1
李乂,本名尚真,趙州房子人也。 少與兄尚一、尚貞俱以文章見稱,舉進士。 景龍中,累遷中書舍人。 時中宗遣使江南分道贖生,以所在官物充直。 乂上疏曰:「江南水鄉,采捕為業,魚鱉之利,黎元所資,土地使然,有自來矣。 伏以聖慈含育,恩周動植,布天下之大德,及鱗介之微品。 雖雲雨之私,有霑於末類; 而生成之惠,未洽於平人。 何則? 江湖之饒,生育無限; 府庫之用,支供易殫。 費之若少,則所濟何成; 用之倘多,則常支有闕。 在於拯物,豈若憂人。 且鬻生之徒,唯利斯視,錢刀日至,網罟年滋,施之一朝,營之百倍,未若回救贖之錢物,減困貧之徭賦,活國愛人,其福勝彼。」
Li Yi, whose original name was Shangzhen, came from Fangzi in Zhao prefecture. While still young he and his brothers Shangyi and Shangzhen were all celebrated for their writing and passed the jinshi examination. In the Jinglong period he rose through successive appointments to Secretariat Drafter. At that time Emperor Zhongzong dispatched envoys to the Jiangnan region by separate routes to buy captive animals for release, paying with official goods held in each district. Yi submitted a memorial that read: "Jiangnan is a country of waterways; gathering and fishing are its trades. Fish and turtles are what the people live on—the land has made it so since long ago. I humbly reflect that Your Majesty's sacred kindness nurtures all life, extending favor to every plant and animal, spreading imperial virtue even to the tiniest fish and shellfish. Though the gentle rain of grace may touch even the humblest creatures; the blessing of nurturing life has not yet fully reached the common people. Why is this? Rivers and lakes teem with life beyond measure; yet treasury outlays to support the policy are quickly spent dry. If the expense is modest, little is actually saved; if it is large, the ordinary budget will fall short. To rescue animals—how can that compare with relieving human distress? Moreover, sellers of captive animals care only for profit: money flows in every day and nets multiply year by year. One day's outlay from the court yields a hundredfold in their trade. Far better to divert the ransom funds and lighten levies on the poor—reviving the state and cherishing the people would bring a greater blessing still."
2
乂知制誥凡數載。 景雲元年,遷吏部侍郎,與宋璟、盧從願同時典選,銓敘平允,甚為當時所稱。 尋轉黃門侍郎。 時睿宗令造金仙、玉真二觀,乂頻上疏諫,帝每優容之。 開元初,特令乂與中書侍郎蘇颋纂集起居註,錄其嘉謨昌言可體國經遠者,別編奏之。 乂在門下,多所駁正。 開元初,姚崇為紫微令,薦乂為紫微侍郎,外托薦賢,其實引在己下,去其糾駁之權也。 俄拜刑部尚書。 乂方雅有學識,朝廷稱其有宰相之望,會病卒。 兄尚一,清源尉,早卒; 尚貞,官至博州刺史。 兄弟同為一集,號曰《李氏花萼集》,總二十卷。 薛登,本名謙光,常州義興人也。 父士通,大業中為鷹揚郎將。 江都之亂,士通與鄉人聞人嗣安等同據本郡,以禦寇賊。 武德二年,遣使歸國,高祖嘉之,降璽書勞勉,拜東武州刺史。 俄而輔公祏於江都構逆,遣其將西門君儀等寇常州,士通率兵拒戰,大破之,君儀等僅以身免。 及公祏平,累功封臨汾侯。 貞觀初,歷遷泉州刺史,卒。
For several years Yi served as drafter of imperial proclamations. In Jingyun 1 he became Vice Minister of Personnel. He shared charge of appointments with Song Jing and Lu Congyuan, and their even-handed evaluations won wide praise. He was soon made Vice Minister of the Palace Secretariat. When Emperor Ruizong ordered the building of the Golden Immortal and Jade Perfected monasteries, Yi memorialized repeatedly in protest, and the emperor each time received him leniently. Early in Kaiyuan he was specially assigned, with Secretariat Vice Minister Su Ting, to compile the court diaries, extract counsel and speeches that could serve long-range statecraft, and present them in a separate memorial. While serving in the Chancellery, Yi frequently struck down or revised draft documents. Early in Kaiyuan, when Yao Chong headed the Purple Tenuity Bureau, he recommended Yi as vice director—ostensibly to advance talent, but in truth to place him under his own authority and strip him of the power to review and reject. Before long he was appointed Minister of Justice. Refined and learned, Yi was spoken of at court as a man with the makings of a chief minister, but he died of illness before that could come to pass. His elder brother Shangyi, magistrate of Qingyuan, died young; Shangzhen rose to serve as governor of Bo prefecture. The brothers jointly published a collection called the Li Brothers' Flower Calyx Anthology, twenty juan in all. Xue Deng, whose original name was Qian'guang, came from Yixing in Chang prefecture. His father Shitong was a General of Soaring Hawks in the Daye era. When chaos engulfed Jiangdu, Shitong joined his countryman Wenren Sian and others in holding their home commandery against marauders. In Wude 2 he sent envoys to pledge allegiance. Emperor Gaozu praised him, sent an imperial letter of encouragement, and appointed him governor of Dongwu. Soon Fu Gongshi rose in rebellion at Jiangdu and sent generals such as Ximen Junyi against Chang. Shitong met them in battle, routed them utterly, and Junyi's party escaped only with their lives. After Gongshi's defeat, his accumulated merit won him the title Marquis of Linfen. Early in Zhenguan he rose to governor of Quan prefecture, where he died.
3
謙光博涉文史,每與人談論前代故事,必廣引證驗,有如目擊。 少與徐堅、劉子玄齊名友善。 文明中,解褐閬中主簿。 天授中,為左補闕,時選舉頗濫,謙光上疏曰:臣聞國以得賢為寶,臣以舉士為忠。 是以子皮之讓國僑,鮑叔之推管仲,燕昭委兵於樂毅,苻堅托政於王猛。 子產受國人之謗,夷吾貪共賈之財,昭王錫輅馬以止讒,永固戮樊世以除譖。 處猜嫌而益信,行間毀而無疑,此由默而識之,委而察之深也。 至若宰我見愚於宣尼,逢萌被知於文叔,韓信無聞於項氏,毛遂不齒於平原,此失士之故也。 是以人主受不肖之士則政乖,得賢良之佐則時泰,故堯資八元而庶績其理,周任十亂而天下和平。 由是言之,則士不可不察,而官不可妄授也。 何者? 比來舉薦,多不以才,假譽馳聲,互相推獎,希潤身之小計,忘臣子之大猷,非所以報國求賢,副陛下翹翹之望者也。 臣竊窺古之取士,實異於今。 先觀名行之源,考其鄉邑之譽,崇禮讓以勵己,明節義以標信,以敦樸為先最,以雕蟲為後科。 故人崇勸讓之風,士去輕浮之行。 希仕者必修貞確不拔之操,行難進易退之規。 眾議以定其高下,郡將難誣於曲直。 故計貢之賢愚,即州將之榮辱; 穢行之彰露,亦鄉人之厚顏。 是以李陵降而隴西慚,幹木隱而西河美。 故名勝於利,則小人之道消; 利勝於名,則貪暴之風扇。 是以化俗之本,須擯輕浮。 昔冀缺以禮讓升朝,則晉人知禮; 文翁以儒林獎俗,則蜀士多儒。 燕昭好馬,則駿馬來庭; 葉公好龍,則真龍入室。 由是言之,未有上之所好而下不從其化者也。 自七國之季,雖雜縱橫,而漢代求才,猶征百行。 是以禮節之士,敏德自修,閭裏推高,然後為府寺所辟。 魏氏取人,尤愛放達; 晉、宋之後,祗重門資。 獎為人求官之風,乖授職惟賢之義。 有梁薦士,雅愛屬詞; 陳氏簡賢,特珍賦詠。 故其俗以詩酒為重,不以修身為務。 逮至隋室,餘風尚在,開皇中李諤論之於文帝曰:「魏之三祖,更好文詞,忽君人之大道,好雕蟲之小藝。 連篇累牘,不出月露之形; 積案盈箱,唯是風雲之狀。 代俗以此相高,朝廷以茲擢士,故文筆日煩,其政日亂」。 帝納李諤之策,由是下制禁斷文筆浮詞。 其年,泗洲刺史司馬幼之以表不典實得罪。 於是風俗改勵,政化大行。 煬帝嗣興,又變前法,置進士等科。 於是後生之徒,復相放效,因陋就寡,赴速邀時,緝綴小文,名之策學,不以指實為本,而以浮虛為貴。 有唐纂歷,雖漸革於故非; 陛下君臨,思察才於共理。 樹本崇化,惟在旌賢。 今之舉人,有乖事實。 鄉議決小人之筆,行修無長者之論。 策第喧競於州府,祈恩不勝於拜伏。 或明制才出,試遣搜易攵,驅馳府寺之門,出入王公之第。 上啟陳詩,唯希咳唾之澤; 摩頂至足,冀荷提攜之恩。 故俗號舉人,皆稱覓舉。 覓為自求之稱,未是人知之辭。 察其行而度其材,則人品於茲見矣。 徇己之心切,則至公之理乖; 貪仕之性彰,則廉潔之風薄。 是知府命雖高,異叔度勤勤之讓; 黃門已貴,無秦嘉耿耿之辭。 縱不能抑己推賢,亦不肯待於三命。 豈與夫白駒皎皎,不雜風塵,束帛戔戔,榮高物表,校量其廣狹也! 是以耿介之士,羞自拔而致其辭; 循常之人,舍其疏而取其附。 故選司補署,喧然於禮闈; 州貢賓王,爭訟於階闥。 謗議紛合,浸以成風。 夫競榮者必有競利之心,謙遜者亦無貪賄之累。 自非上智,焉能不移; 在於中人,理由習俗。 若重謹厚之士,則懷祿者必崇德以修名; 若開趨競之門,邀仕者皆戚施而附會。 附會則百姓罹其弊,潔己則兆庶蒙其福。 故風化之漸,靡不由茲。 今訪鄉閭之談,唯祇歸於裏正。 縱使名虧禮則,罪掛刑章,或冒籍以偷資,或邀勛而竊級,假其不義之賂,則是無犯鄉閭。 豈得比郭有道之銓量,茅容望重,裴逸人之賞拔,夏少名高,語其優劣也! 祇如才應經邦之流,唯令試策; 武能制敵之例,只驗彎弧。 若其文擅清奇,便充甲第,藻思微減,便即告歸。 以此收人,恐乖事實。 何者? 樂廣假筆於潘嶽,靈運詞高於穆之,平津文劣於長卿,子建筆麗於荀彧。 若以射策為最,則潘、謝、曹、馬必居孫、樂之右; 若使協贊機猷,則安仁、靈運亦無裨附之益。 由此言之,不可一概而取也。 至如武藝,則趙雲雖勇,資諸葛之指捴; 周勃雖雄,乏陳平之計略。 若使樊噲居蕭何之任,必失指縱之機; 使蕭何入戲下之軍,亦無免主之效。 鬥將長於摧鋒,謀將審於料事。 是以文泉聚米,知隗囂之可圖; 陳湯屈指,識烏孫之自解。 八難之謀設,高祖追慚於酈生; 九拒之計窮,公輸息心於伐宋。 謀將不長於弓馬,良相寧資於射策。 豈與夫元長自表,妄飾詞鋒,曹植題章,虛飛麗藻,校量其可否也! 伏願陛下降明制,頒峻科。 千里一賢,尚不為少,僥幸冒進,須立堤防。 斷浮虛之飾詞,收實用之良策,不取無稽之說,必求忠告之言。 文則試以效官,武則令其守禦,始既察言觀行,終亦循名責實,自然僥幸濫吹之伍,無所藏其妄庸。 故晏嬰云:「舉之以語,考之以事; 寡其言而多其行,拙於文而工於事。」 此取人得賢之道也。 其有武藝超絕,文鋒挺秀,有效伎之偏用,無經國之大才,為軍鋒之爪牙,作詞賦之標準。 自可試淩雲之策,練穿劄之工,承上命而賦《甘泉》,稟中軍而令赴敵,既有隨才之任,必無負乘之憂。 臣謹案吳起臨戰,左右進劍,吳子曰:「夫提鼓揮桴,臨難決疑,此將事也。 一劍之任,非將事也。」 謹案諸葛亮臨戎,不親戎服,頓蜀兵於渭南,宣王持劍,卒不敢當。 此豈弓矢之用也! 謹案楊得意誦長卿之文,武帝曰:「恨不得與此人同時。」 及相如至,終於文園令,不以公卿之位處之者,蓋非其所任故也。 謹案漢法,所舉之主,終身保任。 楊雄之坐田儀,責其冒薦; 成子之居魏相,酬於得賢。 賞罰之令行,則請謁之心絕; 退讓之義著,則貪競之路消。 自然朝廷無爭祿之人,選司有謙捴之士。 仍請寬立年限,容其采訪簡汰,堪用者令其試守,以觀能否; 參驗行事,以別是非。 不實免王丹之官,得人加翟璜之賞,自然見賢不隱,食祿不專。 荀彧進鐘繇、郭嘉,劉隱薦李膺、硃穆,勢不雲遠。 有稱職者受薦賢之賞,濫舉者抵欺罔之罪,自然舉得賢行,則君子之道長矣。
Qian'guang was widely read in letters and history. When he discussed events of earlier times, he cited evidence so fully that he seemed to have witnessed them himself. In his youth he ranked with Xu Jian and Liu Zixuan in reputation and counted them among his close friends. During Wenming he entered official service as chief clerk of Langzhong. In the Tianshou period he became Left Remonstrator. Appointments had grown lax, and Qian'guang submitted a memorial that began: "A state is enriched by worthy men, and a minister proves loyalty by recommending talent." Zipi yielded office to Zichan; Bao Shuqi pushed Guan Zhong forward; King Zhao of Yan placed his armies in Yue Yi's hands; and Fu Jian entrusted the government to Wang Meng. Zichan bore the people's reproach; Guan Zhong coveted merchants' shared profits; King Zhao rewarded chariots and horses to silence slander; and Fu Jian put Fan Shi to death to remove false accusation. Under suspicion they won greater trust; under slander they stayed above doubt—because rulers recognized them quietly and watched them closely through delegated authority. Zai Wo was judged foolish by Confucius; Feng Meng was discovered by Emperor Guangwu; Han Xin went unnoticed under Xiang Yu; Mao Sui was slighted by Lord Pingyuan—all failures to keep talent. When a ruler takes unworthy men, government goes wrong; when he gains worthy assistants, the age grows calm. Yao relied on the Eight Worthies and good order followed; King Wen of Zhou used the Ten Wise Ministers and the realm was at peace. From this it follows that talent must be scrutinized and office must not be given rashly. Why? Lately recommendations have seldom rested on real ability. Men trade inflated praise, promote one another's fame, and chase small personal gains while forgetting a subject's larger duty. That is no way to serve the state, find talent, or meet Your Majesty's high hopes. I observe that the ancients chose officials very differently from us. They first looked to the roots of a man's name and conduct, weighed local reputation, honored courtesy and humility, made integrity the mark of trust, put plain sincerity first and literary ornament last. People then valued mutual encouragement and deference, and scholars shed frivolous ways. Men who sought office had to cultivate steadfast integrity and the rule of entering office with difficulty and leaving it with ease. Public opinion fixed their rank, and prefectural commanders could scarcely twist right into wrong. A district's tribute candidates reflected honor or shame on its governor; and exposed misconduct shamed the whole community. When Li Ling surrendered, Longxi was ashamed; when Duan Ganmu withdrew from office, Xihe was praised. When reputation outweighs profit, petty conduct fades; when profit outweighs reputation, greed and violence spread. The root of changing custom, then, is to drive out frivolity. When Ji Que entered court through courtesy and deference, the people of Jin learned ritual; when Wen Weng used Confucian schools to reform custom, Shu produced many scholars. King Zhao of Yan loved horses, and fine steeds came to court; Lord Ye loved dragons, and a real dragon entered his hall. Never yet has a ruler's taste failed to reshape the conduct of those below. Even after the Warring States age, with its shifting alliances, Han still looked for men of full character. Men of ritual and integrity refined themselves, won village esteem, and only then were summoned to office. Wei especially favored free and unrestrained men; while Jin and Song came to value pedigree alone. That bred the habit of seeking posts through patrons and betrayed the rule that office should follow merit. Liang favored literary composition in its recommendations; Chen prized rhapsody and verse above all else. Their age therefore exalted poetry and wine and neglected self-cultivation. Sui still retained that habit. In Kaihuang, Li E told Emperor Wen: "Wei's Three Ancestors loved polished phrasing, ignored the ruler's great task, and prized petty literary craft. Documents piled up page after page with nothing but moonlight and dew; cases overflowed