sought excellent ground and built a residence for Ma Zhou. Famous physicians and palace commissioners came in unbroken succession; the Imperial Kitchen supplied his meals, Taizong personally mixed his medicine, and the crown prince came in person to inquire after him. Facing death, Ma Zhou asked for his bundle of memorial drafts and burned them himself, sighing: "Guan and Yan exposed the lord's faults to win a name after death—I will not do that. In Zhenguan 22 he died, aged forty-eight. Taizong mourned him, posthumously made him Regional Commander of Youzhou, and granted burial at Zhaoling. When Gaozong came to the throne, he was posthumously made Right Vice Director of the Board and Duke of Gaotang. In the Chuigong era he was granted shared sacrifice in Gaozong's temple. His son Zai, in the Xianheng years rose to Vice Director of Personnel and was skilled in selection—still praised today. He died as Chief Administrator of Yongzhou.
19
崔仁師
Cui Renshi
20
崔仁師,定州安喜人。 武德初,應制舉,授管州錄事參軍。 五年,侍中陳叔達薦仁師才堪史職,進拜右武衛錄事參軍,預修梁、魏等史。 貞觀初,再遷殿中侍御史。 時青州有逆謀事發,州縣追捕反黨,俘囚滿獄,詔仁師按覆其事。 仁師至州,悉去杻械,仍與飲食湯沐以寬慰之,唯坐其魁首十餘人,余皆原免。 及奏報,詔使將往決之,大理少卿孫伏伽謂仁師曰:「此獄徒侶極眾,而足下雪免者多,人皆好生,誰肯讓死? 今既臨命,恐未甘心,深為足下憂也。」 仁師曰:「嘗聞理獄之體,必務仁恕,故稱殺人刖足,亦皆有禮。 豈有求身之安,知枉不為申理? 若以一介暗短,但易得十囚之命,亦所願也。」 伏伽慚而退。 及敕使至青州更訊,諸囚咸曰:「崔公仁恕,事無枉濫,請伏罪。」 皆無異辭。 仁師後為度支郎中,嘗奏支庶財物數千言,手不執本,太宗怪之,令黃門侍郎杜正倫齎本,仁師對唱,一無差殊,太宗大奇之。 時校書郎王玄度注《尚書》、《毛詩》,毀孔、鄭舊義,上表請廢舊注,行己所注者,詔禮部集諸儒詳議。 玄度口辯,諸博士皆不能詰之。 郎中許敬宗請付秘閣藏其書,河間王孝恭特請與孔、鄭並行。 仁師以玄度穿鑿不經,乃條其不合大義,駁奏請罷之。 詔竟依仁師議,玄度遂廢。 十六年,遷給事中。 時刑部以《賊盜律》反逆緣坐兄弟沒官為輕,請改從死,奏請八座詳議。 右僕射高士廉、吏部尚書侯君集、兵部尚書李勣等議請從重; 民部尚書唐儉、禮部尚書江夏王道宗、工部尚書杜楚客等議請依舊不改。 時議者以漢及魏、晉謀反皆夷三族,咸欲依士廉等議。 仁師獨駁曰:「自羲、農以降,爰及唐,虞,或設言而人不犯,或畫像而下知禁。 三代之盛,泣辜解網,父子兄弟,罪不相及,咸臻至理,俱為稱首。 及其世亂,獄訟滋煩,周之季年,不勝其弊,烈火原於子產,峭澗起於安於,韓、季、申、商,爭持急刻,參夷相坐,始於此也。 秦用其法,遂至土崩。 漢高之務寬大,未為盡善; 文帝之存仁厚,仍多涼德。 遂使新垣族滅,信、越菹醢,見譏良史,謂之過刑。 魏、晉至隋,有損有益,凝脂猶密,秋荼尚煩。 皇上爰發至仁,念茲刑憲,酌前王之令典,探往代之嘉猷,革弊蠲苛,可大可久,仍降綸綍,頒之九區。 故得斷獄數簡,手足有措,刑清化洽,未有不安。 忽以暴秦酷法,為隆周中典,乖惻隱之情,反惟行之令。 進退參詳,未見其可。 且父子天屬,昆季同氣,誅其父子,足累其心,此而不顧,何愛兄弟。 既欲改法,請更審量。」 竟從仁師駁議。 後仁師密奏請立魏王為太子,忤旨,轉為鴻臚少卿,遷民部侍郎。 征遼之役,詔太常卿韋挺知海運,仁師為副,仁師又別知河南水運。 仁師以水路險遠,恐遠州所輸不時至海,遂便宜從事,遞發近海租賦以充轉輸。 及韋挺以壅滯失期,除名為民,仁師以運夫逃走不奏,坐免官。 既不得志,遂作《體命賦》以暢其情,辭多不載。 太宗還至中山,起為中書舍人,尋兼檢校刑部侍郎。 太宗幸翠微宮,仁師上《清暑賦》以諷,太宗稱善,賜帛五十段。 二十二年,遷中書侍郎,參知機務。 時仁師甚承恩遇,中書令褚遂良頗忌嫉之。 會有伏閣上訴者,仁師不奏,太宗以仁師罔上,遂配龔州。 會赦還。 永徽初,起授簡州刺史,尋卒,年六十餘。 神龍初,以子挹為國子祭酒,恩例贈同州刺史。 挹子湜。
Cui Renshi came from Anxi in Dingzhou. At the beginning of Wude he answered the imperial examination and was appointed recorder of Guan prefecture. In Wude 5 Palace Attendant Chen Shuda recommended him for historiography; he became Recorder of the Right Martial Guard and helped compile the histories of Liang, Wei, and others. At the beginning of Zhenguan he was twice transferred to Attending Censor in the Palace. At that time a treason plot arose in Qingzhou; prefectures and counties pursued rebels until prisons were full; an edict ordered Renshi to review the case. When Renshi reached the prefecture, he removed all fetters and gave food, drink, and bathing to comfort them; he punished only the ringleaders, more than ten, and pardoned the rest. When the report was submitted, an edict envoy was sent to decide; Vice Director Sun Fuga told Renshi: "This prison holds extremely many men, and you have pardoned many below; all men love life—who would willingly yield death? Now facing execution, I fear they