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卷九十八 列傳第四十八: 魏知古 盧懷慎 源乾曜 李元纮 杜暹 韓休 裴耀卿

Volume 98 Biographies 48: Wei Zhigu, Lu Huaishen, Yuan Ganyao, Li Yuanhong, Du Xian, Han Xiu, Pei Yaoqing

Chapter 102 of 舊唐書 · Old Book of Tang
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Chapter 102
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1
Ma Huai Su was a native of Dantu in Run Prefecture. He lived in Jiangdu and in his youth studied under Li Shan. His family was too poor to afford lamps or candles; by day he gathered firewood and brush, and by night he burned them to read by their light. In this way he came to be widely versed in the classics and histories and skilled at writing. He passed the jinshi examination and also took the special imperial literary examination, placing in the Literary Excellence and Abundant Talent category. He was appointed magistrate of Mei district and was promoted four times to investigating censor of the Left Censorate.
2
使使 使 使 祿
During the Chang'an era, Censor-in-Chief Wei Yuanzhong was framed by Zhang Yizhi and banished to the far south. Grand Master of the Household for the Heir Apparent Cui Zhenshen and Eastern Palace Commandant Dugu Yizhi gave him a farewell feast outside the city. Yizhi was furious and had men accuse Zhenshen and the others of conspiring with Yuanzhong. Empress Wu ordered Huai Su to investigate the case and sent palace envoys to hurry him along, hinting that he should frame them. Huai Su stood firm and refused to comply. The empress was angry and summoned Huai Su to question him personally. Huai Su replied, "Yuanzhong had committed a crime and was sent into exile; Zhenshen and the others saw him off out of personal regard. That is indeed culpable, but if this is called treason, how could I deceive Heaven itself? In former times Peng Yue was executed for treason, yet Luan Bu presented a memorial before his corpse, and the Han court did not punish him. Yuanzhong's offense is nothing like Peng Yue's. Surely Your Majesty would not punish those who merely saw him off. Your Majesty holds the power of life and death. If you wish to punish them, that is for your sacred judgment alone. But if you entrust the investigation to me, how could I dare not uphold your laws?" The empress's anger subsided, and Zhenshen and the others were spared. At that time Vice Minister of the Summer Office Li Huixiu, relying on Zhang Yizhi's influence, accepted bribes. Huai Su impeached him, and Huixiu was removed from office. Huai Su rose through several posts to vice director of the Ministry of Rites and, together with Yuan Ganyao, Lu Huaishen, Li Jie, and others, served as commissioners for promotion and demotion in the ten circuits. Huai Su handled affairs with fairness and forbearance, and was widely praised. When the commission returned, he was promoted to vice director of the Bureau of Evaluations. At that time the imperial kin were unrestrained and patronage was openly traded. Huai Su would not curry favor with anyone, conducted the examinations fairly, and was promoted to Secretariat drafter. Early in the Kaiyuan era he became vice minister of revenue, was granted the silver-blue glory grand master title, was enfeoffed as Duke of Changshan county, was promoted three times to director of the Secretariat, and concurrently served as an academician of the Zhaowen Hall.
3
輿 使 西 使
Though he held an administrative post, Huai Su was devoted to learning and never put down his books. Humble and careful, he was deeply honored by Emperor Xuanzong, who appointed him and Left Regular Attendant Chu Wuliang as joint imperial readers. Each time he came to the palace gate, he was allowed to enter in a sedan chair borne on men's shoulders. When the emperor was staying at a separate lodge and the distance was great, he had Huai Su ride within the palace grounds, or would personally escort him there and back, thereby honoring him as his teacher. At that time the books in the Secretariat were scattered and their catalogues were in disorder. Huai Su submitted a memorial saying, "For works before the Southern Qi, the old catalogue was Wang Jian's Seven Records. Writings since then are exceedingly numerous, and even the Sui Bibliography does not record them fully. Some ancient books have only recently come to light, and earlier catalogues left them unrecorded; some works handed down among recent authors are frivolous and vulgar, yet are still listed. Without a proper catalogue, it is hard to tell the turbid from the clear. I ask that the titles of recent books be gathered and checked, together with those omitted by earlier catalogues, to continue Wang Jian's Seven Records and store the result in the imperial library." The emperor then summoned learned scholars including National University erudite Yin Zhizhang, assigned them by section to compile and catalogue the collection, and also to collate the classics and histories, thus establishing the project in outline. Huai Su then died of illness at the age of sixty. The emperor mourned him in person, suspended court for a day, posthumously appointed him governor of Run Prefecture, and gave him the posthumous title Wen. Chu Wuliang, styled Hongdu, was a native of Yanguan in Hang Prefecture. Orphaned and poor in his youth, he nevertheless resolved to study diligently. His home lay near Linping Lake. Once when dragons were said to be fighting in the lake, the whole neighborhood rushed out to watch, but Wuliang, then twelve, sat reading calmly and did not stir. When he grew up he became especially expert in the Three Rites and the Records of the Grand Historian. He passed the mingjing examination and was repeatedly appointed erudite of the National University. In the third year of the Jinglong era he was promoted to vice director of the National University and concurrently served as an academician of the Xiūwen Hall. That year Emperor Zhongzong was to perform the southern suburban sacrifice in person and ordered ritual officials and scholars to revise the ceremonial regulations. National University chancellor Zhu Qinming and vice director Guo Shanyun both sought to please the throne and proposed that the empress serve as secondary offerer. Wuliang alone, with Court of Imperial Sacrifices erudites Tang Shao and Jiang Qinxu, argued firmly that this was impermissible. Wuliang submitted a memorial, saying: "Suburban sacrifice is the great undertaking of an enlightened king and the great ritual of the state." Those who perform this ritual must not decide by guesswork or seek it through private inclination. All must accord above with the mind of Heaven and below with human affairs, reverently examine antiquity, and follow established statutes—only then can they commune with the spirits and receive blessings. Though ritual texts are many, none surpass the Rites of Zhou. The Rites of Zhou is the book by which the Duke of Zhou brought the realm to peace—the utmost canon of heartfelt sincerity handed down by the former sages. It takes Heaven and Earth as its model to carry out moral transformation and distinguishes directions and places to set forth human relations. Its meaning can secretly assist the spirits; its text can weave together the state. In preparing things for their use, how can it be neglected! As for the round mound at the winter solstice, among sacrifices it is the greatest. The empress rules within, and her ritual rank is very exalted. If she were to join in assisting at the suburban sacrifice to Heaven, this ought to be fully set forth in the ritual canon. Now, searching through the Offices of Zhou, there is no such ceremony. This is because when sacrificing to Heaven at the southern suburb, Earth is not taken as consort. Only the founding ancestor is taken as chief recipient, and the founding ancestress is not paired with Heaven. Therefore only the emperor personally performs the ritual, and the empress should not take part. Respectfully examining the duties of the Grand Minister of Sacrifices, it says: "If the king does not perform the sacrifice, then one acts in his place." The commentary says: "If the king has reason for absence, another performs the sacrifice in his stead." The text below says: "In all great sacrifices, if the queen consort does not participate, then one acts in her place to present the beans and baskets and remove them." If the empress were to join in assisting at the sacrifice, following this text below, it ought to say: "If she does not perform the sacrifice, then one acts in her place to present the beans and baskets." Now, if a new general heading were raised above the text, that would be to introduce a separate matter. When a matter differs from what precedes, a separate general heading is raised. "General heading" (fan) is a name for what generates what precedes and raises what follows; it is not exclusively tied to one's proper office. Within the whole Rites of Zhou this pattern is extremely numerous. All are in the text and cannot all be recorded. Moreover, when the queen consort assists