with wind and cloud alone. The age took that for refinement, and the court promoted men by it—so writing grew ever more ornate and government ever more disorderly." The emperor accepted Li E's proposal and issued an edict forbidding empty literary flourishes. That same year Sima Youzhi, prefect of Sizhou, was punished because his memorial was neither classical nor factual. Customs were corrected, encouragement spread, and government improved sharply. When Emperor Yang succeeded, he changed the law again and established the Presented Scholar examination and related categories. Youth then imitated one another again: they clung to the shallow, chased deadlines, stitched together short essays called policy studies, and prized emptiness over substance. Tang inherited the mandate and has slowly corrected old abuses; Your Majesty now reigns and seeks to judge talent for shared rule. To set the root and exalt reform, nothing matters more than honoring the worthy. Today's recommendations no longer match reality. Village opinion is settled by petty men's pens, and conduct reviews lack the judgment of elders. Candidates clamor for examination rank in prefectures and districts, and pleading for favor is outdone only by prostration. Sometimes, as soon as the decree appears, they are sent to conduct searches, racing to government gates and in and out of princes' mansions. They submit petitions and poems, hoping only for the droppings of patronage; from head to foot they seek the favor of being raised up. Candidates are therefore commonly called seekers of recommendation. Seeking describes self-promotion, not being discovered by others. Watch their conduct and weigh their talent, and character shows itself at once. When self-interest runs deep, fairness is lost; when greed for office shows itself, integrity grows thin. A prefect's commission may be lofty, yet it is nothing like Huangfu Mi's earnest yielding; the Yellow Gate may be honored, yet it lacks Qin Jia's steadfast refusal. Even when they cannot suppress self-interest and recommend others, they refuse to wait for the three summonses. How does that compare with the gleaming white colt unstained by dust, or humble silk honored above worldly things—measured by breadth of spirit! Principled men are ashamed to push themselves forward; ordinary men discard the remote and choose the connected. Selection offices therefore buzz within the examination halls; district tributes and guest scholars quarrel at the palace steps. Slander gathers and slowly becomes custom. Those who chase glory chase profit as well; the modest bear no taint of bribery. Only the highest wisdom stays unmoved; for ordinary men, habit decides all. If cautious and sincere men are honored, office-seekers will cultivate virtue to preserve their names; if the door to rivalry is opened, every seeker becomes a flatterer and hanger-on. Flattery harms the people; self-restraint blesses the masses. Every gradual change in custom begins here. Village opinion today rests entirely with the village head. Even when a man breaks ritual, falls under the penal code, falsifies registration, or buys rank with stolen merit—if he pays improper bribes, the village is said to have no complaint. How can that compare with Guo Tai's weighing of men, Mao Rong's high standing, Pei Yiren's promotions, or Xia Shao's fame—judging true worth! For men fit to govern the state, we now require only policy essays; for warriors able to defeat the enemy, we test only archery. If writing is strikingly fine, they take first rank; if thought is slightly weaker, they are sent home at once. Choosing men this way, I fear, departs from reality. Why? Yue Guang borrowed Pan Yue's pen; Xie Lingyun's prose outshone Xie Huilian's; Gongsun Hong wrote less well than Sima Xiangru; Cao Zhi's style surpassed Xun Yu's. If examination essays decided all, Pan, Xie, Cao, and Sima would rank above Sun and Yue; yet in planning strategy Pan Yue and Xie Lingyun would add little. One standard, then, cannot fit every case. In martial affairs Zhao Yun was brave but needed Zhuge Liang's direction; Zhou Bo was formidable but lacked Chen Ping's strategy. Place Fan Kuai in Xiao He's post and control would fail; put Xiao He in the ranks under command and he could not save his lord. Fighting generals excel at breaking the vanguard; planning generals excel at reading events. Wen Zhong piled rice and saw that Wei Xiao could be taken; Chen Tang counted on his fingers and knew the Wusun would settle themselves. When the eight difficulties were proposed, Emperor Gaozu later felt ashamed before Li Yiji; when the nine defenses were exhausted, Gongshu Ban lost heart for attacking Song. Planning generals are not masters of bow and horse; great ministers are not chosen by examination essays. How does that compare with Yuan Chang's self-praise or Cao Zhi's ornate chapters—judging fitness by empty display! I humbly ask Your Majesty to issue clear rules and strict standards for selection. One worthy man in a thousand li is not too many to hope for; opportunists who push forward must be blocked. Cut empty ornament, gather useful plans, reject groundless talk, and demand honest counsel. Test civil men by giving them office; test military men by assigning defense. First watch words and conduct; finally hold them to their names. Then the unworthy who slip through will have nowhere to hide. Yan Ying said: "Choose men by their words and test them by deeds; prefer few words and much action, plain writing and solid work." That is the way to choose worthy men. Men of exceptional martial skill or literary brilliance may have special gifts yet lack talent to govern the state—claws and teeth for the army, or models for poetry and rhapsody— may be tested with soaring policy essays, trained in piercing armor, ordered to compose a Sweet Springs rhapsody, or sent under central command against the enemy. Appoint by talent, and none need fail in office. I note: when Wu Qi was about to fight, attendants offered him a sword. Wu Qi said: "Beating the drum and resolving doubt in battle are a general's business. The work of one sword is not a general's business." I note: Zhuge Liang at the front did not wear armor himself. He held Shu troops south of the Wei River; Sima Yi kept his sword drawn yet dared not advance. Was that the use of bow and arrow! I note: when Yang Deyi recited Sima Xiangru's writing, Emperor Wu said: "I regret not living in the same age as this man." When Xiangru came he ended as Prefect of the Wen Garden, never raised to ministerial rank—because that was not his proper place. I note Han law: the recommender guaranteed his candidate for life. Yang Xiong was punished for Tian Yi and held to account for reckless recommendation; Chengzi's service as Wei chancellor was rewarded because he found a worthy man. When reward and punishment are enforced, solicitation ends; when yielding is honored, greed and rivalry disappear. Then the court will have no men fighting for salary, and selection offices will have modest officials. I further ask that a generous term be set for inquiry and screening. Suitable men should serve on probation to test ability; and be judged by actual performance to separate right from wrong. Fail, and dismiss as Wang Dan was dismissed; succeed, and reward as Zhai Huang was rewarded. Then worthies will not be hidden and salary will not be hoarded. Xun Yu advanced Zhong Yao and Guo Jia; Liu Yin recommended Li Ying and Zhu Mu—the examples are near at hand. Let successful recommenders receive the reward for finding talent; let reckless recommenders pay the penalty for deceit. Then worthy conduct will spread and the way of the gentleman will grow long.
4
尋轉水部員外郎,累遷給事中、檢校常州刺史。 屬宣州狂寇硃大目作亂,百姓奔走,謙光嚴備安輯,闔境肅然。 轉刑部侍郎,加銀青光祿大夫,再遷尚書左丞。 景雲中,擢拜御史大夫。 時僧惠範恃太平公主權勢,逼奪百姓店肆,州縣不能理。 謙光將加彈奏,或請寢之,謙光曰:「憲臺理冤滯,何所回避,朝彈暮黜,亦可矣。」 遂與殿中慕容玽奏彈之,反為太平公主所構,出為岐州刺史。 惠範既誅,遷太子賓客,轉刑部尚書,加金紫光祿大夫、昭文館學士。 開元初,為東都留守,又轉太子賓客。 以與太子同名,表請行字,特敕賜名登。 尋以孽子悅千牛為憲司所劾,放歸田裏。 朝廷以其家貧,又特給致仕祿。 七年卒,年七十三,贈晉州刺史。 撰《四時記》二十卷。 韋湊,京兆萬年人。 曾祖瓚,隋尚書右丞。 祖叔諧,蒲州刺史。 父玄,桂州都督府長史。 湊,永淳二年,解褐授婺州參軍,累轉揚府法曹參軍。 州人前仁壽令孟神爽豪縱,數犯法,交通貴戚,前後官吏莫敢繩按,湊白長史張潛,請因事除之。 會神爽坐事推問,湊無所假借,神爽妄稱有密旨,究問引虛,遂杖殺之,遠近稱伏。 湊,景龍中歷遷將作少匠、司農少卿。 嘗以公事忤宗楚客,出為貝州刺史。
He was soon made vice director in the Ministry of Works' water bureau, then rose to Supervising Secretary and acting governor of Chang. When the rebel Zhu Damu of Xuanzhou threw the region into turmoil and the people scattered in panic, Qian'guang tightened defenses, restored order, and the whole circuit grew calm. He became Vice Minister of Justice, received the Silver-Green Tally grand master title, and was later promoted to Left Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs. In the Jingyun period he was elevated to Censor-in-Chief. The monk Huifan, backed by Princess Taiping's influence, seized commoners' shops by force, and local officials could not stop him. Qian'guang prepared to impeach him, but others urged him to let the matter drop. He said: "The Censorate exists to clear injustice—why should I shrink back? If I am impeached at dawn and dismissed at dusk, so be it." He and Palace Censor Murong Ting then jointly impeached Huifan, but Princess Taiping framed him instead, and he was demoted to governor of Qi. After Huifan was put to death, he became Mentor of the Heir Apparent, then Minister of Justice, with the Gold-Purple Tally title and a post as Zhaowen Hall academician. Early in Kaiyuan he served as Defender of the Eastern Capital, then returned to the post of Mentor of the Heir Apparent. Because his personal name matched the heir apparent's, he memorialized to use his style name instead, and an imperial edict specially granted him the name Deng. Soon his illegitimate son Yue, a Thousand-Ox Guardsman, was impeached by the censorate, and Deng was sent home to his estate. Learning that his family was poor, the court also granted him a special retirement stipend. He died in the seventh year at seventy-three; posthumously he was honored as governor of Jin. He wrote Records of the Four Seasons in twenty juan. Wei Cou came from Wannian in the Jingzhao region. His great-grandfather Zan served as Sui Right Vice Director of the Secretariat. His grandfather Shuxie was governor of Pu prefecture. His father Xuan was chief administrator of the Guizhou military headquarters. Cou entered service in Yongchun 2 as military aide in Wu prefecture and later became legal aide in the Yangzhou prefectural office. Meng Shenshuang, a former Renshou magistrate in the prefecture, was violent and lawless and cultivated ties with powerful families; no previous official had dared prosecute him. Cou informed Chief Administrator Zhang Qian and asked leave to bring him down when the chance came. When Shenshuang was brought in for questioning, Cou showed no mercy. Shenshuang falsely claimed a secret imperial order protected him, but investigation exposed the lie, and Cou had him beaten to death. People near and far applauded. In the Jinglong period Cou rose to Vice Director of Palace Buildings and Vice Minister of the Imperial Granaries. He once clashed with Zong Chuke over official business and was posted out as governor of Bei.