are not resigned—this deeply worries me for you. Renshi said: "I have heard that judging prisons must strive for benevolence and forbearance; even killing and mutilation each have ritual limits. How could one seek personal ease and, knowing injustice, not plead the case? If for one obscure shortcoming one could easily save ten prisoners' lives, that too would be my wish." Fuga withdrew in shame. When the edict envoy reached Qingzhou and questioned again, all prisoners said: "Lord Cui is benevolent and forbearing; nothing was wrongful—we ask to confess. All spoke alike. Later as Director of the Revenue Section he once memorialized on collateral-branch finances in several thousand words without holding the draft; Taizong marveled and had Du Zhenlun bring the draft; Renshi recited it without a single error—Taizong was greatly struck. Proofreader Wang Xuandu annotated the Documents and Mao Odes, attacked the old interpretations of Confucius and Zheng Xuan, and asked to abolish old annotations and use his own; the Ministry of Rites was ordered to gather Confucians for discussion. Xuandu was eloquent in debate and none of the erudites could press him. Director Xu Jingzong asked to consign his books to the Secretariat; Prince of Hejian Li Xiaogong asked that they run alongside Confucius and Zheng. Renshi held Xuandu's forced interpretations uncanonical, listed what did not accord with great principle, and memorialized to abolish them. The edict followed Renshi's proposal and Xuandu was abolished. In Zhenguan 16 he became Attendant-in-Ordinary. The Ministry of Justice held that in the Statutes on Thieves and Robbers guilt-by-association of brothers in treason, with offices confiscated, was too light, and asked to change it to death, submitting for the eight ministers' discussion. Right Vice Director Gao Shilian, Minister of Personnel Hou Junji, Minister of War Li Ji, and others asked for the heavy penalty; Minister of Revenue Tang Jian, Minister of Rites Prince of Jiangxia Li Daozong, Minister of Works Du Chuke, and others asked to keep the old rule. Discussants, because Han and Wei and Jin all exterminated three clans for treason, wished to follow Gao Shilian and the others. Renshi alone refuted: "From Fu Xi and Shen Nong through Tang and Yu, some set words and men did not offend, some drew images and those below knew prohibition. In the three dynasties' age of flourishing, they wept for the guilty and released the net; fathers, sons, and brothers did not implicate one another—all attained utmost principle and were praised as foremost. When ages grew chaotic, lawsuits multiplied; late Zhou could not bear the harm. Fierce fire originated with Zichan, steep ravine with An Yu; Han, Ji, Shen, and Shang vied in severity—kin implicating one another began here. Qin used their law and the realm collapsed. Gaozu of Han's striving for breadth was not yet fully good; Emperor Wen's preserving benevolence still had much cool virtue. Thus Xin Yuan's clan was destroyed and Xin and Yue were minced—mocked by good historians as excessive punishment. From Wei and Jin to Sui there was loss and gain; law was still dense, punishments still troublesome. Your Majesty issued utmost benevolence, mindful of penal statutes, weighed former kings' ordinances and past generations' fine