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卷九十七 列傳第四十七: 劉幽求 鐘紹京 郭元振 張說

Volume 97 Biographies 47: Liu Youqiu, Zhong Shaojing, Guo Yuanzhen, Zhang Shuo

Chapter 101 of 舊唐書 · Old Book of Tang
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Chapter 101
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1
使 使
Li Yi, whose original name was Shangzhen, came from Fangzi in Zhao prefecture. While still young he and his brothers Shangyi and Shangzhen were all celebrated for their writing and passed the jinshi examination. In the Jinglong period he rose through successive appointments to Secretariat Drafter. At that time Emperor Zhongzong dispatched envoys to the Jiangnan region by separate routes to buy captive animals for release, paying with official goods held in each district. Yi submitted a memorial that read: "Jiangnan is a country of waterways; gathering and fishing are its trades. Fish and turtles are what the people live on—the land has made it so since long ago. I humbly reflect that Your Majesty's sacred kindness nurtures all life, extending favor to every plant and animal, spreading imperial virtue even to the tiniest fish and shellfish. Though the gentle rain of grace may touch even the humblest creatures; the blessing of nurturing life has not yet fully reached the common people. Why is this? Rivers and lakes teem with life beyond measure; yet treasury outlays to support the policy are quickly spent dry. If the expense is modest, little is actually saved; if it is large, the ordinary budget will fall short. To rescue animals—how can that compare with relieving human distress? Moreover, sellers of captive animals care only for profit: money flows in every day and nets multiply year by year. One day's outlay from the court yields a hundredfold in their trade. Far better to divert the ransom funds and lighten levies on the poor—reviving the state and cherishing the people would bring a greater blessing still."
2
使 西
For several years Yi served as drafter of imperial proclamations. In Jingyun 1 he became Vice Minister of Personnel. He shared charge of appointments with Song Jing and Lu Congyuan, and their even-handed evaluations won wide praise. He was soon made Vice Minister of the Palace Secretariat. When Emperor Ruizong ordered the building of the Golden Immortal and Jade Perfected monasteries, Yi memorialized repeatedly in protest, and the emperor each time received him leniently. Early in Kaiyuan he was specially assigned, with Secretariat Vice Minister Su Ting, to compile the court diaries, extract counsel and speeches that could serve long-range statecraft, and present them in a separate memorial. While serving in the Chancellery, Yi frequently struck down or revised draft documents. Early in Kaiyuan, when Yao Chong headed the Purple Tenuity Bureau, he recommended Yi as vice director—ostensibly to advance talent, but in truth to place him under his own authority and strip him of the power to review and reject. Before long he was appointed Minister of Justice. Refined and learned, Yi was spoken of at court as a man with the makings of a chief minister, but he died of illness before that could come to pass. His elder brother Shangyi, magistrate of Qingyuan, died young; Shangzhen rose to serve as governor of Bo prefecture. The brothers jointly published a collection called the Li Brothers' Flower Calyx Anthology, twenty juan in all. Xue Deng, whose original name was Qian'guang, came from Yixing in Chang prefecture. His father Shitong was a General of Soaring Hawks in the Daye era. When chaos engulfed Jiangdu, Shitong joined his countryman Wenren Sian and others in holding their home commandery against marauders. In Wude 2 he sent envoys to pledge allegiance. Emperor Gaozu praised him, sent an imperial letter of encouragement, and appointed him governor of Dongwu. Soon Fu Gongshi rose in rebellion at Jiangdu and sent generals such as Ximen Junyi against Chang. Shitong met them in battle, routed them utterly, and Junyi's party escaped only with their lives. After Gongshi's defeat, his accumulated merit won him the title Marquis of Linfen. Early in Zhenguan he rose to governor of Quan prefecture, where he died.
3
簿 退 西西 駿 祿 使 便便 使 使 使 穿 退 祿 祿
Qian'guang was widely read in letters and history. When he discussed events of earlier times, he cited evidence so fully that he seemed to have witnessed them himself. In his youth he ranked with Xu Jian and Liu Zixuan in reputation and counted them among his close friends. During Wenming he entered official service as chief clerk of Langzhong. In the Tianshou period he became Left Remonstrator. Appointments had grown lax, and Qian'guang submitted a memorial that began: "A state is enriched by worthy men, and a minister proves loyalty by recommending talent." Zipi yielded office to Zichan; Bao Shuqi pushed Guan Zhong forward; King Zhao of Yan placed his armies in Yue Yi's hands; and Fu Jian entrusted the government to Wang Meng. Zichan bore the people's reproach; Guan Zhong coveted merchants' shared profits; King Zhao rewarded chariots and horses to silence slander; and Fu Jian put Fan Shi to death to remove false accusation. Under suspicion they won greater trust; under slander they stayed above doubt—because rulers recognized them quietly and watched them closely through delegated authority. Zai Wo was judged foolish by Confucius; Feng Meng was discovered by Emperor Guangwu; Han Xin went unnoticed under Xiang Yu; Mao Sui was slighted by Lord Pingyuan—all failures to keep talent. When a ruler takes unworthy men, government goes wrong; when he gains worthy assistants, the age grows calm. Yao relied on the Eight Worthies and good order followed; King Wen of Zhou used the Ten Wise Ministers and the realm was at peace. From this it follows that talent must be scrutinized and office must not be given rashly. Why? Lately recommendations have seldom rested on real ability. Men trade inflated praise, promote one another's fame, and chase small personal gains while forgetting a subject's larger duty. That is no way to serve the state, find talent, or meet Your Majesty's high hopes. I observe that the ancients chose officials very differently from us. They first looked to the roots of a man's name and conduct, weighed local reputation, honored courtesy and humility, made integrity the mark of trust, put plain sincerity first and literary ornament last. People then valued mutual encouragement and deference, and scholars shed frivolous ways. Men who sought office had to cultivate steadfast integrity and the rule of entering office with difficulty and leaving it with ease. Public opinion fixed their rank, and prefectural commanders could scarcely twist right into wrong. A district's tribute candidates reflected honor or shame on its governor; and exposed misconduct shamed the whole community. When Li Ling surrendered, Longxi was ashamed; when Duan Ganmu withdrew from office, Xihe was praised. When reputation outweighs profit, petty conduct fades; when profit outweighs reputation, greed and violence spread. The root of changing custom, then, is to drive out frivolity. When Ji Que entered court through courtesy and deference, the people of Jin learned ritual; when Wen Weng used Confucian schools to reform custom, Shu produced many scholars. King Zhao of Yan loved horses, and fine steeds came to court; Lord Ye loved dragons, and a real dragon entered his hall. Never yet has a ruler's taste failed to reshape the conduct of those below. Even after the Warring States age, with its shifting alliances, Han still looked for men of full character. Men of ritual and integrity refined themselves, won village esteem, and only then were summoned to office. Wei especially favored free and unrestrained men; while Jin and Song came to value pedigree alone. That bred the habit of seeking posts through patrons and betrayed the rule that office should follow merit. Liang favored literary composition in its recommendations; Chen prized rhapsody and verse above all else. Their age therefore exalted poetry and wine and neglected self-cultivation. Sui still retained that habit. In Kaihuang, Li E told Emperor Wen: "Wei's Three Ancestors loved polished phrasing, ignored the ruler's great task, and prized petty literary craft. Documents piled up page after page with nothing but moonlight and dew; cases overflowed with wind and cloud alone. The age took that for refinement, and the court promoted men by it—so writing grew ever more ornate and government ever more disorderly." The emperor accepted Li E's proposal and issued an edict forbidding empty literary flourishes. That same year Sima Youzhi, prefect of Sizhou, was punished because his memorial was neither classical nor factual. Customs were corrected, encouragement spread, and government improved sharply. When Emperor Yang succeeded, he changed the law again and established the Presented Scholar examination and related categories. Youth then imitated one another again: they clung to the shallow, chased deadlines, stitched together short essays called policy studies, and prized emptiness over substance. Tang inherited the mandate and has slowly corrected old abuses; Your Majesty now reigns and seeks to judge talent for shared rule. To set the root and exalt reform, nothing matters more than honoring the worthy. Today's recommendations no longer match reality. Village opinion is settled by petty men's pens, and conduct reviews lack the judgment of elders. Candidates clamor for examination rank in