at sacrifice, she personally presents the beans and baskets but does not remove them. Examining the duties of the Nine Consorts, it says: "In all sacrifices, assist the queen consort in presenting and remove the beans and baskets." The commentary says: "The queen consort advances them but does not remove them." Thus we know that the removal in the middle of the text is wording generated by the Minister of Sacrifices. If the Minister of Sacrifices acts in the king's place at the sacrifice, then the Minister personally removes the offerings and does not send another person. Again examining: "The outer clan manages sacrifices at the ancestral temple; if the queen consort does not participate, then assist the Minister of Sacrifices." This passage and the above mutually confirm each other. How is this made clear? Examining further: the outer clan manages only ancestral-temple sacrifices, not suburban sacrifice to Heaven—sufficient to show this text concerns ancestral-temple sacrifice. Examining the actions of the queen consort, they are all summarized in the duties of the Palace Steward. Checking the text of those duties, it only says: "In great sacrifices, when the queen consort performs the unhusked-grain offering, assist her; the jade goblet is the same." Zheng Xuan's commentary says: "This refers to sacrificing at the ancestral temple." The reason the commentary knows this is that the text says "unhusked-grain offering," and there is no unhusked grain in sacrifice to Heaven—by this it is known. Moreover, vessels for sacrifice to Heaven use pottery and gourds. There are also no jade goblets—the commentary knows by this that it is the ancestral temple. Moreover, the Palace Wardrobe Mistress manages the queen consort's six garments, and there are no garments for sacrificing to Heaven; and the Chariot Master manages the queen consort's five carriages, and there is also no carriage for the queen consort's sacrifice to Heaven; in sacrifice to Heaven there are seven offerings, and no secondary offering by the queen consort. Comparing these various texts, we know the queen consort should not join in assisting at sacrifice to Heaven. Only in the "Treatise on Suburban Sacrifices" in the Book of Han are there matters of combined sacrifice to Heaven and Earth and the empress sharing in the offering. This belongs to the last age of Western Han, when powerful ministers monopolized the court, violated normative relations, dishonored the spirits with fawning sacrifice—an uncanonical rite involving deceit of the spirits. Therefore the Commentary on the Changes says: "Those who deceive the spirits bring calamity upon three generations." The Great Declaration says: "Correctly examining antiquity, establishing merit and undertaking affairs, one can enjoy long years and inherit Heaven's great ordinance." These are excellent admonitions in the historical records—how can one not know them? Now the southern-suburb ritual does not examine antiquity. Holding to the classics despite my unworthiness, I dare not remain silent. I request that learned scholars be consulted on all sides, old canons be gathered, precedents from the Terrace of Song be adopted, and the correct ceremony of the round mound be performed, so that the sage dynasty may tread the broad bright path and all under Heaven may know the splendor of culture—would this not be a great fortune?
4
At that time Left Vice Director Wei Juyuan and others curried favor with the court and sided with Qinming's proposal, and in the end Wuliang's memorial was not accepted.
5
祿 鹿 鹿鹿 輿使輿殿
Soon afterward, because his mother was elderly, he asked to leave office and return home to care for her. Early in the Jingyun era, when Xuanzong was crown prince, Wuliang was summoned as vice director of the National University and concurrently as the crown prince's reader. He once compiled the Record of Assisting in Goodness and presented it to the prince, who replied with a letter of praise and rewarded him with forty bolts of silk. In the first year of the Taiji era the crown prince personally performed the libation sacrifice at the National University and had Wuliang lecture on the Laozi and the Book of Rites. In each section he developed the meaning as the text required, with breadth and eloquence, and the audience marveled. When the lectures were finished, he was promoted to silver-blue glory grand master and was also granted official robes and insignia, together with one hundred bolts of colored silk. When Xuanzong ascended the throne, Wuliang was appointed tutor to the Prince of Tan and concurrently chancellor of the National University. Soon afterward, in recognition of his service as tutor, he was promoted to Left Regular Attendant while retaining the chancellorship of the National University, enfeoffed as Duke of Shu, with a substantive fief of two hundred households. Before long he entered mourning, resigned his post, and built a hut beside his parent's tomb. The pines and cypresses he had planted were sometimes damaged by deer. Wuliang wept and said, "There is no lack of grass in the mountains—how can you bear to harm the trees at my ancestors' grave?" He then kept watch through the night. Before long a herd of deer became tame and did no further harm, and from that time Wuliang never ate deer meat for the rest of his life. When his mourning ended he was summoned back as Left Regular Attendant and again appointed imperial reader. Because of his age, whenever he attended court he was specially permitted to walk slowly. A waist sedan was made for him, and palace attendants were ordered to carry him within the inner halls. Wuliang frequently submitted memorials on the strengths and failings of current policy, and many of his recommendations were adopted. The emperor also once praised him in a personal edict and rewarded him with two hundred bolts of goods.
6
殿 殿 殿
Wuliang observed that old books in the inner storehouse, kept in the palace since the time of Emperor Gaozong, had gradually been lost. He memorialized requesting that they be copied and collated in order to advance the cause of the classics. Emperor Xuanzong ordered shelves set up before the Qianyuan Hall in the eastern capital, books arranged in order, and a major effort made to search out and copy texts, widely gathering unusual editions from across the realm. Within a few years the four bibliographic sections were fully stocked, and the emperor led ministers and officials down before the hall to view the collection freely. In the sixth year of Kaiyuan, when the emperor returned to the capital, he again ordered Wuliang to continue the project at the Lizheng Hall. The crown prince, the Prince of Tan Sizhi, and four others were nearly ten and had not yet begun formal study. Wuliang copied five each of the Analects and the Classic of Filial Piety and presented them. The emperor, on reading them, said, "I know what Wuliang means—and his meaning is boundless." He immediately ordered scholars learned in the classics and of steadfast conduct to be selected—National University erudites Xi Hengtong and Guo Qianguang, Left Reminder Pan Yuanzuo, and others—to serve as readers to the crown prince and the younger princes. In the seventh year the crown prince was ordered to the National University to perform the cap-and-armor ceremony. Wuliang ascended the lectern to expound the classics while the officials gathered to watch. When the ceremony was finished, the rewards were very generous. The following year Wuliang died of illness at the age of seventy-five. On his deathbed his last words were that he regretted the copying of books at Lizheng was not yet finished. The emperor mourned him, suspended court for two days, posthumously appointed him minister of rites, and gave him the posthumous title Wen.
7
簿
Earlier, when Wuliang and Ma Huai Su had both served as imperial readers, they had been favored and treated with great generosity; after Wuliang and the others died, Secretariat vice director Kang Ziyuan, National University erudite Hou Xingguo, and others again served as lecturers. Although they were repeatedly rewarded, the courtesy shown them did not equal what had been accorded Chu. Liu Zixuan, whose original name was Zhiji, was a clansman of Chu Prefecture governor Liu Yinzhi. In his youth he and his elder brother Zhirou were both famed for literary learning. At twenty he passed the jinshi examination and was appointed chief clerk of Huojia. In the Zhengsheng year an edict required civil and military officials of the ninth rank and above to comment on current policy. Zhiji submitted a memorial on four matters in very blunt and direct language. At that time offices and titles were lavished without restraint while the law was harsh; scholars scrambled for advancement and many fell victim to punishment. Zhiji therefore wrote Reflections on Caution to satirize the age and make his views known. Phoenix Pavilion Vice Ministers Su Weidao and Li Jiao, on reading it, exclaimed, "Even Lu Ji's Bold Heroes does not equal this."