5
睿宗即位,拜鴻臚少卿,加銀青光祿大夫。 景雲二年,轉太府少卿,又兼通事舍人。 時改葬節湣太子,優詔加謚; 又雪李多祚等罪,還其官爵,仍議更加贈官。 湊上書曰:臣聞王者發號施令,必法乎天道,使三綱攸敘,十等鹹若者,善善明,惡惡著也。 善善者,懸爵賞以勸之也; 惡惡者,設刑罰以懲之也。 其賞罰所不加者,則考行立謚以褒貶之,所以勸誡將來也。 斯並至公之大猷,非私情之可徇。 故箕、微獲用,管、蔡為戮。 謚者,臣議其君,子議其父,而曰「靈」曰「厲」者,不敢以私而亂大猷也,則其餘安可失衷哉! 臣竊見節湣太子與李多祚等擁北軍禁旅,上犯宸居,破扉斬關,突禁而入,兵指黃屋,騎騰紫微。 孝和皇帝移禦玄武門,親降德音,諭以逆順,而太子據鞍自若,督眾不停。 俄而其黨悔非,轉逆為順,或回兵討賊,或投狀自拘。 多祚等伏誅,太子方事逃竄。 向使同惡相濟,天道無征,賊徒闕倒戈之人,侍臣虧陛戟之衛,其為禍也,胡可忍言! 於時臣任將作少匠,賜通事舍人內供奉。 其明日,孝和皇帝引見供奉官等,雨淚謂曰:「幾不與卿等相見!」 其為危懼,不亦甚乎! 而今聖朝雪罪禮葬,謚為節湣,以臣愚識,竊所惑焉。 夫臣子之禮,嚴敬斯極,故過位必趨,蹙路馬芻有誅。 昔漢成之為太子也,行不敢絕馳道。 當周室之衰微也,秦師過周北門,左右免胄而下,王孫滿猶以其不卷甲束兵,譏其無禮,知其必敗。 由是言之,則太子稱兵宮內,跨馬御前,悖禮已甚矣,況將更甚乎。 而可褒謚,此臣所未諭也。 以其斬武三思父子而嘉之乎? 然弄兵討逆以安君父,則可嘉也,而乃因欲自取之,是競為逆,可褒謚乎? 此又臣所未諭也。 將廢韋氏而嘉之乎? 然韋氏逆彰義絕,雖誅之亦可也。 當此時也,韋氏未有逆彰,未有義絕,於太子為母,豈有廢母之理乎! 且既非中宗之命而廢之,是劫父廢母,亦悖逆也,可褒謚乎? 此又臣所未諭也。 夫君或不君,臣安可不臣? 父或不父,子安可不子? 借如君父有桀、紂之行,臣子無廢殺之理。 況先帝功格宇宙,德被生靈,廟號中宗,謚曰孝和皇帝,而逆命之子,可褒謚乎? 此又臣所未諭也。 昔獻公惑驪姬之譖,將殺其太子申生,公子重耳謂之曰:「子盍言子之誌於公乎?」 太子曰:「不可,君安驪姬,是我傷君之心也。」 曰:「然則盍行乎?」 曰:「不可,君謂我欲弒君也,天下豈有無父之國哉! 吾何行之!」 使人辭於狐突曰:「申生不敢愛其死。 雖然,吾君老矣,子少,國家多難。 伯氏茍出而圖吾君,申生受賜而死。」 再拜稽首,乃自縊。 其行如是,其謚僅可為恭。 今太子之行反是,可謚為節湣乎? 此又臣所未諭也。 昔漢武帝末年,江充與太子有隙,恐帝晏駕後為太子所誅。 會巫蠱事起,充典理其事。 因此為奸,遂至太子宮掘蠱,得桐木以誣太子。 時武帝避暑甘泉宮,獨皇后、太子在,太子不能自明,納其少傅石德謀,遂矯節斬充,因敗逃匿。 非稱兵詣闕,無逆謀於父,然身死於湖,不葬無謚。 至昭帝時,有男子詣北闕自稱衛太子,制使公卿識視,至者莫敢發言。 京兆尹雋不疑後至,叱從吏收縛之。 或曰:「是非未可知,且安之。」 不疑曰:「諸君何患於衛太子。 昔蒯聵出奔,輒拒而不納,《春秋》是之。 衛太子得罪先帝,亡不即死,今來自詣,此罪人也。」 遂送制獄。 天子聞而嘉之曰:「公卿大臣,當用經術明於大義者。」 及後太子孫立為天子,是曰孝宣皇帝,太子方獲禮葬,而謚曰戾。 今節湣太子之行比之,豈可同年而語。 其於陛下,又猶子也,而謚為節湣乎? 此又臣所未諭也。 昔項羽之臣丁公,常將危漢高祖,高祖謂之曰:「二賢豈相厄哉!」 丁公乃止。 及高祖滅項氏,遂戮丁公以徇,曰:「使項王失天下者,丁公也。」 夫戮之,大義至公也,不私德之,所以誡其後之事君者。 今節湣太子之為逆,復非欲保護陛下,其可褒謚乎? 此又臣之所未諭也。 陛下天縱聖哲,所任賢明,以臣至愚,寧可幹議? 然臣又惟堯、舜,聖君也,八凱、五臣,良佐也,猶廣聽芻蕘之言者,蓋為智者千慮,或有一失,愚者千慮,或有一得也。 故曰:「狂夫之言,聖人擇焉。」 臣輒緣斯義,敢以陳聞,願得與議謚者對議於御前。 若臣言非也,甘受謗聖政之罪,赴鼎鑊之誅。 仍請申明義以示天下,使臣輩愚惑者鹹蒙冰釋,則無復異議矣。 若所謚未當,奈何施之聖朝,垂之史冊,使後代逆臣賊子因而引譬,資以為辭,是開悖亂之門,豈示將來之法! 伏望改定其謚,務合禮經。 其李多祚等罪,請從宥免,不謂為雪,以順天下之心,則盡善盡美矣。
When Emperor Ruizong acceded, Cou became Vice Director of the Court for Dependencies and received the Silver-Green Tally grand master title. In Jingyun 2 he became Vice Director of the Imperial Treasury and also served concurrently as Herald for Foreign Envoys. The Jiemin Crown Prince was being reburied, and an edict of special favor enlarged his posthumous title; the convictions of Li Duozuo and others were cleared and their offices restored, while the court also debated further posthumous honors. Cou submitted a memorial that read: I have heard that when a ruler issues commands and decrees, he must take the Way of Heaven as his model, so that the three bonds are put in order and all ten ranks submit as they should—making good manifest for the good and evil plain for the evil. For the good, rank and reward are displayed to encourage them; for the evil, punishments are established to chastise them. What reward and punishment cannot reach is judged by conduct and given a posthumous title for praise or blame—this is to admonish those yet to come. All these are great principles of utmost fairness, not matters in which private feeling may be indulged. Thus Jizi and Weizi were employed, while Guan and Cai were executed. Posthumous titles are when ministers judge their ruler and sons judge their father—and when one says "Spirit" or "Cruel," one dare not let private feeling disrupt great principles; how then can anything else be allowed to miss the mean! Your servant has observed that the Jiemin Crown Prince, together with Li Duozuo and others, led the imperial guards of the Northern Army against the imperial residence—breaking down gates and barriers, charging through the forbidden precinct; weapons pointed at the imperial canopy, cavalry surged into the Purple Forbidden Palace. Emperor Xiaobe moved to the Xuanwu Gate and personally issued an edict of grace, explaining loyalty and rebellion—yet the Heir Apparent sat his saddle at ease and urged his forces on without stopping. Soon his followers regretted their error and turned rebellion into loyalty—some turned their troops to punish the rebels, others submitted written confessions and restrained themselves. Duozuo and others were executed at the place of punishment, and only then did the Heir Apparent set about fleeing. If the wicked had aided one another and Heaven had offered no sign, if the rebels had lacked men to turn their blades, if attendants had failed in the guard of halberds at the palace steps—what disaster would have ensued is beyond words! At that time your subject held the office of Assistant Master of Palace Construction and was granted status as an Inner Attendant Herald. The next day Emperor Xiaobe summoned the attendant officials and, with tears streaming down, said: "I almost failed to see you again!" How extreme the peril and terror were! Yet now the holy dynasty clears their crimes, buries them with ceremony, and gives the posthumous title Jiemin ("Constant and Lamented")—in your subject's foolish understanding, this is privately perplexing. The rites between minister and ruler reach the utmost in solemn reverence; thus one must quicken one's pace when passing the ruler's place, and even to touch the grass where the ruler's horse passed is punishable by death. When Emperor Cheng of Han was Heir Apparent, he dared not travel on the imperial carriage road. When the Zhou royal house was in decline, Qin troops passed through the northern gate of Zhou; the attendants doffed their helmets and descended, yet Wangsun Man still reproached them for not rolling up armor and binding their weapons, ridiculed their lack of propriety, and knew they would inevitably be defeated. From this perspective, for the Heir Apparent to raise troops within the palace and ride his horse before the Emperor—this already transgresses ritual to an extreme; how much more so what actually followed! Yet he may be praised with a posthumous title—this your subject cannot comprehend. Is it because he beheaded Wu Sansi and his son that he is to be commended? To raise arms against rebels and restore peace to lord and father might be commendable—but to do so because one wished to seize the throne for oneself is to compete in rebellion. Can such a man be honored with a posthumous title? This, too, your subject cannot comprehend. Are we to commend him because he intended to depose Empress Wei? When Empress Wei's rebellion was manifest and all righteous bonds severed, even executing her would have been justified. At that moment Empress Wei's treason was not yet plain, no righteous bond had been broken, and to the Heir Apparent she was still his mother—what possible justification could there be for deposing one's own mother! Moreover, she was deposed not by Emperor Zhongzong's order but by force—coercing the father and deposing the mother is itself a grave rebellion. Can he be honored with a posthumous title? This, too, your subject cannot comprehend. If a ruler fails to rule as he should, how can a minister refuse to serve as a minister must? If a father fails to father as he should, how can a son refuse to be a son must? Even if a ruler and father behaved as Jie and Zhou did, ministers and sons still have no warrant to depose or kill him. How much more so when the late Emperor's achievements touched heaven and earth, his virtue embraced all living beings, his temple title is Zhongzong, and his posthumous name is Emperor Xiaobe—and a son who defied his command is to be honored with a posthumous title? This, too, your subject cannot comprehend. In antiquity, Duke Xian of Jin, swayed by Li Ji's slanders, was about to execute his Heir Apparent Shensheng. Prince Chong'er said to him, "Why not declare your intentions to the Duke?" The Heir Apparent replied, "I cannot. If my father is content with Li Ji, then for me to speak would only wound his heart." Chong'er asked, "Then why not flee?" Shensheng answered, "I cannot. My father would believe I meant to kill him—and is there any kingdom under Heaven without a father? How could I flee!" He sent word to Hu Tu, saying, "Shensheng does not cling to his life. Yet my lord is old, the heir is young, and the realm faces many troubles. If you, sir, would go forth and counsel my lord, Shensheng will gratefully accept death." He bowed twice and touched his forehead to the earth, then hanged himself. Conduct such as this merited a posthumous title no higher than Gong ("Respectful"). The present Heir Apparent's conduct was the very reverse—can he be given the posthumous title Jiemin? This, too, your subject cannot comprehend. In the last years of Emperor Wu of Han, Jiang Chong quarreled with the Heir Apparent and feared that once the Emperor died, the Heir Apparent would have him executed. When the witchcraft affair broke out, Chong was assigned to investigate it. Exploiting the occasion for treachery, he dug for witchcraft dolls in the Heir Apparent's palace and planted paulownia wood to incriminate him. Emperor Wu was then at his summer retreat in Ganquan Palace, leaving only the Empress and Heir Apparent in the capital. Unable to prove his innocence, the Heir Apparent followed the advice of his Junior Tutor Shi De, forged an imperial warrant to execute Chong, and after defeat fled into hiding. He did not raise an army and march on the palace, nor did he plot rebellion against his father—yet he died at Lake, was buried without honor, and received no posthumous title. Under Emperor Zhao, a man appeared at the northern gate claiming to be the Wei Heir Apparent. An edict commanded the chief ministers to identify him, but none who came dared speak. Juan Buyi, Commandant of Jingzhao, arrived last and ordered his attendants to seize and bind the man. Someone urged, "We cannot yet know whether this is true—let us hold him for now." Buyi replied, "What do you fear from the Wei Heir Apparent? Long ago Kuai Kui fled into exile and Zhe refused to receive him—the Spring and Autumn Annals commends this. The Wei Heir Apparent wronged the late Emperor, fled instead of accepting death, and now presents himself of his own accord—he is a criminal." The man was sent to the imperial prisons. The Emperor heard and praised him, saying, "Ministers and high officials should be men learned in the classics and clear on great principles." Only later, when the Heir Apparent's grandson ascended the throne as Emperor Xiaoxuan, did the Heir Apparent receive proper burial—and his posthumous title was Li ("Unruly"). Compared with Jiemin Crown Prince's conduct today, can the two even be mentioned in the same breath? To Your Majesty he was, moreover, like a son—and yet he is to receive the posthumous title Jiemin? This, too, your subject cannot comprehend. In antiquity Ding Gong, a minister of Xiang Yu, once held Emperor Gaozu of Han at his mercy. Gaozu said to him, "Two worthy men—surely they would not destroy each other!" Ding Gong then stayed his hand. When Gaozu overthrew the house of Xiang, he executed Ding Gong before the army, declaring, "The man who made King Xiang lose the empire was Ding Gong." To kill him was the highest justice, impartial and public—Gaozu would not reward private kindness, so as to warn all who would serve their lords thereafter. Jiemin Crown Prince's rebellion, moreover, was not undertaken to protect Your Majesty—can he be honored with a posthumous title? This, too, your subject cannot comprehend. Your Majesty is Heaven-endowed with sagely wisdom and appoints the worthy and enlightened—for one as foolish as your subject, how dare I presume to remonstrate? Yet even Yao and Shun, sage rulers though they were, and the Eight Worthies and Five Ministers, fine assistants though they were, still listened widely to the talk of common woodcutters—for in a thousand plans the wise may err once, and in a thousand plans the foolish may succeed once. Hence the saying: "Even a madman's words—the sage chooses from among them." Drawing on this principle, your subject ventures to speak and asks to debate before Your Majesty, face to face, with those who set the posthumous title. If I am wrong, I will gladly accept the charge of slandering sage governance and submit to death in the cauldron. I further ask that the right principle be made clear to all under Heaven, so that fools like us may have our confusion melt away like ice, and no further dissent remain. If the posthumous title is unfitting, how can it stand in this sage dynasty and pass into the historical record, giving rebel ministers and wicked sons of later ages a precedent and an excuse—opening the gate to rebellion rather than showing the law for generations to come! I humbly beg that the posthumous title be revised to accord with the ritual canon. As for Duozuo and the others, I ask that their crimes be pardoned but not declared "cleared"—if this accords with the hearts of all under Heaven, all will be perfect indeed.