plans, reformed abuses and removed severity, and promulgated it through the nine regions. Therefore cases were few, hands and feet had their place, punishments were clear and transformation harmonized, and all were at ease. Suddenly to take violent Qin's harsh law as Zhou's central canon violates compassionate concealment and reverses current ordinances. Examined in detail, I do not see that it can be done. Father and son are heaven's kin, brothers share breath—executing fathers and sons fully burdens the heart; if this is not regarded, how love brothers? Since you wish to change the law, please examine again. In the end they followed Renshi's refutation. Later Renshi secretly memorialized to establish Prince Wei as crown prince; going against intent, he became Vice Director of Imperial Entertainments and Vice Minister of Revenue. In the Liaodong campaign, Chief Director Wei Ting was ordered to manage sea transport and Renshi served as deputy; Renshi also separately managed Henan water transport. Because the water route was dangerous and remote, Renshi feared distant prefectures' grain would not reach the sea in time and on his own authority issued near-sea rents to fill transport. When Wei Ting was removed for blockage and delay, Renshi was removed because transport laborers fled and he did not report. Frustrated, he composed the "Fu on Embodied Fate" to express his feelings—the text is largely not recorded. When Taizong returned to Zhongshan, he was raised as Drafting Secretary and soon Acting Vice Minister of Justice. When Taizong visited Cuicui Palace, Renshi submitted the "Fu on Clearing Summer Heat" as remonstrance; Taizong praised it and bestowed fifty bolts of silk. In Zhenguan 22 he became Vice Director of the Secretariat and participated in state affairs. At that time Renshi greatly received favor; Chief Director Chu Suiliang was quite jealous. When someone lay in wait at the gate to appeal, Renshi did not memorialize; Taizong banished him to Gongzhou for deceiving the throne. When an amnesty came he returned. At the beginning of Yonghui he was appointed Prefect of Jianzhou and soon died, aged over sixty. At the beginning of Shenlong, because his son Yi was Chancellor of the Directorate of Education, he was posthumously given Prefect of Tongzhou. Yi's son Shi.
21
湜少以文辭知名,舉進士,累轉左補闕,預修《三教珠英》,遷殿中侍御史。 神龍初,轉考功員外郎。 時桓彥范、敬暉等既知國政,懼武三思讒間,引湜為耳目,使伺其動靜。 俄而中宗疏忌功臣,於三思恩寵漸厚,湜乃反以桓、敬等計議潛告三思。 尋遷中書舍人。 及桓、敬等徙於嶺外,湜又說三思盡宜殺之,以絕其歸望。 三思問誰可使者,湜表兄周利貞先為桓、敬等所惡,自侍御史出嘉州司馬,湜乃舉充此行。 桓、敬等聞利貞至,多自殺,三思引利貞為御史中丞。 湜,景龍二年遷兵部侍郎,挹為禮部,父子同為南省副貳,有唐已來未有也。 時昭容上官氏屢出外宅,湜托附之。 由是中宗遇湜甚厚,俄拜吏部侍郎,尋轉中書侍郎、同中書門下平章事。 與鄭愔同知選事,銓綜失序,為御史李尚隱所劾,愔坐配流嶺表,湜左轉為江州司馬。 上官昭容密與安樂公主曲為申理,中宗乃以愔為江州司馬,授湜襄州刺史。 未幾,入為尚書左丞。 韋庶人臨朝,復為中書侍郎、同中書門下三品。 睿宗即位,出為華州刺史,俄又拜太子詹事。 初,湜景龍中獻策開南山新路,以通商州水陸之運,役徒數萬,死者十三四。 仍嚴錮舊道,禁行旅,所開新路以通,竟為夏潦衝突,崩壓不通。 至是追論湜開山路功,加銀青光祿大夫。 俄為太平公主所引,復遷中書門下三品。 先天元年,拜中書令,與劉幽求爭權不協,陷幽求徙於嶺表。 仍促廣州都督周利貞以逗留殺之,不果而止。 時挹以年老,累除戶部尚書致仕。 挹性貪冒,受人請託,數以公事幹湜,湜多違拒不從,大為時論所嗤。 玄宗在東宮,數幸其第,恩意甚密。 湜既私附太平公主,時人咸為之懼,門客陳振鷺獻《海鷗賦》以諷之,湜雖稱善而心實不悅。 及帝將誅蕭至忠等,召將托為腹心,湜弟滌謂湜曰:「主上若有所問,不得有所隱也。」 湜不從,及見帝,對問失旨。 至忠等既誅,湜坐徙嶺外。 時新興王晉亦連坐伏誅,臨刑嘆曰:「本謀此事,出自崔湜,今我就死而湜得生,何冤濫也!」 俄而所司奏宮人元氏款稱與湜曾密謀進鴆,乃追湜賜死。 初,湜與張說有隙,說時為中書令,議者以為說搆陷之。 時湜與尚書右丞盧藏用同配流俱行,湜謂藏用曰:「家弟承恩,或冀寬宥。」 因遲留不速進。 行至荊州,夢於講堂照鏡,曰:「鏡者明象,吾當為人主所明也。」 以告占夢人張由,對曰:「講堂者,受法之所; 鏡者,於文為『立見金』,此非吉征。」 其日追使至,縊於驛中,時年四十三。 湜美姿儀,早有才名。 弟液、滌及從兄蒞,並有文翰。 居清要,每宴私之際,自比東晉王導、謝安之家。 謂人曰:「吾之一門及出身歷官,未嘗不為第一。 丈夫當先據要路以制人,豈能默默受制於人也!」 是故進趣不已,而不以令終。