prefectures and districts, and pleading for favor is outdone only by prostration. Sometimes, as soon as the decree appears, they are sent to conduct searches, racing to government gates and in and out of princes' mansions. They submit petitions and poems, hoping only for the droppings of patronage; from head to foot they seek the favor of being raised up. Candidates are therefore commonly called seekers of recommendation. Seeking describes self-promotion, not being discovered by others. Watch their conduct and weigh their talent, and character shows itself at once. When self-interest runs deep, fairness is lost; when greed for office shows itself, integrity grows thin. A prefect's commission may be lofty, yet it is nothing like Huangfu Mi's earnest yielding; the Yellow Gate may be honored, yet it lacks Qin Jia's steadfast refusal. Even when they cannot suppress self-interest and recommend others, they refuse to wait for the three summonses. How does that compare with the gleaming white colt unstained by dust, or humble silk honored above worldly things—measured by breadth of spirit! Principled men are ashamed to push themselves forward; ordinary men discard the remote and choose the connected. Selection offices therefore buzz within the examination halls; district tributes and guest scholars quarrel at the palace steps. Slander gathers and slowly becomes custom. Those who chase glory chase profit as well; the modest bear no taint of bribery. Only the highest wisdom stays unmoved; for ordinary men, habit decides all. If cautious and sincere men are honored, office-seekers will cultivate virtue to preserve their names; if the door to rivalry is opened, every seeker becomes a flatterer and hanger-on. Flattery harms the people; self-restraint blesses the masses. Every gradual change in custom begins here. Village opinion today rests entirely with the village head. Even when a man breaks ritual, falls under the penal code, falsifies registration, or buys rank with stolen merit—if he pays improper bribes, the village is said to have no complaint. How can that compare with Guo Tai's weighing of men, Mao Rong's high standing, Pei Yiren's promotions, or Xia Shao's fame—judging true worth! For men fit to govern the state, we now require only policy essays; for warriors able to defeat the enemy, we test only archery. If writing is strikingly fine, they take first rank; if thought is slightly weaker, they are sent home at once. Choosing men this way, I fear, departs from reality. Why? Yue Guang borrowed Pan Yue's pen; Xie Lingyun's prose outshone Xie Huilian's; Gongsun Hong wrote less well than Sima Xiangru; Cao Zhi's style surpassed Xun Yu's. If examination essays decided all, Pan, Xie, Cao, and Sima would rank above Sun and Yue; yet in planning strategy Pan Yue and Xie Lingyun would add little. One standard, then, cannot fit every case. In martial affairs Zhao Yun was brave but needed Zhuge Liang's direction; Zhou Bo was formidable but lacked Chen Ping's strategy. Place Fan Kuai in Xiao He's post and control would fail; put Xiao He in the ranks under command and he could not save his lord. Fighting generals excel at breaking the vanguard; planning generals excel at reading events. Wen Zhong piled rice and saw that Wei Xiao could be taken; Chen Tang counted on his fingers and knew the Wusun would settle themselves. When the eight difficulties were proposed, Emperor Gaozu later felt ashamed before Li Yiji; when the nine defenses were exhausted, Gongshu Ban lost heart for attacking Song. Planning generals are not masters of bow and horse; great ministers are not chosen by examination essays. How does that compare with Yuan Chang's self-praise or Cao Zhi's ornate chapters—judging fitness by empty display! I humbly ask Your Majesty to issue clear rules and strict standards for selection. One worthy man in a thousand li is not too many to hope for; opportunists who push forward must be blocked. Cut empty ornament, gather useful plans, reject groundless talk, and demand honest counsel. Test civil men by giving them office; test military men by assigning defense. First watch words and conduct; finally hold them to their names. Then the unworthy who slip through will have nowhere to hide. Yan Ying said: "Choose men by their words and test them by deeds; prefer few words and much action, plain writing and solid work." That is the way to choose worthy men. Men of exceptional martial skill or literary brilliance may have special gifts yet lack talent to govern the state—claws and teeth for the army, or models for poetry and rhapsody— may be tested with soaring policy essays, trained in piercing armor, ordered to compose a Sweet Springs rhapsody, or sent under central command against the enemy. Appoint by talent, and none need fail in office. I note: when Wu Qi was about to fight, attendants offered him a sword. Wu Qi said: "Beating the drum and resolving doubt in battle are a general's business. The work of one sword is not a general's business." I note: Zhuge Liang at the front did not wear armor himself. He held Shu troops south of the Wei River; Sima Yi kept his sword drawn yet dared not advance. Was that the use of bow and arrow! I note: when Yang Deyi recited Sima Xiangru's writing, Emperor Wu said: "I regret not living in the same age as this man." When Xiangru came he ended as Prefect of the Wen Garden, never raised to ministerial rank—because that was not his proper place. I note Han law: the recommender guaranteed his candidate for life. Yang Xiong was punished for Tian Yi and held to account for reckless recommendation; Chengzi's service as Wei chancellor was rewarded because he found a worthy man. When reward and punishment are enforced, solicitation ends; when yielding is honored, greed and rivalry disappear. Then the court will have no men fighting for salary, and selection offices will have modest officials. I further ask that a generous term be set for inquiry and screening. Suitable men should serve on probation to test ability; and be judged by actual performance to separate right from wrong. Fail, and dismiss as Wang Dan was dismissed; succeed, and reward as Zhai Huang was rewarded. Then worthies will not be hidden and salary will not be hoarded. Xun Yu advanced Zhong Yao and Guo Jia; Liu Yin recommended Li Ying and Zhu Mu—the examples are near at hand. Let successful recommenders receive the reward for finding talent; let reckless recommenders pay the penalty for deceit. Then worthy conduct will spread and the way of the gentleman will grow long.
4
祿 殿 祿 祿
He was soon made vice director in the Ministry of Works' water bureau, then rose to Supervising Secretary and acting governor of Chang. When the rebel Zhu Damu of Xuanzhou threw the region into turmoil and the people scattered in panic, Qian'guang tightened defenses, restored order, and the whole circuit grew calm. He became Vice Minister of Justice, received the Silver-Green Tally grand master title, and was later promoted to Left Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs. In the Jingyun period he was elevated to Censor-in-Chief. The monk Huifan, backed by Princess Taiping's influence, seized commoners' shops by force, and local officials could not stop him. Qian'guang prepared to impeach him, but others urged him to let the matter drop. He said: "The Censorate exists to clear injustice—why should I shrink back? If I am impeached at dawn and dismissed at dusk, so be it." He and Palace Censor Murong Ting then jointly impeached Huifan, but Princess Taiping framed him instead, and he was demoted to governor of Qi. After Huifan was put to death, he became Mentor of the Heir Apparent, then Minister of Justice, with the Gold-Purple Tally title and a post as Zhaowen Hall academician. Early in Kaiyuan he served as Defender of the Eastern Capital, then returned to the post of Mentor of the Heir Apparent. Because his personal name matched the heir apparent's, he memorialized to use his style name instead, and an imperial edict specially granted him the name Deng. Soon his illegitimate son Yue, a Thousand-Ox Guardsman, was impeached by the censorate, and Deng was sent home to his estate. Learning that his family was poor, the court also granted him a special retirement stipend. He died in the seventh year at seventy-three; posthumously he was honored as governor of Jin. He wrote Records of the Four Seasons in twenty juan. Wei Cou came from Wannian in the Jingzhao region. His great-grandfather Zan served as Sui Right Vice Director of the Secretariat. His grandfather Shuxie was governor of Pu prefecture. His father Xuan was chief administrator of the Guizhou military headquarters. Cou entered service in Yongchun 2 as military aide in Wu prefecture and later became legal aide in the Yangzhou prefectural office. Meng Shenshuang, a former Renshou magistrate in the prefecture, was violent and lawless and cultivated ties with powerful families; no previous official had dared prosecute him. Cou informed Chief Administrator Zhang Qian and asked leave to bring him down when the chance came. When Shenshuang was brought in for questioning, Cou showed no mercy. Shenshuang falsely claimed a secret imperial order protected him, but investigation exposed the lie, and Cou had him beaten to death. People near and far applauded. In the Jinglong period Cou rose to Vice Director of Palace Buildings and Vice Minister of the Imperial Granaries. He once clashed with Zong Chuke over official business and was posted out as governor of Bei.