8
During the Chang'an era Zhiji was repeatedly promoted to Left Historian and concurrently compiled the national history. He was promoted to Phoenix Pavilion drafter and continued compiling history as before. Early in the Jinglong era he was again transferred to crown prince palace aide and continued compiling the national history. At that time Palace Attendant Wei Juyuan, Ji Chune, Chief Minister Yang Zaisi, Minister of War Zong Chuke, and Secretariat Vice Minister Xiao Zhizhong all supervised compilation of the national history. Zhiji regarded the great number of supervisors as a serious flaw in the work. Xiao Zhizhong also once reproached Zhiji for producing little despite his post. Zhiji thereupon sought to resign his historiographical duties and submitted a note to Zhizhong, saying:
9
駿
I have been among the eminent scholars and have served in the court ranks, three times a historiographer and twice in the Eastern Pavilion, yet in the end I could not complete the national chronicle. What shall I leave to those who come after? On quiet reflection, there are five reasons why it cannot be done. What are they? The national histories of antiquity all came from a single author, such as Qiuming and Sima Qian of Lu and Han, or Dong Hu and the Southern Historian of Jin and Qi. All were able to compose words that endure and store them in the storied mountains. One never hears that a history was finished only by pooling many men's work. Only at the Eastern Pavilion of Later Han were many scholars gathered together, yet there was no chief author and no established regulations. Because of this, Bodu mocked its lack of truth, Gongli thought it ought to be burned, Zhang and Cai recorded the fact in their own day, and the families of Fu and Fan sneered at it in later ages. Today the historiographical office recruits scholars at more than twice the number used at the Eastern Capital. Each man fancies himself a Xun or a Yuan, each household styles itself Zheng or Jun. Whenever they wish to record an event or set down a sentence, they all lay down their brushes and look at one another, nib in mouth, unable to decide. Thus one may expect to grow old, yet the day when the chronicle is written in green never comes. This is the first reason why it cannot be done.
10
沿簿 使
In Former Han, the commandery and kingdom statistical reports were first submitted to the Grand Historian and a copy to the chancellor; in Later Han what the ministers composed was first gathered in the public offices and only then sent up to the Orchid Terrace. Because of this, what the historiographers compiled was very full in its coverage of events. Tracing back from recent antiquity, this practice has lapsed; historiographers compile records only by making inquiries on their own. Yet the Left and Right Historians keep no notes on daily conduct; among the families of officials and gentry, biographical summaries are rarely circulated. When seeking local customs in the prefectures and commanderies, what one sees and hears does not cover the whole; when investigating institutional continuities in the ministries, registers and documents are hard to obtain. Even if Confucius were to appear again, he could achieve only a narrow view through a bamboo tube. How much less, constrained by middling talent, could one achieve comprehensive learning? This is the second reason why it cannot be done.
11
Formerly, when Dong Hu recorded the execution of the law, he displayed it in court; when the Southern Historian recorded regicide, he carried his bamboo slip and went forward. But in recent times the historiographical bureau, all having access to the forbidden gates, dwell secluded within the inner palace, wishing that no one see them. The reason, on reflection, is to shut others out and guard against requests and visits. Yet today's authors in the bureau are as numerous as trees in a forest; all wish to speak at length, and none are heard to speak frankly. If the Five Beginnings were just completed and a single word of censure added, before the words left one's mouth court and commoners alike would know, and before the brush touched the page the gentry would all be reciting it. Sun Sheng's True Record incurred the jealousy of powerful families; Wang Shao's straightforward writing made him hated by the nobility. Such is human nature—how could one not fear! This is the third reason why it cannot be done.
12
退
In antiquity, when a history was revised and fixed, it was compiled by a single author; each had its own form and system, and its aims were all distinct. The teaching of the Documents takes making the distant known through the near as its main point; the meaning of the Spring and Autumn takes punishing evil and encouraging good as its first priority. The Records of the Grand Historian demotes recluses and advances villainous heroes; the Book of Han suppresses loyal ministers and glosses over the ruler's faults. These are all examples of how former worthies succeeded or failed, standards of right and wrong for good historians; the authors have spoken of them in detail. Recently historiographers' annotations mostly follow instructions from the supervising compilers; Lord Yang said "straight words are required," while Minister Zong said "evil should mostly be concealed." Ten sheep and nine herdsmen—the task is hard to carry out; one state with three dukes—whom is one to follow? This is the fourth reason why it cannot be done.
13
使
I venture to think that placing supervising compilers over history, though without an ancient model, may be understood by considering the meaning of the title. To speak of supervision is roughly the sense of overall command. If creating annals by year, then years should have clear limits; if drafting biographies and narrating events, then events should have due fullness or brevity. What may be abbreviated may not be abbreviated, or what ought to be recorded may not be recorded—this is a failure of editorial discipline. In arranging words and comparing events, labor and ease should be balanced; in wielding brush and ink, diligence and idleness must be equal. Such-and-such a fascicle and chapter should be entrusted to this office; such-and-such an annal or biography should be assigned to this official. This is the principle of weighing and assigning duties. All of these ought to have regulations clearly established and domains carefully fixed; if men are moved to exert themselves, then the book can be quickly completed. Today the supervisors give no directions, and the compilers have nothing to follow. This causes men to compete in being slipshod, striving to push tasks onto one another, sitting idle while seasons pass, and merely prolonging the months and years. This is the fifth reason why it cannot be done.
14
Of all these impossibilities the ramifications are truly many; one word covers them, and from three corners one returns to oneself. Yet the talk of the age and public opinion—how can they laugh at me for compiling without renown! Recently I have observed that you, sir, are ever urgently encouraging and diligently pressing for results. Some say the matter of tomes and records is weighty and one must strive with all one's heart; others say the year has already dragged on—when will you lay down the brush? I venture to think that if the framework is not established and supervision is vainly diligent, even if one threatens with the harshest punishments and encourages with the richest rewards, in the end nothing can be achieved. The saying goes, "Display your strength and take your place; if you cannot, then stop." The reason I have recently laid open my thoughts to one who knows me, repeatedly criticized the lords, often declined the office of bearing the brush, and wished to resign the post of recording words is precisely this. The present court is said to have obtained men; the state is said to have many scholars. Beneath Mount Peng, the upright stand shoulder to shoulder; Within the Tallow-Tree Pavilion, the extraordinary follow one after another. I have already failed in carving the swan, and my brush has not obtained the unicorn; I merely exhaust the Grand Steward's meals and vainly draw Chang'an's rice. I beg to keep my original post, return to my old position, decline further appointments, and ask to yield the path of worthies. May you, sir, pity me and grant this.
15
Zhizhong valued his talent and did not permit him to resign his historiographical post. Zong Chuke resented his uprightness and said to the historiographers, "When this man writes books like this, where does he mean to place me!"
16
At that time Zhiji also composed Generalities on Historiography in twenty scrolls, fully discussing the forms of historical writing. Crown Prince Right Vice Director Xu Jian deeply valued the book and once said, "Those who hold historiographical office ought to place this book at their right hand." Zhiji prided himself on historiographical talent and often lamented that the age had no one who understood him. He therefore entrusted the national history to composition director Wu Jing and separately compiled the Liu Clan Family History in fifteen scrolls and Genealogical Inquiry in three scrolls. He traced the Han clan as descendants of Lu Zhong, not descendants of Yao. The various Liu of Congting Lane in Pengcheng came from the line of Emperor Xuan's son King Xiao of Chu Biao, through his great-great-grandson Minister of Works Marquis of Juchao Liu Kai, and did not descend from King Yuan of Chu Jiao. All were based on clear evidence and corrected errors of former ages. Although mocked by common opinion, scholars acknowledged his comprehensive learning. Earlier Zhiji often said that if he received a fief, he would certainly take Juchao as its name, to continue the old domain of the Minister of Works; later, because of his merit in compiling the Veritable Record of Empress Zetian, he was indeed enfeoffed as Viscount of Juchao county. Moreover, because the people of his district, seeing that Zhiji and his five brothers all passed the jinshi examination and were famed for literary learning, changed his native district to Gaoyang township, Juchao lane.