Shi was young and famous for literary skill; he passed the jinshi, rose to Left Remonstrator, helped compile the Pearl Garden of the Three Teachings, and became Attending Censor. At the beginning of Shenlong he became Outer Adjunct in Personnel. Huan Yanfan, Jing Hui, and others already held state affairs and feared Wu Sansi's slander; they brought in Shi as eyes and ears to watch them. Soon Zhongzong grew suspicious of the meritorious ministers; Sansi's favor grew, and Shi secretly reported Huan and Jing's deliberations to Sansi. Soon he became Drafting Secretary. When Huan and Jing were banished to the outer ranges, Shi urged Sansi to kill them all and cut off hope of return. Sansi asked who could go; Shi's maternal cousin Zhou Lizhen, hated by Huan and Jing, had left his censor post for Sima of Jiazhou—Shi recommended him. When Huan and Jing heard Lizhen had come, most killed themselves; Sansi made Lizhen Vice Censor-in-Chief. In Jinglong 2 Shi became Vice Minister of War and Yi was in Rites—father and son as southern ministry deputies together, unprecedented in Tang. Lady Shangguan the Brilliant Companion repeatedly went to an outer residence; Shi attached himself to her. Zhongzong treated Shi very generously and soon made him Vice Minister of Personnel, then Vice Director and Fellow of the Secretariat and Chancellery. With Zheng Yin he jointly managed selection; order was lost and Censor Li Shangyin impeached them—Yin was banished to the outer ranges and Shi demoted to Sima of Jiangzhou. Lady Shangguan secretly with Princess Anle pleaded their case; Zhongzong made Yin Sima of Jiangzhou and gave Shi Prefect of Xiangzhou. Before long he entered as Left Vice Director of the Board. When Empress Wei held court, he again became Vice Director and Third Rank Fellow of the Secretariat and Chancellery. When Ruizong came to the throne, he went out as Prefect of Huazhou, then Grand Mentor of the Heir Apparent. Earlier in Jinglong Shi had submitted a plan to open a new road through the southern mountains for Shangzhou transport; tens of thousands of laborers died, thirteen or fourteen in ten. They strictly barred the old road; the new road was struck by summer floods, collapsed, and was blocked. They pursued judgment of Shi's merit in opening the mountain road and added Silver-Gleaming Grand Master of Splendid Happiness. Soon Princess Taiping drew him in and he again became Third Rank of the Secretariat and Chancellery. In Xiantian 1 he became Chief Director; contending with Liu Youqiu without harmony, he trapped Youqiu and banished him to the outer ranges. He still urged Guangzhou Regional Commander Zhou Lizhen to kill him for lingering, but it did not succeed. Yi was old and was repeatedly removed to Minister of Revenue and retired. Yi was greedy and received requests, several times interfering in Shi's public affairs—Shi mostly refused, and was mocked by opinion. Xuanzong in the Eastern Palace several times visited his residence with very close favor. Shi had privately attached to Princess Taiping; people feared for him; retainer Chen Zhenlu submitted the "Fu on the Sea Gull" to remonstrate—Shi praised it but was displeased. When the Emperor was about to