5
祿 使 使 滿 使 使 使 使 使
When Emperor Ruizong acceded, Cou became Vice Director of the Court for Dependencies and received the Silver-Green Tally grand master title. In Jingyun 2 he became Vice Director of the Imperial Treasury and also served concurrently as Herald for Foreign Envoys. The Jiemin Crown Prince was being reburied, and an edict of special favor enlarged his posthumous title; the convictions of Li Duozuo and others were cleared and their offices restored, while the court also debated further posthumous honors. Cou submitted a memorial that read: I have heard that when a ruler issues commands and decrees, he must take the Way of Heaven as his model, so that the three bonds are put in order and all ten ranks submit as they should—making good manifest for the good and evil plain for the evil. For the good, rank and reward are displayed to encourage them; for the evil, punishments are established to chastise them. What reward and punishment cannot reach is judged by conduct and given a posthumous title for praise or blame—this is to admonish those yet to come. All these are great principles of utmost fairness, not matters in which private feeling may be indulged. Thus Jizi and Weizi were employed, while Guan and Cai were executed. Posthumous titles are when ministers judge their ruler and sons judge their father—and when one says "Spirit" or "Cruel," one dare not let private feeling disrupt great principles; how then can anything else be allowed to miss the mean! Your servant has observed that the Jiemin Crown Prince, together with Li Duozuo and others, led the imperial guards of the Northern Army against the imperial residence—breaking down gates and barriers, charging through the forbidden precinct; weapons pointed at the imperial canopy, cavalry surged into the Purple Forbidden Palace. Emperor Xiaobe moved to the Xuanwu Gate and personally issued an edict of grace, explaining loyalty and rebellion—yet the Heir Apparent sat his saddle at ease and urged his forces on without stopping. Soon his followers regretted their error and turned rebellion into loyalty—some turned their troops to punish the rebels, others submitted written confessions and restrained themselves. Duozuo and others were executed at the place of punishment, and only then did the Heir Apparent set about fleeing. If the wicked had aided one another and Heaven had offered no sign, if the rebels had lacked men to turn their blades, if attendants had failed in the guard of halberds at the palace steps—what disaster would have ensued is beyond words! At that time your subject held the office of Assistant Master of Palace Construction and was granted status as an Inner Attendant Herald. The next day Emperor Xiaobe summoned the attendant officials and, with tears streaming down, said: "I almost failed to see you again!" How extreme the peril and terror were! Yet now the holy dynasty clears their crimes, buries them with ceremony, and gives the posthumous title Jiemin ("Constant and Lamented")—in your subject's foolish understanding, this is privately perplexing. The rites between minister and ruler reach the utmost in solemn reverence; thus one must quicken one's pace when passing the ruler's place, and even to touch the grass where the ruler's horse passed is punishable by death. When Emperor Cheng of Han was Heir Apparent, he dared not travel on the imperial carriage road. When the Zhou royal house was in decline, Qin troops passed through the northern gate of Zhou; the attendants doffed their helmets and descended, yet Wangsun Man still reproached them for not rolling up armor and binding their weapons, ridiculed their lack of propriety, and knew they would inevitably be defeated. From this perspective, for the Heir Apparent to raise troops within the palace and ride his horse before the Emperor—this already transgresses ritual to an extreme; how much more so what actually followed! Yet he may be praised with a posthumous title—this your subject cannot comprehend. Is it because he beheaded Wu Sansi and his son that he is to be commended? To raise arms against rebels and restore peace to lord and father might be commendable—but to do so because one wished to seize the throne for oneself is to compete in rebellion. Can such a man be honored with a posthumous title? This, too, your subject cannot comprehend. Are we to commend him because he intended to depose Empress Wei? When Empress Wei's rebellion was manifest and all righteous bonds severed, even executing her would have been justified. At that moment Empress Wei's treason was not yet plain, no righteous bond had been broken, and to the Heir Apparent she was still his mother—what possible justification could there be for deposing one's own mother! Moreover, she was deposed not by Emperor Zhongzong's order but by force—coercing the father and deposing the mother is itself a grave rebellion. Can he be honored with a posthumous title? This, too, your subject cannot comprehend. If a ruler fails to rule as he should, how can a minister refuse to serve as a minister must? If a father fails to father as he should, how can a son refuse to be a son must? Even if a ruler and father behaved as Jie and Zhou did, ministers and sons still have no warrant to depose or kill him. How much more so when the late Emperor's achievements touched heaven and earth, his virtue embraced all living beings, his temple title is Zhongzong, and his posthumous name is Emperor Xiaobe—and a son who defied his command is to be honored with a posthumous title? This, too, your subject cannot comprehend. In antiquity, Duke Xian of Jin, swayed by Li Ji's slanders, was about to execute his Heir Apparent Shensheng. Prince Chong'er said to him, "Why not declare your intentions to the Duke?" The Heir Apparent replied, "I cannot. If my father is content with Li Ji, then for me to speak would only wound his heart." Chong'er asked, "Then why not flee?" Shensheng answered, "I cannot. My father would believe I meant to kill him—and is there any kingdom under Heaven without a father? How could I flee!" He sent word to Hu Tu, saying, "Shensheng does not cling to his life. Yet my lord is old, the heir is young, and the realm faces many troubles. If you, sir, would go forth and counsel my lord, Shensheng will gratefully accept death." He bowed twice and touched his forehead to the earth, then hanged himself. Conduct such as this merited a posthumous title no higher than Gong ("Respectful"). The present Heir Apparent's conduct was the very reverse—can he be given the posthumous title Jiemin? This, too, your subject cannot comprehend. In the last years of Emperor Wu of Han, Jiang Chong quarreled with the Heir Apparent and feared that once the Emperor died, the Heir Apparent would have him executed. When the witchcraft affair broke out, Chong was assigned to investigate it. Exploiting the occasion for treachery, he dug for witchcraft dolls in the Heir Apparent's palace and planted paulownia wood to incriminate him. Emperor Wu was then at his summer retreat in Ganquan Palace, leaving only the Empress and Heir Apparent in the capital. Unable to prove his innocence, the Heir Apparent followed the advice of his Junior Tutor Shi De, forged an imperial warrant to execute Chong, and after defeat fled into hiding. He did not raise an army and march on the palace, nor did he plot rebellion against his father—yet he died at Lake, was buried without honor, and received no posthumous title. Under Emperor Zhao, a man appeared at the northern gate claiming to be the Wei Heir Apparent. An edict commanded the chief ministers to identify him, but none who came dared speak. Juan Buyi, Commandant of Jingzhao, arrived last and ordered his attendants to seize and bind the man. Someone urged, "We cannot yet know whether this is true—let us hold him for now." Buyi replied, "What do you fear from the Wei Heir Apparent? Long ago Kuai Kui fled into exile and Zhe refused to receive him—the Spring and Autumn Annals commends this. The Wei Heir Apparent wronged the late Emperor, fled instead of accepting death, and now presents himself of his own accord—he is a criminal." The man was sent to the imperial prisons. The Emperor heard and praised him, saying, "Ministers and high officials should be men learned in the classics and clear on great principles." Only later, when the Heir Apparent's grandson ascended the throne as Emperor Xiaoxuan, did the Heir Apparent receive proper burial—and his posthumous title was Li ("Unruly"). Compared with Jiemin Crown Prince's conduct today, can the two even be mentioned in the same breath? To Your Majesty he was, moreover, like a son—and yet he is to receive the posthumous title Jiemin? This, too, your subject cannot comprehend. In antiquity Ding Gong, a minister of Xiang Yu, once held Emperor Gaozu of Han at his mercy. Gaozu said to him, "Two worthy men—surely they would not destroy each other!" Ding Gong then stayed his hand. When Gaozu overthrew the house of Xiang, he executed Ding Gong before the army, declaring, "The man who made King Xiang lose the empire was Ding Gong." To kill him was the highest justice, impartial and public—Gaozu would not reward private kindness, so as to warn all who would serve their lords thereafter. Jiemin Crown Prince's rebellion, moreover, was not undertaken to protect Your Majesty—can he be honored with a posthumous title? This, too, your subject cannot comprehend. Your Majesty is Heaven-endowed with sagely wisdom and appoints the worthy and enlightened—for one as foolish as your subject, how dare I presume to remonstrate? Yet even Yao and Shun, sage rulers though they were, and the Eight Worthies and Five Ministers, fine assistants though they were, still listened widely to the talk of common woodcutters—for in a thousand plans the wise may err once, and in a thousand plans the foolish may succeed once. Hence the saying: "Even a madman's words—the sage chooses from among them." Drawing on this principle, your subject ventures to speak and asks to debate before Your Majesty, face to face, with those who set the posthumous title. If I am wrong, I will gladly accept the charge of slandering sage governance and submit to death in the cauldron. I further ask that the right principle be made clear to all under Heaven, so that fools like us may have our confusion melt away like ice, and no further dissent remain. If the posthumous title is unfitting, how can it stand in this sage dynasty and pass into the historical record, giving rebel ministers and wicked sons of later ages a precedent and an excuse—opening the gate to rebellion rather than showing the law for generations to come! I humbly beg that the posthumous title be revised to accord with the ritual canon. As for Duozuo and the others, I ask that their crimes be pardoned but not declared "cleared"—if this accords with the hearts of all under Heaven, all will be perfect indeed.