17
祿 便 沿 輿 退 使 便 殿
During the Jingyun era he was repeatedly promoted to crown prince left vice director and concurrently academician of the Chongwen Hall, continuing to compile the national history and granted the silver-blue glory grand master title. At that time Xuanzong was crown prince. Because Zhiji's name sounded like the emperor's taboo name, he changed it to Zixuan. In the second year the crown prince was to perform the libation sacrifice in person at the National University. The relevant offices drafted ceremonial regulations ordering all followers to ride horses and wear caps and robes. Zixuan submitted a proposal, saying: "In antiquity, from grandees upward, all rode in carriages with horses as paired outriders." From Wei and Jin downward through the Sui, court gentlemen again drove ox-carts. The classics and histories of successive ages fully record this matter—it cannot be told in a word or two. As when Li Guang on northern campaign ungirded his saddle and rested; or Ma Yuan on southern campaign sat his saddle and looked about. This shows that saddles and horses were employed in military campaigns; what military dress rides values convenience and ease. According to the Jiang-left period, if one reached the rank of Palace Gentleman of the Masters of Writing and casually rode a horse, he would be impeached by the censor. Again, after Yan Yanzhi left office he liked to ride horses in and out of the lanes, and his contemporaries called him unrestrained. Thus riding a dedicated carriage with hands on the crossbar, one could don court robes; riding a single horse with saddle, one ought to wear informal dress. Seeking this in recent antiquity, the proof is clear. Since our dynasty received the Mandate, institutions have changed with the times. As for touring and paying respects at imperial tombs and temples or investiture of princes and dukes, then in full dress with cap and shoes, one rides in that imperial carriage. When common gentlemen and commoners went to receive a bride in formal dress, they also sometimes used a carriage box as conveyance. For other matters there was no longer riding in carriages. What noble and mean alike used was saddles and horses only. Your subject respectfully observes that recently when the imperial carriage went forth, at the start of the formal procession the attendant ministers on left and right all rode horses in court dress. Cap and shoes going forth can only properly be paired with riding in a carriage. Now riding in carriages has ceased but cap and shoes are not changed—this may be called knowing one thing but not knowing the second. Why? Flowing robes and broad belts, leather shoes and tall caps were originally not for use on horseback; they are inherently dress for riding in a carriage. If one must don stockings to mount the stirrup or go barefoot to ride the saddle, this is not only failing to follow the ancient way but also inviting shock from present custom. Seeking the mean, neither advancing nor retreating is possible. Moreover, with long skirts and broad sleeves swaying like wings, girdle pendants and sash ornaments clinking brilliantly, galloping within wind and dust, entering and exiting among banners and halberd-standards—if the horse is startled and bolts, men fall headlong. Shoes are left behind unrecovered to the right of the attendant carriage, and along the cleared road entangled traces of outriders follow one another—this would indeed draw ridicule from passersby and damage imperial dignity. Now those debating all say the palace archives have the "Southern Suburb Picture of Emperor Wu of Liang," with many wearing precarious caps while riding horses. This is a story of recent times and cannot be said to lack documentary basis. Your subject maintains this picture was made by later people, not composed at the time. Moreover, among paintings old and new from various ages there are many—such as Zhang Sengyou's "Princes and Dukes Seeing Off the Two Shus," in which soldiers wear straw sandals; or Yan Liben's "Bright Lady Entering the Xiongnu," in which returning women wear veiled caps. Straw sandals come from water country, not from the capital region; veiled caps were created in the Sui, not made by Han officials. Can debaters cite these two paintings as historical fact? Speaking from this, the Liang southern-suburb picture is the same in principle. Again, the Commentary says to follow custom; ritual values conforming to feeling. Yin chariots and Zhou caps—forms are not one; Qin caps and Han sashes—use and discard have no fixed rule. Moreover our dynasty's Way surpasses the hundred kings and its merit towers over ten thousand ages. When matters are inconvenient, reason calls for flexible change. Riding horses in court dress, your subject ventures to say, ought to be simplified and abandoned. Your subject has held this dissenting view for long. Days have not afforded leisure, and he has not yet been able to set it forth. Now, as Your Highness personally follows the crown-prince studies and is about to visit the National University, all who would ride horses in court dress fear this journey. Therefore your subject rashly advances these words to state his humble view.
18
The crown prince issued a personal order to have it promulgated and also incorporated it into regulations as a permanent form.
19
滿使 使
Early in the Kaiyuan era he was promoted to Left Regular Attendant and continued compiling history as before. In the ninth year his eldest son Bian, Director of the Imperial Music Office, committed an offense and was banished. Zixuan went to the chief ministers to plead his case. When the emperor heard of it he was angry, and Zixuan was demoted to vice prefect of Anzhou. Zixuan was in charge of the national history for more than twenty years, composed many works, and was greatly praised in his time. Minister of Rites Zheng Weizhong once asked Zixuan, "From antiquity until now, literary men have been many but historiographical talents few. Why is this?" He replied, "Historiographical talent requires three excellences. The age has no such men, and therefore historiographical talent is few. The three excellences are talent, learning, and discernment. To have learning without talent is like having a hundred qing of good fields and a coffer full of gold, yet putting a fool in charge of business—in the end one cannot achieve wealth. To have talent without learning is like wishing to combine the skills of Master Stone and be as clever as Gongshu Ban, yet having no hardwood, axes, or adzes at home—in the end one cannot build a palace. One still needs to love what is upright and record good and evil without fail, so that arrogant rulers and treacherous ministers know fear. This is to give wings to a tiger; with goodness that cannot be concealed, one goes where none can resist. If one lacks such talent, one must not presumptuously occupy a historiographical post. From remote antiquity until now, those who could meet this standard have rarely been seen." People of the time regarded this as wise speech. Zixuan reached Anzhou and before long died at the age of sixty-one. From youth to old age he composed without weariness. Whenever the court had a work to discuss, he was sure to hold the post. He took part in compiling Pearl Splendor of the Three Teachings, Forest of Literary Phrases of the Literature Hall, and Genealogical Records of Clans and Surnames; he argued that the Classic of Filial Piety was not annotated by Zheng Xuan and that the Laozi was not annotated by Duke Riverbank; he compiled the Tang Veritable Record—all circulated in his age—and he had collected works in thirty scrolls. Several years later Emperor Xuanzong ordered Henan prefecture to copy Generalities on Historiography at his home and present it. On reading it he approved it and posthumously appointed him governor of Ji commandery; soon afterward he was also posthumously appointed minister of works and given the posthumous title Wen.
20
His elder brother Zhirou, famed from youth for literary learning and administrative affairs, served successively as chief administrator and governor of Jing, Yang, Cao, Yi, Song, Hai, Tang, and other prefectures, vice minister of revenue, National University vice director, director of the Court for Diplomatic Reception, right vice director of the Secretariat, minister of works, and eastern capital regent. On his death he was posthumously appointed Junior Tutor to the Heir Apparent and given the posthumous title Wen. For generations they transmitted the work of Confucian learning, and people of the time named their household for literary composition.