execute Xiao Zhizhong and others, he summoned Shi as confidant; Shi's brother Di told him: "If the lord questions you, you must not conceal. Shi did not follow; when he saw the Emperor, his answers missed the intent. When Zhizhong and others were executed, Shi was banished to the outer ranges. Prince of Xinxing Jin was also implicated and executed; facing execution he sighed: "This was originally Cui Shi's plan—now I die and Shi lives; how unjust! Soon the office reported that palace woman Lady Yuan confessed she had plotted with Shi to advance poisoned wine; they pursued Shi and granted death. Earlier Shi and Zhang Yue had a rift; Yue was Chief Director and discussants thought he framed Shi. Shi and Right Vice Director Lu Zangyong were banished together; Shi told Zangyong: "My younger brother receives favor and may hope for leniency. Therefore he lingered and did not hurry forward. Reaching Jingzhou, he dreamed in the lecture hall of looking in a mirror and said: "A mirror is bright image—I shall be made bright by the ruler. He told dream-interpreter Zhang You; You answered: "The lecture hall is where one receives the law; a mirror in writing is 'stand and see metal'—this is not auspicious." That day pursuing messengers arrived; he was strangled at the post station, aged forty-three. Shi had handsome bearing and early won a name for talent. His younger brothers Ye and Di and his elder cousin Li all had literary accomplishment. In clear and important posts, at private feasts they compared themselves to the houses of Wang Dao and Xie An of Eastern Jin. They said: "In our house, from birth through every office, we have never failed to be first. A great man should first seize the crucial path to control others—how can he silently be controlled by others! Therefore they pressed forward without cease and did not end well.
22
液尤工五言之作,湜常嘆伏之曰:「海子,我家之龜也。」 海子即液小名,官至殿中侍御史,坐兄配流,逃匿於郢州人胡履虛之家。 作《幽徵賦》以見意,辭甚典麗。 遇赦還,道病卒。 友人裴耀卿纂其遺文為集十捲。
Ye was especially skilled in five-character verse; Shi often sighed in admiration: "Haizi is the tortoise of our house. Haizi was Ye's childhood name; he reached Attending Censor but, because his brother was banished in guilt-by-association, fled and hid with Hu Lüxu of Yingzhou. He composed the "Fu on Hidden Signs" to express his intent—the text was very classical and beautiful. When an amnesty returned him, he died of illness on the road. His friend Pei Yaoji compiled his remaining writings into ten scrolls.
23
液子論,以吏干稱。 天寶中自櫟陽令遷司勳員外郎、濛陽太守。 乾元後,歷典名郡,皆以理行稱。 大曆末,元載以罪誅,朝廷方振起淹滯,遷同州刺史。 未幾,為黜陟使庾何所按,廢免。 議者以何舉奏涉於深刻,復用論為衢州刺史。 秩滿,寓於揚、楚間。 德宗以舊族耆年,授大理卿致仕卒。
Ye's son Lun was praised for administrative ability. In the Tianbao era he rose from Commandant of Liyang to Outer Adjunct in Merit and Prefect of Mengyang. After Qianyuan he held famous commanderies in succession, all praised for governing and conduct. In late Dali, when Yuan Zai was executed, the court raised the long submerged and Lun became Prefect of Tongzhou. Before long Dismissal-and-Promotion Commissioner Yu He investigated and removed him. Discussants held He's impeachment too severe; Lun was again made Prefect of Quzhou. When his term expired, he lodged between Yang and Chu. Dezong, because he was an old clan elder, made him Chief Director of Judicial Review; he retired and died.