6
When the memorial reached him, Emperor Ruizong summoned Cou and said, "What you say is true. But matters have already gone this far—how can we change them now?" Cou replied: "The crown prince truly committed treason and must not be praised. Name his conduct plainly and change the posthumous title by a single character. Duozuo and his fellows took up arms against their sovereign—they were not innocent. Say they were released, not that their guilt was cleared." The emperor agreed. Those in power held that the edicts had already gone forth and were hard to revise; only the added posthumous honors for Duozuo and his fellows were stopped.
7
祿
The following spring work resumed on the Golden Immortal and Jade Perfected monasteries at a cost of hundreds of millions. Cou remonstrated: "Last summer Your Majesty halted the two monasteries because they harmed the harvest. Now, in the heart of the farming season, you wish to resume construction. Even if the princess's funds are used and nothing is drawn from the treasury, once building begins labor is hired at high wages. Farmers of the capital districts, tempted by quick pay, leave the fields for hire and abandon the essential for the trivial. I have heard that when one man leaves the plow, someone in the realm goes hungry. I fear this cannot be allowed." The emperor did not answer. Cou submitted again: "The sun now spreads spring warmth and all things quicken. Between earth and timber countless insects teem. Building now would kill vast numbers of them, and I fear that is not the intent of a benevolent sage-ruler." Only then did Emperor Ruizong accept his counsel and order the matter debated further outside court. Chief Minister Cui Shi and Palace Attendant Cen Yi told Cou, "You dared say this—that was no small feat." Cou replied, "I enjoy a generous stipend and would not refuse even death; and in an enlightened age, I knew I would not die." Soon he was posted out as governor of Shan, and not long after was transferred to Ru. In the summer of Kaiyuan 2 an edict ordered a stele raised at Jing Mausoleum and laborers requisitioned. Cou argued that imperial tombs had never had steles by ancient rite, and that drought and scarcity made work impossible. He sent an urgent memorial in strong protest, and the labor was stopped. He was soon transferred to governor of Qi.
8
In the fourth year he returned to the capital as Director of Palace Buildings. An edict then restored the Xiaojing Temple under the title Yizong. Cou submitted a memorial that read: I have heard that a kingly ruler institutes rites to establish the model, and that the model flourishes only by following antiquity. The way of following antiquity requires rectifying names, so that names and realities correspond. In the ancestral temple, where ritual matters most, how can error be permitted! According to ritual, 'Ancestor' honors achievement and 'Patriarch' honors virtue; the temples of ancestors and patriarchs stand for a hundred generations. Thus in the Yin dynasty Tai Jia was called Taizong, Tai Wu Zhongzong, and Wu Ding Gaozong; In the Zhou dynasty King Wen and King Wu were honored as patriarchs; In the Han dynasty Emperor Wen was Taizong and Emperor Wu Shizong. Thereafter, those called 'Patriarch' in later ages all ruled the realm, their virtue worthy of veneration, placed in the zhao-mu order and intended never to be abolished. The meaning of the title 'Patriarch' is indeed great! Emperor Xiaojing held only the position of Crown Prince in the Eastern Palace and never faced south as sovereign. Though his sagely conduct surpassed other heirs apparent, his virtuous teachings did not extend throughout the realm; to establish a temple and call him 'Patriarch' would not accord with ritual. Moreover, a separate resting temple is built outside the zhao-mu order; by what principle in the sacrificial codes is he called 'Patriarch'? Yet the temple name Yizong would be used for ten thousand generations; with my limited understanding, I believe this cannot be permitted. Your Majesty follows canonical rites to open the great way, yet the officials' deliberations have led to this error. If it falls short of perfect goodness, is that not regrettable! I ask that the matter be deliberated again and brought into conformity with ritual.
9
The emperor then ordered the Court of Imperial Sacrifices to deliberate, and the title of Righteous Ancestor was dropped.
10
使 西 使 使
Cou repeatedly memorialized on the strengths and failings of current policy, and many of his proposals were adopted. He was again promoted to Metropolitan Governor of Henan and was enfeoffed as Duke of Pengcheng. After a demotion on official grounds he became governor of Hang, then was transferred to Fen. In the tenth year he was appointed Metropolitan Governor of Taiyuan and concurrently commissioner for military supplies, finance, and agricultural colonies. That same year he died in office at sixty-five. Posthumously he was honored as Area Commander of You, with the posthumous title Wen. His son Jiansu has a separate biography. Cou's nephew was Xuxin. Cou's nephew Xuxin: Xuxin's father Wei studied Confucian learning in his youth, became widely read in letters and history, and passed the jinshi examination. He rose from aide in the Court of Judicial Review to director in the Ministry of Revenue and excelled at deciding cases. Vice Director Song Zhiwen was celebrated for poetry, and people said the ministry had two outstanding talents. He rose at last to Left Vice Director of the Crown Prince's Household. Xuxin entered service through the Filial and Incorrupt recommendation, governed with stern discipline, and rose to aide in the Court of Judicial Review and palace censor. During Shenlong he investigated major criminal cases. Left Vice Director Dou Huaizhen and Palace Attendant Liu Youqiu wished to show leniency, but Xuxin held fast to the law with unshakable resolve. In the Jinglong period Qiang and Hu of the western frontier rebelled and were captured in large numbers; an edict ordered them all put to death. Xuxin memorialized that only the leaders should be punished, thereby sparing more than a thousand lives. Xuxin was famed for filial piety. When his father died he mourned beyond the prescribed rites until his hair and beard turned white, and the court greatly admired him. He later served as Vice Censor-in-Chief, left and right vice director, Vice Minister of War, and chief administrator of Jing, Yang, and Lu with touring commissioner duties. Wherever he went officials straightened up, his authority was firmly enforced, and he became a model inside and outside the court. He served as Minister of Revenue and Defender of the Eastern Capital, and died at sixty-seven. Xuxin's youngest brother Xuzhou also entered through Filial and Incorrupt recommendation. He rose from censor to director in several ministries, served as chief administrator of Jing and as governor of Hong and Wei with touring commissioner duties, and earned a reputation for capable government. He entered the capital as Vice Minister of Justice and ended his career as chief judge of the Court of Judicial Review. The household observed strict propriety, and fathers, sons, and brothers served in turn as courtiers, earning the nickname "the Courtier clan." Han Sifu came from Chang'an in the Jingzhao region. His grandfather Lun served as Commandant of the Left Guard in the Zhenguan era and was enfeoffed as Baron of Changshan. Sifu inherited his grandfather's title while still young. His first post was revenue aide in Bian prefecture, where he governed leniently and never ordered beatings. While in office his father died. The family was poor, and he sold firewood to see the mourning period through. Yao Chong, then Vice Minister of War and active in government, admired him greatly and appointed him Erudite of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices.