21
殿 使 西
Zixuan's sons Bian, Su, Hui, Zhi, Xun, and Jiong were all famed in their time. Zixuan's son Bian was broadly versed in the classics and histories and understood astronomy, calendrics, music, medicine, and calculation. He ended his career as Attendant of the Bedchamber and compiler of the national history. He composed Supplementary Traditions of the Six Classics in thirty-seven scrolls, Continuation of the Garden of Sayings in ten scrolls, Wall Record of the Director of Imperial Music in three scrolls, Elbow-Back Prescriptions of the Perfected Man in three scrolls, and Old Affairs of the Heavenly Palace in one scroll. Zixuan's son Su was Right Reminder, academician of the Hall of Assembled Worthies, and compiler of the national history. He wrote Precedents in Historiography in three scrolls, Biographies in three scrolls, and Explication of Ancient Titles in the Music Bureau in one scroll. Zixuan's son Hui was Attendant Within, right vice director of the Secretariat, Left Regular Attendant, and Jingnan Changsha military commissioner. He had collected works in three scrolls. Zixuan's son Zhi was Attendant Within, right vice director of the Secretariat, and National University chancellor. He composed Administrative Canon in thirty-five scrolls, Record of Ceasing Arms in seven scrolls, New Discussions of Supreme Virtue in twelve scrolls, and Essentials in three scrolls. His discussions of mourning regulations and adding ritual vessels, permitting private coining, and reforming the National University are each treated in the relevant monographs. Zixuan's son Xun was Right Reminder and composed Six Discourses in five scrolls. Zixuan's son Jiong was Remonstrance Grand Master and Attendant Within. He had collected works in five scrolls. Among Zixuan's grandsons were Bian's sons Jia and Zi, and Hui's son Zan. Zi rose to the position of chief minister during the Zhenyuan era. Zan was a surveillance commissioner and has his own biography. Xu Jian was the son of Western Terrace drafter Qi Dan. In youth he loved learning, read broadly in the classics and histories, and was by nature generous and steady. He passed the jinshi examination and was repeatedly appointed to the Grand Academy. During the Shenglü era, when the emperor was at the Sanyang Palace, Censor-in-Chief Yang Zaisi and crown prince left vice director Wang Fangqing served as eastern capital regents and brought in Jian as case judge, entrusting memorials and reports to him alone. Fangqing was skilled in the learning of the Three Rites. Whenever he had doubts he would go to Jian to question him, and Jian was always able to cite old explanations and interpret them clearly, which Fangqing deeply approved. He also prized his literary compositions as canonical and solid and often said, "The choice for drafting imperial edicts." Zaisi also said, "This is the model of a Phoenix Pavilion drafter. With such talent and insight, one cannot help but promote him." Jian also worked with Attendant Within Xu Yanbo, Prince of Ding's warehouse clerk Liu Zhiji, and Right Reminder Zhang Yue to compile Pearl Splendor of the Three Teachings. At that time Unicorn Terrace director Zhang Changzong and National University chancellor Li Jiao oversaw the project, widely recruiting literary men who talked day and night, composed poetry, and gathered for feasts, yet for years could not put brush to paper. Jian alone, with Yue, conceived the plan and compiled, taking Literary Reflections and Broad Essentials as the foundation and adding two sections on surnames and kinship, gradually bringing order to the work. The others followed Jian's regulations, and before long the book was completed. He was then promoted to vice director of the Bureau of Enfeoffments. Empress Wu also ordered Jian to revise the Tang History, but when she abdicated the work stopped.
22
Early in the Shenlong era he was again promoted to Attendant Within. At that time Wei Yuejiang of Yong Prefecture submitted a memorial reporting Wu Sansi's disloyalty, but was instead framed by San Si. Emperor Zhongzong immediately ordered him executed. It was then high summer. Jian submitted a memorial saying, "Yuejiang falsely framed the innocent and therefore violated the imperial command. Judging by the circumstances, he indeed deserves severe punishment. But now it is high summer, when the way of Heaven is growth. To carry out open execution immediately goes against the season. I respectfully cite the Monthly Ordinances: "If in summer one executes autumn's commands, then hills and lowlands flood and grain does not ripen." Your Majesty was born to receive the sacred mandate and restored the imperial design. You will spread the winds of Yao and Xuan to brighten the historical records. How could you carry out executions out of season and harm harmonious qi! The ruler's actions are always recorded—what lesson will this teach? I humbly wish that you carefully follow the state canon and permit delay until the autumn equinox. Then the regulation of compassionate punishment would crown a thousand years; the grace of pity and compassion would reach the four seas." Emperor Zhongzong accepted Jian's memorial and therefore ordered beating with the rod and banishment to the far south.
23
祿 西 便
When Emperor Ruizong took the throne, Jian rose from vice minister of justice to silver-blue glory grand master, was appointed Left Regular Attendant, and soon transferred to Yellow Gate vice minister. At that time investigating censor Li Zhigu requested troops to attack the Xi'er River tribes west of Yao Prefecture. After they had submitted, he again requested to build a city and heavily levied taxes on them. Jian held that the tribes were naturally obstinate and could be kept subordinate through loose reins; they could not yet be governed by the same system as the Central States. To weary the army on distant expeditions would cost more than it gained, and he alone memorialized that the plan was inexpedient. Ruizong did not follow his advice and ordered Zhigu to dispatch Jiannan troops to build the city, intending to establish prefectures and districts there. Zhigu thereby wished to execute their leaders and seize sons and daughters to make them slaves. The tribes were terrified and killed Zhigu. They rose in rebellion together, laborers and soldiers fled in rout, and the routes through Yao and Xie were blocked for years.
24
祿 使 使
Jian's wife was the younger sister of Palace Attendant Cen Xi. Because Jian was a close kinsman of Xi, he firmly declined confidential posts and was transferred to crown prince household steward, saying, "It is not that I dare seek high rank—I am avoiding disaster." When Xi was executed, Jian escaped being implicated. He went out as governor of Jiang Prefecture. After five transfers he returned as director of the Secretariat. In the thirteenth year of Kaiyuan he was again promoted to Left Regular Attendant. That year Emperor Xuanzong changed the Lizheng Academy to the Hall of Assembled Worthies, appointed Jian as academician and deputy to Zhang Yue in managing the hall, and repeatedly enfeoffed him as Duke of Donghai commandery. Because of his merit in revising the eastern feng ceremonial regulations and accompanying the ascent of Mount Tai, he was specially granted the glory grand master title. Jian knew many canonical precedents. He compiled formats, genealogies, and the national history, entering the book repository seven times in all, and was widely praised. In the seventeenth year he died at the age of seventy-some. The emperor deeply mourned him, sent a palace envoy to offer condolences at his home, issued silk and cloth from the inner storehouse as funeral gifts, posthumously appointed him Junior Tutor to the Heir Apparent, and gave him the posthumous title Wen. Jian's elder aunt was a filling concubine to Emperor Taizong; his next aunt was a talented lady to Emperor Gaozong. Both had literary grace. Jian and his father and son were famed for literary learning, and commentators compared them to the Ban clan of Han times. Yuan Xingchong was a man of Henan, a descendant of Northern Wei Prince of Changshan Sulian. Orphaned in youth, he was raised by his maternal grandfather, Minister of Agriculture Wei Ji. Broadly learned and widely versed, he was especially skilled in music theory and exegetical studies. He passed the jinshi examination and was repeatedly transferred to Master of Communications. Censor-in-Chief Di Renjie greatly valued him. Xingchong was not compliant by nature and often offered admonitions. He once said to Renjie, "The inferior serving the superior is like storing up supplies to support oneself. It is like a noble household's stores: cured meats, pickled meats, fat, and tripe to supply rich fare; ginseng, atractylodes, ganoderma, and cassia to guard against illness. I venture to think that among your guests many could serve as fine fare. I wish to have this petty man serve as one medicine." Renjie laughed and said to others, "This is an item in my medicine chest—how could I be without it for a single day!" After nine transfers he reached governor of Shan Prefecture and concurrently surveillance commissioner of Longyou and Guannei circuits. Before departing he was appointed vice director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices.
25
西
Because his clan came from Later Wei yet had no annalistic history, he composed Wei Canon in thirty scrolls, detailed in events and concise in wording, and was praised by scholars. Earlier, in Emperor Ming of Wei's time, an auspicious stone at Willow Valley in Hexi had the image of an ox succeeded by a horse. Wei Shou's old history held that Emperor Yuan of Jin was a son of the Niu clan who falsely took the surname Sima to match the stone text. Xingchong traced the events and held that Later Wei's Emperor Zhaocheng, named Jian, succeeded Jin in receiving the mandate. He collated songs and prophecies and wrote a treatise to clarify this.