6
書奏,睿宗引湊謂曰:「誠如卿言。 事已如此,如何改動?」 湊曰:「太子實行悖逆,不可褒美,請稱其行,改謚以一字。 多祚等以兵犯君,非曰無罪,只可雲放,不可稱雪。」 帝然其言。 當時執政以制令已行,難於改易,唯多祚等停贈官而已。
When the memorial reached him, Emperor Ruizong summoned Cou and said, "What you say is true. But matters have already gone this far—how can we change them now?" Cou replied: "The crown prince truly committed treason and must not be praised. Name his conduct plainly and change the posthumous title by a single character. Duozuo and his fellows took up arms against their sovereign—they were not innocent. Say they were released, not that their guilt was cleared." The emperor agreed. Those in power held that the edicts had already gone forth and were hard to revise; only the added posthumous honors for Duozuo and his fellows were stopped.
7
明年春,起金仙、玉真兩觀,用工巨億。 湊進諫曰:「陛下去夏,以妨農停兩觀作,今正農月,翻欲興功。 雖知用公主錢,不出庫物,但土木作起,高價雇人,三輔農人,趨目前之利,舍農受雇,棄本逐末。 臣聞一夫不耕,天下有受其饑者,臣竊恐不可。」 帝不應。 湊又奏曰:「日陽和布氣,萬物生育,土木之間,昆蟲無數。 此時興造,傷殺甚多,臣亦恐非仁聖本旨。」 睿宗方納其言,令在外詳議。 中書令崔湜、侍中岑羲謂湊曰:「公敢言此,大是難事。」 湊曰:「叨食厚祿,死且不辭,況在明時,必知不死。」 尋出為陜州刺史,無幾,轉汝州刺史。 開元二年夏,敕靖陵建碑,征料夫匠。 湊以自古園陵無建碑之禮,又時正旱儉,不可興功,飛表極諫,工役乃止。 尋遷岐州剌史。
The following spring work resumed on the Golden Immortal and Jade Perfected monasteries at a cost of hundreds of millions. Cou remonstrated: "Last summer Your Majesty halted the two monasteries because they harmed the harvest. Now, in the heart of the farming season, you wish to resume construction. Even if the princess's funds are used and nothing is drawn from the treasury, once building begins labor is hired at high wages. Farmers of the capital districts, tempted by quick pay, leave the fields for hire and abandon the essential for the trivial. I have heard that when one man leaves the plow, someone in the realm goes hungry. I fear this cannot be allowed." The emperor did not answer. Cou submitted again: "The sun now spreads spring warmth and all things quicken. Between earth and timber countless insects teem. Building now would kill vast numbers of them, and I fear that is not the intent of a benevolent sage-ruler." Only then did Emperor Ruizong accept his counsel and order the matter debated further outside court. Chief Minister Cui Shi and Palace Attendant Cen Yi told Cou, "You dared say this—that was no small feat." Cou replied, "I enjoy a generous stipend and would not refuse even death; and in an enlightened age, I knew I would not die." Soon he was posted out as governor of Shan, and not long after was transferred to Ru. In the summer of Kaiyuan 2 an edict ordered a stele raised at Jing Mausoleum and laborers requisitioned. Cou argued that imperial tombs had never had steles by ancient rite, and that drought and scarcity made work impossible. He sent an urgent memorial in strong protest, and the labor was stopped. He was soon transferred to governor of Qi.
8
四年,入為將作大匠。 時有敕復孝敬廟為義宗,湊上書曰:臣聞王者制禮,是曰規模,規模之興,實由師古。 師古之道,必也正名,名之與實,故當相副。 其在宗廟,禮之大者,豈可失哉! 禮,祖有功而宗有德,祖宗之廟,百代不毀。 故殷太甲為太宗,太戊曰中宗,武丁曰高宗; 周宗文王、武王; 漢則文帝為太宗,武帝為世宗。 其後代有稱宗者,皆以方制海內,德澤可宗,列於昭穆,期於不毀。 稱宗之義,不亦大乎! 伏惟孝敬皇帝位止東宮,未嘗南面,聖道誠冠於儲副,德教不被於寰瀛,立廟稱宗,恐非合禮。 況別起寢廟,不入昭穆,稽諸祀典,何義稱宗? 而廟號義宗,稱之萬代,以臣庸識,竊謂不可。 陛下率循典禮,以辟大猷,有司所議,以致此失,或虧盡善,豈不惜哉! 望更詳議,務合於禮。
In the fourth year he returned to the capital as Director of Palace Buildings. An edict then restored the Xiaojing Temple under the title Yizong. Cou submitted a memorial that read: I have heard that a kingly ruler institutes rites to establish the model, and that the model flourishes only by following antiquity. The way of following antiquity requires rectifying names, so that names and realities correspond. In the ancestral temple, where ritual matters most, how can error be permitted! According to ritual, 'Ancestor' honors achievement and 'Patriarch' honors virtue; the temples of ancestors and patriarchs stand for a hundred generations. Thus in the Yin dynasty Tai Jia was called Taizong, Tai Wu Zhongzong, and Wu Ding Gaozong; In the Zhou dynasty King Wen and King Wu were honored as patriarchs; In the Han dynasty Emperor Wen was Taizong and Emperor Wu Shizong. Thereafter, those called 'Patriarch' in later ages all ruled the realm, their virtue worthy of veneration, placed in the zhao-mu order and intended never to be abolished. The meaning of the title 'Patriarch' is indeed great! Emperor Xiaojing held only the position of Crown Prince in the Eastern Palace and never faced south as sovereign. Though his sagely conduct surpassed other heirs apparent, his virtuous teachings did not extend throughout the realm; to establish a temple and call him 'Patriarch' would not accord with ritual. Moreover, a separate resting temple is built outside the zhao-mu order; by what principle in the sacrificial codes is he called 'Patriarch'? Yet the temple name Yizong would be used for ten thousand generations; with my limited understanding, I believe this cannot be permitted. Your Majesty follows canonical rites to open the great way, yet the officials' deliberations have led to this error. If it falls short of perfect goodness, is that not regrettable! I ask that the matter be deliberated again and brought into conformity with ritual.
9
於是敕太常議,遂停義宗之號。
The emperor then ordered the Court of Imperial Sacrifices to deliberate, and the title of Righteous Ancestor was dropped.
10
湊前後上書論時政得失,多見采納。 再遷河南尹,累封彭城郡公。 以公事左授杭州刺史,轉汾州刺史。 十年,拜太原尹兼節度支度營田大使。 其年卒官,年六十五。 贈幽州都督,謚曰文。 子見素,自有傳。 湊從子虛心。 湊從子虛心虛心父維,少習儒業,博涉文史,舉進士。 自大理丞累至戶部郎中,善於剖判,時員外郎宋之問工於詩,時人以為戶部有二妙。 終於左庶子。 虛心舉孝廉,為官嚴整,累至大理丞、侍御史。 神龍年,推按大獄,時僕射竇懷貞、侍中劉幽求意欲寬假,虛心堅執法令,有不可奪之志。 景龍中,西域羌胡背叛,時並擒獲,有敕盡欲誅之。 虛心論奏,但罪元首,其所全者千餘人。 虛心有孝行,及丁父憂,哀毀過禮,鬚鬢盡白,朝廷深所嗟尚。 後遷御史中丞、左右丞、兵部侍郎、荊揚潞長史兼采訪使,所在官吏振肅,威令甚舉,中外以為標準。 歷戶部尚書、東京留守,卒,年六十七。 虛心季弟虛舟季弟虛舟,亦以舉孝廉,自御史累至戶部、司勛、左司郎中,歷荊州長史,洪、魏州刺史兼采訪使,多著能政。 入為刑部侍郎,終大理卿。 家有禮則,父子兄弟更踐郎署,時稱「郎官家」。 韓思復,京兆長安人也。 祖倫,貞觀中為左衛率,賜爵長山縣男。 思復少襲祖爵。 初為汴州司戶參軍,為政寬恕,不行杖罰。 在任丁憂,家貧,鬻薪終喪制。 時姚崇為夏官侍郎,知政事,深嘉嘆之,擢授司禮博士。
Cou repeatedly memorialized on the strengths and failings of current policy, and many of his proposals were adopted. He was again promoted to Metropolitan Governor of Henan and was enfeoffed as Duke of Pengcheng. After a demotion on official grounds he became governor of Hang, then was transferred to Fen. In the tenth year he was appointed Metropolitan Governor of Taiyuan and concurrently commissioner for military supplies, finance, and agricultural colonies. That same year he died in office at sixty-five. Posthumously he was honored as Area Commander of You, with the posthumous title Wen. His son Jiansu has a separate biography. Cou's nephew was Xuxin. Cou's nephew Xuxin: Xuxin's father Wei studied Confucian learning in his youth, became widely read in letters and history, and passed the jinshi examination. He rose from aide in the Court of Judicial Review to director in the Ministry of Revenue and excelled at deciding cases. Vice Director Song Zhiwen was celebrated for poetry, and people said the ministry had two outstanding talents. He rose at last to Left Vice Director of the Crown Prince's Household. Xuxin entered service through the Filial and Incorrupt recommendation, governed with stern discipline, and rose to aide in the Court of Judicial Review and palace censor. During Shenlong he investigated major criminal cases. Left Vice Director Dou Huaizhen and Palace Attendant Liu Youqiu wished to show leniency, but Xuxin held fast to the law with unshakable resolve. In the Jinglong period Qiang and Hu of the western frontier rebelled and were captured in large numbers; an edict ordered them all put to death. Xuxin memorialized that only the leaders should be punished, thereby sparing more than a thousand lives. Xuxin was famed for filial piety. When his father died he mourned beyond the prescribed rites until his hair and beard turned white, and the court greatly admired him. He later served as Vice Censor-in-Chief, left and right vice director, Vice Minister of War, and chief administrator of Jing, Yang, and Lu with touring commissioner duties. Wherever he went officials straightened up, his authority was firmly enforced, and he became a model inside and outside the court. He served as Minister of Revenue and Defender of the Eastern Capital, and died at sixty-seven. Xuxin's youngest brother Xuzhou also entered through Filial and Incorrupt recommendation. He rose from censor to director in several ministries, served as chief administrator of Jing and as governor of Hong and Wei with touring commissioner duties, and earned a reputation for capable government. He entered the capital as Vice Minister of Justice and ended his career as chief judge of the Court of Judicial Review. The household observed strict propriety, and fathers, sons, and brothers served in turn as courtiers, earning the nickname "the Courtier clan." Han Sifu came from Chang'an in the Jingzhao region. His grandfather Lun served as Commandant of the Left Guard in the Zhenguan era and was enfeoffed as Baron of Changshan. Sifu inherited his grandfather's title while still young. His first post was revenue aide in Bian prefecture, where he governed leniently and never ordered beatings. While in office his father died. The family was poor, and he sold firewood to see the mourning period through. Yao Chong, then Vice Minister of War and active in government, admired him greatly and appointed him Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices.