11
便 輿
In the Jinglong period he rose to Supervising Secretary. Left Regular Attendant Yan Shansi was implicated in Prince Qiao Chongfu's case and sent to the imperial prison. The responsible offices argued: "Shansi had once been governor of Ru and was close to Chongfu. Summoned to the capital, he never reported the plot, reporting only that 'there is a martial aura in the eastern capital.' On the facts he had concealed treason and should be strangled.' Sifu rebutted: "Deliberating cases and deferring execution is the enlightened rule of successive emperors; when the law is doubtful, apply the lighter penalty—that is the standing law of the realm. In the previous reign, when the Wei clan seized power within the palace and, relying on imperial favor, plotted against the dynasty, Shansi perceived the danger early, went to the chief minister's office with revelations, and argued that Your Majesty was destined to take the throne. Though he associated with Chongfu, that association was presumably aimed at bringing down the Wei faction. Yet when he was received in audience he still did not report the plot. To punish such conduct with death Moreover, when the edict summoning Shansi arrived he set out at once. If he had harbored treason, would he have come so promptly? To loosen the net on one side is truly to let him live; in the three-sided hunt, game that comes forward may be spared. Mercy in punishment is what clear deliberation requires. I ask that the Ministry of Justice assemble officials to deliberate and report a decision, in keeping with careful adjudication." Most of those deliberating favored pardoning Shansi, but the responsible offices still pressed for execution. Sifu rebutted again: "I have heard that punishments belong in the marketplace and honors in the court—only when deliberation is unanimous can action proceed without doubt. Reviewing the deliberations of the various offices, only one in ten argued for punishment, and even then for the lighter penalty. The emperor's gate stands nine layers deep; the road to it stretches a thousand li. Therefore he borrows the ears of the empire to listen, and nothing escapes his hearing; he borrows the eyes of the empire to see, and nothing escapes his sight. Many voices have now reached Your Majesty, and the choice should be made with care. If the many are set aside for the few, I truly fear the consequences. Once public report goes awry, sentiment below cannot reach the throne. Even if one wishes to follow the multitude, how can that be achieved? All the capital offices, in this age of great peace, divide duties among officials—some are worthy men, some are kin of the throne. Among kin are the feudatory princes, Your Majesty's beloved sons; among the worthy are the enfeoffed lords and Your Majesty's famed ministers. Seeing discourtesy toward the ruler, would they all echo one another without dissent? Now the wording of many memorials favors leniency under the law." The emperor accepted his memorial and spared Shansi from death, banishing him to Jing prefecture instead. Sifu was soon made Secretariat Drafter. He repeatedly memorialized on policy strengths and failings, and many of his proposals were adopted.
12
使 西使 使 使 祿 殿 滿 使 使 使 滿 西
Early in Kaiyuan he became Remonstrating Grand Master. Locusts swarmed across Shandong. Yao Chong, then Chief Minister, memorialized that envoys be sent to Henan and Hebei to kill the locusts and bury them. Sifu held that locusts were a heaven-sent calamity to be expelled through moral cultivation, not exterminated by human effort. He memorialized: "I hear that locusts in Henan and Hebei have grown fiercer still, destroying crops wherever they pass. They are now spreading west of the river and feeding as far as Luoyang. Envoys come and go but dare not speak plainly, and several Shandong prefectures are deeply alarmed. When a heaven-sent calamity spreads, burial cannot exhaust it. I hope Your Majesty will repent and examine yourself, send envoys to console the people, cut non-urgent affairs, summon the most impartial men, unite court and country in one purpose, and answer heaven's signs with sincere reform. I humbly ask that all the locust-expelling envoys already sent out be recalled. The Documents says, 'High Heaven has no favorites; it assists only virtue; the people's hearts have no favorites; they cherish only kindness.' You must not fail to win the people's hearts." The emperor strongly approved and sent Sifu's memorial to Yao Chong. Chong then asked that Sifu be sent to Shandong to inspect locust damage and report the facts on his return. Chong also ordered Investigating Censor Liu Zhao to review the reports. Eager to please Chong, Zhao beat the people and altered the earlier findings in his memorial. As a result several Henan prefectures could not escape the disaster. Sifu was then forced out by Chong and posted as governor of De, then transferred to Jiang. He returned to the capital as Vice Minister of the Palace Secretariat, received the Silver-Green Tally grand master title, and replaced Pei Huan as Censor-in-Chief. Sifu was tranquil by nature, fond of philosophical discourse, and at ease in benevolence—not suited to the role of enforcing discipline. Before long he was made Mentor of the Heir Apparent. He died in the thirteenth year at over seventy. His son Chaozong became Metropolitan Governor of Jingzhao early in Tianbao. His great-grandson Ci, styled Xiangzhi, showed literary talent in youth and valued simplicity and detachment. He passed the jinshi examination and was repeatedly summoned to serve in regional administrations. From aide in Xiang prefecture he was summoned as Palace Censor, then promoted to vice director in the Ministry of Justice. He requested appointment as governor of Li prefecture. When his term ended, Chief Minister Niu Sengru, stationed at Ezhou, summoned him as aide. He was then recalled as director in the Ministry of Justice, made Vice Metropolitan Governor of Jingzhao, and promoted to Supervising Secretary. He was posted out as Observation Commissioner of Gui. Gui administered more than twenty prefectures with three hundred posts from prefectural aides down to district magistrates. Only one in ten was filled through the Ministry of Personnel; the rest were appointed by honest officials according to talent. When Ci reached Gui, clerks presented several hundred men who customarily held office. One clerk came forward with a register and said, "The posts are full—please fill the vacancies." Ci warned them: "Those currently in office who have governed well shall keep their posts; those at fault will be punished by law. Vacancies must await review of the old registers; only then appoint those who are fit." When the palace envoy for spring clothing arrived and sought bribes from postal clerks, three powerful families paid heavily to secure district magistracies, and Ci appeared to assent to all of them. When the envoy left, he charged them with obstructing the law and had each flogged. From then on the powerful curbed themselves, and honest officials were appointed who revived the people's welfare. Soon an edict established a general supervisor of the Five Circuits whose expenses consumed an entire circuit's land tax and still left them unsatisfied. Ci governed with exceptional frugality, and his practice became the standard—men of principle called it a rare achievement. He died in office in Kaicheng 2 and was posthumously honored as Vice Minister of Public Works. Zhang Tinggui came from Jiyuan in Henan; his family had moved there from Chang prefecture. Tinggui was famed in youth for literary talent, and he was generous by nature with high aspirations. At twenty he entered the special imperial examination. During the Chang'an reign he rose to investigating censor. Empress Wu levied contributions from monks and nuns empire-wide to build a great image at White Horse Slope. Tinggui submitted a memorial of remonstrance that read: The Buddha means enlightenment and awareness; it arises within the mind and cannot be seen through physical forms. The sutra says: "If one sees me through form or seeks me through sound, that person walks a wrong path and cannot see the Tathagata." This shows that the fruit of true suchness is not to be sought outside oneself. Your Majesty has taken refuge with sincere faith, made great vows, and for long strengthened pagodas and temples and enlarged revered images throughout the empire. Yet to dwell on form while practising giving is not the supreme and rarest Dharma. Why is this so? The sutra says: "If a person filled the great chiliocosm with the seven treasures for giving, or gave away as many lives as the sands of the Ganges, the merit would be very great. But if a person receives and upholds even a four-line verse from this sutra and expounds it for others, the merit surpasses that." As the Buddha said, if Your Majesty exhausts the wealth of the four seas and the strength of ten thousand men, depletes mountain timber for pagodas and the finest metal for images, the labour and expense would be immense, yet the merit gained would not exceed that of one ordinary man in a meditation hut. A bodhisattva performing merit should not be attached to it, for conditioned dharmas are not worthy of esteem. Moreover, this construction involves extensive earth and timber work: levelling ground and raising foundations, blocking caves and clearing paths for quarrying, crushing insects and ants by the hundreds of millions. How can this accord with the Buddha's principle of the summer retreat, which pities all living creatures and cannot bear to harm their lives! Furthermore, ghosts cannot be employed—only men can be put to work. Most artisans are poor and destitute, driven at dawn and toiling at dusk until sinews ache and bones pain. With a bowl of rice and a gourd of drink, cooking at dawn and eating under the stars, hunger and thirst bring disease upon disease. How can this accord with the Buddha's principle of going on foot, which pities beasts of burden and cannot bear to exhaust their strength! Moreover, construction funds are taxed from monks and nuns; though raised by begging, poverty and want remain widespread. Prefectures and counties levy and deliver them with urgent pressure. Some have no means to comply; some sell their possessions to pay. The roads resound with grievance, and harmony is not restored. How can this accord with the Buddha's principle of rejoicing in others' merit, which pities the ignorant and cannot bear to seize their property! Moreover, the northern frontiers are not yet pacified and military supplies must be provided daily. The empire is depleted and the people wearied throughout the realm. I humbly ask Your Majesty to weigh this carefully. A bodhisattva's conduct benefits all living beings; giving in this way, merit becomes like the emptiness of the four directions and up and down—inconceivable and immeasurable. Why must one toil at dwelling on form, carving away the livelihood of the people, and promoting nonessential affairs! From the standpoint of current governance, one should first attend to the borders, fill the treasuries, and nurture human strength; From the standpoint of the Buddhist teaching, one should relieve suffering, extinguish all forms, and honour non-action. I humbly ask Your Majesty to consider my counsel, act according to the Buddha's intent, take principle as paramount, and not dismiss words because of the speaker. That would be most fortunate indeed.