26
使
Early in the Kaiyuan era he went out from crown prince household steward to governor of Qi Prefecture and again served as surveillance commissioner of Guannei circuit. Xingchong, considering himself a scholar unfit for the duty of broad investigation, firmly declined surveillance and had Ning Prefecture governor Cui Wan replace him. Soon he returned as Right Regular Attendant and eastern capital deputy regent. At that time Zhiqian, the elder half-brother of Heir Apparent Prince of Peng Zhisui, was falsely accused of plotting rebellion. Under interrogation he confessed falsely, was imprisoned awaiting sentence, and more than ten were implicated. Xingchong saw that the case was unjust and memorialized to pardon them all. He was promoted four times to director of the Court of Judicial Review. At that time Yang Prefecture chief administrator Li Jie was framed by attendant censor Wang Xu. An edict ordered the Court of Judicial Review to fix guilt. Xingchong held that Jie had been pure and upright through successive administrations and should not be wrongly framed, and again memorialized to release him under a lighter statute. Although at the time his advice was not followed, he was deeply praised in public opinion. Soon he again firmly declined judicial posts and sought a loose office. In the seventh year he was again promoted to Left Regular Attendant. After nine transfers he became National University chancellor. A month later he was appointed crown prince guest and academician of the Hongwen Hall. He was repeatedly enfeoffed as Duke of Changshan commandery.
27
殿 殿
Earlier, Secretariat director Ma Huai Su had gathered scholars to continue Wang Jian's Present Books Seven Records, and Left Regular Attendant Chu Wuliang had collated the four bibliographic sections at the Lizheng Hall. The work was not finished when Huai Su and Wuliang died, and an edict ordered Xingchong to take over their duties. Xingchong thereupon memorialized requesting a comprehensive catalogue of ancient and modern books, named Comprehensive Catalogue of All Books in Four Records, and assigned academicians Wu Jiong, Wei Shu, Yin Jianyou, Yu Qin, and others to revise and check by section. After more than a year the book was completed and presented, and the emperor praised it. He was also specially ordered to compose exegesis of the imperially annotated Classic of Filial Piety and have it listed among the official teachings. Soon, because of old age, he was removed from overseeing the Lizheng Hall's collation and copying of books.
28
退 忿 忿 祿 駿 輿 退
Earlier, Left Guard rate-office chief administrator Wei Guangcheng memorialized requesting use of Wei Zheng's annotated Categorized Rites. The emperor immediately ordered Xingchong to gather scholars to compose Exegesis and Commentary, intending to establish it in the official curriculum. Xingchong thereupon brought in National University erudite Fan Xinggong and Four Gates assistant instructor Shi Jingben to examine, collate, and edit the text, completing fifty scrolls, which were presented in the eighth month of the fourteenth year. Left Chief Minister Zhang Yue submitted a rebuttal, saying, "The present Book of Rites was compiled by Former Han's Dai De and Dai Sheng. Transmitted and studied through generations for nearly a thousand years, it is established as canonical teaching and cannot be cut or revised. Only in Wei did Sun Yan first alter the old text, arranging it by categories in a manner like copying books. Former Confucians rejected it, and in the end it was not used. In the Zhenguan era Wei Zheng, building on Sun Yan's revision, further arranged it and also annotated it. Although the former court richly rewarded it, the book in the end was also not used. Now Xingchong and the others explain Zheng's annotation and force it into one school, yet it departs from former Confucians in sequence and severs the chapters and sentences. If one wishes to use it, I fear it may not yet be possible." The emperor approved his memorial. He bestowed two hundred bolts of silk on Xingchong and the others, kept the book stored in the inner repository, and in the end it could not be established in the official curriculum. Xingchong resented that the Confucians had excluded him, withdrew, and composed a treatise to explain himself, entitled Dispelling Doubts. It reads: A guest asked the host, saying: "The learning of Xiao Dai has been practiced for long; Kang Cheng's annotated commentary is listed among the official curricula. I hear that Duke Wei has made emendations; and moreover, following an imperial order, is composing a subcommentary to be promulgated. I do not know which of the two classics is superior or inferior?" The host answered, saying: "The Rites of Xiao Dai circulated at the end of Han. Ma Rong commented on it, but men of the time had not yet seen it. Lu Zhi divided and combined twenty-nine chapters to make an explication, but his age did not pass it on for study. Zheng Yin had a son Gan who studied under Jichang. When the partisan prohibitions arose, the master's school and the Way were lost. Kang Cheng, in hiding and concealment, sorted out tangled canons, his aim set on exhaustive inquiry, with no one to consult. Yet he still compiled and wrote, forgetting fatigue, moved by righteousness when he heard it—assembled in the Zhengzhi, amounting to a hundred items in all. Followers of chapter-and-clause learning never even glanced at it, yet still followed the overturned cart-track—rather like marking the boat to find the sword. Wang Su took it up and again opened interpretation, often revising and refuting, yet still following the original chapter. Again among followers of Zheng learning there was Sun Yan, who though upheld Xuan's meaning changed the earlier compilation. Afterward regulations branched, admonitions arising in intervals. Ma You augmented and revised, approaching more than a hundred chapters; Ye Zun abbreviated and revised, barely preserving twelve. Duke Wei was troubled by the confusion of many sayings and wove together the profundity of many schools. Where the classic text differed, he did not dare to emend; where commentarial principle was at odds and erroneous, how could he not prune and polish? When finished he reported above; Taizong commended and rewarded him, bestowing a thousand bolts of silk and granting copies to the heir apparent. When he was about to promulgate it, there was as yet no subcommentary. The sage emperor succeeded to the enterprise, devoted to antiquity and honoring Confucianism. The rules of his eminent ancestors ought to be continued—thus he charged my dull ignorance to discriminate and distinguish old meanings. Where commentaries omitted former explanations or reason transformed into new text, he ordered exhaustive searching until accumulated years brought completion. All was recorded and presented. An edict turned it over to the group of scholars so they might deliberate in detail and assess the density of the subcommentary. Who would have thought the chapter-and-clause scholars would cling to former words, especially resenting what is new, wishing to keep the old usage—sinking in doubt for many months, suppressed and unable to speak? Superiority and inferiority, strengths and weaknesses, are decided by comprehensive understanding. Written by hand and answered by mouth—how dare I weigh and measure?" The guest said: "Those in charge call themselves confused; onlookers see clearly. Successive courts weighed and fixed it—surely it was thorough. What is there to doubt? Why not set it forth?" He answered, saying: "What words are these? Discussion is not easy! Formerly Kong Anguo commented on the books from the wall; when the witchcraft affair occurred, the classics and their Way languished. His clansman Zang wrote to him, saying: 'Xiangru often resented vulgar Confucians' excessive words and violations of meaning, wishing to set right what was confused but unable to succeed. Yet the elegant and penetrating, comprehensive and broad, are not born in every generation; shallow learning and the tree-stump story stand shoulder to shoulder— the crowd's falsehoods are hard to set right; it has been so since antiquity. I truly fear this Way has not been declared, and that one will be criticized for solitary wisdom.' Thus we know that changing chapter and clause—this is the first difficulty. "In Han there was Kong Jichan, devoted to ancient learning; there was Kong Fu who drifted with custom. Fu said to Chan: 'Now the court all practices chapter-clause internal learning, while you alone cultivate ancient meaning. Cultivating ancient meaning is not chapter-clause internal learning, and not chapter-clause internal learning is the path to endangering oneself. Solitary goodness is not tolerated in an age—you will surely bring calamity upon yourself!' Thus we know that changing chapter and clause—this is the second difficulty. "Liu Xin, skilled at connected writing, served in the attendant edict office. Seeing the Zuo Tradition he greatly loved it. Later favored with intimacy, he wished to establish this enterprise. Emperor Ai gladly accepted and ordered discussion; each procrastinated with excuses and would not respond. Liu Xin sent a letter reproaching them; his words were very sharp, and the erudites and others all resented him. The renowned scholar Gong Sheng, then Grand Master of Splendor, seeing Xin's proposal, requested his old bones; Minister of Works Shi Dan thereupon flew into great rage and memorialized that Xin had altered and disturbed former records, slandering what the previous court established. The emperor said: "This broadens the Way and techniques—why call