11
景龍中,累遷給事中。 時左散騎常侍嚴善思坐譙王重福事下制獄,有司言:「善思昔嘗任汝州刺史,素與重福交遊,召至京師,竟不言其謀逆,唯奏雲『東都有兵氣』。 據狀正當匿反,請從絞刑。」 思復駁奏曰:「議獄緩死,列聖明規; 刑疑從輕,有國常典。 嚴善思往在先朝,屬韋氏擅內,恃寵宮掖,謀危宗社。 善思此時遂能先覺,因詣相府有所發明,進論聖躬必登宸極。 雖交遊重福,蓋謀陷韋氏。 及其謁見,猶不奏聞,將此行藏,即從極法。 且敕追善思,書至便發,向懷逆節,寧即奔命? 一面疏網,誠合順生; 三驅取禽,來而可宥。 惟刑是恤,事合昭詳。 請付刑部集群官議定奏裁,以符慎獄。」 是時議者多雲善思合從原宥,有司仍執前議請誅之。 思復又駁曰:「臣聞刑人於市,爵人於朝,必僉謀攸同,始行之無惑。 謹按諸司所議,嚴善思十才一入,抵罪惟輕。 夫帝閽九重,塗遠千里。 故借天下之耳以聽,聽無不聰; 借天下之目以視,視無不接。 今群言上聞,采擇宜審,若棄多就少,臣實懼焉。 輿誦一乖,下情不達,雖欲從眾,其可及乎! 凡百京司,逢時之泰,列官分職,有賢有親。 親則列籓諸王,陛下愛子; 賢則胙茅開國,陛下名臣。 見無禮於君,寧肯雷同不異? 今措詞多出,法令從輕。」 上納其奏,竟免善思死,配流靜州。 思復尋轉中書舍人,數上疏陳得失,多見納用。
In the Jinglong period he rose to Supervising Secretary. Left Regular Attendant Yan Shansi was implicated in Prince Qiao Chongfu's case and sent to the imperial prison. The responsible offices argued: "Shansi had once been governor of Ru and was close to Chongfu. Summoned to the capital, he never reported the plot, reporting only that 'there is a martial aura in the eastern capital.' On the facts he had concealed treason and should be strangled.' Sifu rebutted: "Deliberating cases and deferring execution is the enlightened rule of successive emperors; when the law is doubtful, apply the lighter penalty—that is the standing law of the realm. In the previous reign, when the Wei clan seized power within the palace and, relying on imperial favor, plotted against the dynasty, Shansi perceived the danger early, went to the chief minister's office with revelations, and argued that Your Majesty was destined to take the throne. Though he associated with Chongfu, that association was presumably aimed at bringing down the Wei faction. Yet when he was received in audience he still did not report the plot. To punish such conduct with death Moreover, when the edict summoning Shansi arrived he set out at once. If he had harbored treason, would he have come so promptly? To loosen the net on one side is truly to let him live; in the three-sided hunt, game that comes forward may be spared. Mercy in punishment is what clear deliberation requires. I ask that the Ministry of Justice assemble officials to deliberate and report a decision, in keeping with careful adjudication." Most of those deliberating favored pardoning Shansi, but the responsible offices still pressed for execution. Sifu rebutted again: "I have heard that punishments belong in the marketplace and honors in the court—only when deliberation is unanimous can action proceed without doubt. Reviewing the deliberations of the various offices, only one in ten argued for punishment, and even then for the lighter penalty. The emperor's gate stands nine layers deep; the road to it stretches a thousand li. Therefore he borrows the ears of the empire to listen, and nothing escapes his hearing; he borrows the eyes of the empire to see, and nothing escapes his sight. Many voices have now reached Your Majesty, and the choice should be made with care. If the many are set aside for the few, I truly fear the consequences. Once public report goes awry, sentiment below cannot reach the throne. Even if one wishes to follow the multitude, how can that be achieved? All the capital offices, in this age of great peace, divide duties among officials—some are worthy men, some are kin of the throne. Among kin are the feudatory princes, Your Majesty's beloved sons; among the worthy are the enfeoffed lords and Your Majesty's famed ministers. Seeing discourtesy toward the ruler, would they all echo one another without dissent? Now the wording of many memorials favors leniency under the law." The emperor accepted his memorial and spared Shansi from death, banishing him to Jing prefecture instead. Sifu was soon made Secretariat Drafter. He repeatedly memorialized on policy strengths and failings, and many of his proposals were adopted.
12
開元初,為諫議大夫。 時山東蝗蟲大起,姚崇為中書令,奏遣使分往河南、河北諸道殺蝗蟲而埋之。 思復以為蝗蟲是天災,當修德以禳之,恐非人力所能翦滅。 上疏曰:「臣聞河南、河北蝗蟲,頃日更益繁熾,經歷之處,苗稼都損。 今漸翾飛河西,遊食至洛,使命來往,不敢昌言,山東數州,甚為惶懼。 且天災流行,埋瘞難盡。 望陛下悔過責躬,發使宣慰,損不急之務,召至公之人,上下同心,君臣一德,持此誠實,以答休咎。 前後驅蝗使等,伏望總停。 《書》云:『皇天無親,惟德是輔; 人心無親,惟惠是懷。』 不可不收攬人心也。」 上深然之,出思復疏以付崇。 崇乃請遣思復往山東檢蝗蟲所損之處,及還,具以實奏。 崇又請令監察御史劉沼重加詳覆,沼希崇旨意,遂箠撻百姓,回改舊狀以奏之。 由是河南數州,竟不得免。 思復遂為崇所擠,出為德州刺史,轉絳州刺史。 入為黃門侍郎,加銀青光祿大夫,代裴漼為御史大夫。 思復性恬淡,好玄言,安仁體道,非紀綱之任。 無幾,轉太子賓客。 十三年卒,年七十餘。 子朝宗,天寶初為京兆尹。 曾孫佽,字相之,少有文學,性尚簡淡。 舉進士,累辟籓方。 自襄州從事征拜殿中侍御史,遷刑部員外。 求為澧州刺史。 歲滿受代,宰相牛僧孺鎮鄂渚,辟為從事,征拜刑部郎中,轉京兆少尹,遷給事中。 出為桂州觀察使。 桂管二十餘郡,州掾而下至邑長三百員,由吏部而補者什一,他皆廉吏量其才而補之。 佽既至桂,吏以常所為官者數百人引謁,一吏執籍而前曰:「具員請補其闕。」 佽戒曰:「在任有政者,不奪所理; 有過者,必繩以法。 缺者當俟稽諸故籍,取其可者,然後補之。」 會春衣使內官至,求賄於郵吏,三豪家因厚其資以求邑宰,佽悉諾之。 使去,坐以撓法,各笞其背。 自是豪猾斂跡,皆得清廉吏以蘇活其人。 未幾,詔置五管都監,計所費盡一境地征,不足飽其意,佽特用儉約處之,遂為定制,君子以為難。 開成二年,卒於官,贈工部侍郎。 張廷珪,河南濟源人,其先自常州徙焉。 廷珪少以文學知名,性慷慨,有誌尚。 弱冠應制舉。 長安中,累遷監察御史。 則天稅天下僧尼出錢,欲於白司馬阪營建大像。 廷珪上疏諫曰:夫佛者,以覺知為義,因心而成,不可以諸相見也。 經云:「若以色見我,以音聲求我,是人行邪道,不能見如來。」 此真如之果不外求也。 陛下信心歸依,發弘誓願,壯其塔廟,廣其尊容,已遍於天下久矣。 蓋有住於相而行布施,非最上第一希有之法。 何以言之? 經云:「若人滿三千大千世界七寶以用布施,及恆河沙等身命布施,其福甚多。 若人於此經中受持及四句偈等為人演說,其福勝彼。」 如佛所言,則陛下傾四海之財,殫萬人之力,窮山之木以為塔,極冶之金以為像,雖勞則甚矣,費則多矣,而所獲福不愈於一禪房之匹夫。 菩薩作福德,不應貪著,蓋有為之法不足高也。 況此營建,事殷木土,或開發盤礴,峻築基階,或塞穴洞,通轉采斫,輾壓蟲蟻,動盈巨億。 豈佛標坐夏之義,湣蠢動而不忍害其生哉! 又役鬼不可,唯人是營,通計工匠,率多貧窶,朝驅暮役,勞筋苦骨,簞食瓢飲,晨炊星飯,饑渴所致,疾疹交集。 豈佛標徒行之義,湣畜獸而不忍殘其力哉! 又營築之資,僧尼是稅,雖乞丐所致,而貧闕猶多。 州縣征輸,星火逼迫,或謀計靡所,或鬻賣以充,怨聲載路,和氣未洽。 豈佛標隨喜之義,湣愚蒙而不忍奪其產哉! 且邊朔未寧,軍裝日給,天下虛竭,海內勞弊。 伏惟陛下慎之重之,思菩薩之行為利益一切眾生,應如是布施,則其福德若南西北方四維上下虛空不可思量。 夫何必勤於住相,雕蒼生之業,崇不急之務乎! 臣以時政論之,則宜先邊境,蓄府庫,養人力; 臣以釋教論之,則宜救苦厄,滅諸相,崇無為。 伏願陛下察臣之愚,行佛之意,務以理為上,不以人廢言,幸甚幸甚。
Early in Kaiyuan he became Remonstrating Grand Master. Locusts swarmed across Shandong. Yao Chong, then Chief Minister, memorialized that envoys be sent to Henan and Hebei to kill the locusts and bury them. Sifu held that locusts were a heaven-sent calamity to be expelled through moral cultivation, not exterminated by human effort. He memorialized: "I hear that locusts in Henan and Hebei have grown fiercer still, destroying crops wherever they pass. They are now spreading west of the river and feeding as far as Luoyang. Envoys come and go but dare not speak plainly, and several Shandong prefectures are deeply alarmed. When a heaven-sent calamity spreads, burial cannot exhaust it. I hope Your Majesty will repent and examine yourself, send envoys to console the people, cut non-urgent affairs, summon the most impartial men, unite court and country in one purpose, and answer heaven's signs with sincere reform. I humbly ask that all the locust-expelling envoys already sent out be recalled. The Documents says, 'High Heaven has no favorites; it assists only virtue; the people's hearts have no favorites; they cherish only kindness.' You must not fail to win the people's hearts." The emperor strongly approved and sent Sifu's memorial to Yao Chong. Chong then asked that Sifu be sent to Shandong to inspect locust damage and report the facts on his return. Chong also ordered Investigating Censor Liu Zhao to review the reports. Eager to please Chong, Zhao beat the people and altered the earlier findings in his memorial. As a result several Henan prefectures could not escape the disaster. Sifu was then forced out by Chong and posted as governor of De, then transferred to Jiang. He returned to the capital as Vice Minister of the Palace Secretariat, received the Silver-Green Tally grand master title, and replaced Pei Huan as Censor-in-Chief. Sifu was tranquil by nature, fond of philosophical discourse, and at ease in benevolence—not suited to the role of enforcing discipline. Before long he was made Mentor of the Heir Apparent. He died in the thirteenth year at over seventy. His son Chaozong became Metropolitan Governor of Jingzhao early in Tianbao. His great-grandson Ci, styled Xiangzhi, showed literary talent in youth and valued simplicity and detachment. He passed the jinshi examination and was repeatedly summoned to serve in regional administrations. From aide in Xiang prefecture he was summoned as Palace Censor, then promoted to vice director in the Ministry of Justice. He requested appointment as governor of Li prefecture. When his term ended, Chief Minister Niu Sengru, stationed at Ezhou, summoned him as aide. He was then recalled as director in the Ministry of Justice, made Vice Metropolitan Governor of Jingzhao, and promoted to Supervising Secretary. He was posted out as Observation Commissioner of Gui. Gui administered more than twenty prefectures with three hundred posts from prefectural aides down to district magistrates. Only one in ten was filled through the Ministry of Personnel; the rest were appointed by honest officials according to talent. When Ci reached Gui, clerks presented several hundred men who customarily held office. One clerk came forward with a register and said, "The posts are full—please fill the vacancies." Ci warned them: "Those currently in office who have governed well shall keep their posts; those at fault will be punished by law. Vacancies must await review of the old registers; only then appoint those who are fit." When the palace envoy for spring clothing arrived and sought bribes from postal clerks, three powerful families paid heavily to secure district magistracies, and Ci appeared to assent to all of them. When the envoy left, he charged them with obstructing the law and had each flogged. From then on the powerful curbed themselves, and honest officials were appointed who revived the people's welfare. Soon an edict established a general supervisor of the Five Circuits whose expenses consumed an entire circuit's land tax and still left them unsatisfied. Ci governed with exceptional frugality, and his practice became the standard—men of principle called it a rare achievement. He died in office in Kaicheng 2 and was posthumously honored as Vice Minister of Public Works. Zhang Tinggui came from Jiyuan in Henan; his family had moved there from Chang prefecture. Tinggui was famed in youth for literary talent, and he was generous by nature with high aspirations. At twenty he entered the special imperial examination. During the Chang'an reign he rose to investigating censor. Empress Wu levied contributions from monks and nuns empire-wide to build a great image at White Horse Slope. Tinggui submitted a memorial of remonstrance that read: The Buddha means enlightenment and awareness; it arises within the mind and cannot be seen through physical forms. The sutra says: "If one sees me through form or seeks me through sound, that person walks a wrong path and cannot see the Tathagata." This shows that the fruit of true suchness is not to be sought outside oneself. Your Majesty has taken refuge with sincere faith, made great vows, and for long strengthened pagodas and temples and enlarged revered images throughout the empire. Yet to dwell on form while practising giving is not the supreme and rarest Dharma. Why is this so? The sutra says: "If a person filled the great chiliocosm with the seven treasures for giving, or gave away as many lives as the sands of the Ganges, the merit would be very great. But if a person receives and upholds even a four-line verse from this sutra and expounds it for others, the merit surpasses that." As the Buddha said, if Your Majesty exhausts the wealth of the four seas and the strength of ten thousand men, depletes mountain timber for pagodas and the finest metal for images, the labour and expense would be immense, yet the merit gained would not exceed that of one ordinary man in a meditation hut. A bodhisattva performing merit should not be attached to it, for conditioned dharmas are not worthy of esteem. Moreover, this construction involves extensive earth and timber work: levelling ground and raising foundations, blocking caves and clearing paths for quarrying, crushing insects and ants by the hundreds of millions. How can this accord with the Buddha's principle of the summer retreat, which pities all living creatures and cannot bear to harm their lives! Furthermore, ghosts cannot be employed—only men can be put to work. Most artisans are poor and destitute, driven at dawn and toiling at dusk until sinews ache and bones pain. With a bowl of rice and a gourd of drink, cooking at dawn and eating under the stars, hunger and thirst bring disease upon disease. How can this accord with the Buddha's principle of going on foot, which pities beasts of burden and cannot bear to exhaust their strength! Moreover, construction funds are taxed from monks and nuns; though raised by begging, poverty and want remain widespread. Prefectures and counties levy and deliver them with urgent pressure. Some have no means to comply; some sell their possessions to pay. The roads resound with grievance, and harmony is not restored. How can this accord with the Buddha's principle of rejoicing in others' merit, which pities the ignorant and cannot bear to seize their property! Moreover, the northern frontiers are not yet pacified and military supplies must be provided daily. The empire is depleted and the people wearied throughout the realm. I humbly ask Your Majesty to weigh this carefully. A bodhisattva's conduct benefits all living beings; giving in this way, merit becomes like the emptiness of the four directions and up and down—inconceivable and immeasurable. Why must one toil at dwelling on form, carving away the livelihood of the people, and promoting nonessential affairs! From the standpoint of current governance, one should first attend to the borders, fill the treasuries, and nurture human strength; From the standpoint of the Buddhist teaching, one should relieve suffering, extinguish all forms, and honour non-action. I humbly ask Your Majesty to consider my counsel, act according to the Buddha's intent, take principle as paramount, and not dismiss words because of the speaker. That would be most fortunate indeed.