13
殿 西使
Empress Wu accepted his counsel, halted construction at once, and summoned him to the Hall of Long Life to praise and comfort him warmly. Late in Jinglong he became Secretariat Drafter, then Area Commander of Hong prefecture and Investigating Commissioner of the Jiangnan West Circuit.
14
滿 退 使
Early in Kaiyuan he returned to the capital as Vice Minister of Rites. A long drought had brought famine to Guanzhong, and an edict sought forthright counsel that would improve governance. Tinggui submitted a memorial that read: I have heard that in antiquity many difficulties revived a king and deep anxiety opened the way for a sage, for when affairs are perilous the will grows sharp and when circumstances press, thought grows deep—thus one may rise from low estate to high and turn calamity into fortune. I observe that at the end of Jinglong Emperor Zhongzong met disaster, and around Xiantian the villainous faction plotted treason. The altars of state hung as precarious as dangling tassels; the dynasty was about to be severed like a broken thread. Your Majesty, with divine martial prowess surpassing the age and sincerity that moved Heaven, swept away the baleful miasma once more and made the universe clear and bright. Thereafter you complied with Heaven's mandate and looked down with compassion on the people, operating the jade balance of heaven and gloriously receiving the precious tally. In lands illuminated by sun and moon and in regions where writing and chariot tracks had not yet reached, none failed to receive generous grace and be clothed in pure transformation. Even ten Yaos and nine Shuns would not suffice for praise. The bright Supreme Deity, shining upon the earth below, should bestow great blessings in response to this magnificent good fortune. Yet in recent years yin and yang have fallen out of season, the nine grains have failed to ripen, and the people have been stricken by hunger—especially severe within the passes. Some have no firewood to cook with and no grain to eat, no longer able to make a living and now fearing death by turns. That such hardship should coincide with this prosperous reign—I privately think Heaven may fear that Your Majesty, in the prime of youth with sagely intelligence in your person, having achieved great merit in a morning and risen from a princely mansion to sovereignty, might neglect the way of humbly benefiting others, be satisfied with ambitious plans alone, lightly disregard Yu and Shun without emulating them, and think of Emperor Wu of Han to exalt yourself. Therefore Heaven clearly shows ominous signs and repeatedly offers good guidance, wishing the great ruler to grow more cautious day by day, not resting even when there is cause for rest, eternally preserving great harmony to secure the state's foundation. This shows Heaven's profound care for Your Majesty. How can Your Majesty fail to respectfully comply with this excellent intent and be reverently cautious! In my sincere counsel I ask Your Majesty to restrain your heart and curb your ambitions, clarify your thoughts and strive for excellence, study the books of Fu Xi and Shen Nong, and uphold the way of simplicity. Employ upright scholars and dismiss flatterers, send away the rear palace ladies and reduce the outer stables, ban kicking-ball games in the arenas, and end hunts in the wilds. Rest distant campaigns on stony fields, disband armies in golden armour, pity widows and orphans, and reduce corvée and taxes. Eliminate strange skills and excessive craftsmanship, discard the He jade and Sui pearl, avoid what is desirable so that the mind is not confused. Then the waves will clear across the four seas, dust will vanish from the nine regions, farmers will delight in their work, and surplus grain will rest in the fields. Then harmonious energy will ascend to Heaven. Even if the five planets aligned or the sun and moon formed a pair, it would not be excessive; Rare auspicious signs will descend upon the earth. Even if phoenixes nested in the pavilions and qilin appeared in the suburbs, it would not be remarkable. If some say Heaven's bright warnings need not be feared, then the Supreme Deity will grow angry, wind and rain will go astray, famine will grow daily worse, and there will be no means to succour the people below. If some say the people's poverty is not worth pitying, then the common people will lose heart, the masses will become estranged, sorrow and bitterness will reach an extreme, and there will be no means to serve those above. These are matters on which safety and danger depend, the source of fortune and calamity. How is it that the court has not yet examined this! Moreover, Your Majesty has just received the mandate and is spreading governance anew. Ministers and officials, Chinese and foreign peoples alike, all listen with cleared ears, watch with sharpened eyes, crane their necks and stand on tiptoe, hoping to hear and see something, looking up with great expectation. How can one neglect canonical rules and, by sitting idle, betray their hopes!
15
祿 詿 詿 詿
He was again promoted to Vice Minister of the Palace Secretariat. Investigating Censor Jiang Ting was ordered beaten in court because the beating he supervised in a case was deemed too light. Tinggui memorialized: "Censors are the disciplinary arm of the state, the ruler's eyes and ears of pure repute. If guilty they should be executed or exiled—not beaten. A gentleman may be killed, but he must not be humiliated." The order had already been carried out, but deliberators held Tinggui's words to be correct. Soon he was charged with leaking palace secrets and posted as governor of Mian, then served in succession at Su, Song, and Wei. He returned to the capital as Director of the Palace Domestic Service, received the Gold-Purple Tally grand master title, and was enfeoffed as Baron of Fanyang. After four appointments as Mentor of the Heir Apparent, he retired because of age and illness. He died in the twenty-second year at over seventy and was posthumously honored as Minister of Public Works, with the posthumous title Zhenmu. Tinggui had long been close to Li Yong, governor of Chen, and repeatedly recommended him. For every stele text Yong composed, he asked Tinggui to inscribe it in clerical script. Skilled in regular and clerical script, he was greatly esteemed in his time. Wang Qiuli came from Changshe in Xu prefecture. Under Empress Wu he served as Left Reminder, then became investigating censor. Loyal, upright, and fearless in speech, he submitted sealed impeachments without hesitation. When the Khitan Li Jinzhong rebelled, his general Sun Wanrong overran several Hebei prefectures. Wang Wuyizong of Henei led troops against them but, cowed by fear, dared not advance. After the rebels looted the region and withdrew, Wuyizong memorialized that several hundred households in Cang and Ying had been misled by the enemy and should be executed. Qiuli impeached him, saying: "These people were misled. They had no good officials to guide them, their defenses were weak, and the rebels drove them to save themselves—how can they be said to have harbored treason from the start? Wuyizong commanded hundreds of thousands of troops, yet fled to walled towns when he heard the enemy approach—his crime deserves death. Now he shifts blame onto the misled—is that the conduct of a minister? I ask that Wuyizong be beheaded to answer to the people of Hebei." Wuyizong was terrified, and Empress Wu ultimately issued an edict pardoning the people.
16
祿 使
When the Khitan captured Youzhou and supplies failed, Left Chief Minister Dou Lu Qinwang proposed that capital officials forgo two months' salary for the army. Qiuli told him: "Your salary is generous—you may forgo it. The state is rich within the four seas and can supply military needs—why take from poor officials' thin salaries? Is this the way of a chief minister?" Qinwang flushed with anger and rejected him, then memorialized, saying, "Qin and Han had levied taxes to supply armies; Qiuli does not understand larger principles and rashly disputed the matter." Qiuli replied: "The First Emperor and Emperor Wu taxed the empire and emptied the center to serve the frontier—must our sage dynasty imitate them? Does Qinwang not know whether his words accord with larger principles?" The proposal was not carried out.