it slander?" Thereby offending great ministers, fearing punishment, he sought to leave and become Administrator of Henan. As imperial clansman he could not govern the Three Rivers and was transferred to Administrator of Wuyuan. With Junshi's famed love of learning and Gongzhong's profound breadth and devotion to the Way, still pressed by partisan talk within the same school, ultimately causing Zijun to bear slander in his time." Thus we know that changing chapter and clause—this is the third difficulty. "Ziyong criticized Xuan in dozens and hundreds of items. Among those who upheld Zheng learning there was then Palace Gentleman Ma Zhao, who submitted a memorial holding that Su was in error. An edict ordered the Wang-learning faction to divine answers and report. Again he sent Erudite Zhang Rong to examine the classics and debate. Rong ascended and gathered them, distinguishing and settling each matter's right and wrong, all in the "Submitted Evidence Treatise." Wang Su answered back, exhausted over the years." Thus we know that changing chapter and clause—this is the fourth difficulty. "Bu Shang doubted the sage and received reproof from Zeng Yu; Mu Ci drew near to worthies and drew mockery from Wushu. From this time onward, only Zheng Gong was exalted. Wang Can said that east of Yi and Luo, north of Huai and Han, there was only one such man, and all took him as their master. All said the former Confucians had many lacunae and the Zheng school was complete. Can privately marveled and therefore sought his learning. Obtaining the Commentary on the Documents, he withdrew to ponder it to exhaust its meaning—and the meanings were all exhausted. What he doubted, he still did not understand. In all there were two scrolls, listed in his collected works. Again Wang Su changed Zheng in sixty-eight articles. Zhang Rong examined them, about to decide approval or rejection. Rong said Xuan's commentary was deep as a spring and vast; in the more than four hundred years of the two Han dynasties, none was greater than Xuan. Yet the sacrifices of the two suburbs and the distinct rites to Heaven—here Xuan erred. Likewise regarding the Emperor from whom the imperial ancestor sprang as the august Heaven—this too was a lapse in Xuan's consideration. When Fu Qian explained the Tradition, he inevitably had discrepancies. Speaking for later ages, I think to expand the sage's intent—not to exalt one's own merit or conceal others' fame. Why? The gentleman in his purpose wishes to hear his faults. Therefore Confucius said: 'When one errs, all see it; when one reforms, all look up to him'—that is so. Yet specialists in one school, forgiving themselves and extending it to others, when attacking the former master's errors are like hearing their parents' names—taking the deceased's virtuous words as being pressed down under heavy earth. Therefore Wang Shao's "Historical Discourse" says: 'Wei and Jin were florid; the ancient way was leveled and replaced. Down to Wang Su and Du Yu, each opened a new gate. For three hundred years scholars and officials were ashamed to practice chapter and clause. Only rough fellows of the wild claimed specialization in the classics, unable to examine different interpretations and choose what was good. They merely wanted to call Kang Cheng father and Zifu Shen brother—preferring to say Confucius erred rather than hear that Zheng and Fu were wrong. Yet toward Zheng and Fu they were very muddled; outside Zheng and Fu all were enemies.'" Thus we know that changing chapter and clause—this is the fifth difficulty. "I submit that Kong Anguo's Documents and Liu Xin's Zuo Tradition were both rejected in former ages and are esteemed in the present. Thus we know these two men's discernment far surpassed the Han court. Kong Xiuchan said: 'When things reach the extreme they change. Within a hundred years hence there will surely be a bright and upright gentleman who will regret not being of my generation.' Alas! Whether the Way is pursued or abandoned must have its time! I am not a specialist in the classics, rarely practiced in chapter and clause. My high name is not established—I am easily subject to calumny for the classics. Recently in compilation I nearly spent a full year. Relying on various worthies to assist me, I escaped fault and still received rewards. Reflecting within on my dull decay, the honor is already more than enough. Why hasten to hold one's petty private view against the clamoring crowd, abandon the beauty of not boasting, accomplish self-serving private ends, touch the admonition against chasing fame, and invite the calamity of offending the multitude? Four errors in one act—men of average ability will not do it. Therefore I conceal my voice and willingly accept this silence.""
29
稿 祿
Before long Xingchong repeatedly memorialized requesting retirement, and an edict permitted it. In the seventeenth year he died at the age of seventy-seven. He was posthumously appointed minister of rites and given the posthumous title Xian. Wu Jing was a native of Junyi in Bian Prefecture. He strengthened his will and studied diligently, broadly mastering the classics and histories. Wei Yuanzhong of Song Prefecture and Zhu Jingze of Bo Prefecture deeply valued him. When they served as chief ministers they recommended that Jing had historiographical talent fit for close attendance and ordered him to serve directly in the History Office and compile the national history. After several months he was appointed Right Reminder with inner attendance. During the Shenlong era he was transferred to Right Reminder and, with Wei Chengqing, Cui Rong, and Liu Zixuan, completed the Veritable Record of Empress Zetian, then was transferred to Attendant of the Bedchamber. Soon he was transferred to director of the Bureau of Waterways, entered mourning, and returned home. In the third year of Kaiyuan, when mourning ended, he submitted a forthright memorial saying, "I have already compiled several tens of scrolls of history. Since leaving office and returning home I have not forgotten paper and brush. I beg to finish the remaining work." He was then appointed Remonstrance Grand Master and continued compiling history as before. Soon he was concurrently academician of the Xiūwen Hall and served successively as vice director of the Guard and right vice director of the crown prince's palace. He held office for nearly thirty years. His narration was concise and essential, and people praised him. In his later years he was criticized for being too concise. The National History was not completed. In the seventeenth year he went out as military aide of Jing Prefecture. An edict permitted him to take his historical drafts with him. Chief Minister Xiao Song supervised compilation of the national history and memorialized to take Jing's compiled National History, obtaining sixty-five scrolls. He was repeatedly transferred as governor of Tai, Hong, Rao, and Qi prefectures, granted the silver-blue glory grand master title, and promoted to Viscount of Changyuan county in Xiang Prefecture. Early in the Tianbao era, when official titles were changed, he became governor of Ye commandery and entered service as tutor to the Prince of Heng.
30
西 駿 駿 駿 穿 便 西
Jing once found the histories of Liang, Chen, Qi, Zhou, and Sui too cumbersome and therefore separately composed Liang History, Qi History, and Zhou History in ten scrolls each, Chen History in five scrolls, and Sui History in twenty scrolls, yet was also faulted for being too sparse. Although Jing was worn out by age, he still hoped for a historiographical post, but his gait was stooped. Li Linfu, because he was old, did not employ him. In the eighth year of Tianbao he died at home at the age of eighty-some. After Jing died his son presented Jing's compiled Tang History in more than eighty scrolls. The events were often erroneous and did not reach the quality of his vigorous years. Jing's household gathered many books. He once catalogued their fascicles under the title Wu Clan Western Studio Bibliography. Wei Shu was the great-grandson of Minister of Agriculture Wei Hongji. His father Jingjun was governor of Fang Prefecture. Shu in youth was clever and keen and devoted himself to literary studies. The family had two thousand scrolls of books. When Shu was a child he had read them all. People were astonished. During the Jinglong era Jingjun was magistrate of Feixiang. Shu followed his father to the post. Ming Prefecture governor Yuan Xingchong, Jingjun's nephew by marriage, was a great Confucian of the age and often carried several cartloads of books with him. Shu entered his book studio and forgot sleep and food. Xingchong marveled at him and drew him into conversation. He penetrated the classics and histories as if matters lay in the palm of his hand, and in probing profound meanings he was like one meeting a teacher. He was also tested in literary composition and, taking up the document, completed it at once. Xingchong was greatly pleased and drew him to share his couch, saying, "This is a treasure of my wife's family." He passed the jinshi examination and entered the pass to the west. At that time Shu was very young and slight in stature. Vice director of the Bureau of Evaluations Song Zhiwen asked, "What work has Academician Wei accomplished in his childhood?" Shu replied, "My nature loves composing books. Shu has composed Tang Spring and Autumn in thirty scrolls and regrets that it is not yet finished. As for literary compositions and policy essays, I await the official examination." Zhiwen said, "I originally sought unusual talent and have indeed obtained a Ban or a Sima." That year he passed the examination.