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則天從其言,即停所作,仍於長生殿召見,深賞慰之。 景龍末,為中書舍人,再轉洪州都督,仍為江南西道按察使。
Empress Wu accepted his counsel, halted construction at once, and summoned him to the Hall of Long Life to praise and comfort him warmly. Late in Jinglong he became Secretariat Drafter, then Area Commander of Hong prefecture and Investigating Commissioner of the Jiangnan West Circuit.
14
開元初,入為禮部侍郎。 時久旱,關中饑儉,下制求直諫昌言、弘益政理者。 廷珪上疏曰:臣聞古有多難興王、殷憂啟聖者,皆以事危則誌銳,情迫則思深,故能自下登高,轉禍為福者也。 伏見景龍之末,中宗遇禍,先天之際,兇黨構謀,社稷有危於綴旒,國朝將均於絕綖。 陛下神武超代,精誠動天,再掃氛沴,六合清朗。 而後上順皇旨,俯念黔黎,高運璿衡,光膺寶箓。 日月所燭之地,書軌未通之鄉,無不霑濡渥恩,被服淳化。 十堯、九舜,未足稱也。 明明上帝,照臨下土,宜錫介祉,以答鴻休。 然屬頃歲已來,陰陽愆候,九谷失稔,萬姓阻饑,關輔之間,更為尤劇。 至有樵蘇莫爨,糧籺靡資,不復聊生,方憂轉死。 偶會昌運,遘茲難否者,臣竊思之,皇天之意,將恐陛下春秋鼎盛,神聖在躬,不崇朝而建大功,自籓邸而陟元後,或簡下濟之道,獨滿雄圖之誌,輕虞舜而不法,思漢武以自高。 是故昭見咎征,載加善誘,將欲大君日慎一日,雖休勿休,永保太和,以固邦本也。 斯皇天於陛下睠顧深矣,陛下焉可不奉若休旨而寅畏哉! 臣愚誠願陛下約心削誌,澄思勵精,考羲、農之書,敦素樸之道。 登庸端士,放黜佞人,屏退後宮,減徹外廄,場無蹴⻊匊之玩,野絕從禽之賞。 休石田之遠境,罷金甲之懸軍,矜恤煢嫠,蠲薄徭賦。 去奇伎淫巧,捐和璧隋珠,不見可欲,使心不亂。 自然波清四海,塵銷九域,農夫樂其業,餘糧棲於畝。 則和氣上通於天,雖五星連珠,兩曜合璧,未足多也; 珍祥下降於地,雖鳳皇巢閣,麒麟在郊,未足奇也。 或謂天之炯戒不足畏者,則將上帝憑怒,風雨迷錯,荒饉日甚,無以濟下矣。 或謂人之窮乏不足恤者,則將齊甿沮誌,億兆攜離,愁苦勢極,無以奉上矣。 斯蓋安危所系,禍福之源,奈何朝廷曾不是察! 況今陛下受命伊始,敷政惟新,卿士百僚,華夷萬族,莫不清耳以聽,刮目而視,延頸企踵,冀有所聞見,颙颙如也。 何可怠棄典則,坐辜其望哉!
Early in Kaiyuan he returned to the capital as Vice Minister of Rites. A long drought had brought famine to Guanzhong, and an edict sought forthright counsel that would improve governance. Tinggui submitted a memorial that read: I have heard that in antiquity many difficulties revived a king and deep anxiety opened the way for a sage, for when affairs are perilous the will grows sharp and when circumstances press, thought grows deep—thus one may rise from low estate to high and turn calamity into fortune. I observe that at the end of Jinglong Emperor Zhongzong met disaster, and around Xiantian the villainous faction plotted treason. The altars of state hung as precarious as dangling tassels; the dynasty was about to be severed like a broken thread. Your Majesty, with divine martial prowess surpassing the age and sincerity that moved Heaven, swept away the baleful miasma once more and made the universe clear and bright. Thereafter you complied with Heaven's mandate and looked down with compassion on the people, operating the jade balance of heaven and gloriously receiving the precious tally. In lands illuminated by sun and moon and in regions where writing and chariot tracks had not yet reached, none failed to receive generous grace and be clothed in pure transformation. Even ten Yaos and nine Shuns would not suffice for praise. The bright Supreme Deity, shining upon the earth below, should bestow great blessings in response to this magnificent good fortune. Yet in recent years yin and yang have fallen out of season, the nine grains have failed to ripen, and the people have been stricken by hunger—especially severe within the passes. Some have no firewood to cook with and no grain to eat, no longer able to make a living and now fearing death by turns. That such hardship should coincide with this prosperous reign—I privately think Heaven may fear that Your Majesty, in the prime of youth with sagely intelligence in your person, having achieved great merit in a morning and risen from a princely mansion to sovereignty, might neglect the way of humbly benefiting others, be satisfied with ambitious plans alone, lightly disregard Yu and Shun without emulating them, and think of Emperor Wu of Han to exalt yourself. Therefore Heaven clearly shows ominous signs and repeatedly offers good guidance, wishing the great ruler to grow more cautious day by day, not resting even when there is cause for rest, eternally preserving great harmony to secure the state's foundation. This shows Heaven's profound care for Your Majesty. How can Your Majesty fail to respectfully comply with this excellent intent and be reverently cautious! In my sincere counsel I ask Your Majesty to restrain your heart and curb your ambitions, clarify your thoughts and strive for excellence, study the books of Fu Xi and Shen Nong, and uphold the way of simplicity. Employ upright scholars and dismiss flatterers, send away the rear palace ladies and reduce the outer stables, ban kicking-ball games in the arenas, and end hunts in the wilds. Rest distant campaigns on stony fields, disband armies in golden armour, pity widows and orphans, and reduce corvée and taxes. Eliminate strange skills and excessive craftsmanship, discard the He jade and Sui pearl, avoid what is desirable so that the mind is not confused. Then the waves will clear across the four seas, dust will vanish from the nine regions, farmers will delight in their work, and surplus grain will rest in the fields. Then harmonious energy will ascend to Heaven. Even if the five planets aligned or the sun and moon formed a pair, it would not be excessive; Rare auspicious signs will descend upon the earth. Even if phoenixes nested in the pavilions and qilin appeared in the suburbs, it would not be remarkable. If some say Heaven's bright warnings need not be feared, then the Supreme Deity will grow angry, wind and rain will go astray, famine will grow daily worse, and there will be no means to succour the people below. If some say the people's poverty is not worth pitying, then the common people will lose heart, the masses will become estranged, sorrow and bitterness will reach an extreme, and there will be no means to serve those above. These are matters on which safety and danger depend, the source of fortune and calamity. How is it that the court has not yet examined this! Moreover, Your Majesty has just received the mandate and is spreading governance anew. Ministers and officials, Chinese and foreign peoples alike, all listen with cleared ears, watch with sharpened eyes, crane their necks and stand on tiptoe, hoping to hear and see something, looking up with great expectation. How can one neglect canonical rules and, by sitting idle, betray their hopes!
15
再遷黃門侍郎。 時監察御史蔣挺以監決杖刑稍輕,敕朝堂杖之,廷珪奏曰:「御史憲司,清望耳目之官,有犯當殺即殺,當流即流,不可決杖。 士可殺,不可辱也。」 時制命已行,然議者以廷珪之言為是。 俄坐泄禁中語,出為沔州刺史,又歷蘇、宋、魏三州刺史。 入為少府監,加金紫光祿大夫,封范陽男。 四遷太子詹事,以老疾致仕。 二十二年卒,年七十余,贈工部尚書,謚曰貞穆。 廷珪素與陳州刺史李邕親善,屢上表薦之,邕所撰碑碣之文,必請廷珪八分書之。 廷珪既善楷隸,甚為時人所重。 王求禮,許州長社人。 則天朝為左拾遺,遷監察御史。 性忠謇敢言,每上封彈事,無所畏避。 時契丹李盡忠反叛,其將孫萬榮寇陷河北數州,河內王武懿宗擁兵討之,畏懦不敢進。 既而賊大掠而去,懿宗條奏滄、瀛百姓為賊詿誤者數百家,請誅之。 求禮執而劾之曰:「此詿誤之人,比無良吏教習,城池又不完固,為賊驅逼,茍徇圖全,豈素有背叛之心哉! 懿宗擁強兵數十萬,聞賊將至,走保城邑,罪當誅戮。 今乃移禍於詿誤之人,豈是為臣之道? 請斬懿宗以謝河北百姓。」 懿宗大懼,則天竟降制赦之。
He was again promoted to Vice Minister of the Palace Secretariat. Investigating Censor Jiang Ting was ordered beaten in court because the beating he supervised in a case was deemed too light. Tinggui memorialized: "Censors are the disciplinary arm of the state, the ruler's eyes and ears of pure repute. If guilty they should be executed or exiled—not beaten. A gentleman may be killed, but he must not be humiliated." The order had already been carried out, but deliberators held Tinggui's words to be correct. Soon he was charged with leaking palace secrets and posted as governor of Mian, then served in succession at Su, Song, and Wei. He returned to the capital as Director of the Palace Domestic Service, received the Gold-Purple Tally grand master title, and was enfeoffed as Baron of Fanyang. After four appointments as Mentor of the Heir Apparent, he retired because of age and illness. He died in the twenty-second year at over seventy and was posthumously honored as Minister of Public Works, with the posthumous title Zhenmu. Tinggui had long been close to Li Yong, governor of Chen, and repeatedly recommended him. For every stele text Yong composed, he asked Tinggui to inscribe it in clerical script. Skilled in regular and clerical script, he was greatly esteemed in his time. Wang Qiuli came from Changshe in Xu prefecture. Under Empress Wu he served as Left Reminder, then became investigating censor. Loyal, upright, and fearless in speech, he submitted sealed impeachments without hesitation. When the Khitan Li Jinzhong rebelled, his general Sun Wanrong overran several Hebei prefectures. Wang Wuyizong of Henei led troops against them but, cowed by fear, dared not advance. After the rebels looted the region and withdrew, Wuyizong memorialized that several hundred households in Cang and Ying had been misled by the enemy and should be executed. Qiuli impeached him, saying: "These people were misled. They had no good officials to guide them, their defenses were weak, and the rebels drove them to save themselves—how can they be said to have harbored treason from the start? Wuyizong commanded hundreds of thousands of troops, yet fled to walled towns when he heard the enemy approach—his crime deserves death. Now he shifts blame onto the misled—is that the conduct of a minister? I ask that Wuyizong be beheaded to answer to the people of Hebei." Wuyizong was terrified, and Empress Wu ultimately issued an edict pardoning the people.
16
契丹陷幽州,饋輓不給,左相豆盧欽望請輟京官兩月俸料以助軍,求禮謂欽望曰:「公祿厚俸優,輟之可也。 國家富有四海,足以儲軍國之用,何藉貧官薄俸。 公此舉豈宰相法邪?」 欽望作色拒之,乃奏曰:「秦、漢皆有稅算以贍軍,求禮不識大體,妄有訟辭。」 求禮對曰:「秦皇、漢武稅天下,虛中以事邊,奈何使聖朝則效? 不知欽望此言是大體耶!」 事遂不行。
When the Khitan captured Youzhou and supplies failed, Left Chief Minister Dou Lu Qinwang proposed that capital officials forgo two months' salary for the army. Qiuli told him: "Your salary is generous—you may forgo it. The state is rich within the four seas and can supply military needs—why take from poor officials' thin salaries? Is this the way of a chief minister?" Qinwang flushed with anger and rejected him, then memorialized, saying, "Qin and Han had levied taxes to supply armies; Qiuli does not understand larger principles and rashly disputed the matter." Qiuli replied: "The First Emperor and Emperor Wu taxed the empire and emptied the center to serve the frontier—must our sage dynasty imitate them? Does Qinwang not know whether his words accord with larger principles?" The proposal was not carried out.