17
調 使 使 婿 使 竿 耀 穿 殿 西 穿 祿 使
Snow fell in the third month. Vice Minister Su Weidao and others took it as an omen of good fortune and drafted a congratulatory memorial. Qiuli stopped them: "Chief ministers harmonize yin and yang, yet snow falls in late spring—that is a calamity, not a blessing. If snow in the third month is auspicious, then thunder in the twelfth month is auspicious too." The whole court laughed and made it a byword. Qiuli never rose high in rank because of his stern uprightness and died without attaining great office. Xin Tifou came from the Jingzhao region. In the Jinglong period he served as Left Reminder. Emperor Zhongzong had established official staffs for princesses' households, and appointments in Princess Anle's household were especially numerous and improper. After her consort Wu Chongxun died, she abandoned their old residence and built another of excessive splendor. Buddhist temples were also being built on a vast scale, exhausting the people and emptying the treasury. Xin Tifou submitted a memorial of remonstrance that read: I have heard that in ancient times when offices were established, posts need not be fully filled; below the Nine Ministers, positions existed but appointments were often left vacant. To reward one man, three matters were weighed; to appoint one man, all departments were consulted. Favorites feared power concentrated in their own hands; men of honor shunned powerful cliques and kept their distance. Thus rewards were not excessive and offices were not overfilled; scholars kept their integrity, households maintained frugality, the court had surplus pay, and the people had surplus food. Subjects were loyal below and rulers were courteous above; the throne could be entrusted without sudden peril, and governance could proceed at ease without crisis. There are indeed affairs that shock the senses and disturb the mind, conducted without following antiquity yet carried out today. Your Majesty rewards a hundredfold and multiplies offices tenfold; gold and silver cannot supply the seals, and silk cannot fill the gifts—what shame is there before useless ministers, what embarrassment before powerless men of talent! As for public appointments, proper selection is rare, so wealthy merchants occupy official ranks and sellers of skills and practitioners of sorcery all gain fertile lands. I have heard the ancients say: "Blessings have their foundation; disasters have their beginnings." The princess is Your Majesty's beloved daughter: worthy men were chosen for her marriage, officials were appointed to assist her, the treasury was emptied to endow her, grand mansions were built for her residence, and broad ponds and gardens were made for her pleasure—this is utmost favor, utmost tenderness. Yet the practice does not accord with ancient principle, and the conduct is not rooted in popular sentiment; I fear love will turn to hatred and blessing into disaster. Why is this so? Exhausting people's strength breeds resentment; Expending people's wealth breeds resentment; Seizing people's homes breeds resentment. To love a few children while incurring three resentments under Heaven is to leave frontier soldiers unwilling to exert themselves and court officials unwilling to serve loyally; when the people are scattered, what can Your Majesty rely upon by clinging only to those you favor? If previously the Prince of Lu's rewards had equaled those of the other sons-in-law and his ceremonial standing that of court ministers, there would be today's blessings without yesterday's disasters. People see only the disaster, not the source from which it came. The reason for the disaster is that favor exceeded what is due to ministers and sons. On the fifth day of the seventh month last year, the portent was already visible. Yet now nothing has changed; the old course is still followed—one residence is abandoned to build another, the former disaster forgotten and the coming one ignored. I privately believe Your Majesty hates her rather than loves her. I have heard that the ruler takes the people as his foundation; when the foundation is secure, the state is at peace. When the state is at peace, Your Majesty, husband and wife, mother and son, may long preserve one another. I humbly ask that Your Majesty consult your chief ministers and devise a plan for lasting security, so that treacherous ministers and wicked sons may not lie in wait. I have heard that what is subtle must be guarded against and what is distant must be considered. At present the frontiers are in alarm, the granaries are empty; defenders who take up arms go unrewarded, and supplies for soldiers who spill their blood on the field are insufficient. Yet temples and mansions are being built on a vast scale—trees are felled until mountains are bare, yet not enough for beams and pillars; earth is moved until roads are blocked, yet not enough for walls. Boasting of antiquity while outshining the present, exceeding regulations and overstepping institutions—all officials are silenced and the whole realm grieves. The Buddhist teaching takes purity and stillness as its foundation and compassion as its principle; it should embody the Way to succor beings, not benefit oneself at others' expense, abandon the self to preserve truth, and not glorify the body to the harm of the teaching. In the three seasons, digging mountains and excavating ponds harms life; Emptying the treasury harms the people; Grand halls and long corridors glorify the self. To harm life is not compassion; to harm people is not succoring beings; to glorify the self is not purity—is this the mind of the great sage! I believe this is not the true teaching, not the Buddha's intent; it goes against the times and against what people desire. Since the Buddha descended in the west and Buddhism spread eastward, it did not enter before the Zhou, and the White Horse only came after the Han. Through a thousand emperors and a hundred kings, ornament grew ever more lavish while states grew ever emptier, labor ever heavier while disasters ever greater. Overturned carts followed one after another yet the course was never changed; Jin ministers were mocked for fawning on Buddhism, and the Liang ruler brought strife by sacrificing his body. If building temples is necessarily the embodiment of principle and nourishing the people is insufficient to govern the state, then Yin and Zhou and all before were benighted and chaotic, while Han, Wei and all after were sagely and enlightened; Yin and Zhou and all before did not endure long, while Han, Wei and all after did not fall short in duration. I have heard that Xia ruled for over twenty generations before Yin succeeded, Yin for over twenty generations before Zhou, Zhou for over thirty before Qin; from Han onward the succession is known. Why is this so? Those who had the Way endured long; those without it were short-lived. How could exhausting gold and jade and building pagodas and temples alone secure a long reign! I have heard in the sutras: "When a bodhisattva's mind abides in dharmas while practicing giving, it is like a person entering darkness who sees nothing." It also says: "All conditioned phenomena are like dreams, illusions, bubbles, shadows, like dew and like lightning." To reduce carving and ornamentation and relieve the poor would be to possess the Tathagata's virtue; To cease digging and piercing and preserve insects would be to possess the Tathagata's compassion; To halt construction funds and supply the frontiers would be to possess the merit of Tang and Wu; To redirect unnecessary salaries to reward integrity and purity would be to possess the governance of Yao and Shun. Your Majesty relaxes what is urgent and presses what is relaxed, draws near to the future and distances the present, loses what is real and hopes for the void, values what common people do and belittles the Son of Heaven's achievements—I grieve over this. At present those with wealth and influence all take vows to become monks, and those evading service through fraud all take vows to become monks; Those not yet ordained are only the poor and the good. How then will a model be set? How then will labor be mobilized? I believe that those who leave the household abandon worldly affairs, leave factions behind, and have no private attachments. Now accumulating goods and pursuing livelihood is not abandoning worldly affairs; Promoting relatives and cultivating connections is not leaving factions; Keeping wives and raising children is not being free of private attachments. This leads people to destroy the Way rather than broadening the Way to attract people. I observe that the palaces, observatories, terraces, and pavilions in the capital and Luoyang, even without further adornment, would still be feared as extravagant. Your Majesty still wishes to fill moats and ponds and relinquish parks to relieve the poor who have no property. The monasteries under Heaven are beyond count; one monastery equals one of Your Majesty's palaces—how exceedingly magnificent! The expenditure exceeds even that! Seven or eight parts in ten of the realm's wealth belong to Buddhism—what then does Your Majesty possess! What then do the common people eat! Even if yin and yang were used as charcoal and all things as copper, employing men who do not eat and using men who do not wear clothes, it would still not suffice. How much less when wealth depends on what heaven and earth produce, moved by wind and moistened by rain! I have heard that a state without nine years' stores is not truly a state. Calculating the granaries and measuring the treasuries, with provisions for all officials and expenses for all affairs, I fear they will not suffice for one year's end, let alone nine years' accumulation! Should war arise again or frost and hail repeatedly strike, monks cannot take up arms and monasteries cannot ward off famine—I grieve over this!
18
The memorial was not accepted. A little over a year later, Princess Anle was executed.