31
In the fifth year of Kaiyuan he became magistrate of Liyang. Secretariat director Ma Huai Su received an edict to arrange the library and memorialized to employ Left Regular Attendant Yuan Xingchong, left vice director of the crown prince's palace Qi Huan, Secretariat vice director Wang Xun, Guard vice director Wu Jing, Shu, and twenty-six others to record the four bibliographic sections in detail at the Secret Repository. Huai Su soon died. Xingchong took over the project, and in five years it was completed, its general catalogue running to two hundred scrolls. Shu loved genealogical studies. In the Secret Repository he saw Regular Attendant Liu Chong's Genealogical Records of Clans and Surnames in two hundred scrolls and, beyond his assigned duties, personally copied them by hand, carrying them home each evening. In this way for a full year he finished copying and recording, and the origins of the hundred clans became ever more detailed. He then, building on Liu's Records, separately composed Kaiyuan Genealogies in twenty scrolls. His steadfast devotion and tireless labor were all of this kind.
32
耀 祿 使
He was transferred to Right Reminder. Chief Minister Zhang Yue took sole charge of the Hall of Assembled Worthies and brought in Shu as direct academician, then transferred him to Attendant of the Bedchamber. Yue valued men of literary learning. Shu, together with Zhang Jiuling, Xu Jingxian, Yuan Hui, Zhao Dongxi, Sun Ti, and Wang Gan, often visited his household. Zhao Dongxi's elder brother Dongri and younger brothers Zhibi, Juzhen, Anzhen, Yizhen, and three others—six in all—and Shu's younger brothers Di, You, Jiong, Qi, and Xun, also six, all passed examinations in literary learning. Yue said, "The Zhao and Wei brothers are the finest timber of our age." In the eighteenth year he was concurrently put in charge of historiographical affairs, transferred to vice director of the Bureau of State Farms and director of the second rank in the Bureaus of Appointments and Personnel, and remained academician and in charge of historiographical affairs as before. When Zhang Jiuling became chief minister—he had been Shu's colleague at the Hall of Assembled Worthies—and Pei Yaoqing became palace attendant—he was Shu's uncle by marriage—all mutually esteemed one another, and their conversations always lasted for hours. In the twenty-seventh year he was transferred to National University vice director and ceased overseeing historiographical affairs. Soon he again concurrently held historiographical duties and served as academician of the Hall of Assembled Worthies. Early in the Tianbao era he served successively as left and right vice director of the crown prince's palace and was granted the silver-blue glory grand master title. In the ninth year he was concurrently made commissioner of ritual. That year he was transferred to vice minister of works in the Secretariat and enfeoffed as Marquis of Fangcheng county.
33
祿
Shu was in the book repository for forty years and held historiographical office for twenty years. He loved learning and composing books and never put down his scrolls. The national history, from Linghu Defen to Wu Jing, although repeatedly revised and compiled, in the end did not achieve a unified work. Only with Shu were categories and examples first fixed, omissions supplemented and gaps filled, and the National History completed in one hundred twelve scrolls, together with Precedents in Historiography in one scroll—events concise yet records detailed, elegantly possessing the talent of a good historian. Lanling's Xiao Yingshi regarded him as in the company of Qiao Zhou and Chen Shou. Shu early advanced through Confucian learning and was revered in his age. Pure, generous, and steady, he was indifferent to power and profit. Those who shared his way, without regard to rank, he all received with courtesy. His household gathered twenty thousand scrolls of books, all personally collated—even the imperial repository did not match this. He also had portraits of court ministers ancient and modern, paintings of famous men through the ages, several hundred scrolls of calligraphic autographs from Wei and Jin onward, ancient stelae, ancient vessels, medical formulas, formats, coin catalogues, seal catalogues, and short inscriptions by famous men of the age—all were fully provided. When the rebellion of Lushan broke out, the two capitals fell to the rebels, and Emperor Xuanzong went to Shu. Shu carried the National History and hid it in the southern mountains. His classics, records, and assets were burned and plundered almost entirely. Shu also fell into the rebel court and was given a false office. In the second year of Zhide the two capitals were recovered. The Three Offices deliberated guilt and banished him to Yu Prefecture, where he was humiliated by governor Xue Shu, stopped eating, and died. His nephew Xiao Zhi was case judge to Grand Marshal Li Guangbi. In the second year of Guangde, because Zhi, on entering to memorialize on affairs, pleased the emperor, he submitted a memorial arguing that Shu, in the moment of crisis, had preserved the National History and thereby ensured that the court's great canon was not lost—merit should offset fault, and he ought to receive imperial pardon. He was therefore posthumously appointed Right Regular Attendant.
34
Commentators said that since Tang times no clan had flourished more than the Wei clan. In filial piety, friendship, and literary learning, Chengqing and Silizhi were foremost; in understanding music and pitch, Wanshi was foremost; in mastery of ritual and righteousness, Shuxia was foremost; in historiographical talent and broad knowledge, Shu was foremost. What he composed included Tang Official Rituals in thirty scrolls, Veritable Record of Emperor Gaozong in thirty scrolls, Record of the Censorate in ten scrolls, and New Record of the Two Capitals in five scrolls—in all more than two hundred scrolls; all circulated in his age. Shu's younger brother You was second only to Shu in learning, especially expert in the Three Rites, and served as academician paired with Shu. Shu's younger brother Di likewise served as a ritual official, and people of the time regarded it as an honor. He was repeatedly transferred to vice director of the Bureau of Evaluations and National University vice director and died of wind illness. Xiao Yingshi was surpassingly clever and rich in literary learning, famed in his time. Jia Zeng, Xi Yu, Zhang Ya, and Shu all brought him in as a conversational guest. In the twenty-third year of Kaiyuan he passed the jinshi examination. Vice director of the Bureau of Evaluations Sun Ti praised him at court. Narrow and irritable, without dignified bearing, he did not suit the age. Five times he was given office and each time was soon dismissed. Early in the Qianyuan era he ended his career as merit officer of Yang Prefecture.
35
西 仿使
When Shu was in the Secret Repository he was friendly with Huo county magistrate Wu Jiong and Cao Prefecture judicial aide Yin Jianyou. The two died in succession. Jianyou was the nephew of Shen Prefecture governor Zhongrong. He understood the Ban histories and was versed in clans and surnames. His son Yin had utmost nature. Orphaned early, he was famed for filial service to his mother. He responded to the broad phrases examination and became magistrate of Yongning. The historiographer says: The literary scholars of former ages had unified spirit, yet because the way and righteousness occasionally went awry, they encountered such hardship. Ma Huai Su and Chu Wuliang loved antiquity and were devoted to learning, broadly knowledgeable and widely heard. Meeting a ruler who loved literature, they were honored with the rites due teachers—the glory of Confucians may be called a timely meeting. The five lords Liu, Xu, and the others reached learning to Heaven and man and combined talent in literature and history, making the western wall and Eastern Pavilion brilliant for a generation—this was surely the intent of those gentlemen. Yet Zixuan was pent up in his own day and Xingchong wandered at the final brush. Their offices did not surpass common clerks and their favor did not reach ordinary talent—not because of fault, but because this path is not an instrument for suiting the times. Their poverty was fitting! The eulogist says: Scholars are like a market; broad mastery is very hard; literary men set brush to paper—canonical elegance alone is difficult. Ma, Chu, Jing, and Shu, Xu, Yuan, and Zixuan—in books of literature, who could compare!
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