17
時三月雪,鳳閣侍郎蘇味道等以為瑞,草表將賀,求禮止之曰:「宰相調燮陰陽,而致雪降暮春,災也,安得為瑞? 如三月雪為瑞雪,則臘月雷亦瑞雷也。」 舉朝嗤笑,以為口實。 求禮竟以剛正,名位不達而卒。 辛替否,京兆人也。 景龍年為左拾遺。 時中宗置公主府官屬,安樂公主府所補尤多猥濫。 又駙馬武崇訓死後,棄舊宅別造一宅,侈麗過甚。 時又盛興佛寺,百姓勞弊,帑藏為之空竭。 替否上疏諫曰:臣聞古之建官,員不必備,九卿以下,皆有其位而闕其選。 賞一人謀乎三事,職一人訪乎群司,負寵者畏權勢之在躬,知榮者避權門而不入。 故稱賞不僭,官不濫,士皆完行,家有廉節,朝廷有餘俸,百姓有餘食。 下忠於上,上禮於下,委裘而無倉卒之危,垂拱而無顛沛之患。 夫事有惕耳目,動心慮,作不師古,以行於今者,蓋有之矣。 伏惟陛下百倍行賞,十倍增官,金銀不供其印,束帛無充於錫,何愧於無用之臣,何慚於無力之士! 至於公府補授,罕有推擇,遂使富商豪賈,盡居纓冕之流,鬻伎行巫,鹹涉膏腴之地。 臣聞古人曰:「福生有基,禍生有胎。」 伏惟公主陛下之愛女,選賢良以嫁之,設官職以輔之,傾府庫以賜之,壯第觀以居之,廣池膋以嬉之,可謂之至重也,可謂之至憐也。 然而用不合於古義,行不根於人心,將恐變愛成憎,轉福為禍。 何者? 竭人之力,人怨也; 費人之財,人怨也; 奪人之家,人怨也。 愛數子而取三怨於天下,使邊疆之士不盡力,朝廷之士不盡忠,人之散矣,獨持所愛,何所恃乎? 向者魯王賞同諸婿,禮等朝臣,則亦有今日之福,無曩時之禍。 人徒見其禍,不知禍之所來。 所以禍者,寵愛過於臣子也。 去年七月五日,已見其征矣。 而今事無改,更尚因循,棄一宅而造一宅,忘前禍而忽後禍。 臣竊謂陛下憎之矣,非愛之也。 臣聞君以人為本,本固則邦寧。 邦寧則陛下夫婦、母子長相保也。 伏惟外謀宰臣,為久安之計以存之,不使奸臣賊子以伺之。 臣聞微不可不防,遠不可不慮。 當今疆場危駭,倉廩空虛,揭竿守禦之士賞不及,肝腦塗地之卒輸不充。 而方大起寺舍,廣造第宅,伐木空山,不足充梁棟,運土塞路,不足充墻壁。 誇古耀今,逾章越制,百僚鉗口四海傷心。 夫釋教者,以清凈為基,慈悲為主,故當體道以濟物,不欲利己以損人,故常去己以全真,不為榮身以害教。 三時之月,掘山穿池,損命也; 殫府虛帑,損人也; 廣殿長廊,榮身也。 損命則不慈悲,損人則不濟物,榮身則不清凈,豈大聖大神之心乎! 臣以為非真教,非佛意,違時行,違人欲。 自像王西下,佛教東傳,青螺不入於周前,白馬方行於漢後。 風流雨散,千帝百王,飾彌盛而國彌空,役彌重而禍彌大。 覆車繼軌,曾不改途,晉臣以佞佛取譏,梁主以舍身構隙。 若以造寺必為其理體,養人不足以經邦,則殷、周已往皆暗亂,漢、魏已降皆聖明; 殷、周已往為不長,漢、魏已降為不短。 臣聞夏為天子二十餘代而殷受之,殷為天子二十餘代而周受之,周為天子三十餘代而秦受之,自漢已後歷代可知也。 何者? 有道之長,無道之短,豈因其窮金玉、修塔廟,方得久長之祚乎! 臣聞於經曰:「菩薩心住於法而行布施,如人入暗,即無所見。」 又曰:「一切有為法,如夢幻泡影,如露亦如電。」 臣以減雕琢之費以賑貧下,是有如來之德; 息穿掘之苦以全昆蟲,是有如來之仁; 罷營構之直以給邊陲,是有湯、武之功; 回不急之祿以購廉清,是有唐、虞之理。 陛下緩其所急,急其所緩,親未來而疏見在,失真實而冀虛無,重俗人之所為而輕天子之功業,臣竊痛之矣。 當今出財依勢者盡度為沙門,避役奸訛者盡度為沙門; 其所未度,唯貧窮與善人。 將何以作範乎? 將何以役力乎? 臣以為出家者,舍塵俗,離朋黨,無私愛。 今殖貨營生,非舍塵俗; 拔親樹知,非離朋黨; 畜妻養孥,非無私愛。 是致人以毀道,非廣道以求人。 伏見今之宮觀臺榭,京師之與洛陽,不增修飾,猶恐奢麗。 陛下尚欲填池塹,捐苑囿,以賑貧人無產業者。 今天下之寺蓋無其數,一寺當陛下一宮,壯麗之甚矣! 用度過之矣! 是十分天下之財而佛有七八,陛下何有之矣! 百姓何食之矣! 雖以陰陽為炭,萬物為銅,役不食之人,使不衣之士,猶尚不給。 況資於天生地養,風動雨潤,而後得之乎! 臣聞國無九年之儲,國非其國。 伏計倉廩,度府庫,百僚供給,百事用度,臣恐卒歲不充,況九年之積乎! 一旦風塵再擾,霜雹薦臻,沙門不可擐干戈,寺塔不足攘饑饉,臣竊痛之矣!
Snow fell in the third month. Vice Minister Su Weidao and others took it as an omen of good fortune and drafted a congratulatory memorial. Qiuli stopped them: "Chief ministers harmonize yin and yang, yet snow falls in late spring—that is a calamity, not a blessing. If snow in the third month is auspicious, then thunder in the twelfth month is auspicious too." The whole court laughed and made it a byword. Qiuli never rose high in rank because of his stern uprightness and died without attaining great office. Xin Tifou came from the Jingzhao region. In the Jinglong period he served as Left Reminder. Emperor Zhongzong had established official staffs for princesses' households, and appointments in Princess Anle's household were especially numerous and improper. After her consort Wu Chongxun died, she abandoned their old residence and built another of excessive splendor. Buddhist temples were also being built on a vast scale, exhausting the people and emptying the treasury. Xin Tifou submitted a memorial of remonstrance that read: I have heard that in ancient times when offices were established, posts need not be fully filled; below the Nine Ministers, positions existed but appointments were often left vacant. To reward one man, three matters were weighed; to appoint one man, all departments were consulted. Favorites feared power concentrated in their own hands; men of honor shunned powerful cliques and kept their distance. Thus rewards were not excessive and offices were not overfilled; scholars kept their integrity, households maintained frugality, the court had surplus pay, and the people had surplus food. Subjects were loyal below and rulers were courteous above; the throne could be entrusted without sudden peril, and governance could proceed at ease without crisis. There are indeed affairs that shock the senses and disturb the mind, conducted without following antiquity yet carried out today. Your Majesty rewards a hundredfold and multiplies offices tenfold; gold and silver cannot supply the seals, and silk cannot fill the gifts—what shame is there before useless ministers, what embarrassment before powerless men of talent! As for public appointments, proper selection is rare, so wealthy merchants occupy official ranks and sellers of skills and practitioners of sorcery all gain fertile lands. I have heard the ancients say: "Blessings have their foundation; disasters have their beginnings." The princess is Your Majesty's beloved daughter: worthy men were chosen for her marriage, officials were appointed to assist her, the treasury was emptied to endow her, grand mansions were built for her residence, and broad ponds and gardens were made for her pleasure—this is utmost favor, utmost tenderness. Yet the practice does not accord with ancient principle, and the conduct is not rooted in popular sentiment; I fear love will turn to hatred and blessing into disaster. Why is this so? Exhausting people's strength breeds resentment; Expending people's wealth breeds resentment; Seizing people's homes breeds resentment. To love a few children while incurring three resentments under Heaven is to leave frontier soldiers unwilling to exert themselves and court officials unwilling to serve loyally; when the people are scattered, what can Your Majesty rely upon by clinging only to those you favor? If previously the Prince of Lu's rewards had equaled those of the other sons-in-law and his ceremonial standing that of court ministers, there would be today's blessings without yesterday's disasters. People see only the disaster, not the source from which it came. The reason for the disaster is that favor exceeded what is due to ministers and sons. On the fifth day of the seventh month last year, the portent was already visible. Yet now nothing has changed; the old course is still followed—one residence is abandoned to build another, the former disaster forgotten and the coming one ignored. I privately believe Your Majesty hates her rather than loves her. I have heard that the ruler takes the people as his foundation; when the foundation is secure, the state is at peace. When the state is at peace, Your Majesty, husband and wife, mother and son, may long preserve one another. I humbly ask that Your Majesty consult your chief ministers and devise a plan for lasting security, so that treacherous ministers and wicked sons may not lie in wait. I have heard that what is subtle must be guarded against and what is distant must be considered. At present the frontiers are in alarm, the granaries are empty; defenders who take up arms go unrewarded, and supplies for soldiers who spill their blood on the field are insufficient. Yet temples and mansions are being built on a vast scale—trees are felled until mountains are bare, yet not enough for beams and pillars; earth is moved until roads are blocked, yet not enough for walls. Boasting of antiquity while outshining the present, exceeding regulations and overstepping institutions—all officials are silenced and the whole realm grieves. The Buddhist teaching takes purity and stillness as its foundation and compassion as its principle; it should embody the Way to succor beings, not benefit oneself at others' expense, abandon the self to preserve truth, and not glorify the body to the harm of the teaching. In the three seasons, digging mountains and excavating ponds harms life; Emptying the treasury harms the people; Grand halls and long corridors glorify the self. To harm life is not compassion; to harm people is not succoring beings; to glorify the self is not purity—is this the mind of the great sage! I believe this is not the true teaching, not the Buddha's intent; it goes against the times and against what people desire. Since the Buddha descended in the west and Buddhism spread eastward, it did not enter before the Zhou, and the White Horse only came after the Han. Through a thousand emperors and a hundred kings, ornament grew ever more lavish while states grew ever emptier, labor ever heavier while disasters ever greater. Overturned carts followed one after another yet the course was never changed; Jin ministers were mocked for fawning on Buddhism, and the Liang ruler brought strife by sacrificing his body. If building temples is necessarily the embodiment of principle and nourishing the people is insufficient to govern the state, then Yin and Zhou and all before were benighted and chaotic, while Han, Wei and all after were sagely and enlightened; Yin and Zhou and all before did not endure long, while Han, Wei and all after did not fall short in duration. I have heard that Xia ruled for over twenty generations before Yin succeeded, Yin for over twenty generations before Zhou, Zhou for over thirty before Qin; from Han onward the succession is known. Why is this so? Those who had the Way endured long; those without it were short-lived. How could exhausting gold and jade and building pagodas and temples alone secure a long reign! I have heard in the sutras: "When a bodhisattva's mind abides in dharmas while practicing giving, it is like a person entering darkness who sees nothing." It also says: "All conditioned phenomena are like dreams, illusions, bubbles, shadows, like dew and like lightning." To reduce carving and ornamentation and relieve the poor would be to possess the Tathagata's virtue; To cease digging and piercing and preserve insects would be to possess the Tathagata's compassion; To halt construction funds and supply the frontiers would be to possess the merit of Tang and Wu; To redirect unnecessary salaries to reward integrity and purity would be to possess the governance of Yao and Shun. Your Majesty relaxes what is urgent and presses what is relaxed, draws near to the future and distances the present, loses what is real and hopes for the void, values what common people do and belittles the Son of Heaven's achievements—I grieve over this. At present those with wealth and influence all take vows to become monks, and those evading service through fraud all take vows to become monks; Those not yet ordained are only the poor and the good. How then will a model be set? How then will labor be mobilized? I believe that those who leave the household abandon worldly affairs, leave factions behind, and have no private attachments. Now accumulating goods and pursuing livelihood is not abandoning worldly affairs; Promoting relatives and cultivating connections is not leaving factions; Keeping wives and raising children is not being free of private attachments. This leads people to destroy the Way rather than broadening the Way to attract people. I observe that the palaces, observatories, terraces, and pavilions in the capital and Luoyang, even without further adornment, would still be feared as extravagant. Your Majesty still wishes to fill moats and ponds and relinquish parks to relieve the poor who have no property. The monasteries under Heaven are beyond count; one monastery equals one of Your Majesty's palaces—how exceedingly magnificent! The expenditure exceeds even that! Seven or eight parts in ten of the realm's wealth belong to Buddhism—what then does Your Majesty possess! What then do the common people eat! Even if yin and yang were used as charcoal and all things as copper, employing men who do not eat and using men who do not wear clothes, it would still not suffice. How much less when wealth depends on what heaven and earth produce, moved by wind and moistened by rain! I have heard that a state without nine years' stores is not truly a state. Calculating the granaries and measuring the treasuries, with provisions for all officials and expenses for all affairs, I fear they will not suffice for one year's end, let alone nine years' accumulation! Should war arise again or frost and hail repeatedly strike, monks cannot take up arms and monasteries cannot ward off famine—I grieve over this!
18
疏奏不納。 歲餘,安樂公主被誅。
The memorial was not accepted. A little over a year later, Princess Anle was executed.