24
液弟滌,多辯智,善諧謔,素與玄宗款密。 兄湜坐太平黨誅,玄宗常思之,故待滌逾厚,用為秘書監。 出入禁中,與諸王侍宴不讓席,而坐或在寧王之上。 後賜名澄。 從東封還,加金紫光祿大夫,封安喜縣子。 開元十四年卒,贈兗州刺史。
Ye's younger brother Di was gifted in debate and wit and skilled in banter; he had long been intimate with Xuanzong. His brother Shi was executed for the Taiping faction; Xuanzong often thought of him and treated Di even more generously, making him Director of the Secretariat. He entered and left the forbidden precincts; at feasts with the princes he did not yield seat, and sometimes sat even above the Prince of Ning. Later he was granted the name Cheng. Returning from the eastern feng sacrifice, he received Silver-Gleaming Grand Master of Splendid Happiness and was enfeoffed Viscount of Anxi. In Kaiyuan 14 he died; posthumously made Regional Commander of Yanzhou.
25
史臣曰:劉洎始以章疏切直,以至位望隆顯。 至於提綱整帶,咨聖嘉猷,籍國士之談,體廊廟之器。 噫,樞機之發,榮辱之主,一言不慎,竟陷誣奏。 雖君親甚悔,而駟不及舌,良足悲矣! 馬周道承際會,天性深沉,悟主談微,作忠本孝,沖識廣度,宛涉穹崇。 《詩》曰:「嘉樂君子,顯顯令德。」 惜其中壽,不慭遺乎! 崔仁師以史材獲進,其刊正褒貶,雅得詳明。 至於本仁恕,申枉濫,其事可觀。 沮穿鑿之注,止從重之刑,其言甚直。 《書》曰「疑謀勿成」,而以魏王為請,不亦惑乎! 及參機務,竟致忌嫉,罔上之名,抑有由也。 崔湜之德,去祖逾遠,謂勢可恃,謂進無傷,及位極人臣,而心無止足。 覽《海鷗賦》,知而不誡,及荊州之夢,人知不免。 《易》曰:「不節之嗟,又誰咎也!」
The historiographer says: Liu Ji at first reached lofty position because his memorials were cutting and straight. As for drawing the net and straightening discipline, consulting the sage on fine plans, borrowing talk of men of the state, embodying the vessel of court and temple— Alas, when the pivot moves it is master of honor and disgrace; one incautious word and he fell into a false memorial. Though lord and kin greatly repented, the four horses could not overtake the tongue—truly grievous! Ma Zhou's Way met a timely conjunction; deep and grave by nature; awakening his lord he discussed subtleties, rooting loyalty in filial piety; broad insight and wide measure gracefully crossed the heights. The Odes says: "The admirable gentleman of joy and music displays bright virtue. Pity that at middle years he did not long remain! Cui Renshi advanced through historiographical talent; in corrections of praise and blame he elegantly achieved detail and clarity. As for rooting benevolence and forbearance and pleading wrongful overflow, his deeds can be observed. Blocking forced commentary interpretations and stopping the heavy penalty—his words were very straight. The Documents says "when plans are doubtful do not carry them out," yet he requested Prince Wei—is this not confused! When he participated in state affairs he met jealousy; the name of deceiving above—there was indeed a reason. Cui Shi's virtue fell far from his ancestors; he thought power could be relied on and advancement harmless; at the utmost as minister his heart knew no stop. Reading the "Fu on the Sea Gull," he knew yet did not warn himself; when the Jingzhou dream came, men knew he could not escape. The Changes says: "The sigh of not restraining—again whom can one blame!"
26
贊曰:驥逢造父,一日千里。 英主取賢,不拘階陛。 賓王徒步,洎為賊吏。 一見文皇,皆登相位。
The encomium says: When a steed meets Zaofu, in one day a thousand li. An enlightened lord takes the worthy without being bound by steps and ranks. Binwang went on foot; Ji was a rebel clerk. One meeting with Literary Emperor and both ascended to chancellor rank.