19
使 祿 使 忿調 使 使
When Emperor Ruizong acceded, construction again expanded on the two monasteries for the Golden Immortal and Jade Perfected princesses. Earlier, under Emperor Zhongzong, all who had received office through irregular sealed appointments had been dismissed—several hundred or more—and an edict then allowed them to return. Xin Tifou was then Left Remonstrator and again memorialized on current policy, saying: I have often thought that in ancient times, untimely expenditure and improper ranks and rewards brought ruin to families and states—hearing is not as good as seeing. I ask to speak of the successes and failures in governing since Tang began, which Your Majesty has seen with your own eyes. If Your Majesty examines and listens, choosing the good and following it, the enterprise of ten thousand years can naturally be achieved. Why worry that the people will not prosper or that fortune will not endure! Emperor Taizong, the Civil and Martial Sage Emperor, Your Majesty's grandfather, quelled disorder and restored order, established foundations and set the supreme standard, grasped the essence of perfect governance, and instituted simple and essential methods. He reduced officials, purified the bureaucracy, ensured not a single post in the empire was granted idly, and not a single coin of the realm's wealth was wasted. Rewards awaited merit; offices went only to the worthy. Nothing he undertook failed; no one he campaigned against failed to submit. He did not build many temples and monasteries, yet blessings came of themselves; he did not ordain many monks and nuns, yet calamities vanished of themselves. His Way harmonized with Heaven and Earth; his virtue reached the divine spirits. Therefore Heaven and Earth cherished him and the divine spirits protected him, so yin and yang were without fault and wind and rain were timely. The four classes delighted in their occupations; the five grains reached full harvest; surplus grain and silk rotted, filling streets and alleys. From a thousand li, from ten thousand li, tribute flowed to the capital suburbs; The nine Yi and hundred Man tribes submitted allegiance at the palace gates. Since emperors and kings began, none has been so divine and sagely; thus he enjoyed a long reign over many years. Why does Your Majesty not take him as a model? Emperor Zhongzong, the Filial and Harmonious Emperor, Your Majesty's elder brother, inherited his ancestors' enterprise but neglected their transformative teachings; he did not heed worthy counsel but indulged his children's whims. Official ranks were not chosen with care; several thousand idly consumed salaries; Fiefs were granted without merit; over a hundred households improperly held land. He ceaselessly built temples, wasting wealth amounting to tens of billions; He endlessly ordained people, exempting hundreds of thousands from taxes and corvee. This caused state expenditures to increase severalfold while income decreased severalfold. The granaries held no store for a year's end; the treasuries held no silk for a season. Those he disliked were banished, and many of the banished were loyal and good; Those he loved were rewarded, and many of the rewarded were slanderers and villains. Cliques of flatterers chattered incessantly, vying to topple one another. Maintaining one's position at court came not through personal integrity but through factional attachment. He seized the people's food to nourish the cruel and vicious; He stripped clothing from ten thousand to adorn buildings of wood and earth. Consequently men resented and spirits raged, kin were angered and the multitude alienated; floods and droughts were unseasonable and epidemics arose repeatedly. Near and far opinions differed; public and private resources were exhausted. Within five or six years calamities recurred; he did not enjoy a long reign and met his end at the hands of a vicious woman. Temples could not protect his person; monks and nuns could not protect his wife and children. He earned ridicule for ten thousand generations and laughter from the four quarters. This Your Majesty has seen with your own eyes. Why not eradicate and reform it? If Taizong's way of governing is followed, the hundred officials will be well-ordered and the people will have no worries; thus the security of Mount Tai can readily be achieved; If Zhongzong's way of governing is followed, ten thousand people will harbor resentment and a hundred affairs will be unsettled; thus the peril of piled eggs can readily be achieved. Recently since summer continuous rain has not ceased; grain lies wasted in the fields and wheat rots on the threshing grounds. Since autumn began severe drought has brought disaster; seedlings fail to bear fruit, frost and insects ravage, and grass and leaves wither yellow. The common people lament, yet relief is unknown; Yet temple and monastery construction continues daily without pause, and inspector and probationary offices overflow the ministries and bureaus. Your Majesty, loving your two daughters, is building two monasteries for them, burning tiles, transporting timber, carrying earth to fill pits. Street rumors all say the planned cost exceeds a million strings of cash. Your Majesty is a sage; there is nothing you do not know; Your Majesty is an enlightened ruler; there is nothing you do not see. Since you know and see, do you know how many years' stores the granaries hold? How many years' silk the treasuries hold? Do you know whether the common people can survive? Whether supplies can be transported to the three frontiers? At present when a single soldier is dispatched to defend the frontiers or guard the altars of state, most lack clothing and food and all bear hunger and cold. When it comes to rewards and gifts there is nothing to give; armies are suddenly defeated, all for this reason. And yet a million strings of cash are spent to build useless monasteries, incurring the resentment of all within the four seas! Thereby opposing the hearts of ten thousand people! Your Majesty continues the ugly traces of Lady Wei yet does not reform Lady Wei's chaotic governance. You can bear to discard Taizong's fundamental principles of order but cannot bear to discard Zhongzong's steps to chaos; You can bear to discard Taizong's long-term plans but cannot bear to discard Zhongzong's short-sighted schemes. How then will Your Majesty succeed the ancestors and be observed by the myriad states? In the past when Your Majesty was Crown Prince, in Lady Wei's time, you feared peril and ruin and constantly gnashed your teeth at the crowd of villains. Now honored as Son of Heaven, possessing wealth within the seas, if you do not reform the affairs of that crowd of villains, I fear there will again be those who gnash their teeth at Your Majesty. How then can Your Majesty condemn those villains and execute them? I previously saw a clear edict stating that henceforth everything should follow Zhenguan precedents. Moreover in the Zhenguan era was there such building of temples and monasteries, such increase of monks, nuns, and Daoist priests, such multiplication of useless officials, and such pursuit of non-urgent tasks leading to chaotic governance! I believe that to discard their words and not keep faith, to admire their goodness and not change their evils—how then will Your Majesty set an example for all within the four seas? In the past Emperor He's pity for the rebellious was misled by treacherous men. Zong Jinqing urged building mansions; Zhao Luwen urged building gardens and pavilions, destroying the dwellings of several hundred families and encroaching on the land of several hundred families. Craftsmen and laborers hewed without rest; righteous troops rushed about in confusion, until the pavilions could not be enjoyed and the mansions could not be occupied. Believing evil flatterers, he brought punishment upon his own flesh and blood. This Your Majesty has seen with your own eyes. Now in building these monasteries, I know it is not the original intention of Your Majesty and the princesses. Might men like Zhao Luwen be urging it, hoping to mislead your flesh and blood? This must be clearly examined. I have heard that those who leave home to cultivate the Way do not involve themselves in human affairs but purify body and mind, taking emptiness and detachment as lofty and non-action as wondrous, relying on the two scrolls of the Laozi, contemplating the Heavenly Venerable, without desire or striving, without harm or injury. Why must there be jade terraces and jeweled pavilions, precious images and rare shrines, reducing people to poverty and distress, and only then call it the Way! Moreover the old monasteries are sufficient for devotion; do not build, do not strive, thereby causing exhaustion. If after this course is followed for three years the state is not wealthy, the people are not secure, the court is not pure, and Your Majesty is not happy, then I beg to be executed at court as a warning to all who speak on affairs under Heaven. I humbly beg Your Majesty to exercise extraordinary grace, temporarily halting the two monasteries until a year of plenty. Use the wealth for the two monasteries to allow the princesses to give alms to the poor and fill the treasuries; then the princesses' blessings and virtue will be boundless. If not, I fear popular resentment will be no less than in the previous reign. In the previous reign the worthy and foolish knew ruin was coming; though men had mouths they dared not speak. Before words were uttered calamity was about to strike. Wei Yuejiang was executed at Dandiao; Yan Qinrong was killed in the Purple Court. These men did not cherish their own lives but offered loyalty to their lord. With their lives gone, the court was also endangered. Therefore the previous reign executed them but Your Majesty rewards them. This shows Your Majesty knows that outspoken scholars benefit the state. My outspoken words now are also the outspokenness of former generations. I beg Your Majesty to consider this.
20
殿 使
Emperor Ruizong praised his fairness and uprightness when the memorial was submitted. He was soon made Palace Censor of the Right Bureau. In Kaiyuan he rose to chief administrator of the Prince of Ying's household. He died early in Tianbao at over eighty. The historiographer writes: To love hearing praise and hate hearing fault is the common disposition of rulers; to prefer flattery for favor rather than unwelcome words that invite disaster is the common disposition of ministers. To reverse this—is that not excellence itself? Li, Xue, and the other six spoke loyal and forthright words, repaired the court's failings, and offended without concealment. They did not disgrace the ancients—they were worthy ministers of Tang. Commentary: In how ministers serve their ruler, there is the crooked and the straight. In how rulers employ ministers, to heed remonstrance is sagely. Li and Xue offered loyalty and saved lives. Wei and Han spoke bluntly and cured the state's ills. Xin and Wang submitted forthright memorials that made the ruler listen in awe. Zhang's words accorded with law and truly benefited governance.
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