19
睿宗即位,又為金仙、玉真公主廣營二觀。 先是,中宗時斜封受官人一切停任,凡數百千人,又有敕放令卻上。 替否時為左補闕,又上疏陳時政曰:臣嘗以為古之用度不時,爵賞不當,破家亡國者,口說不如身逢,耳聞不如眼見,臣請以有唐已來理國之得失,陛下之所眼見者以言之。 惟陛下審之聽之,擇善而從之,則萬歲之業,自可致矣,何憂乎黎庶之不康,福祚之不永! 伏以太宗文武聖皇帝,陛下之祖,撥亂反正,開階立極,得至理之體,設簡要之方。 省其官,清其吏,舉天下職司無一虛授,用天下財帛無一枉費。 賞必俟功,官必得俊,所為無不成,所征無不伏。 不多造寺觀而福德自至,不多度僧尼而殃咎自滅。 道合乎天地,德通乎神明。 故天地憐之,神明祐之,使陰陽不愆,風雨合度。 四人樂其業,五谷遂其成,腐粟爛帛,填街委巷。 千里萬里,貢賦於郊; 九夷百蠻,歸款於闕。 自有帝皇已來,未有若斯之神聖者也,故得享國久長,多歷年所,陛下何不取而則之? 中宗孝和皇帝,陛下之兄,居先人之業,忽先人之化,不取賢良之言,而恣子女之意。 官爵非擇,虛食祿者數千人; 封建無功,妄食土者百餘戶。 造寺不止,枉費財者數百億; 度人不休,免租庸者數十萬。 是使國家所出加數倍,所入減數倍。 倉不停卒歲之儲,庫不貯一時之帛。 所惡者逐,逐多忠良; 所愛者賞,賞多讒慝。 朋佞喋喋,交相傾動。 容身不為於朝廷,保位皆由於黨附。 奪百姓之食,以養殘兇; 剝萬人之衣,以塗土木。 於是人怨神怒,親忿眾離,水旱不調,疾疫屢起。 遠近殊論,公私罄然。 五六年間,再三禍變,享國不永,受終於兇婦人。 寺舍不能保其身,僧尼不能護妻子,取譏萬代,見笑四夷。 此陛下之所眼見也,何不除而改之。 依太宗之理國,則百官以理,百姓無憂,故太山之安立可致矣; 依中宗之理國,則萬人以怨,百事不寧,故累卵之危立可致矣。 頃自夏已來,霪雨不解,谷荒於壟,麥爛於場。 入秋已來,亢旱成災,苗而不實,霜損蟲暴,草葉枯黃。 下人咨嗟,未知赒賑; 而營寺造觀,日繼於時,檢校試官,充臺溢署。 伏惟陛下愛兩女,為造兩觀,燒瓦運木,載土填坑,道路流言,皆云計用錢百餘萬貫。 惟陛下,聖人也,無所不知; 陛下,明君也,無所不見。 既知且見,知倉有幾年之儲,庫有幾年之帛? 知百姓之間可存活乎? 三邊之上可轉輸乎? 當今發一卒以禦邊陲,遣一兵以衛社稷,多無衣食,皆帶饑寒。 賞賜之間,迥無所出,軍旅驟敗,莫不由斯。 而乃以百萬貫錢造無用之觀,以受六合之怨乎! 以違萬人之心乎! 伏惟陛下續阿韋之醜跡,而不改阿韋之亂政。 忍棄太宗之理本,不忍棄中宗之亂階; 忍棄太宗久長之謀,不忍棄中宗短促之計。 陛下又何以繼祖宗、觀萬國。 昔陛下為皇太子,在阿韋之時,危亡是懼,常切齒於群兇。 今貴為天子,富有海內,而不改群兇之事,臣恐復有切齒於陛下者也,陛下又何以非群兇而誅之? 臣往見明敕,自今已後,一依貞觀故事。 且貞觀之時,豈有今日之造寺營觀,加僧尼道士,益無用之官,行不急之務,而亂政者也! 臣以為棄其言而不行其信,慕其善而不遷其惡,陛下又何以刑於四海? 往者,和帝之憐悖逆也,為奸人之所誤,宗晉卿勸為第宅,趙履溫勸為園亭,損數百家之居,侵數百家之地。 工徒斫而未息,義兵紛以交馳,卒使亭不得遊,宅不得坐。 信邪佞之說,成骨肉之刑,此陛下之所眼見也。 今茲造觀,臣必知非陛下、公主之本意,得無趙履溫之徒將勸為之,冀誤其骨肉,不可不明察也。 臣聞出家修道者,不預人事,專清其身心,以虛泊為高,以無為為妙,依兩卷《老子》,視一軀天尊,無欲無營,不損不害。 何必璇臺玉榭,寶像珍龕,使人困窮,然後為道哉! 且舊觀足可歸依,無造無營,以取窮竭。 若此行之三年,國不富,人不安,朝廷不清,陛下不樂,則臣請殺身於朝,以令天下言事者。 伏惟陛下行非常之惠,權停兩觀,以俟豐年。 以兩觀之財,為公主施貧窮,填府庫,則公主福德無窮矣。 不然,臣恐下人怨望,不減於前朝之時。 前朝之時,賢愚知敗,人雖有口而不敢言,言未發聲,禍將及矣。 韋月將受誅於丹僥,燕欽融見殺於紫庭,此人皆不惜其身而納忠於主,身既死矣,朝亦危矣。 故先朝誅之,陛下賞之,是陛下知直言之士有裨於國。 臣今直言,亦先代之直,惟陛下察之。
When Emperor Ruizong acceded, construction again expanded on the two monasteries for the Golden Immortal and Jade Perfected princesses. Earlier, under Emperor Zhongzong, all who had received office through irregular sealed appointments had been dismissed—several hundred or more—and an edict then allowed them to return. Xin Tifou was then Left Remonstrator and again memorialized on current policy, saying: I have often thought that in ancient times, untimely expenditure and improper ranks and rewards brought ruin to families and states—hearing is not as good as seeing. I ask to speak of the successes and failures in governing since Tang began, which Your Majesty has seen with your own eyes. If Your Majesty examines and listens, choosing the good and following it, the enterprise of ten thousand years can naturally be achieved. Why worry that the people will not prosper or that fortune will not endure! Emperor Taizong, the Civil and Martial Sage Emperor, Your Majesty's grandfather, quelled disorder and restored order, established foundations and set the supreme standard, grasped the essence of perfect governance, and instituted simple and essential methods. He reduced officials, purified the bureaucracy, ensured not a single post in the empire was granted idly, and not a single coin of the realm's wealth was wasted. Rewards awaited merit; offices went only to the worthy. Nothing he undertook failed; no one he campaigned against failed to submit. He did not build many temples and monasteries, yet blessings came of themselves; he did not ordain many monks and nuns, yet calamities vanished of themselves. His Way harmonized with Heaven and Earth; his virtue reached the divine spirits. Therefore Heaven and Earth cherished him and the divine spirits protected him, so yin and yang were without fault and wind and rain were timely. The four classes delighted in their occupations; the five grains reached full harvest; surplus grain and silk rotted, filling streets and alleys. From a thousand li, from ten thousand li, tribute flowed to the capital suburbs; The nine Yi and hundred Man tribes submitted allegiance at the palace gates. Since emperors and kings began, none has been so divine and sagely; thus he enjoyed a long reign over many years. Why does Your Majesty not take him as a model? Emperor Zhongzong, the Filial and Harmonious Emperor, Your Majesty's elder brother, inherited his ancestors' enterprise but neglected their transformative teachings; he did not heed worthy counsel but indulged his children's whims. Official ranks were not chosen with care; several thousand idly consumed salaries; Fiefs were granted without merit; over a hundred households improperly held land. He ceaselessly built temples, wasting wealth amounting to tens of billions; He endlessly ordained people, exempting hundreds of thousands from taxes and corvee. This caused state expenditures to increase severalfold while income decreased severalfold. The granaries held no store for a year's end; the treasuries held no silk for a season. Those he disliked were banished, and many of the banished were loyal and good; Those he loved were rewarded, and many of the rewarded were slanderers and villains. Cliques of flatterers chattered incessantly, vying to topple one another. Maintaining one's position at court came not through personal integrity but through factional attachment. He seized the people's food to nourish the cruel and vicious; He stripped clothing from ten thousand to adorn buildings of wood and earth. Consequently men resented and spirits raged, kin were angered and the multitude alienated; floods and droughts were unseasonable and epidemics arose repeatedly. Near and far opinions differed; public and private resources were exhausted. Within five or six years calamities recurred; he did not enjoy a long reign and met his end at the hands of a vicious woman. Temples could not protect his person; monks and nuns could not protect his wife and children. He earned ridicule for ten thousand generations and laughter from the four quarters. This Your Majesty has seen with your own eyes. Why not eradicate and reform it? If Taizong's way of governing is followed, the hundred officials will be well-ordered and the people will have no worries; thus the security of Mount Tai can readily be achieved; If Zhongzong's way of governing is followed, ten thousand people will harbor resentment and a hundred affairs will be unsettled; thus the peril of piled eggs can readily be achieved. Recently since summer continuous rain has not ceased; grain lies wasted in the fields and wheat rots on the threshing grounds. Since autumn began severe drought has brought disaster; seedlings fail to bear fruit, frost and insects ravage, and grass and leaves wither yellow. The common people lament, yet relief is unknown; Yet temple and monastery construction continues daily without pause, and inspector and probationary offices overflow the ministries and bureaus. Your Majesty, loving your two daughters, is building two monasteries for them, burning tiles, transporting timber, carrying earth to fill pits. Street rumors all say the planned cost exceeds a million strings of cash. Your Majesty is a sage; there is nothing you do not know; Your Majesty is an enlightened ruler; there is nothing you do not see. Since you know and see, do you know how many years' stores the granaries hold? How many years' silk the treasuries hold? Do you know whether the common people can survive? Whether supplies can be transported to the three frontiers? At present when a single soldier is dispatched to defend the frontiers or guard the altars of state, most lack clothing and food and all bear hunger and cold. When it comes to rewards and gifts there is nothing to give; armies are suddenly defeated, all for this reason. And yet a million strings of cash are spent to build useless monasteries, incurring the resentment of all within the four seas! Thereby opposing the hearts of ten thousand people! Your Majesty continues the ugly traces of Lady Wei yet does not reform Lady Wei's chaotic governance. You can bear to discard Taizong's fundamental principles of order but cannot bear to discard Zhongzong's steps to chaos; You can bear to discard Taizong's long-term plans but cannot bear to discard Zhongzong's short-sighted schemes. How then will Your Majesty succeed the ancestors and be observed by the myriad states? In the past when Your Majesty was Crown Prince, in Lady Wei's time, you feared peril and ruin and constantly gnashed your teeth at the crowd of villains. Now honored as Son of Heaven, possessing wealth within the seas, if you do not reform the affairs of that crowd of villains, I fear there will again be those who gnash their teeth at Your Majesty. How then can Your Majesty condemn those villains and execute them? I previously saw a clear edict stating that henceforth everything should follow Zhenguan precedents. Moreover in the Zhenguan era was there such building of temples and monasteries, such increase of monks, nuns, and Daoist priests, such multiplication of useless officials, and such pursuit of non-urgent tasks leading to chaotic governance! I believe that to discard their words and not keep faith, to admire their goodness and not change their evils—how then will Your Majesty set an example for all within the four seas? In the past Emperor He's pity for the rebellious was misled by treacherous men. Zong Jinqing urged building mansions; Zhao Luwen urged building gardens and pavilions, destroying the dwellings of several hundred families and encroaching on the land of several hundred families. Craftsmen and laborers hewed without rest; righteous troops rushed about in confusion, until the pavilions could not be enjoyed and the mansions could not be occupied. Believing evil flatterers, he brought punishment upon his own flesh and blood. This Your Majesty has seen with your own eyes. Now in building these monasteries, I know it is not the original intention of Your Majesty and the princesses. Might men like Zhao Luwen be urging it, hoping to mislead your flesh and blood? This must be clearly examined. I have heard that those who leave home to cultivate the Way do not involve themselves in human affairs but purify body and mind, taking emptiness and detachment as lofty and non-action as wondrous, relying on the two scrolls of the Laozi, contemplating the Heavenly Venerable, without desire or striving, without harm or injury. Why must there be jade terraces and jeweled pavilions, precious images and rare shrines, reducing people to poverty and distress, and only then call it the Way! Moreover the old monasteries are sufficient for devotion; do not build, do not strive, thereby causing exhaustion. If after this course is followed for three years the state is not wealthy, the people are not secure, the court is not pure, and Your Majesty is not happy, then I beg to be executed at court as a warning to all who speak on affairs under Heaven. I humbly beg Your Majesty to exercise extraordinary grace, temporarily halting the two monasteries until a year of plenty. Use the wealth for the two monasteries to allow the princesses to give alms to the poor and fill the treasuries; then the princesses' blessings and virtue will be boundless. If not, I fear popular resentment will be no less than in the previous reign. In the previous reign the worthy and foolish knew ruin was coming; though men had mouths they dared not speak. Before words were uttered calamity was about to strike. Wei Yuejiang was executed at Dandiao; Yan Qinrong was killed in the Purple Court. These men did not cherish their own lives but offered loyalty to their lord. With their lives gone, the court was also endangered. Therefore the previous reign executed them but Your Majesty rewards them. This shows Your Majesty knows that outspoken scholars benefit the state. My outspoken words now are also the outspokenness of former generations. I beg Your Majesty to consider this.
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疏奏,睿宗嘉其公直。 稍遷為右臺殿中侍御史。 開元中,累轉潁王府長史。 天寶初卒,年八十余。 史臣曰:夫好聞其善,惡聞其過,君人者之常情也; 寧諂媚以取容,不逆耳以招禍,臣人者之常情也。 能反此者,不亦善乎! 李、薛等六君,吐忠讜之言,補朝廷之失,有犯無隱,不愧古人,有唐之良臣也。 贊贊曰:臣之事君,有邪有正。 君之使臣,從諫則聖。 李、薛輸忠,救人之命。 韋、韓讜言,醫國之病。 辛、王章疏,犯顏竦聽。 張子法言,實裨時政。
Emperor Ruizong praised his fairness and uprightness when the memorial was submitted. He was soon made Palace Censor of the Right Bureau. In Kaiyuan he rose to chief administrator of the Prince of Ying's household. He died early in Tianbao at over eighty. The historiographer writes: To love hearing praise and hate hearing fault is the common disposition of rulers; to prefer flattery for favor rather than unwelcome words that invite disaster is the common disposition of ministers. To reverse this—is that not excellence itself? Li, Xue, and the other six spoke loyal and forthright words, repaired the court's failings, and offended without concealment. They did not disgrace the ancients—they were worthy ministers of Tang. Commentary: In how ministers serve their ruler, there is the crooked and the straight. In how rulers employ ministers, to heed remonstrance is sagely. Li and Xue offered loyalty and saved lives. Wei and Han spoke bluntly and cured the state's ills. Xin and Wang submitted forthright memorials that made the ruler listen in awe. Zhang's words accorded with law and truly benefited governance.